『地域政策研究』（高崎経済大学地域政策学会）　第 20 巻　第２号　2017年11月　95頁～ 114頁

Relationships among the Hindu Gods

Consideration of Spatial Structure, Myth, and Religious Practicein Chidambaram, South India

Mayumi IIZUKA

ABSTRACT

　This paper aims to examine the relationship among Hindu gods in terms of spatial structure,

myth, and religious practice in Chidambaram, South India. Anthropologists have focused on

human purity, style of spirit possession, intimacy and hierarchy in the kinship among gods, and

variation of avatar to classify Hindu pagan gods. The relationships among gods are refl ected in

the architecture and spatial structure. However, those researches conducted only in village areas

are not enough to analyze temple towns with more complicated structure. This paper tries to see

spatial structure of architectures, myths handed down in temples and religious practice, with the

assumption in mind that relationship among gods may be more complicated in towns, to discuss

the relationship among these factors from a comprehensive perspective. And then the paper also

tries to see the relationship among gods in Chidambaram by focusing on the gaps rather than

consistency of the above three factors.

　Chapter two describes the spatial structure of temples and the town. Gods are

methodologically placed from the center to the periphery based on the transcendental

perspective. The intimacy of kinship among gods is actualized in the arrangement with Nataraja,

the main deity as starting point of the centripetal spatial structure.

　Chapter three focuses on the myths related to the spatial structure and examines three myths.

The paper shows that the characters and places related to these myths are embodied as

individual temple and that the temples lack of ritual relationship because rituals and festivals are

performed by respective temples. The spatial structure diff ers from the myths.

　Chapter four makes an analysis of the religious practice observed in Nataraja temple and

Goddess temples of Chidambaram by focusing on diff erences in Diskshitar’s religious practice

between the temples and illustrates the superiority of Dikshtiar and the hierarchy of gods.

　In conclusion, the paper discusses the gaps in the spatial structure, myth and religious

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practice. They are not always consistent with each other unlike the case in villages, which shows

multilayered nature of a Hindu temple town.

Ⅰ．Introduction

This paper examines relationships among Hindu gods in terms of the spatial structure, myth,

and religious practices in the Hindu temple town of Tamil Nadu in South India. I focus on

Chidambaram, where Nataraja temple, an ancient iva temple, can be found in the middle of the

town.1

Figure 1. Map［Tanaka 1993: 121］

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Hindu gods manifest with various names. The same god is not only called diff erent names in

diff erent regions, but also has a diff erent personality depending on its name. For example, though

Bhairava is considered the angry face of iva, one story says that he is a son of iva. Moreover,

each god has gender and shows his/her emotions like a human being. Fuller [2004(1992): 30]

called this feature of Hinduism “fl uidity,” one of the characteristics of Hindu polytheism; there is

also “permeability,” which means the absolute distinction between gods and human beings

vanishes during rituals.

Anthropologists have tried to classify the seemingly chaotic Hindu pantheon. For example,

Harper [1959, 1964] focused on the pureness of human beings who contact the gods and the

style of possessions. He divided village gods into three types: devaru, Sanskrit-origin gods; devate,

local and indigenous gods; and devva, demonic gods. A devaru is a supreme deity who controls

the fate of the world and human beings. Human beings worship him only after purifi cation and a

vegetarian priest conducts rituals for him. Although a devate is a guardian deity who protects not

only human beings but also animals, his personality is ambiguous. He causes disasters or

plagues, and animal sacrifi ces are off ered to him. A devva is an evil spirit who consistently roams

around. They are situated in an inferior position and are considered impure.

Dumon [1986: 395, 402] also classified relationships between human beings and gods

according to the purity of the clergy and possessions. He pointed out that the ideology of purity

and impurity, which informs the caste hierarchy of human beings, also defi nes the structure of

the pantheon. For example, an indigenous god for whom a local non-Brahman priest conducts

rituals is always ranked lower than a supreme god for whom a Brahman priest does, and remains

in a subordinate position as a protector. The worship of gods represents the social order and was

thus informed by India’s caste society. Also, possessions by gods take place only in the lower

temple where local gods are worshiped. Moreover, he argued that the intimacy and hierarchy

among gods is informed by kinship, including couple, sibling, and parent-child relationships. He

indicated that male-female pair gods are enshrined as couples in the vegetarian pantheon

(off ered only fruits and vegetables) where the higher-caste Brahman perform pūjā, whereas non-

vegetarian gods (off ered animal sacrifi ces) are interrelated as siblings.

In addition, Tanaka [1990] focused on the avatars of gods. He explored the participation and

inclusion of Hindu ideology by looking at its variations. For example, male gods with a fi erce

character are all avatars of iva, and all goddesses individually manifest as iva’s spouses. The

other gods are interrelated based on the aff erent power of a centrical deity.

Such relationships among gods are reflected in spatial and architectural structures. Dumont

[1986: 403] focused on azimuth orientations. He noted that the high deity is a guest from the

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north, while lower gods are always located in the south and are devoted to serving guests from

the north. Harper [1959] pointed out that ritual sites differ depending on the deity, such as

dēvasthāna for devaru, gudi for devate, and no shrine for evil spirits. Tanaka [1990: 106]

described spatial cognition, considering an exorcism ceremony as being performed on the

boundary between the sacred and mundane worlds.

However, since the previous studies targeted village areas with simple structures, the above

explanations are insuffi cient for a temple town, which has a more complicated one. So, I will bear

in mind that relationships among gods are more complicated in towns and examine not only the

spatial layout of the architectural structure, but also god myths and religious practices from a

more comprehensive viewpoint. I will refer to Tanaka’s argument that the character of gods is

context-dependent and varies based on the ritual condition and social status. Also, I will focus on

both consistency in the above triangular relationships and misalignment.

First, I will describe how the ancient architectural texts infl uenced the layout and arrangement

of shrines inside temple precincts and explore the outline of the spatial structures of towns and

temples in architectural terms. Then, I will examine temple myths related to the spatial structure.

Moreover, I will consider the relationships among gods from the perspective of the different

religious practices of Dikshitar priests related to a goddess festival held in Chidambaram. Finally,

I will clarify how purity/impurity in Hinduism and the gender differences among gods are

represented in spatial structures and religious practices.

Ⅱ．Spatial structures of towns and temples in terms of the Vāstu āstra

Some of the Silpa āstra, which describe the basic idea of fi gurative art, deal with architecture

and city planning; they are called the Vāstu āstra. Typical examples are “Mayamata” and

“Mānasāra,” written in the 6th to 7th centuries in South India. Temples are constructed in order

to project the macrocosms where gods govern onto the microcosms where humans live. The

Vāstu āstra are a kind of manual for that. I will clarify the special structure of Nataraja temple

and Chidambaram by referencing these architectural books.

(1) Main shrine

First, I will describe Ci sabhā, the main shrine of Nataraja temple where the influence of the

Vāstu āstra is observed most clearly. According to the lore, Ci sabhā was built for Ānanda

Tān・d・ava, iva’s cosmic dance, by Vismakarma, a sacred architect, under the instruction of Indra.

It corresponds to the heart if one compares the main shrine to the body diagram of a primitive

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Figure 2-1. Nataraja Temple［Tanaka 1993: 122］

⑨

⑪

⑧

⑬⑩

⑫

④

⑭

①

②⑤

③

⑦

⑥

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Figure 2-2. Archtectures around Main Shrine［Tanaka 1993: 123］

㉕

㉘

㉗

㉖

35

㉓

㉙

㉚

⑮

㉔ 33

34

32

㉛

36

㉑⑱⑲ ⑳ ⑯

⑰㉒

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man called Purus・a, found in the Vāstu purus・a Mandala. The Nataraja statue is situated at the

center, his consort, Pārvatī, to his left, and an empty seat called Chidambaram Rahasya to the

right, inside the main shrine. In addition, the number of roof tiles (21,600) matches the number

of breaths per day for a human being and the number of hooks (72,000) to hold the roof tiles

represents the number of nād・i. The number of kumpam, pinnacles on the roof, represent the

nine holes of the human body, and the 98 lattices on the wall between the main shrine and the

hall of worship represent the number of tattva or human functions. Moreover, the five silver

steps between them signify the Mūla Mantra, “Na Ma Si Va Ya,” and simultaneously correspond

to the fi ve pīt・ha, the seats of Brahma, Vis・n・u, Rudra, Mahē vera, and Sada iva. Then, the 64 balks

indicate the 64 arts such as dance and music, and the 28 pillars the number of sacred texts

called Āgama. Since the sacred texts and sūtras are considered symbols of ancient Hindu history

and wisdom, in this way, the Cit・sabhā can be considered a hall of wisdom. Though these features

Figure.3 Chidambaram Street Map

T i l l a i K a－ l ī a mm a n T em p l e

Ma－n・ikkava－cakar parnacalai

Kirtel Ma－riamman Temple

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were not based on the Vāstu āstra, every detail of the architectural structure of Cit・sabhā creates

a sacred space by utilizing numbers of sacred derivation.

(2) Structures inside the temple grounds

Next, I will describe the architecture around the main shrine. The worship hall, called

Kanakasabhā, is located directly south of Ci sabhā. Besides various daily rituals, Mahā abhi eka is

performed here six times a year, facing the main deity. Gods like Sūrya (a sun god), Chandra (a

moon god), and Gane a and Subraman・ya (sons of iva) line up around Cit・sabhā and Kanakasabhā

in the fi rst cloister. After passing the Navagraha (the nine planetary gods) and Dēva Sabhā (an

enshrined festival deity), there are a kitchen, where various offerings are cooked, to the east,

N ttasabhā, and a goddess temple for Lakshmi along the second cloister. Mulastana temple,

which enshrines iva lingam, is located to the north and 63 nāya mar, iva saint poets, and one

of iva’s incarnations, Daksinamūrti, surround it. Then there is Yāga ālā, a room for performing

the fire ritual (homa) during the annual festival. In the outer precincts, one can see not only

Rājasabhā, a hall which has 1,000 pillars and artificial water tanks called ivagangā, but also

Figure 4. Nataraja

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various iva’s family gods enshrined in independent temples, such as ivakamasundarī temple

for iva’s wife and Pān・d・ya Nāyaka temple for iva’s second son.2 However, it is diffi cult to fi nd a

consistent rule for the layout of the precincts, except for the concentric structure of the cloisters

focusing on Cit・sabhā. As the architectural historian Fergusson [1891] pointed out, it is

appropriate that this temple has expanded its scale with the support of kings and authorities

since the tenth century.

(3) Town structure

The concentric street formation and plotting are characteristic of the town structure in

Chidambaram. The architecture and streets are arranged in a concentric pattern around the main

shrine of Nataraja temple. This is a typical structure observed in relatively large Hindu temple

towns.3 It embodies the ancient Indian concentric cosmology of Melu mountain. The town

development process written about in the Vāstu āstra indicates that the habitation area

gradually spreads out from the temple. In the case of Chidambaram, the space surrounding the

second cloister is located in the main architecture of Nataraja temple, the third cloister is its

outer precinct, and the fourth cloister corresponds to a fruit garden between the inside and

outside walls. Moreover, the four big streets (vīti) around the temple can be considered as the

fi fth cloister. These four cloisters and the temple precinct are connected by four cannati, which

are short streets that extend from the four temple entrance towers (gopuram).

Next, I will describe the street formation. Though there are some basic patterns for temple

towns, Nandyavarta’s pattern corresponds to Chidambaram. Nandyavarta means a frog. This

structure is also concentric and consists of four hierarchically segregated areas. The innermost

area represents brahma, dēva (gods), and manusya (humans), and the outermost pi āca (devils).

Regarding the residential pattern, the habitat’s segregation is based on the social hierarchy and

is connected with not just each azimuth’s direction but also with the zone structure. The

residential zone of the higher caste is located around the temple and the other is located

concentrically according to hierarchy. The residential pattern in Chidambaram also follows the

above pattern. The area around Nataraja temple and the four streets are allotted for the

residences of the temple priests, the Dikshitar. In the next outer zone, iva or Vishu devotees

such as the other Brahmin, Chettiyar, Pillai, and Naidu reside separately.4

Ⅲ．Myths This chapter deals with three myths related to Chidambaram.

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(1) Dance competition between iva and Kālī

The goddess Kālī’s temple was surrounded by a jungle of Tillai trees5 before the establishment

of Nataraja temple in Chidambaram. Two saints, Patanjali, who had snake legs, and Vyāghravāda,

who had a tiger’s foot, performed ascetic practices (tapas) and prayed to watch iva’s dance in

Tillai forest. Their sincere tapas moved iva’s heart and he came himself to the forest to perform

his cosmic dance. Then, the goddess Kālī proposed a dance competition. iva and Kālī danced in

front of Patanjali, Vyāghravāda, and Vishnu. Their dance techniques were almost equal, so it was

diffi cult to decide a winner. Finally, iva defeated Kālī. He raised his right leg high toward the sky

(ūrdhvatāndava) on Vishnu’s advice. Kālī could not perform this pose because of her sense of

feminine shame. She admitted defeat. Then she gave her temple to iva and left for the boundary

of Tillai forest. After bathing in a ivapriya tank located along the northern boundary and praying

for iva, the goddess Camundisvari, who has a gentle disposition, left the furious Kālī. According

to oral tradition, Kālī sat with anger in the northern tank because she had to leave her own

temple. The god Brahmā moderated her anger by chanting four sacred Vēdas. In tribute to this

story, the goddess Camundisvari is depicted in a four-faced form called Brahmacamundisvari.

Then, she started to perform ascetic practices in the hope of being united with iva [Shulman

1980].

Now, I will explain how the above myth is connected with the temple and town layouts. First, the

main shrine, Citsabhā, is the stage where iva performed the cosmic dance. Nataraja temple is

very unique because the main deity is enshrined as a statute of the dancing iva, Nataraja.

Usually, the iva lingam, which illustrates the power of iva, is enshrined in the center of a iva

temple. Moreover, Govindaraja Perumal temple was built just to the southwest of the main shrine.

Ranganathan, a statue of the god Vishnu sleeping while lying down, is usually enshrined with his

head located in the north looking south; but here, he is enshrined with his head located to the

south and his face toward Nataraja in the north because he watches iva’s cosmic dance as a part

of the audience. It is uncommon for two temples belonging to diff erent iva and Vishnu cults to

be built so close together. Then there is the stage called Nritta Sabhā, where the dance contest

between iva and Kālī was held. It was called etirambaram in Tamil, according to the temple

epigraphy, because it is located directly to the south of the main shrine. The image of iva

trampling Kālī with his left foot and raising his right leg high (ūrdhvatāndava) is enshrined in the

mid-west in the Nrittasabhā.

Outside of the temple’s premises, the ivapriya tank where Kālī took her ritual bath is located on

the northern boundary of the town. Tillai Kālī temple was built next to this tank. Kālī, ousted from

the center of Tillai after her defeat, was enshrined in the east as Bhadrakālī with her red angry

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face facing east. On the other hand, Camundisvari, with a gentle face created by Brahmā’s

chanting, is enshrined in the center with her face toward the west.

Now I will discuss two saints. Vyākrapāda is said to have built Illamaiyakkinar temple with the

big tank and performed a ritual there. It is located one kilometer west of Nataraja temple. Local

devotees worshipped this temple and still remain active. The other saint, Patanjali, is enshrined

at Ananthishvara temple. It is located on the west boundary of the town. Carvings of these saints

can be found on the doors of the worship halls and so on. It is said that iva performed a cosmic

dance on Pūsam Nakshatra in the month of Tai. The statues of Patanjali, Vyāghrapāda, and

another saint called Jaimini are loaded onto palanquins and taken on a procession through the

second cloister for nine days. Three silver sticks, which possess the power of the three saints, are

used to perform abhis・ēka (pouring of libations) and a special ritual on the tenth day.

(2) Hymn of Mān・ikkavācakar

Mā ikkavācakar was one of the famous Tamil bhakti6 poets in the ninth century. Chidambaram

is known as his fi nal residence. He built iva lingam on the crow’s nest in the forest and sang

Tiruvāsakam, a devotional song for iva. iva heard this rumor and came to listen to his song

disguised as a human. Then iva vanished into thin air.

There is a temple where Mān・ikkavācakar sang devotional songs.7 It is located behind Vengaiyan

street between Natararaja temple and Tillai Kālī temple. The temple enshrines the ātomanāda

lingam worshipped by Mān・ikkavācakar.8

(3) The myth of the goddess Pārvatī

iva’s wife, Pārvatī, was born on Earth as daughter to the childless Pān・d・iya king Parvadarājā.

She yearned only for iva and performed ascetic practices from childhood in the hope of uniting

with him. iva confi rmed her mind was without deceit and married her. One day, Pārvatī was

called by her father because he planned to perform a fi re ritual (homa) in his palace. However,

iva was not invited. He fought in anger with Pārvatī and commanded her not to go to her father’

s palace, because her father did not show him respect. She was burned by the fi re of iva’s anger.

Then she was born again on the Earth as a daughter of a fi sherman and reunited with iva.

Pārvatī is independently enshrined in ivakāmasundarī temple on the premises of Nataraja

temple. This temple’s name means “goddess who hopes of uniting with iva.” On the other hand,

it is said that Pārvatī, who was reborn as a fi sherman’s daughter, grew up in a fi shing village

called Killai, about 10 km northeast of Chidambaram.

I have explained the spatial structure of Chidambaram in terms of a certain myth. The characters

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related to iva’s dance, such as Vishnu, saints, and Kālī, are embodied in the temple and town.

iva’s victory is reinforced by Kālī’s location on the border of the town. Moreover, a gender

diff erence can be seen between the male god in the center and the female goddess on the border.

Though ivakāmasundarī temple is located on the premises of Nataraja temple and the same

Dikshitar priests perform pūjā, its architecture is independent.

Ⅳ．Religious practices This chapter focuses on the religious practices of the Dikshitar, the exclusive priest community

of Nataraja temple. It is said that the Dikshitar came to Chidambaram from northern India with

iva to perform holy rituals. Even now they have the privilege of managing the temple rituals

based on their unique traditions and customs. They formed an idiosyncratic community in

Chidambaram. In this section, I will deal with three religious practices: fi rst are the daily worship

activities and grand festival in the main shrine of Nataraja temple; second is the festival of

ivakāmasundarī temple on the same temple premises; and third is a festival of the goddess

temple in the town. While considering these examples, I will clarify the differences in the

Dikshitar’s attitude toward the gods, especially between Nataraja temple and the other temples.

(1) Worship at Nataraja temple

First, this chapter will explain the daily ceremonies in the main shrine, Citsabhā. Every day kala

pūjā9 is performed six times to pray for the development and peace of the world. Though there

are no profound diff erences among these ceremonies, the most important one is the Rahasya

pūjā, which is performed at the second ceremony in the evening. It is said that 360,000,000

gods gather from all over the world at this time. The Rajashya pūjā aim to express our

appreciation and welcome them. Then, iva is carried to the bed chamber where the goddess

waits for him and they spend a night after the last ceremony [Tanaka 2007]. In the case of the

other temples on the premises of Nataraja temple, pūjā are performed two times each morning

and evening at the ivakāmasundarī, Pān・d・inayaka, and Mūlastāna temples, and one time each at

the other temples.

Here I will mention the boundary of the worship space around Citsabhā. Entry to Citsabhā is

limited to Dikshitar priests. Moreover, the priest who performs pūjā for the main deity, Nataraja,

has to pay special attention to his purity.10 The lay devotees are permitted to enter Kanakasabhā

under the condition that male devotees remove all clothes from their upper body. Since a

menstruating woman is taken as impure, she cannot enter the temple’s premises.

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(2) Main festival at Nataraja temple

Brahmastova, held in the month of Mārkali (mid-December to mid-January), is the grandest

festival at Nataraja temple. It begins with a fl ag hoisting ceremony, kotiyerram, to Mahā abhi ēka

and Ārdrā Dar ana11 on the 10th day; it is held in the thousand-pillar hall. Brahmastova is held in

the month of Āni (mid-June to mid-July). However, the former seems to be the more important

festival. This is for the following two reasons. First, a ceremony related to Mā・ikkavācakar is

performed. The statue of Mān・ikkavācakar is carried to the front of the main shrine and a special

singer called an ordubar sings 21 ritual songs composed by Mān・ikkavācakar at 6 o’clock every

evening. The procession of the god statue is held twice a day during Brahmastova. The

Mān・ikkavācakar statue is taken around four streets every morning while he leads from the front

of panca mūrti12 and get his eyes on iva. All festival floats and decorations for the god are

changed every evening, so the evening procession is more splendid. Second, fishermen from

Killai village off er special wedding gifts called cītanam to Nataraja on the ninth day during the

procession along the north street. Processions along the four streets can be observed during the

Figure 5. Digmandala

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festival of not only Nataraja temple but also smaller goddess temples in the town. (Dedicated

devotees walk the four streets with god statues during the festival term. This religious practice is

called pradakshina, which means going around the temple’s sacred area clockwise.) During the

procession, the Nataraja statue never leaves the streets. These streets can correspond to the

boundary of the above-mentioned dēva and manusya. On the day prior to Brahmastova, Cavun・t・i

Brahman set fi re to a 15-cm-diameter rope knitted with palm leaves and walk around the four

streets with it. This is a ritual to purify the passageway of the gods [Tanaka 1998]. Moreover,

Digmandala, which is a ritual for the god of the eight directions, is performed on the fi rst day of

the festival. It refers to the vāstu mandala, in which a god is arranged in a square grid. Bali, small

rice balls, are off ered to the gods who control the main eight directions. A mandala is a pattern

diagram of the macrocosm where the gods live. To project it onto the town structure as a

microcosm where human beings live is to translate a chaotic place into an orderly cosmos for

peace in the architecture of a town.

(3) Festival in ivakāmasundarī temple

ivakāmasundarī temple is a so-called Amman kōil, which means goddess temple. This temple

independently celebrates the fi rst menstruation, ascetic practices, and marriage of the goddess in

the month of Aippasi (mid-October to mid-November). The structure of the festival is not so

diff erent from the above-mentioned Brahmastova. It is thought that the goddess began her fi rst

menstrual period on the tenth day, so on this day a beautifully decorated goddess statue has an

audience with iva in the main shrine. Next, she is carried through the second cloister and the

four streets. She is offered many gifts and votive candles by Dikshitar family members and

sundal, a snack made of beans, is distributed as prasāda during her procession [Tanaka 1998].

The wedding ceremony called Tirumāla Utsavam is conducted on the eleventh day. The goddess

is taken around the four streets in the morning after abhi ēka in her temple and takes rest in a

madam (pilgrim hostel) located in the northeast of the town. It is said that she performs her

ascetic practice there. Her procession starts from the madam in the evening and meets with iva,

who comes from the main shrine via the eastern street. They exchange fl ower garlands in the

east cannati between the east temple gate and east street. The eastern can・n・ati is overwhelmed

by many Dikshitar couples. Musicians stand in the center. Dikshitar males line up on iva’s side

and females on the goddess’ side to watch the garland exchange ceremony. Then both are carried

to the premises of Nataraja temple to ride a swing (uncal). Festival priests twiddle red balls,

paccai pati, which are made of rice and beans, on the heads of the god and goddess then throw

them behind the swing. This ritual prevents evil eyes from attacking the bride and groom during

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the wedding.13 Then they are carried to a special stage in front of Dēvasabhā. The goddess off ers

many fruits, vegetables, and clothes to iva as wedding gifts. The goddess receives a necklace

called a tāli as proof of the marriage.

(4) Festival in the town

There are less than 30 goddess temples, which vary in scale, in Chidambaram. Most of them

enshrine a local Tamil goddess called Māriamman. The goddess is strongly connected with the

local land and territory. This stands in contrast to a male Hindu god like iva, who is related to

the cosmos and heaven. Therefore, she manages the fertility of the land and plays the role of

guardian god of the town. It is clear that many goddess temples are located around the border of

the town. These temples usually contain a statue of a snake god (nākam) and a big tree or anthill.

These kinds of natural object are targets of worship, too [Shulman 1980]. The festival held in

Kirutelmāriamman temple, which is the biggest goddess festival in Chidambaram, will be

examined next. A fl ag hoisting ceremony is performed on the fi rst Friday evening of the moth of

Āti.14 The festival starts on this day and continues for 13 days. A beautifully decorated god statue

is taken in procession on a fl oat around the temple after pūjā. The route of the procession diff ers

day by day. A specially decorated fl oat̶such as a tērvataiccan15 (gopuram shape) on the fi fth

day, palak (vehicle of an ancient king) on the ninth day, and tēr (large fl oat) on the tenth day̶

goes around the four street in the center of the town. The tēr stops in the middle of the eastern

streeton the tenth day and the goddess receives neivedya16 from Nataraja temple and a Dikshitar

priest performs ārati for Māriamman. The main event of this festival is a fi re-walking ritual called

Photo 1. Festival Procession of Kirtelmāriamman in East Car Street

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tīmiti. Many devotees circumambulate around the temple to express their faith from the early

morning; this is called pradakshina. While they participate in this ritual, they forgo non-

vegetarian foods, keep their bodies clean, and wear clothes that have been dipped in turmeric

water (mancal tannīr). Then, ritual sacrifi ces take place, including padai (carrying devotees on a

board like a stretcher), angapradakshina (circumambulating by rolling on the floor), alaku

(sticking small pins in the body), cedal (hook hanging), and carrying kāvat・i (burdens) and an ural

(grindstone). Not only human beings but also domestic animals like cows and goats have yellow

turmeric powder put on their foreheads and circumambulate with their owners. Many ceramic

dolls (kanikai) are sold around the temple. These are off ered to the goddess in the hope she will

cure diseases and injuries. Women dancing in a trancelike state can be seen in the evening.

Devotees perform fi re-walking while looking at the goddess statue one after another. Devotees

pour turmeric water over each other on the last day. In the end, a ritual pot (kalacam) is carried

to the temple and the festival fl ag is hauled down. Some devotees dance pūkuratti17 and form a

circle on the street late into the night.

　I will now discuss the diff erences between the religious practices of the Dikshitar and those of

the lay people. Differentiation, involvement, and superiority are discussed in terms of the

relationship between the Dikshitar and the other temples.

First, I will explain the diff erentiation. Basically, Dikshitars deny any ritual relationship with the

other temples because of the diff erences in the ritual method. They perform rituals following the

sacred Vēda, but the priests at other temples follow Āgama, and both are considered to be

mutually exclusive. For example, as mentioned in chapter 2, Kālī is connected with the myth of

Nataraja temple and the dancing stage constitutes one of the main architectural features of the

temple structure. However, the dance contest between iva and Kālī is not expressed as a

religious ceremony. On the other hand, the saints, as the audience, have the opportunity to be

celebrated during the Tai Pūsam festival. The festival of Tillai Kālī temple is held in the month of

Vaikāci (mid-May to mid-June), but iva and Kālī never meet during it, and it is ritually

independent from Nataraja temple’s. It is independent even though the Mān・ikkavācakar statue

used during Brahmastova also belongs to Nataraja temple.

Second, I will explain the Dikshitar’s participation alongside other temples. It is to be noted that

their participation is limited as long as they can ritually dominate the festivities. There are some

goddess temples whose processions wind around the streets. There are goddess temples where

the Dikshitar are asked to perform pūjā. Nataraja temple devotes off erings to Kirtelmāriamman

and mandakappadi to show respect to the gods during its festival. Though ritual sacrifi ces such

as hook-hanging and fi re-walking can be observed at many goddess temples, the Dikshitar can

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rarely be found there. In exceptional cases, one can find some Dikshitar who perform

pradakshina or fi re-walking during the Kirtelmāriamman temple festival. Then, the families of the

Dikshitar perform madi piccai there before their domestic rituals. This is a pre-ritual to pray for a

ritual without any mishaps. They visit this temple when they have the chickenpox. In this way,

the superiority of Kirutelmāriamman temple can be seen.

Third, I will consider the ritual superiority of the Dikshitar. Non-Brahman priests manage

Kirtelmāriamman temple by heredity. As mentioned above, mandakappadi18 is performed not by

the priest of Kirtelmariamman temple but a Dikshitar priest on the tenth day of the festival. The

higher position of the priest is noticeable here.

Moreover, ivakāmasundarī temple is treated as a special goddess temple. Only the goddess of

this temple can be ritually united with iva. Also, many Dikshitar weddings are performed on the

premises of ivakāmasundarī temple. Vilakku pūjā (worship of the lamp) is performed on the

evening of Āti Velli (Friday in the month of Āti) by a Dikshitar’s wife to pray for the health and

long life of her husband and family.

Ⅴ．Discussion The purpose of this article was to examine the relationships among Hindu gods in terms of the

spatial structure, myths, and religious practices in Chidambaram, South India. I tried to

understand their relationships in the town’s context by focusing on the gaps between them

rather than the consistencies. This was because I think such stratifi ed relationships among gods

are characteristics of towns.

Photo 2. Villaku Pūjā

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First, the concentric structure of the temple cloisters and streets embodies the ideal of the

ancient architectural text the Vāstu āstra. The gods are ordered from the center to the periphery

from a transcendental perspective. A marital partner is placed in the temple grounds, while

dangerous single goddesses are segregated to the border. The intimacy of kinship among gods

[Dumont 1986] actualizes the arrangement, with Nataraja as its starting point in the centripetal

spatial structure.

Next, the characters and places connected with these myths materialize as individualized

temples. On the other hand, the lack of ritual relationships can be seen by the separate festivals

at each temple. Here, a gap between spatial structure and myth appears.

In the relationship among the temples on the premises of Nataraja temple, the largest number

of daily rituals is performed at the main shrine, and votive candles for the goddess are certainly

delivered after the main shrine, at 8 o’clock. Such a temporal gap shows the obvious hierarchy

among the temples, centering on Citsabhā, on the premises. However, ritual performances there

are limited to Dikshitar priests and are completed by them.

Regarding the relationship with goddesses, ivakāmasundarī is identified with Pārvatī, a

goddess who married iva. However, she has her own independent temple on the premises of

Nataraja temple. Kālī, a goddess with a dangerous and offensive character, is located on the

northern border. These cases show diff erentiation based on gender, which is used to control the

power of the goddesses and focus it in the proper direction. Lots of Māriamman temples are also

located on the periphery and have no ritual ties with the Dikshitar, except for Kirtelmāriamman

temple.

A Dikshitar once said “Nataraja is a so-called king among gods in Chidambaram and Mariamman

is just a guardian. So, it is no doubt that Dikshitars who serve Nataraja have the right to perform

pūjā in every temple in Chidambaram19.” From this statement, it is apparent that a hierarchy

exists among the gods.

Moreover, there are cases where Dikshitars visit Māriamman temple for worldly prayers, such

as prayers to cure diseases and injuries and for success in rituals (madi piccai). This diff ers from

the pūjā at Nataraja temple. These are transcendent prayers and are performed to show

appreciation for gods all over the world. The dual ritual relationship exists because of the

difference in worship methods, which shows their tendency to differentiate from the other

temples as priests of a key temple in the town. Therefore, the relationship between Nataraja

temple and the other temples is hierarchical. Religious practices by the Dikshitar intended to

deny such a relationship can be observed. On the other hand, the Dikshitar can worship at

Māriamman temple if they have worldly motivations. People belonging to other castes can also

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participate in Brahmastova, like fishermen from Killai village. Though not mentioned in this

article, the other caste, the Segunda mudaliyar, participate in the Kanta Sas・t・i festival at Vīra

Subramania temple on the premises of Nataraja temple. However, this participation does not

change the superiority of the Dikshitar and Nataraja temple. This is because of the hierarchical

division where Nataraja temple deals with the peace of the cosmos and society, while Māriamman

temple deals with personal interests.

Ⅵ．Conclusion Based on the Vāstu āstra, the temple and Chidambaram itself are ordered from the center to

the periphery from a transcendent viewpoint. However, the myth is narrative even if Hindu gods

are the main characters. So, its structure takes a chronological order. For example, devotees

relive the myth while they exit the northern gate of Nataraja temple and move to Tillai Kālī

temple. Though the characters in the myth are spatially arranged in the town, its structure takes

a chronological order, rather than a transcendental one. Both the transcendental tendency and

the embodiment can be seen in the religious practices. Digmandala and the festival procession

can be said to confi rm this transcendental order. On the other hand, the rituals, such as the fi re-

walking observed as part of the Māriamman festival, are embodied practices that indicate direct

communication with the gods. This article examined relationships among the Hindu gods in

terms of spatial structure, myths, and religious practices in the case of the Hindu temple town

Chidambaram. It diff ers from a village in that a town does not always show consistency among

the above three elements. They can be unique features of a Hindu town’s society. Superfi cially

simple village gods may appear in more complex relationships if one considers not only religious

practices but also myths and spatial structures in a comprehensive way.

（いいづか　まゆみ・高崎経済大学地域科学研究所特定研究員）

Postscript This is the revised version of a paper titled ‘Ku－kankouzou, Shinwa, Shu－kyouzissen kara miru

Hindu kamigami no kankeisei: Minami-Indo Chidambaram no zirei wo megutte’ published in

Ronshu No.37 (2010: 116-138). This study was partly supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant

Number 11 J03564 and Sumitomo Life “MIRAI wo TSUYOKUSURU KOSODATE PROJECT”.

Note1 This paper is based on fi eld research conducted in Chidambaram, Tamil Nadu, between February 2007 and January 2008, as well as between July and November 2010. Tamil words written in Roman characters are derived from the Tamil Lexicon by Madras University.

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2 Dikshitar priests perform pūjā at all temples enshrined in the precincts except Govindaraja temple and Lakshmi Goddess temple, which are managed by Vaishnavi Brahman.

3 Similar patterns can be found in Thirvannamalai, Madurai, and Srirangam in Tamil Nadu.4 In the present town structure, there informally exists a residential compartmentalization according to caste community, especially among the Brahmin caste. However, the town structure is shifting away from religious compartmentalization, and mixed settlements have increased as a result of higher education, improved economic power, and remittance from diaspora family members settled in foreign countries. More details in Iizuka [2015].

5 A tillai tree is a mangrove tree.6 Bhakti means devotion to God, piety, and intimacy.7 It is said that he sang 650 Tiruvācakam and 400 Tirukkovaiyār.8 This temple is called Mā ikkavācakar parnacālai, which means Mā ikkavācakar’s hut.9 A kala pūjā consists six pūjās, as follows: Kālācanti (6:30 am), Īrāntamkālam (10:30 am), Uccikālam (12:00 am), Cāyaratcai (6:00 pm), and Ī āntamkāla (8:00 pm). Refer to Tanaka [2007] for more details on the altarage off ered during each worship period.

10 Even a family member of the Dikshitar cannot touch him directly as that would violate his purity and could negatively aff ect the holy ritual.

11 Ārdrā Dar ana means worshiping Nataraja on the special day called Ārdrā nakshatra.12 This indicates fi ve statues of gods: iva, Pārvatī, Gane a, Subramanya, and Candra.13 The same ritual can be seen at a Dikshitar’s wedding.14 Evening and night hours after 6 o’clock are considered as the time of a goddess named Sayaraksha.15 Tērvataiccan means big size̶as wide as a road in Tamil and as tall as a three-story building.16 Food off ered to a Hindu deity.17 Both women and men wear revealing clothes and dance in pairs. This dance is called pūkuratti after the ethnic clothes of the Kuravar tribe.

18 Mandakappadi is performed on the last day of the Tillai Kālī temple festival during the month of Vaikāci on the same eastern street.

19 This is the answer to my question about why Dikshitar perform ārati in mandakappadi for Mariamman.

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