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T H E
G E T T Y M U R Ú A
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T H B G E T T Y
M U R Ú A
Essays on the Making of
Martín
de
Murúa's
H istoria Ge neral del Piru,
J. Paul Getty Museum M s. Ludwig XIII16
Edi t ed by
T h om a s
B . F. Cummins an d B arbara Anderson
Publ ished by the G et ty Research Inst i tute
8/18/2019 Historia General Del Perú - Martín de Murúa
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The
G e t ty
Research Institute Publications Program
Thomas W . G aeh tgens , Director, Getty Research Institute
G a i l
Feigenbaum, Associate Director, Programs
Jul ia B loomfield, Head, Publications Program
Thomas
Crow, Jeffrey
M . Hurwit, Jacqueline Lichte nstein,
Alex Pot ts,
an d M i m i
Ha l l Y i engpruksawan, Publications
Committee
Th e Getty Murúa: Essays
on the
Making
of
Martín
de
Murúa's
Historia G eneral del Piru, J. Paul Getty Museum Ms. Ludwig
XIII16
Michelle B onnice, Manuscript Editor
Juan M. Ossio's essay was t ransla ted by Margaret Sayers Pede
T h i s volume is published to
coincide
with the
exhibition
Th e
Marvel
an d
Measure
o f
Peru:
Three
Centuries
of
Visual
Histo
1550-1880, held a t the G et ty Research Inst i tu te, 8 July-
19
October 2008
© 2008 J. Pau l G e t t y T rus t
Publ i shed by the Getty Research
Institute,
L os
Angeles
G et ty Publ icat ions
1200 G et ty
Center
Drive, Suite 50 0
Los Angeles, Cal i fornia 90049-1682
www.get t y .edu
12 11 10 09 08 5 4 3 2 1
Library
of
Congress
Cataloging-in-Publicat ion Data
T he
G e t t y
Murúa :
essays
on the making of
Mart ín
de Murúa
"H istoria general
de l
Pi ru ,"
J.
Pau l G e t t y Museum
M s.
Ludw
X I I I
16/edited
by Thomas B . F .
C u m m i n s
and Ba rba ra
Anderson.
p. cm.
"Th is vo lume
is
publ ished
to
coincide wi th
th e
exhibi t ion
T he
Marvel
an d
Measure
of
Peru: Three Centuries
of
Visua
H istory, 1550-1880, held
at the
G e t t y Resea rch In s t i t u te ,
8 July-19
October
2008."
Includes bibl iographical references and index.
ISB N-is: 9 78-0-89236-895-2 (boxed set )
ISB N-13: 978-0-89236-894-5
1 . Peru—H i s to ry—T o 1548 . 2 . Peru—H i s t o ry—Conques t ,
1522-1548. 3. Incas. 4. Murúa, M art ín de. Histor ia general
del Pi ru . 5 . Manuscripts, Spanish American—California—Los
Angeles.
6.
Ludwig, Peter , 1925
A rt
collections.
7. J.
Pa u
G e t t y
Museum.
I.
Cummins , Thomas
B . F . (Thomas B i t t i ng
Foster) , 1949-
II .
Ande rson, B arbara (B arbara Christ ine) , 194
F34 4 4.M95G 4 8 2008
985' .01—dc22
2008000088
Il lustrat ion Credits
A ll pho tographs
of
pages from Mart ín
de
Murúa ,
Historia
general
de l
Piru, 1616 (Southern Andes
an d
Madr i d ) ,
Ms .
Ludwi g X I I I 1 6 (83.MP.i59), are courtesy the J. Paul G et ty
Museum, L os Angeles. Photo: J. Pau l G e t t y
T r u st
Al l photographs of pages from Mart ín de Murúa,
Historia del
origen, y genealogía real de los
reyes
ingas d el Piru, 1590 (Perú),
are courtesy Sean Galvin
Cover (back left to front r ight , top to bot tom): F rom Mart in
de Murúa ,
Historia
general de l
Piru,
fols. i9r (adorat ion of
Manco Capac), 2i r (investiture of Sinchi Roca), 2i v (Manco
Capac), 23r (Mama H uaco), 24 V (Sinchi Roca), 25 V (Chimpo),
n
26 v (L loque Y upanqu i ) ,
2 7v
(Mama Cura),
28 v
(Mayta Capac),
29V (Chimpo U rma), 3ov (Capac Y upanqui) , 3iv (Chimpo
Ocllo), 32v (Inca Roca), 33v (Cusi
Chimpo),
34V (Y ahuar
ry,
H uacac) , 35V
(Ipahuaco),
3 6v
(Viracocha
Inca),
37v
(Mama
Y unto ) , 38v (Pachacu t i Inca Y upanqu i ) , 4 4V (Pachacut i Inca
Y u p a n qu i ) ,
46 v (Mama A na H u a rq u e ) , 47 V (T upac Inca
Y upanqui) , 5 iv (Tupac Inca Y upanqui) , 54V (Mama O cl lo) , 56r
(H uayna Capac) , 5 7V (Huayna Capac) , 6o r (H uayna Capac) , 79 r
(Rahua
Ocl lo) , 84r (Huásc ar) , 89r (Chuqui l lanto)
Front ispiece: Detai l of Mart ín de Murúa,
Historia general del
Piru, fol . 307r (coat of arms of the k ingdom of Peru). See p. 14
Pages 79,8 0: Courtesy Det Kongel ige B ibl iotek/T he R oyal
Library, Copenhagen.
T he
manuscript
is
posted
in its
ent i rety
at h t t p :
//www.kb.dk/permalink/2oo6/poma/info/en/
f ron t page .h t m
Page 115: Courtesy The Li l ly Library, Indiana Universi ty ,
's B loomington
i g P a ge 1 26 , f ig . 2 : O b je c t n o. B - 51 8. C o ur te s y D u m b a r to n O a k s,
Pre-Columbian Col lect ion, Washington, D.C.
Page 128,
fig. 4:
Photograph
©
Johan Reinhard
Page 129, fig. 6: The Metropoli tan Museum of Art , Rogers
Fund ,
1982. Acc.
no.
1982.365. Pho tograph
© T h e
Metropol i tan
l
Museum of Ar t
Pages 130,
fig. 8;
132,
fig. 12:
Courtesy
of the
collectors
Page 131, fig. 10: The Metropoli tan
Museum
of Art , Bequest of
John
B .
E l l iot t , 1997. Acc.
no.
1999.47.306. Photograph
© T h e
Metrop ol i tan Museum of Art
Page 134, fig. 13: G G Inv. No. 771. Courtesy K unsthistorisc hes
M u s e u m , Vienna
Page 134, f ig. 14: Photo: Elena Phipps
Page 135: Photomicrographs courtesy Nancy
T u r ne r
l Pages 151, 166: Pho to : Thomas
B . F .
C u m m i n s
7-
http://www.getty.edu/http://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/info/en/frontpage.htmhttp://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/info/en/frontpage.htmhttp://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/info/en/frontpage.htmhttp://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/info/en/frontpage.htmhttp://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/info/en/frontpage.htmhttp://www.getty.edu/
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Contents
Ackno w ledgment s
vii
In t ro duc t io n
B A R B A R A
A N D E R S O N
A N D
T H O M A S B . F . C U M M I N S
1
T he
Ma king
of
M urúa 's Historia
General de l
Piru
ROLEN
DORNO
ND
I V N BOSERUP
Murúa ' s
T wo
Ma nusc r i p t s :
A
Compar ison
J U A N M . ossio
77
Censorsh ip and Approba t ion in Murúa ' s Historia
General
del Piru
R O L E N A
A D O R N O
95
Colors, T ext i les ,
an d
Ar t i s ti c P ro duc t io n
in
Murúa ' s Historia
General
del Piru
E L E N A P H I P P S , N A N C Y T U R N E R , A N D K A R E N T R E N T E L M A N
125
T he
Images
in
Murúa ' s Historia
General
del Piru:
An Ar t
H i s tor i ca l S tudy
T H O M A S B . F . C U M M I N S
147
Wo rks Ci t ed
175
B io gra phi ca l N o t e s
on the
Co nt r i bu to r s
181
Index
183
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Acknowledgments
W E S H O U L D L I K E
to thank T homas Crow and G ai l Fe igenbaum of the G e t ty Research Ins t i tute and
Michae l B rand and T homas K ren of the J . Paul G e t ty Museum for the ir suppor t o f the amb it ious
pro jec t we
envisioned
fo r
mak ing M ar t í n
de
M ur úa ' s
Historia general
de l
Piru more
accessible
to
Andean scholars
an d
more wide ly known
to
those intr igued
by the
Inca empi r e
an d
early colonial
Peru. Th is vo lume
of essays is one
c o mpo ne n t
of
that under taking. I ssued s imultaneously with
th e
facsimile
of
Mu rúa ' s
i l lus trated manuscr ip t , i t provides var ious perspec t ives on the c reat ion and
content o f the seventeenth-century or ig inal .
We are much inde bted to Rolena Adorno , Ivan B oserup, Juan M. Ossio , E lena Phipps , Kare n
T rente lman, and Nancy T urner , each of whom contr ibute d f ine ly honed exper t ise and f ie rce de te r -
minat ion
to the
co l lec t ive endeavor
of
br inging
th e
v ar ious e lements
of the
M urúa pro jec t into be ing.
We have learned so much f rom our co l leagues f rom N ew H aven, Copenhagen, Lima, and New Y ork,
an d
we
will miss their visits
to Los
Angeles .
Sean
G alvin grac iously shared
h is
table,
hi s
t ime
an d
wit,
and his
precious manuscript
for an
unprecedented
an d
unforgettable period
of
s tudy
an d
display.
Cecelia Klein of the U niversity of California, Los Angeles, and Jeanette Peterson of the U niversity of
California, Santa B arbara, conducted a graduate seminar devoted to the G e t ty Murúa, guid ing
their
talented students toward
ou r
enterprise. K risten Collins, Kurt B arstow, E lizabeth Morrison,
an d
Christine Sciacca
of the
G e t t y
Museum's
Manuscr ip ts D e p a r t m e n t pat ient ly
an d
eff iciently hosted
endless consul ta t ions of the m anuscr ip t over the las t few years . Angel ica Afan ador Pujo l and A manda
H e r r i n
as
research assistants
and
E m i l y E n g e l
as a
G e t ty grad uate inte rn were invaluable
to
B a r ba r a
Anderson, contr ibut ing to al l facets of the M urúa pro jec t , f rom supervis ing photography to c r i t ical
review
of the
var ious mater ia ls ,
an d
offering
th e
vi ta l ,
fresh
perspec t ives
o f
young scholars.
The key ro le in real iz ing the substant ia l ed i to r ia l
effor t
that the publication of the
essays
an d
facsimile
required was played by Miche l le B onnice . H er commitm ent and counse l th roughout the
lat te r s tages s ignif icant ly improved the content and pre sentat ion of both publicat ions . Chr is Foste r ,
fo rmer ly of
Imaging Services
at the
G e t ty M u se u m ,
and his
co l leagues Jack
Ross,
Michae l Smith ,
and Re becca Ver a-Mar t ine z hero ical ly provided the photographs of the G e t ty Murúa needed for th is
volum e as well as the facsim ile. Julia
B loomfie ld ,
H e ad o f th e G e t ty Re se a r c h
Inst i tute 's
P ublicat ions
P r o gr am, and Chr i s H udso n, M ar k G r e e nbe rg ,
Kara
Kirk , Karen Schmidt , Deenie Y ude l l ,
Jeffrey
Cohen,
an d
Suzanne Watson
of
G e t ty Publicat ions shepherded
both
vo lumes
through
deve lopment ,
design, an d produc t ion unt i l they mater ia l ized at last.
B A R B A R A
A N D E R S O N
A N D
T H O M A S
B . F .
C U M M I N S
vi i
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Introduction
i. T he Journey of a Chronicle from
New World to Old and
B a c k
B A R B A R A
A N D E R S O N
1
Ma r t ín
de
Murúa ' s
Historia general de l
Pirn (1616; G enera l h is tory
of
P e r u ) — o r
th e
G e tt y M u r ú a —
holds wi th in i t s covers not only one of the f i rs t i l lust ra ted accounts of Inca and Spanish co lonia l Peru
but also, as the essays in th is vo lume revea l , a fasc ina t ing and complex ta le of the making and ea r ly
reception of the manuscript i tself. I t also provides tantaliz ing clues to its author's biography, although
Mu rúa h imsel f remains a mystery . H e came to Pe ru f rom his na t ive Spa in in the la te
15005
as a m em-
ber of the Mercedar ian O r d e r ,
2
returned to Spain by 1615, and left no fur ther t races of h is exis tence
after 1616, when
hi s
ma nusc r i p t
for the
Historia
general was
rece ived
at the
Pa lac io Rea l
in
M a d r i d .
M u c h more i s known about the manusc r ip t ' s r ich and far-f lung
life
on three cont inents . Treasured
by the f ew who
knew
of it, and
even playing
a
minor role
in
severa l major h is tor ica l events ,
Murú a ' s
Historia
general
has essent ia l ly remained h idden in pla in s igh t for over th ree hundred years .
T he
ea r l ies t indica t ions
of i ts
t rave ls
are to be
found wi th in
th e
manuscr ipt i t se l f
an d
bear wi t -
ness to its
jo urney to w a rd pub l i ca t i on ,
an end
tha t Murúa fervent ly desi red
but
never rea l ized . L ike
al l
authors aspi r ing to print in the Spanish empire , he had to acqui re wr i t ten approva ls of his w o rk
from
both
secula r and re l igious author i t ies in order to obta in a roya l l i cense to publ ish . As Rolena
Adorno expla ins in her essay for th is vo lume, f i f teen approba t ions a re inser ted , out of chronologica l
o rde r ,
at the
f ro n t
of the
ma nusc r i p t (folios 3-11).
3
G a th e ring t h e se t e s t ament s
to the
h is tor ica l accu-
racy
and doct r ina l or thodoxy of h is text , and possibly craft ing the f ina l vers ion, Murúa apparent ly
took th e manuscr ipt across th e V i ce ro ya l t y of Pe ru , w h i ch at the
time
inc luded near ly all of South
Amer i ca .
H e
mo ved no r th ea s t f ro m I l a ba ya (Pe ru)
to La Paz
(B o l iv i a )
in
1611, then southeast
to La
Pla ta (Sucre , B o l ivia )
in
1612, southwe st
to
Potosí (B ol ivia )
in
1613,
an d
southe ast aga in
to
Córdoba
de
T ucumá n (Córdoba , Arg ent ina) and,
finally,
B uenos Aires
in
1614.
In
1615,
th e
Historia general reached
th e
M erceda r i a n mo na s te ry
in
Ma dr i d . F ro m th e r e ,
it
m a d e
its way to the
Spanish king, Phi l ip I I I ,
who
granted his approba t ion in 1616, appending th e l icense to publ ish , which , despi te th e roya l imprima-
tur , came
to
n a u g h t — p e r h a p s because ,
a s
Ado rno p ro po ses
in her
essay
in
th is vo lume,
i t had the bad
luck to fo l low E l Inca G arc i laso de la Vega ' s h is tory in seeking offic ial and financial sponsorship.
These approva ls a re bound be tween two unsigned and unda ted texts in d i f fer en t h a nds (folios 2 v ,
141)
that add to the biographies of the manuscript and i ts author l ike scribal ghosts. On
folio
2V
are two
una t t r i bu t ed po ems a dd r e ssed " A l autor" ( T o the author) tha t ar e ca l l igraphed in a hand considered by
Ad orno to be an
am a teu r ' s
emula t ion of a professiona l
scr ibe ' s .
T h is
amateur's
hand is used as well , she
argues, for the t i t le an d inscr ipt ions on the t i t l e page , many of the approba t ions, th e last folios of the
f inal ch a p t e r , and the table of contents . A dorno ascr ibes th is hand to M u r ú a and charac ter izes these text
blocks as
"fair
copies of mater ia ls d raf ted earlier."
4
In o ther word s, she a rgues, these
folios
postda te the
bu lk
of the
ma nusc r i p t , ma rk ing
a
l a s t -m inu t e r ew o rk ing
of i ts
presenta t ion. Fol io i4r conta ins another
se t of int r iguing chronologica l c lues . Wri t ten in a scrawled cursive scr ipt tha t A dorno a t t r ibu tes to a less
carefu l ly ca l l ig r a ph i c Murúa ,
it s
t ex t
is a florid,
a no nymo us ,
an d
enigmat ic offer ing
of the
ma nusc r i p t
"A su
A l t e za
de e l
P r inc ipe
de
E s p añ a
N. S . D .
Phi l ippo
4° y a su
Al teza Pr incesa
de
E s p a ñ a
y
Señora
1
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N."
( T o H i s
H igh ness ,
th e
P r ince
o f
Spa in,
O ur
L o rd
D on
Phi l ip
IV , and to H e r
H igh ness ,
th e
P r incess
of Spa in and Our Lady) in which a blank is
left
af ter "Al teza" where the pr incess ' s name should
a p p e a r .
5
H o w i t w a s that
Murúa knew th a t
the
c ro w n p r ince
w as
ma r r i ed
b u t d id no t
kno w
th e
na me
of the br ide i s puzz l ing. P hi l ip marr ied the F rench pr incess Isabel de B ourbon in 1615 and was crowned
king
in
1621,
so the
le t te r offer ing
hi s
w o rk
as a gift
w o uld h a ve been
d raf ted
be tween those years .
T he
most l ike ly da te i s 1616, the year tha t the roya l nota ry ' s rubr ic was added to each rec to throug hout the
manuscript, and also th e year in which an annota t ion about th e current viceroy of Peru
6
and a new,
unnumb ered ch a p t e r w e re p ro ba b ly
inse r t ed .
T h i s a ppea r s
to
h a ve been Murúa ' s l a s t t e s t a ment r eg a rd -
ing the
disposi t ion
of his
H istoria general.
T he
G e t t y Murú a seems e i th e r
to not
ac tua l ly have been rece ived into
th e
co l lec t ions
of the
f u t u r e Phi l ip IV or to have been re turned to the Mercedar ians in Madr id soon
af ter
i t s a ccep t a nce by
th e
roya l cour t , because
t he
Am er i ca n i s t b ib l i o g ra ph e r N i co l ás Anto n io w ro t e
in
1672 tha t
th e
m a n u -
sc r i p t w en t f ro m th e Merceda r i a n l i b r a ry d i r e c t l y t o t h e co l l e c t i o n o f L o renz o Ra mí r ez de P ra do .
7
Ramírez was a d iplomat and lawyer wi th c lose t ies to both Phi l ip I I I and Phi l ip IV, and in 1631 , the
la t te r appointed
him to the
R e a l
y
S upremo Co nse jo
de Ind ias
(Co unc i l
of the
Indies) , which
was
th e
go ve rn ing bo dy
of Sp a in 's
colonies
in the
A m e r i c as .
8
U p o n
R am i rez ' s
d e a t h
in
1658,
th e
b ro a d ly
humanist ic l ibra ry of th is major b ibl iophi le conta ined many manuscr ipts and vi r tua l ly a l l extant
pub l i ca t i o ns pe r t a in ing to t h e N ew W o r ld . A f t e r h is dea th , some of h is hold ings were conf i sca ted fo r
review
by the
H o l y
Off ice of the
Inqu i s i t i o n ( Inqu i s i ti o H a e r e t i c a e P ra v i t a t i s S a nc tum O f f i c i u m ),
but
the vast remaind er was inventor ied before end ing up in Sa lam anca , a t the l ibra ry of h is a lma mate r ,
the Colegio Mayor de Cuenca ,
9
where the G e t ty M urú a was recor ded in 1782, in the ea r l ie r of i t s two
surviving inventor ies .
1 0
B eca use t h e G e t t y Murúa do es no t a ppea r i n t h e i nven to ry t a ken fo l lo w ing
Ra mi r ez ' s dea th ,
i t may
have been among those i tems scrut inized
by the
H o l y
Off ice an d
only la te r
fo rw a rded t o S a l a ma nca .
It is
unc l ea r
ho w
w idesp r ea d
was the Historia
general's r epu ta t i o n
or its use as a
source
in the
numero us seven t een th -
an d
e i gh t een th -cen tu ry h i s to r i e s
of the N ew
W o r l d ,
but the
text
w as
c e r t a in ly
known. Sub seque nt to Antonio ' s b ibl iography of 1672, An drés G onzález de B arc ia ' s b ibl iography of 1738
included a br ie f ent ry on Murúa ' s work, which he lif ted f ro m A nto n io bu t w h i ch
made
no r e f e r ence
to the
manuscr ipt ' s physica l loca t ion.
1 1
T he f i rs t
do cum ented sch o la rl y exa mina t io n
of the
ma nusc r i p t
o ccur r ed in
1782,
w h e n
Jua n B a u t i s ta Muño z ,
w ho
held
th e office of
cronista mayor
de las
Indias ( roya l
ch ro n i c l e r
of the
Ind ies) , consul ted
it in
S a l a ma nca
as he
t r a ve l ed a ro und S pa in
in
sea rch
of
unpub l i sh ed
sources for a h is tory of the A mer ic as tha t was left uncomple ted a t h is dea th in 1799 .
12
Shor t ly
a f te r
Muño z
saw the
ma nusc r i p t
in
S a l a ma nca , Ch a r l e s
I II
o rde r ed
th e
c losure
of all
th e
colegios
mayores
(majo r co l leges) a t tache d to universi t ie s in Spa in because he was threa te ned by
the i r educa t iona l author i ty
an d
po w er
to
in f luence i dea s . Aro un d 1 8 02 , Murúa ' s Historia
general an d
ma ny o th e r p r e c io us med i eva l a nd Rena i ssa nce ma nusc r i p t s left S a l a ma nca fo r Ma dr i d , w h en Ch a r l e s
IV a ppro pr i a t ed t r ea sur e s f ro m
th e
l ibra r ies
of
r e cen t l y de f u n c t
colegios to
enr i ch
h is
l i b r a ry
in the
roya l pa lace .
A n
inscr ipt ion
on the
t i t l e page
of the
G e t ty M u r úa ,
" De l a B ib l ioth .
a
d e l
Coll
0
M .
or
de Cuenca" (From the l ibra ry of the Colegio Mayor de Cuenca) , a lso appears , in a s imi la r hand, in
o th e r vo lumes c l a imed
by
Ch a r l e s
IV and
p ro ba b ly r e co rds t h i s t r ansfer , w h ich
is
d o c u m e n t e d
in a
ma nusc r i p t i nven to ry no w in t h e B ib l io t e ca N a c io na l i n Ma dr i d .
1 3
Not long af ter th e Historia general 's
re tu rn to the Pa lac io Rea l , Char les IV was forced off the Spanish throne by N apoléon B onapar te , who
rep l a ced
him
wi th
his
b ro th e r , Jo seph B o na pa r t e ,
i n
1808. Joseph
had his own
sea l s tamped inside
th e
new bindings he comm issioned for m any of the books in the roya l l ibra ry , espec ia l ly those works tha t
ha d
only recent ly entered
th e
pa l a ce . Th i s
seal, no w
lost , survived until 1961, when
it was
r emo ved
d u r i n g
th e
r eb ind ing
o f the m anus c r ip t .
1 4
Th e ma nusc r i p t w a s no t
fated
e i ther to remain a t cour t o r to
fulf i l l
i t s i n t ended purpo se , w h i ch
was to
e d u c a t e
th e
Spanish homeland about
the New
W o r l d .
In
1813,
th e
ma nusc r i p t en t e r ed
a new
phase in i ts life, f inding i t se l f a pawn in the Peninsula r War , fought to dr ive the French f rom Por tuga l
and Spa in. E ngland sent i t s most da sh ing mi l i t a ry h e ro , Ar th ur We l l e s l ey ( t h e fu tu re ist D u k e o f
We l l ing to n) ,
to
c o m m a n d
th e
co mbined E ng l i sh , S pa n i sh ,
and
Po r tuguese t ro o ps .
In the
a f t e r m a t h
of
th e
dec is ive ba t t le
of
V i to r ia
on 21
June 1813, Joseph a t tem pted
to
escape
t o
F ra nce
in a
ca ra va n
of
car r iages
loaded wi th books
and
pa int ings taken f rom
the
pa l a ce . Wh en
he
rea l ized tha t Wel l ington' s
men had his
en to ura ge su r ro un ded , Jo seph l ea p t o n to
a
wai t ing horse
an d
ga l loped
to
safety o ve r
th e
Pyrénées,
leaving
t he
looted t reasures behind. Wel l ington se ized
them, had
them sh ipped
to
E n g l a n d ,
and, knowing l i t t l e about a r t , asked
h is
b ro th e r , H enry W e l l e s ley , B r i t i sh a mba ssa do r
to
S pa in ,
to
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arrange
for
their evaluation
and
speedy return
to the
newly reinstalled Spanish king, Charles
IV"s
son,
Ferdinand VII.
Wellington's
brother appreciated the importance of the hoard, and through dip-
lomatic channels in England he tried for two years to get them all properly repatriated. In 1816, in an
u n cha r a c t e r i s t i c
act of
generosity, Ferdinand
off ic ial ly
declined
to
accept
them
back, making
a gif t of
them to Wellington in gratitude for removing the French.
15
A s
we now recognize, when the Getty Murúa
le f t
Spain, it was participating in yet another his-
torical moment, namely, a
s ignif icant
shif t in the history of international collecting. In the aftermath
of
the French Revolution, the Peninsular War, and other erupting
conf l ic t s
across Europe, objects in
private collections went abroad
in
droves. England
was the
primary destination, both
for war
booty
and for items sold by newly impoverished nobles in
war-torn
countries. It was in this period that
the art of
Spain
and its
colonies
first
became known
and
desirable
to
collectors outside
the
Spanish
empire and
broadened
the
definition
of
England's national patrimony
to
include treasures made
outside its borders but regarded as part of its collective cultural identity.
The manuscript soon had a brush with the pantheon of English literature as well.
A f t e r
reading
William Robertson's acclaimed history of Peru,
10
Wellington realized the value of Murúa's Historia
general ,
and in 1824, he
of fe red
to lend it to Sir Walter Scott, thinking that it would make good mate-
rial for a historical novel. Although Scott did dispatch his son to retrieve the manuscript from the
duke's house, it is not known whether the author ever actually saw it, and he certainly did not use it
in his own work.
17
A f t e r
that, Murúa's
Historia
general seems to have gathered dust in the Wellington
libraries, ending up at Apsley House, the family's London residence. Only in 1951 did the manuscript's
long obscurity end, when it was rediscovered by Miguel Enguidanos Requena, at the time Manuel
B a l le s t e ro s
Gaibrois's assistant at the Universidad de Madrid, and immediately made available to the
scholarly community by Gerald Wellesley,
/th
Duke of Wellington, an amateur historian. He allowed
it to be deposited at the Bodleian Library in
O xf o rd ,
where the photostatic copy that Ballesteros stud-
ied
was
made.
Along with many of the manuscripts and books acquired at Vitoria by Wellington, Murúa's
Historia general was auctioned at Sotheby's London in 1979 and bought by H. P.
K ra us ,
the legendary
New
Y o rk
bookdealer, who then sold the Vitoria hoard to Peter and Irene Ludwig, two well-known
collectors in Germany who had extensive holdings in European illuminated manuscripts. They kept
the collection until 1983, when they sold it, again through
K r au s ,
to the J. Paul Getty Museum in Los
Angeles, where it has finally begun to receive the attention it so richly deserves.
2.
Historiography
of the
Manuscr ip t
T H O M A S B . F . C U M M I N S
Few,
if
any,
of the
more than
four
hundred illuminated manuscripts
in
thej. Paul Getty Museum's
collection have been visited and studied as much as Murúa's
Historia
general del
Piru.
Produced in the
second decade of the seventeenth century, it is one of only three extensively illustrated manuscripts,
all interrelated, on the history of early colonial Peru. The other two are a second, earlier manuscript
by
Murúa, entitled
Historia de l origen, y genealogía
real
de los reyes ingas del Piru
(1590; History
of the
origin and royal genealogy of the Inca kings of P e r u ) — o r the Galvin m a n u s c r i p t — a n d Felipe Guarnan
Poma
de
Ayala's
E l primer nueva
coronica
i buen
gobierno (1615;
The f i rst new
chronicle
an d
good
government). The latter has received intense study since it was discovered in Copenhagen at Det
Kongelige
Bibliotek at the beginning of the twentieth century, but until recently, both of Murúa's
manuscripts have remained in relative obscurity despite their singular importance.
The interdisciplinary and innovative scholarship of the
essays
gathered in this volume is a direct
consequence both of the Getty Murúa's extraordinary historical nature and of its relationship to the
other two. These essays, however, are only a middle stage in the unfolding analysis of the Murúa
manuscript that began with its entry into the
museum's
collections over twenty years ago. Its arrival
in Los Angeles was purely serendipitous, given that it was acquired as part of the Ludwigs' collec-
tion of European illuminated manuscripts, which had been cataloged in its entirety by Joachim M.
Plotzek
and
Anton
von
Euw, both curators
at the time at the
Museum Schnütgen
in Cologne.
18
The
presence
of the
manuscript
at the
Getty went unnoticed
by
Andean scholars until
the
ethnohistorian
R. Tom
Zuidema
and the
historian Sabine MacCormack
saw it
while they were Getty scholars
at the
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G e t ty R e se a rc h I nst i tu te
in
1990
an d
1991. They quickly
an d
generously spread
th e
word that this
impor tan t
work was now
accessible
fo r
study. Since
that t ime, th e
manuscr ip t
ha s been th e focus of
col laborat ive efforts by staff and scholars a t the G e t ty Research Ins t i tute , the J . Paul G e t ty M useum,
an d
the G e t ty Conservat ion Ins t i tute to fur the r the
manuscr ip t ' s
s tudy and d isseminat ion. Th is vo l-
ume of
essays
is but one result of this ongoing e ndea vor. I t is published along with a facsimile of the
manuscr ip t intended
to
make M ur úa ' s Historia
general
muc h
more
accessible
to
scholars,
an d
bo th
volum es are issued on the occasion of an exhibition at the G etty R esearch Institute dev oted to the
representat ion
of
Peru dur ing
th e
th ree centur ies fo llowing
t he
Spanish conquis tadors ' ar r ival am ong
the Inca in 1530.
T he
G e t ty M u rú a
was first
made avai lable
to the
general publ ic
by
Manue l B al les te ros G aibro is,
who published an edited transcription in the early 19605 after h is ass is tant r ecognized the manuscr ip t
in the
D u k e
of W el l ing ton 's collection.
19
In his
ed i t ion, th ir ty-seven
of the
manuscr ip t ' s images were
ar ranged in several small groups , no t p laced with the ir accompanying text , and published as
half-
tones, not in color.
20
Despi te th is major shor tcoming, th e extraord inary nature of the visual mate r ia l
in the m anuscr ip t was c lear . Y e t i t went large ly unnoticed by almost a l l Ande an scholars , even those
who
deal t substant ive ly with
G u a rn a n
Poma's
Nueva coránica,
with
it s
near ly
four
hundred i l lus tra-
tions.
21
T he general problems presented by i l lu s trated manuscr ip ts ( such as models and sources , the
issue of
workshops,
and the
tra ining
of
ar t is ts ) have never been
of
c o nc e r n
to
Andeanis ts pursuing
either
historical or art historical studies, pr imari ly because there are so few such manuscripts relating
to
Peru. Focus
ha s
been
on the
individual charac te r is t ics
of the
th ree manusc r ip ts , with
most
at tent ion
paid only to the Nueva coránica. Th e r e f o r e , more
often
than not, the images were seen as tangential
to the s tudy of Murúa 's work, which wa s
often cast
in a lesser a nd sometimes in a dec idedly negat ive
light within
th e
history
of
And ean chronic les. John H owland Rowe,
an
eminent Ande an scholar, pro-
vides
an exce l lent example . Rowe was given
access
to Murúa 's Historia
general
in 1979, while it was
in Kra us's possession, before it reached the L udwig s' collection in Cologne. H e was commissioned
by
Kraus
to
wr i te
an
evaluat ion
of the
manuscr ip t , which t rave led with
it to
G e r ma ny
an d
then
to
Los
Angeles .
2 2
In i t , Rowe makes var ious acute remarks about the i l lus trat ions and even
identifies
some
of the
drawings
as
being
by
G uar nan Po ma. H o we ver ,
he
only
briefly refers to the
resul ts
of his
analysis
of the G etty M urúa 's images before he comes to the main p oint of his only published
essay
dedicated
to the
manusc r ip t . En t i t l e d
"La
mentira l i te rar ia
en la
obra
de
M ar t í n
de
M u r ú a " ( T h e
l i te rary l ie in the work of Mar t ín d e Murúa ) , i t pursues a ra ther d isparaging argum ent about M urúa
and his use of
inappropr iate sources , which R owe charac te r izes
as
"m entiras ,"
or lies.
23
One of the few scholars to unders tand the posi t ive value of bo th of Murúa 's manuscr ip ts has
been
Juan M. Ossio, one of the contr ibutors to this volume. An anthropologist by training, Ossio was
the f irst to
focus
on G uarnan Poma's manuscr ip t in te rms of how i t could be s tudied f rom an Andean
perspect ive.
24
T h is proved
to be a turning po int in the
inte rpre t ive approach
to that
impor tan t
m a n u -
script, as he stressed a
m o r e
hermene utical s tudy based upon the And ean s truc tures that inform
both
the historical narrati ve and the imag es. In 1968, two years before compl eting his thesis on G uarna n
Poma's
Nueva
coronica, Ossio was granted
access
to Murúa 's Historia
general,
while it was still in the
possession of the
D u k e
of
W e l l ing to n .
In
1985,
h e
published
a
small vo lume
of
co lor r eproduc t ions
o f
j us t th e th ir ty-e igh t images in the manuscr ip t , making them
m o r e
avai lable i n general , and in Peru
in par t ic ular , where B al les te ros 's ed i t ion ha d l imited c i rcu la t ion .
25
More impor tant , he announced
in 1982 that another manuscr ip t by Murúa had been offered for sale to the B ib l io teca Nac ional de l
Perú in
L i m a .
2 0
T h is vers ion was eventual ly so ld th rough a rare book deale r , W ar ren H owell o f John
H o w e l l B ooks in San Francisco, to John G alvin, the fathe r of the prese nt owner,
Sean
G alvin. Ossio 's
tireless efforts
and the current owner 's generosity have since resulted in the appearance of both an
extremely
faithful
facs imile
of the
G a lv in M ur úa
and a
companion v olume that c ontains Ossio's t ran-
scr iption and study of the
ma n u sc r i p t .
2 7
Without Ossio 's
efforts
over the pas t twenty years ,
both
of
Murúa 's manuscr ip ts would s t i l l be languish ing in obscur i ty .
While Ossio was pushing forward the p ublicat ion of the G alvin manuscr i p t , he and I began to
unite our
efforts,
so as to bring
both
of Murúa 's extant works into be t te r focus. I had f irst studied
the G e t ty manuscr ip t in 1991 with the idea of someday prod uc ing a facs imile . In
fall
2000, Ossio
was
invited
to the
Univers i ty
of
Chicago
to offer a
seminar
on
Murúa 's
tw o
manuscr ip ts .
A s a
result
of
th is event ,
we
dec ided that
it was an
oppor tune t ime
to
bring scholars
who
were wr i t ing about
G uar nan Po ma ' s
Nueva
coronica toge ther with scholars who were s tudying Murúa 's manuscr ip ts .
We knew, for examp le , that E lena Phipps had been a guest scholar a t the J . Paul G e t ty M useum,
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where she col laborated wi th Nancy T urner of the museum's Paper Conserva t ion Depar tment on
an
invest igation
of the
colorants
in the
G et ty Murua 's i l lust ra t ions. T hus, Ossio
and I
organized
th e
symposium "Peru in B lack and White and in Color: T he Uniq ue T exts and Images in the Colonial
Ande an Manuscr ip ts of Mar t ín de M u r ú a and G uar nan
Poma,"
which was held in Apr i l 2002 an d
sponsored by the
Center
fo r
Lat in Amer ican Studies
at the
Universi ty
of
Chicago
and the
Newber ry
Lib r a r y . Th e symposium was a ma rk ed success in many ways. F or example , Rolena Adorno, when
invited to part icipate, had responded that at the t ime she had nothing more she wanted to say on
G u a rn a n P oma and had never looked a t e i ther of Murua 's manuscr ip ts . H appi ly, she cont r ibuted not
only a paper coauthor ed with Ivan B oserup on the vir tua l edi t ion of G u a rn a n Poma's manuscript but
also a paper that introduce d the topic of censorship and self-censorship in the G etty Murú a. B oserup
presented his very f i rs t codicolog ica l work on the G et ty manuscr ip t , which he began in January 2002 ,
upon receiving our invitat ion to part icipate.
Since
then , both A dorno and B oserup have publ ished
numerous s tudies regarding Murua 's
w o r k .
2 8
T he
symposium also strengthened
th e
efforts
of
Ossio,
th e only scholar to have s tudied th e G a l vi n ma n u sc r ip t itself, to have it issued as a facsimile of the
highest quali ty,
a
goal that
he
achieved
in
2 0 0 4 .
29
T he
symposium l ikewise p rov ided
a
forum
fo r
Phipps and T urner to share their ini t ial results concerning the colorants used in the man uscrip t and
their relation
to the
colorants
of
Andean texti le
and for me to
furnish
an
overview
of the
images
in
the three manuscripts and the l inks among
t h e m .
30
T he papers p resented a t the symposium form the basis of th is volume. A dorno and B oserup
have ex tended thei r work
on the
codicology
of the
G e t t y M u r ú a ,
an d
their contribution al lows
us
to
bet ter understand
how the
G e t t y ma n u sc r ip t ca me
to be as it is,
tracing
it s
development f rom
it s
predecessors, especial ly
th e
G a lv in manuscr ip t . A dorno 's h is tor ica l
essay
concerning
the f inal
alterations
ma de to the Historia general offers a t ou r -de - fo r ce of in terpre ta t ion about th e lat ter stages
in the p roduct ion of a manuscr ip t in the early loóos in Spain. E qually compell ing is Ossio's essay
re la t ing the G et ty Murúa to both the G a lv in version and G uarnan Poma 's Nueva coránica. Phipps
and T urner have jo ined wi th K aren T rente lman of the G et ty Conserva tion Inst i tu te to p roduce an
innovative study
of the
i l lustrat ions that combines humanist ic
an d
scientific inquiry
in a
precise
an d
product ive m anner . My study prov ides another , a r t h is torica l perspect ive on the images in the G et ty
Murúa . Together , the essays in this volume provide one of the most complex and interdiscipl inary
studies of any i l lust ra ted manuscr ip t and a thorough an d original analysis of this part ic ular colonial
Ande an work .
Notes
1.
An ear lier version of this essay was delivered at the
World
Libr ar y
an d
Information ( I F L A ) conference
in
Buenos Aires,
22-27 Augus t 2004, and is posted at http://www.ifla.org/IV/
i f la7o/papers/o73e-Anderson.pdf (2 0
February 2007) .
2. T he Order of Our
Lady
of
Mer cy
wa s
founded
in
Bar ce -
lona in 1218 by Saint Peter Nolasco, i ts main function being to
rescue Chr is tian captives f rom th e Moors. Although th e o r de r
spread quickly to F r ance , Po r tug a l , an d G e r m a ny , in Mur ua 's
d ay it was
s trongest
in
Spain
an d
La t in A mer ica . Ov er
th e
cen-
tur ies , th e order's init ial impetus declined in import, and the
o rde r s eemed to lose its way a f te r th e conquest of the Moors
in Spain in 1492. In the 15605, in the af termath of the Council
of T rent, Philip I I of Spain perceived the order to be in need
of ser ious organizational and discip linary reform, and the Mer-
cedar ian leadership realized that
th e
o rde r
might
no t
survive
wi thout a c lea r iden t i ty . A cr i t ical component of the o r de r ' s
attempts at reform wa s investigation into its own history, as
E m i l y
Engel has
noted
in an
unp ubl i shed p ap e r ,
and she has
suggested that Murua's inspiration to wr i te a history of Pe r u
wa s
a
d i r ec t p r oduc t
of
this campaign, which produced other
histor ies as well , par ticular ly the Historia general de la Orden
de
Nuestra
Señora de la
Merced, Redención
de
Cautivos ,
by F r ay
Alonso R e m ó n , published
in
Madr id between 1618
and
1633,
and F r ay B e r nar do de Var g as ' s Chronica Sacri et Militaris Ordinis
Beatae
Mariae de
Mercede Redemptionis
Captivorum,
published in
Palermo, I taly, between 1619 an d 1622. Se e Tay lo r , Structures
o f
Reform; Eng e l , "S tep p ing in to Time," 10; and Ad orno, th is
vo lume , esp . 118-21.
3. Adorno and B oserup, th is
volume,
27, 29; and Adorno,
this
vo lume , 9 8,
116-18.
4. Identif ied as S[alamanca]3 in Adorno and Boserup, " G u a-
ma n
Poma," 164-65.
Se e
also Adorno, th is
volume,
101.
5 . The
nomenc la tu r e
is
puzzling.
The use of "highness"
(altera) for Philip and his wife is correct, and the t i t les "prince"
an d "pr incess" were normally limited to the f i rst son and heir
to the Spanish throne and his wife. B u t the heir apparent to
th e
Spanish throne
is
proper ly s tyled "pr ince
of
Astur ias ,"
no t
"pr ince of Spain."
6. Adorno argues that th e t ex t must have been f in ished by
1616 not only on the basis of an annotation identifying Francisco
de B o r j a y A r ag ón , p r inc ip e de E sq u i lache—who se r ved as v ice -
roy of Peru f rom 18 December 1615 to 31 December 1621—as
th e
most recent
an d
current v iceroy
bu t
also
on the
basis
of the
manuscr ip t ' s r ubr ica t ion ; se e A dor no , "L a censura," 40 , 48-49;
an d Adorno, th is volume, 9 8, 103.
7.
A ntonio , Bibliotheca
Hispana
Nova , 2:108-9. G umer s indo
Placer notes that Alonso d e Ro j as ment ioned Mur úa 's work in his
Catalogus
Scriptorium
(Toled o, 1617), 2:614-15,
as did
Pedr o
de San
Cecilio in his unpublished "De Scr iptor ibus" of 1618, although
ne i the r iden t i f i ed th e manuscr ip t 's location; se e Placer , "Fray
Mar t í n
de
Mur úa ,"
41 .
José
M .
Mansilla
ha s
observed cer tain
similar it ies in wording between Murúa's His toria general an d
T i r so de Molina's
His toria general de la orden de la
Merced (1637),
suggesting that Molina, who was the Mercedar ian Order's official
histor ian, used Murúa's f inal manuscr ip t; see Mansilla, "Martin
d e M u r ú a . " M y thank s to T h o m a s Cummins f or this reference.
I N T R O D U C T I O N
5
http://www.ifla.org/IV/ifla70/papers/073e-Anderson.pdfhttp://www.ifla.org/IV/ifla70/papers/073e-Anderson.pdfhttp://www.ifla.org/IV/ifla70/papers/073e-Anderson.pdfhttp://www.ifla.org/IV/ifla70/papers/073e-Anderson.pdf
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8.
E n t r a m b a s ag u a s , La biblioteca, i:xi-xv. A l though he
ma y have been officially a p p o i n t e d
consejero
(counselor) in
1631,
Ramirez 's associat ion with the Real y
Supremo
Consejo de Indias
is
a l ready documen ted in 1 628 , w hen he re ce ived paymen t f o r
his counsel
to the
k i n g ;
se e
H e r e d i a H e r r e r a , Catálogo, 5:1987
(nos.
737,
877).
9 . E n t r a m b a s a g u a s,
L a
biblioteca,
i:xi-xv,
xx x i i i . Cons tan t ino
B a y l e
knew of
Ramirez's
connec t ion w i th a manus c r ip t by
Murú a , bu t , w r i t ing be f ore
th e
red i s cove ry
of the
G e t t y m a n u-
s c r ip t and as suming on ly one such manus c r ip t , B ay le thought
tha t Rami rez ha d ow ned th e original of the Loyola copy ; se e
Ba y l e ,
" In t roducc ión , " 35 . T he G a lv in manus c r ip t w as neve r
re corded in the S a lamanca l ib ra ry , s o i t c annot have been tha t
mentioned
by An ton io a s hav ing be longed to Rami rez ; s e e
A d o r n o
an d
B os e rup , th is
volume, 7.
1 0 . Nava r ro , " Copia de l ind ic e , " f o l. 32r: " M ar t in de Muroa ,
Elector General del orden de Nuestra Señora de la Merced: H i s -
toria general de l Pirú; origen y descend encia de los Incas ."
11 .
G onzá lez de B a rc ia ' s b ib l iograph y w as a rev i sed and
expanded ed i t ion
of the f irs t
b ib l iography
o f the New World,
Epitome
de la biblioteca oriental i occidental, náutica i geográfica,
w r i t t e n by the Pe ruv ian h i s to r i an An ton io d e León P ine lo an d
pub l i s hed
in
1629. León Pinelo's next book,
Tratado
de
confir-
maciones
reales
de
encomiendas para
la s
Indias Occidentales,
was
pub l i s hed in 1 630 and ded ica t ed to Rami rez in a s t a t emen t da t ed
1628,
w hich m eans tha t León P ine lo i s l i ke ly to have know n the
la t t e r ' s co l l e c t ion by 1 628 . None the l e s s , ne i the r ed i t ion of León
Pine lo ' s b ib l iography inc ludes Rami rez
among th e
co l l e c tors
o f
w orks
on the
Amer i cas , ye t , be ing Pe ruv ian
by
b i r th , León
Pine lo w ou ld s u re ly have been in t e re s t ed
in
Rami rez ' s l i b ra ry
and especial ly in
Murua's
h i s to ry . H i s Aparato poli t ico of 1695
is
re corded in the S a lamanca inven tory of 1 782 ; s e e Nava r ro ,
" Copia de l ind ic e , " f o l . 2 r . E i the r León P ine lo and R ami rez on ly
met in
1628
and the
l a t t e r
did not
have access
to the former's
collec t ion in time f or the pub l i ca t ion of h i s b ib l iography or
Rami rez d id no t ow n Murua ' s manus c r ip t un t i l
a f t e r
1628. See
León P ine lo , Epitome, 2 :644 .
12 .
I t has of t en been repea ted tha t Muñoz cop ied the His-
toria
general, and that at his death, the copy was deposited
in
th e
A c a d e m i a
d e
H i s to r i a
in
M a d r i d
b ut
later los t . Adorno
an d
B os e rup have s ucc inc t ly de s c r ibed
th e
ev idence conce rn ing
Muñoz ' s cons u l t a t ion and have pe rs uas ive ly re f u ted the idea
tha t he eve r made a copy ; s e e Ad orno and B os e rup , " G ua rnan
Poma,"
116-20.
13. MS 1 8037, B ib l io t e ca Nac iona l , Mad r id . For a discus-
s ion of the manus c r ip t s t aken by We l l ing ton af ter the ba t t l e o f
Vi tor i a ,
see
H obs on , " Manus c r ip t s , "
485-97.
1 4 . Manue l B a l l e s te ros G a ib ro i s , the G e t ty Murua ' s f i r st
ed i to r , men t ioned
th e
seal
in his
in t roduc t ion
to the f irs t
p u b -
l i s hed t rans c r ip t ion ;
se e
Ba l l e s t e ros G a ib ro i s , " In t roducc ión"
(1962), xxvii.
15 . We l l ing ton , "Prólogo," xvi-xix.
1 6 . Robe r t s on , History .
17 .
We l l ing ton , "Prólogo," x i x .
18 .
In the f ou r - vo lume ca ta log of the co l l e c t ion , Murua ' s
Historia general appea rs among the h i s to ry manus c r ip t s ; s e e von
E uw
r
,
" X I I I 1 6 M a r t i n d e M u r ú a . "
19 .
M u r ú a , Historia general (1962-64) . See also the two
rev i s ed ed i t ions : Murú a , Historia general (1986) ; and Murúa,
Historia
general ( 2 0 0 1 )—ne i t h e r of which reproduces any of the
i l lu s t ra t ions .
20 . La s armas reales de los yugas reyes
(Royal
coa t
of
a rms
of
the Inca k ings )
(folio
i3 r ) w as not reproduced .
21 .
For example , Adorno ' s Guarnan Poma: Writ ing an d
Resistance and López- B a ra l t ' s Icono y conquista bo th exp lore
ex tens ive ly
th e
d raw ings
of
G u a r n an P o m a
b ut
ignore the i r
re l a t ion
to
Murua ' s images
in the
G e t t y m a n u s c r i p t— A d o r n o
en t i re ly ,
w hi l e
L ó p e z - B a r a lt
re l ega te s
th e
G e t t y M u r u a 's i m a g e s
to a f oo tnote ( the images f rom the G a lv in manus c r ip t became
avai lab le
only a f t e r the s e w orks w e re pub l i s hed ) .
22 . Dated 1979 and enti t led "Martín de Murua's M a n u -
s c r ip t s on Inca H i s to ry and Cu l tu re , " John Row e ' s eva lua t ion
accompan ied th e manus c r ip t f rom th e Ludw igs ' co l l e c t ion to
the G e t ty Mus eum, w he re I r e ad i t in 19 9 3. A t
some
po in t ,
Row e ' s o r ig ina l types c r ip t w as los t , bu t a copy acqu i red by
Adorno f rom Row e 's
wife,
Pa t r i c i a Lyon , has now jo ined the
G e t t y M u s eu m ' s c u r a t o r i a l
f i le . Rowe 's
essay
is the
bas is
for von
E u w ' s " X I I I 1 6 Mar t ín de Murúa."
23 . J.
R o w e ,
"L a
men t i ra l i t e ra r i a , "
753-61.
24 .
See Ossio, "The Idea of
History";
Os sio , " G ua rnan Pom a:
Nueva coron ica" ; and Os s io , " Myth and History."
25 .
Oss io, L os
re tratos.
In 1968, the manuscript was at S t r a t -
f ie ld
Saye,
th e
home
of the Dukes of We l l ing ton , nea r Read ing .
26 .
Ossio, "Una nueva vers ión."
27 . Oss io's vis ion was to make ava i l ab le a s exped i t ious ly a s
pos s ib le a h igh- qua l i ty f ac s imi l e of the G a lv in Murú a , s o tha t
scholars
cou ld beg in c los e s tudy of th i s impor tan t and re la t ive ly
inaccessible work,
previously
known only through
the flawed
Loyola copy of 1890. This unself ish ness on Ossio's part extend ed
to p rov id ing a t rans c r ip t ion of the G a lv in manus c r ip t to
accompany the f ac s imi l e , even
though,
by necess i ty , i t had to be
a s omew ha t hu r r i ed and thus impe r f e c t ven tu r e . Unf o r tuna te ly ,
the t rans c r ip t ion ' s impe r f e c t ions have a l low ed f or ungene rous
c r i t i c i s ms .
28 .
S ee , f o r example , Adorno , " La c ens u ra" ; Adorno ,
" E s tud ios os " ; B os e rup ,
"Quelques
obs e rva t ions " ;
an d
A d o r n o
an d
B o s e r up , " G u a r n a n Poma."
29. T his facs imile is the bas is for al l s tudies of the G alvin
Murú a , excep t f o r thos e by Os s io .
30 . A lso p re s en ted a t the s ympos ium w as
w
r
or k
by José Cár-
denas
(Ya l e
U n i v e r s i t y ) , R a q u e l C h a n g - R o d r i g u e z ( T h e G r a d u a t e
Cen te r and T he Ci ty Col l ege of the Ci ty Un ive rs i ty of New
Y o r k ) , Va le r i e F ras e r ( Un ive rs i ty of E s s ex) , Ca r los Gonzá lez Var -
ga s (Pont i f ic ia
Un ive rs idad Ca tó l i c a
d e
Chi l e ) , B ruce Mannhe im
( Un ive rs i ty of Michigan ) , Hugo Rosati Aguerre (Pontif ic ia Uni-
ve rs idad
Ca tó l i c a
d e
Chi l e ) , F ranc i s co S ánchez Cabe l lo
(Pont i f ic ia
Unive rs idad Ca tó l i c a de Chi le ) , and R . T om Zuidema ( U n i v e r -
si ty of Il l inois a t U r b a n a - C h a m p a i g n ) .
A N D E R S O N
A N D
C U M M I N S
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ROLEN
DORNO ND I V N BOSERUP
The
Making
of
Murúa's
Historia
General del Piru
F R A Y
M A R T Í N D E M U R Ú A ' S his tory of the Inca o f Peru exists in two manuscr ip t vers ions .
1
T hey cov e r
approximately the same subject mat ter , each provid ing an account of the r ise and fall, governance,
and religion of the Inca empire and a survey of the ancient Inca and colonial Spanish cities and the
mines of the Viceroyal ty of P e r u .
2
H e re , we examine the two manuscr ip ts (G alv in a nd G e t ty ) in tan-
dem because it is impossible to und e rs t and the m ak ing of the la ter one without scru t in iz ing the m a k -
ing , unmaking , and rem aking of i ts p rede cessor . The G alv in manuscr ip t is the ear l ier and shor ter of
the two, approximately half the length of the G e t ty v e r s ion .
3
The G a lv i n, in its most complete s ta te ,
was i l lus t ra ted throughout wi th 128 to 130 hand-colore d d rawings , of which 117 are e x tant , whi le only
the f i rs t f if th of the G et ty M urúa includ es i l lust ra t ions, of which 34 are or ig inal to the manuscr ip t and
4
were incorpora ted f rom elsewhere .
T he ex is tence of the G alv in manuscr ip t was announced by the Spanish his tor ian Marcos J imé-
nez de la
E s p a d a ,
w ho
d iscovered
it in
1879
*
n
t he
Spanish Jesuit ex ile house
in
Poyanne, F rance;
he
ident i f ied it
with
a manuscript described in 1739 by the Jesuit Miguel Venegas as being housed at the
Coleg io de la Com pañía de Jesús in Alca lá de H enares ,
Spain .
4
Unt i l rece nt ly , due to i ts d isappearance
in 1900 or thereabouts , the G alv in vers ion has been avai lab le to scholars only through a defec t ive ,
handwri t ten copy executed in 1890, subsequent to the r e tu rn of the Society o f Jesus t o Spain and the
reset t lement of its a rchive a t i ts p r incipa l house, in Loyola , G uipúzcoa. T his copy is referre d to as
the "Loyola copy," or somet imes , confusingly, as the "Loyola manuscr ip t , " and it has been th e basis
of
th e
four
more or less complete ed i t ions of the G alv in vers ion of Murua's his tory publ ished dur ing
the f i rst ha l f of the twent ie th cen tury .
5
In the
19505,
the G alv in manuscr ip t was offered for sale to the
nat ional l ib rary of Spain and to tha t of Peru , but i t was eventual ly purchased by a manuscr ip t dea ler
in San Francisco and then acquired by the fa ther of i ts current owner , Sean G alv in of County Me ath,
Ireland.
6
Af t e r years
of
searching , Juan M. Ossio located
th e
m anus c r ip t
in
1996,
and as a
result
of
his ini t ia tive and und er his guidance, a facs imile ed i t ion , the
Códice
Murúa, was publ ished in 2004 .
7
Ossio's companion volume to the
facsimile
provides the first publ ished t ranscr ip t ion of the G a lv i n
vers ion of Murua's history to be based on the manuscr ip t i t se l f .
8
The G e t ty m anus c r ip t was ment ioned in 1672 by the p ioneer ing Spanish b ib l iographer Nicolás
Antonio as having been in the possession of the Castil ian statesman and bibliophile Lorenzo Ramirez
d e P rad o .
Af t er
Ramirez's death in 1658, i t came into the library of the Colegio Mayor de Cuenca
in Salamanca, where in 1782, i t was consulted and briefly described by the Spanish historian and
fo unde r of the Arch ivo G enera l de Ind ias , Juan B aut is ta Muñoz, in his unpubl ished survey of sources
on Spain 's his tory in America .
9
L ik e the G a lv in m anus c r ip t , the G e t ty Murú a
fell
out of the reach
of scholars
less
than twenty years
af ter
its redisc over y, and it rem ained inaccessible for the next 150
years : i t was incorpora ted in to the pr iva te l ib rary of the Spanish k ing in 1802 and then ,
af ter
th e
bat t le
of
Vi tor ia
in
1813, into that
of
A r thu r W el l es ley ,
ist
D u k e
of
W el l ing ton,
and his
successors.
10
T he G et ty manuscr ip t was red iscovered in the ear ly
19505
by Manuel B a l lesteros G aibrois , who
publ ished a two-volume ed i t ion in 1962 and 1964. The manuscr ip t became genera l ly access ib le to
scholars after 1983, when i t was acquired by the J. Paul G et ty Museum in Los Angeles .
In thei r making and unm ak ing , the two manuscr ip ts share cer ta in procedures . Both are
calli-
g rap hed
fair
copies of now los t p redecessors . They were produced not by Mur úa himself but by scribes
working under his superv is ion: one for the G alv in , and two others , many years la ter , for the G et ty .
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F I G .
i.
Title page ,
wr i t t en in
Murúa's hand
on a
rep lacement folio. From Mar t ín
de M u r ú a ,
Historia de l
origen,
y genealogía
real
de
lo s
reyes
ingas de l Piru, 1590, G a l v in
MS ,
recto
of first folio. Private col lect ion
Both of these fair copies were subsequently reworked by the author himself, and yet another scribe was
involved when the Galvin manuscript was dismantled and reconstructed. Today both the Galvin and
the Getty manuscripts appear as having been transformed, albeit to
d i f fe r ing
degrees, from clean and
completed manuscripts to works in progress. Thus, in 1946, Constantino Bayle questioned whether
the Galvin manuscript—which Bayle knew only through the Loyola c o p y — s h ou l d seriously be con-
sidered
a finished
manuscript,
as
implied
by its
title page,
11
which gives
the
title
as
Historia de l origen,
y genealogía
real
de los
reyes
ingas
de l
Piru.
D e
s us
hechos,
costumbres,
trajes, y
manera
de
gouierno
(History
of the origin and royal genealogy of the Inca kings of Peru, of their deeds, customs, clothing, and man-
ner of governing) and lists its time of completion as around May 1590 (fig.
i).
The Galvin manuscript
i t se l f—as reproduced in facsimile in 2 0 0 4 — h a s confirmed the soundness of Bayle's skepticism: it had
been ready for the
printer
at some point in time, but it did not remain so. Illustrations, additions to
the text, including quotations from further readings, and notes of many kinds were added to the fair
copy, which would soon be abandoned as a manuscript intended for publication. It was then partly
dismantled and later reassembled, albeit incompletely, by Murúa or under his supervision.
12
The Getty manuscript also underwent important changes
a f te r
its initial completion. These
modifications were
of a d i f f e rent
kind than those a f fe c t ing
the
Galvin, however. They were introduced
in Madrid by Fray Alonso
Remón,
who reviewed
Murúa's
manuscript for the Mercedarian Order, and
A D O R N O A N D B O S E R U P
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F I G . 2. Relationships
among
the manuscripts of Murúa's history of Peru, thei r i l lust ra tors, and G uarnan
Poma's
Nueva coronica
by the royal censor of the Consejo Real de Casti l la (Royal council of Casti le), as part of the process of
rece iving permission
for i ts
p ub l i ca t i o n.
1 3
T he
roya l author iza t ion
to
p r in t
th e
ma nusc r i p t
was
granted
in 1616, af ter the rec to of every folio of the G e t ty manuscr ipt was rubr ica ted by the roya l nota ry , o r
escribano
de cámara (c le rk
of the
k ing 's ch a mbe r ) , G e rón imo N úñez
de
León (see
p. 99, fig.
3) .
14
T he
G et ty manuscr ipt ne ver the less remained unp ubl ished for near ly three and a ha l f centur ies .
1 5
W e
co n jec tu r e t h a t
at
least
tw o
addi t iona l vers ions
of
M u r u a 's history (one prior
to the
G a lv i n,
one be tween th e G a lv i n and the G e t ty ) must have exis ted in manuscr ipt form. Most of the G a lv i n
manuscr ipt was probably copied (wi th only smal l changes) f rom a lost , shor te r vers ion submit ted
to the native lords (curaca) of Cuzco in 1590 or 1591 for their endorsement. We have called this lost
ma nusc r i p t
th e
"Cuzco" vers ion.
1 0
A t
least
one
lost manuscr ipt
can be
posi ted be tween
th e
G a lv i n
an d
th e
G e t t y , beca use
th e
extant vers ions differ
so
much f rom each o ther tha t
the two
scribes
who
ca l l igraphed
the
G e t t y ma nusc r i p t mus t h a ve
had
before
them
a
wr i t ten model tha t
in
s t ruc tu r e ,
content , and wording was much c loser to the G e t ty t h an to the G a lv i n in its latest an d most comple te
fo rm . W e h a ve summa r i z ed the lost inte rmedia ry (o r intermedia r ies) be tween th e G a lv i n and the
G e t ty by th e l e t te r X .
Th us , w e ca n iden t i fy the major editorial steps leading from the earl iest , lost Cuzco version to
the f ina l , extant G e t ty vers ion as i t appears today ( f ig . 2) . Mu rúa comp osed, res t ruc ture d , e xpand ed,
an d
rewrote
h is
history over
a
per iod tha t s t re tched f rom before
M ay
1590 (the da te
on the
current
t i t l e page of the G a lvin manusc r ipt ) th roug h au tum n 1615 ( the da te when M erced ar ian author i ties in
Madrid approved the G et ty manuscr ip t for publ ica t ion) . Or igina l ly devis ing h is pro jec t as a work in
three par ts fo l lowed by the Andean legend
(ficción)
of the shepherd Ac oi tapra and the
ñusta
(pr incess)
Chuqui l lanto ,
1 7
M urúa e xpand ed the Cuzco version wi th a four th par t , to which he la te r added a one-
page pro logue (copies of both e leme nts a re inc luded in the G a lvin manuscr ip t ) . In the G e t ty vers ion,
Mu rúa rev er ted to a t r ipa r t i te d ivis ion of h is now vast reper tory of h is tor ica l and e thnographic mate-
rials related
to
Inca
an d
S panish rule
in the
Andes . ( T heAcc i ón beca me
a
ch a p t e r
in
book i.)
T wo main l ines of evolution can be observed in
M u r ú a ' s
conceptua l iza t ion of h is work. F i rs t ,
th e
mater ia ls co l lec ted ( inc luding those taken f rom other authors) gradua l ly become more c lea r ly
classified as
either
e thnographic or h is tor iographie informat ion. Al though thoroughly rest ruc tured
an d
rewri t ten, Murua ' s e thnographic informat ion
o n
Inca governance , notable events ,
and prac t ices
1 8
and on And ean and Spanish c i ties remained qui te s table dur ing the successive t ransformat ions of h is
work. Second, and in cont rast , the h is tor ica l nar ra t iv e unde rwent fund ame nta l changes. H is t rea t -
ment
of the
Inca
e ra
evolved f rom
a
series
of
themat ic sweeps through Inca h is tory (book
i of the
G alvin manuscr ip t d ea ls wi th the kings [inca] and the queens [coya], book 2 wi th capta ins and nobles ,
book
3
wi th g overnance ,
an d
book
4
wi th c i t ies
a nd
resource s) into
th e
crea t ion
of a
single, integrated
M A K I N G O F M U R U A S H I S T O R I A G E N E R A L
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F I G .
3.
Letter
of
recommendation
(15 May
1596)
cal l igraphed by
G alvin Scribe
i and the
t i tle
in
M urua s hand
for the
expanded,
post-1598 G alvin manuscript, on the recto of a folio originally in the G alvin Mur úa ( for verso, see fig . 5) . F rom Mar t ín de M u r ú a ,
Historia general de l Piru 1616, M s. Ludwig X I I I 16 (83 .MP. i59) ,
fol
307v. Los Angeles, J. P au l G e t ty Museum
10
A D O R N O A N D B O S E R U P
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account that progresses in chronological sequence. For the Getty manuscript, Murúa
also
greatly
expanded his account and commentary on the Spanish conquest and colonial times, including a mod-
est
description
of
Mercedarian missionary activity.
The successive transformations of the main title of
Murua's
work confirm that its author con-
ceived it in an ever more grand and comprehensive manner. The title extant in the Galvin manuscript
(see
fig.
i)
is expanded, on a
folio
from the Galvin version later recycled in the Getty manuscript, to
Ystoria general e libro del origen y descendencia de los yucas señores deste reyno obscidental de l Piru (General
history and book on the origin and lineage of the Inca lords of this western kingdom of Peru) (fig. 3)
and f inal ly becomes, in the Getty version, nothing less than Historia general
d e l
Piru (General history
of
Peru) (see
p. 96, fig.
i).
With both
extant Murúa manuscripts finally accessible, in original or facsimile, they may now
be juxtaposed for their
d i f fe rences ,
such as those just mentioned, but also and
more
importantly for
continuities.
We can now
determine whether there
are
procedures
of
composition
and
emendation
that they share and inquire into how and when the making of one reveals
s ignif icant
aspects of the
construction of the other. Our aim in this
essay
is to understand such processes and to establish a
framework
for interpreting the material and conceptual evolution of
Murua's
history of Peru that
is
based on the documents themselves. To this end, we
will
examine the codicological evidence
available
in the Galvin and Getty manuscripts and also consider the role in
Murua's
work of Felipe
Guarnan Poma
de A y a la , th e
indigenous Andean artist
an d
author
of E l primer nueva
coronica
i buen
gobierno
(1615; The first new chronicle and good government).
The obvious point of departure for such an investigation is the path-breaking analysis of the
relation between the Galvin and Getty manuscripts carried out in 1979 by the distinguished Andeanist
John
Howland Rowe. Since 1958 or earl ier, he had at his disposition at least some parts of a photo-
graphic copy
of the
Getty manuscript,
19
and he had the
occasion, twenty years later,
to make two
crucia l discoveries. First, he ascertained that four of the
folios
pasted into the Getty manuscript, each
with a
fu l l -page ,
hand-colored drawing (one by an unidentified artist, three subsequently attributed
to
Guarnan Poma), once belonged
to the
Galvin manuscript. Second,
he
realized that
in his
edition
of
the Getty manuscript, Ballesteros had misrepresented the Galvin manuscript (then known only
through the Loyola copy) as "an early copy" of the Getty manuscript or "one based on Murua's pre-
liminary
notes."
20
On the
contrary, Rowe argued,
the
original
on
which
the
Loyola copy
was
based
was a complete and coherent earlier version of the
Historia
general and was illustrated by at least two
d i f fe ren t a r t i s t s .
2 1
Now, some twenty-five years later, the recently published
f acs imile
of the Galvin manuscript
makes
it
possible
to
reassess
a
number
of
earlier hypotheses
on
four major fronts:
the
relationship
between the Galvin and Getty manuscripts of
Murúa's
work; the extent of Guarnan Poma's contri-
bution to Murúa's work; the relationship between the Galvin version and Guarnan Poma's
Nueva
coronica;
and, in general terms, the relationship between Murúa and Guarnan Poma. All these issues
have long been the object of unverified commonplaces because scholars could not test
them
against
the manuscripts themselves. With the Galvin and Getty manuscripts to hand, it is possible to conduct
an inquiry based on evidence rather than speculation. In undertaking this study, we are aware of the
importance of
taking
into
account each
manuscript's
physical characteristics
as well as its
contents
both in pictures and in prose. There is an implicit danger in considering one dimension of these manu-
scripts to the exclusion of the others, for none alone can tell the whole story. The first instance of this
integrated approach
follows,
in our consideration o f folio 307 of the Getty Murúa (see f igs . 3 , 5) , a folio
that is at the center of all considerations of the relation between the Galvin and Getty manuscripts.
i.
Authenticity of the Letter by the Nat ive Lords
and the
Da te
of the G a lv in Manuscr ip t
A s already noted, four
folios
were moved from the Galvin to the Getty manuscript so that the draw-
ing on the verso of each Galvin
folio
could serve as an illustration in its new setting. The prose text
on the recto of each Galvin
folio,
having no relation to the drawing or the narrative of the Getty
manuscript,
was
canceled with
a few pen
strokes.
It had
been
Murua's
intention that these
folios be
pasted onto blank pages
in the
Getty manuscript
to
serve
as
illustrations
to
chapters
38 (folio
79),
41
(folio 84), and 43
(folio
89) of book i and to the title page of book 3
(folio
307). Eventually, however,
M A K I N G O F M U R U A ' S HISTORIA GENERAL
11
8/18/2019 Historia General Del Perú - Martín de Murúa
21/198
they were inser ted as separate
folios,
tipped to an
adjacent folio
at the gutter , such that they followed
the existing blank verso rather than being pasted down on it. In consequence of this technical error ,
whereby versos intended to remain versos became rectos, and rectos that should have been obscured
became visible versos, th e la t ter had to be pasted over wi th additional blank folios. In 1979, th e anti-
quar ian H . P .
Kraus,
probably ac t ing on Rowe 's advice , had the pas ted-over b lank folios soaked
off
while the manuscript was in his possession. Rowe readily
identif ied
the texts thus revealed as belong-
ing to the G a lv in manusc r ip t .
The obscured recto of one of these folios, G e t t y folio 30/v , contains two short texts inscribed by
di f fe rent
hands (see f ig. 3) . The text at the top is a copy of a letter commending Murua's history; the
o ther is the t i t le quoted above . T oday, one can easily
identify
th e hands, r espec t ive ly , a s G alvin Scr ibe
i
an d
Mur�
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