122 · 122 Історія мистецтва ... кож переноситься в архітектуру синагог Венеції, про що свідчать восьмикутні

№ 3122Історія мистецтва

Рецензент статті: Соколюк Л. Д., доктор мистецтвознавства, професор, Харківська державна академія дизайну і мистецтв

Стаття надійшла до редакції 28.04.2017

UDC 75.046.3 : 726(4)

Kotlyar E.

Kharkiv State Academy of Design and Arts

THE IMAGE OF THE JERUSALEM

TEMPLE IN CHRISTIAN AND JEWISH

ART: FROM ITALIAN CONCEPTS TO

EASTERN EUROPE SYNAGOGUES

Kotlyar E. The image of the Jerusalem Temple in Christian and Jewish art: from Italian concepts to Eastern Europe synagogues. Renaissance Italy is not just European art’s lawgiver, but also a conductor of theoretical views of the ideal city, in which an image of the Jerusalem Temple occupies the center. These ideas developed initially in a Christian milieu, were later adapted by Italian Jewry, and nally became wide-spread among European Jewish communities. In the early 16th-century Christian artists’ works – Raphael, Perugino, especially the Venetian Carpaccio – the Temple was associated with octogonal domed struc-tures hailing from Jerusalem’s Dome of the Rock. The same model became widespread in Jewish art, e.g., in Venice: engravings published by Giustiniani (1550s), the Venetian Haggadah (1609), Jewish marital con-tracts (1730–50s) especially popular later. This model also transfers into Venetian synagogue architecture: consider the Bimah lamps’ execution dating from 18th-century reconstructions of the Grand German, Canton, and Italian Scuolas. Image connected with the Temple is also an item of purely Italian origin: St. Peter’s bal-dachin by Bernini in Rome (1633), which in uenced the Bimahs’ four-pillared design, the twisted columns in different Italian synagogues, and other ritual items. Consider, nally, the Jerusalem Temple’s idealized ar-chitectural model from Villalpando’s treatise (1604), based on a spatialized image of the Tabernacle sur-rounded by the Twelve Tribes of Israel in the Desert. These models – octogonal structure, canopy with col-umns and crown, square plan of hall with the Bimah in the center – became widespread in the Rec’ Pospolita in the 1600–1700s, leading to special Eastern European synagogue types: the arched wooden, and the nine-bayed stone synagogues. One reason for this was the wide cir-culation of printed Italian Jewish books in Europe, and the other – Italian architects’ work at the courts of Polish kings and nobility. This paper demonstrates how ideas, theories, and models associated with the Jerusalem Tem-ple were imported from Italy and blossomed in Eastern European Ashkenazic synagogues, impacting the devel-opment of traditional shtetl art.

Keywords: the Jerusalem Temple, Italy, Renaissance, Baroque, Eastern Europe, synagogue, consepts, image, art, architecture.

Котляр Є. Образ Єрусалимського храму в христи-янському і єврейському мистецтві: від італійських концепцій до синагог Східної Європи. Італія епохи Відродження була не тільки законодавцем європейського мистецтва, а й провідником теорії ідеального міста, в якому образ Єрусалимського храму посів центральне місце. Ці ідеї спочатку розвивалися в християнському середовищі, потім адаптувалися італійськими євреями і стали роз-повсюджуватися серед європейських єврейських громад. На початку XVI ст. у творах христи-янських митців — Рафаеля, Перуджіно, особливо венеціанця Карпаччо — образ Храму був пов’язаний із восьмикутною куполоподібною структурою, яка сходила до архітектури мусульманської святині Ку-полу Скелі з Єрусалиму. Ця сама модель поширилась і в єврейському мистецтві, зокрема у Венеції: гра-вюрах, опублікованих у видавництві Джустініані (1550-ті рр.), Венеціанській Пасхальній Агаді (1609 р.), єврейських шлюбних контрактах (1730–1750 рр.), де стали популярні пізніше. Ця модель та-кож переноситься в архітектуру синагог Венеції, про що свідчать восьмикутні архітектурні ліхтарі над бімой, що датуються початком XVIII ст. (Си-нагоги Велика Німецька, Кантон та Італійська). Ще один образ, пов’язаний із Храмом, теж має суто італійське походження. Це Балдахін Берніні в соборі Св. Петра в Римі (1633 р.), який вплинув на чотирьохопорну структуру Біми, скручені колони в різних італійських синагогах та інші ритуальні предмети. Нарешті, третім концептом стала ідеалізована архітектурна модель Єрусалимського храму з трактату Вілльальпандо (1604 р.), за-снована на просторовому образі біблійної Скинії в пустелі, оточеної дванадцятьма колінами Ізраїлю. Усі перераховані образи: восьмикутна структура, купол з колонами і короною, квадратний план залу з Бімою в центрі стали широко розповсюджувати-ся в Речі Посполитій у 1600–1700-х рр., що привело до появи особливих типів синагог у Східній Європі: купольних дерев’яних і дев’ятипольних мурованих синагог. Однією з причин цього було широке роз-повсюдження друкованих італійських єврейських книжок у Європі, а також досвіду італійських архітекторів, які працювали при дворах польських королів і магнатів. Стаття показує, яким чином ідеї, теорії та моделі, пов’язані з Єрусалимським храмом, були імпортовані з Італії і розцвіли в східноєвропейських ашкеназських синагогах, що вплинуло на розвиток традиційного мистецтва штетлу.

Ключові слова: Єрусалимський храм, Італія, Рене-санс, бароко, Східна Європа, синагога, концепція, образ, мистецтво, архітектура.

Котляр Е. Образ Иерусалимского храма в христи-анском и еврейском искусстве: от итальянских концепций до синагог Восточной Европы. Италия эпохи Возрождения была не только законодателем европейского искусства, но и проводником теории идеального города, в котором образ Иерусалим-ского храма занял центральное место. Эти идеи первоначально развивались в христианской среде, затем адаптировались итальянскими евреями и стали широко распространяться среди европей-ских еврейских общин. В начале XVI в. в работах

ВІСНИК 123Історія мистецтва

христианских художников — Рафаэля, Перуджино, особенно венецианца Карпаччо — образ Храма был связан с восьмиугольной куполообразной структу-рой, восходящей к архитектуре мусульманской свя-тыни Купол Скалы из Иерусалима. Эта же модель получила широкое распространение в еврейском ис-кусстве, например, в Венеции: гравюрах, опублико-ванных в издательстве Джустиниани (1550-е гг.), Венецианской Пасхальной Агаде (1609 г.), еврейских брачных контрактах (1730–1750 гг.), где стали по-пулярны позднее. Эта модель также переносится в архитектуру синагог Венеции, о чем свидетель-ствуют восьмиугольные архитектурные фонари над бимой, датируемые началом XVIII в. (синагоги Большая Немецкая, Кантон и Итальянская). Еще один образ, связанный с Храмом и имеющий чисто итальянское происхождение, — Балдахин Бернини в соборе Св. Петра в Риме (1633 г.). Он повлиял на четырехопорную структуру Бимы, скрученные ко-лонны в различных итальянских синагогах и другие ритуальные предметы. Наконец, третьим концеп-том стала идеализированная архитектурная мо-дель Иерусалимского храма из трактата Вилльаль-пандо (1604 г.), основанная на пространственном образе библейской скинии, окруженной двенадца-тью коленами Израиля в пустыне. Все перечислен-ные образы: восьмиугольная структура, купол с ко-лоннами и короной, квадратный план зала с Бимой в центре стали широко распространяться в Речи Посполитой в 1600–1700-х гг., что привело к появ-лению особых типов синагог в Восточной Европе: купольных деревянных и девятипольных каменных синагог. Одной из причин этого было широкое рас-пространение печатных итальянских еврейских книг в Европе, а также работ других итальянских архитекторов, работавших при дворах польских королей и магнатов. Статья показывает, каким образом идеи, теории и модели, связанные с Иеру-салимским храмом, были импортированы из Ита-лии и расцвели в восточноевропейских ашкеназских синагогах, что повлияло на развитие традиционно-го искусства штетла.

Ключевые слова: Иерусалимский храм, Италия, Ренессанс, барокко, Восточная Европа, синагога, концепция, образ, искусство, архитектура.

Italy during the Renaissance becomes not only the lawgiver for European fashion in art, but also the conductor for a variety of theoretical views of the ideal city, the center of which is occupied by an image of the Jerusalem Temple; numerous theologians, archi-tects, and artists labored over this project*. Masters such as Giovanni Battista Piranesi (1720–1780), Juan Bautista Villalpando (1552–1608), Pietro della Franc-esca (1420–1492), Luciano da Laurano (c. 1420–1479) and others offered their models of the ideal city and the Temple. Originally, these ideas developed in a Chris-tian milieu, later penetrating into the midst of Italian Jewry, nally to spread among Jewish communities of East Europe. Among the ideas put forth in the research

* This article is based on the paper “The Jerusalem Temple in Italian Art: A Model for Eastern European Synagogues” presented at the IX Congress of the European Association for Jewish Studies (EAJS) which was held in Ravenna (Italy) in July 25–29, 2010.

literature, three chief concepts are prominent of how the image of the Temple was integrated into synagogue architecture; these three concepts each had a substantial development in later times.

The rst of these three conceptual models consists of the image of the Muslim Shrine of the Dome of the Rock constructed in Jerusalem on Mt. Moriah in 691, on the very spot where the Jerusalem Temple had once stood. (Fig. 1) According to Walter Cahn, by the mid-ninth century, Western Christians had already identi ed Muslim shrines erected on the territory of the Temple with King Solomon’s buildings [1, p. 80–81]. Similar image appeared into Italian painting of the early 16th

century. In the center of the architectural-spatial land-scapes in their paintings devoted to Biblical themes, such masters as Rafael, Perugino, and, especially, the Venetian Vittore Carpaccio (1465–1526) placed Tem-ple rotunda-like structures accepted in architectural vi-sualization schemes of the “ideal city.” [9, p. 301–306] In Pietro Perugino (1446–1523), this already appears as an octagon (“Marriage of the Virgin,” 1500–1504. Musée des Beaux-Arts, Caen.) (Fig. 2), while in Vit-tore Carpaccio it is a structure whose proportions are in perfect alignment with those of the paradigmatic Dome of the Rock, but reveted with variegated marble in the tradition of Florentine Gothic (“The Triumph of Saint George,” 1504–1507. Scuola di San Giorgio degli Schi-avoni, Venice; “Arrival of the English Ambassadors,” 1495–1500. Venice Academia). (Fig. 3)

The popularity of this Muslim shrine as a sym-bol of the site of the Temple had a key impact on the dissemination of this model among the many forms of Jewish art in Italy. In Venice the spreading of this model was particularly intense. One of the chief reasons be-hind this development was the rapid growth of the Ve-netian Jews’ ties with the East in the 16–17th centuries, as a result of which the community of Venice became one of the richest in Italy, and the visual image of the Dome of the Rock as a symbol of the Temple was trans-lated into the cultural eld of the Jews of the Venetian Lagoon [6].

In the rst half of the 16th century, thanks to the efforts of Daniel Bomberg (1470/1480–1553), Marco Antonio Giustiniani (1516–1571), and other publish-ers, Venice achieves the status of leader in Jewish book printing in Europe. In the 1540s, the Jerusalem Temple in the guise of the Dome of the Rock becomes the Jew-ish print emblem in the books produced by the Gius-tiniani family. (Fig. 4) With some variations, the same octogonal shrine as a view of messianic Jerusalem ap-pears in the Venetian Haggadah** of 1609 [9, p. 295–300]. (Fig. 5) Evidently, the artist used this format to convey the image of the ideal city, which later became quite common. This is con rmed by an analogous com-position embroidered on the parokhet*** of one of the

** The Haggadah (Hebrew: “telling”) – the Jewish text that sets forth the order of the Passover Seder (Jewish ritual feast that marks the beginning of the Jewish holiday of Passover).

*** The Parokhet (Hebrew: “curtain”) – the curtain that covers the Torah ark; richly decorated and embroidered with Jewish texts; symbolizes the curtain in the Jerusalem Temple.


oldest synagogues in Venice (1634) [6, p. 106; 5]. An-other group of cultural landmarks in the history of Jew-ish art which indicate how popular the octagonal shape had become, are the Italian Jewish marriage contracts, dating from the 17th century.

As far as Italian synagogues are concerned, and especially those synagogues in Venice in which octogo-nal structures appear, it is important to note a general Italian in uence, as well. This is precisely the kind of octagonal lanterns which we encounter in Venetian synagogue architecture (Grand German Schola, 1529; Canton Schola, 1532; Italian Schola, 1575) [5, p. 295–312]. (Fig. 6–8) This was important for synagogues without domes, and also added symbolic consonance with the image of the Jerusalem Temple.

The second model bound up with the image of the Temple was of exclusively Italian origin. This was the bronze baldaquin made for the Basilica of St. Peter in Rome, constructed by Gian Lorenzo Bernini (1598–1680) in 1633, and symbolized of the Italian Counter Reformation [4, p. 67]. (Fig. 9) This represented the Holy See in St. Peter’s Basilica as Temple and center of the whole of the Catholic world. In later times, the idea of the Baldaquin is con rmed in the shape of the bimahs in many Italian synagogues. In Venetian syna-gogues, these are four-pillar baldaquin bimahs with a baroque crown. The image of the Baldaquin combines with the octogonal shape, as well, for instance, in Pad-ua, while in many of the synagogues in Piemont – the baldaquin bimah reposing on eight pillars is carried out into the center of the hall (synagogues in Carmagnola, Cherasco, Chieri, and Mondovi) [10, p. 24, 30, 38, 40, 45]. (Fig. 10)

The third model is the idealistic image of the Tem-ple from the tractate titled “In Ezechielem Explanatio-nes…” (“Commentary on Ezekiel”) by Juan Bautista Villalpando (Rome, 1604), who made visually acces-sible the prophetic visions of the Prophet Ezekiel and presented a visual plan of the architectural-spatial ide-alistic image of the Jerusalem Temple [7, p. 312–339]. (Fig. 11) This is a symbolic spatial structure bringing together the idea of the Cosmos and the Camp of the Children of Israel in the desert divided into the Twelve Tribes of Israel and the Tabernacle holding the Ark of the Covenant in the center.

At the basis of Villalpando’s concept were the various interpretations of the vision of the Temple as described by the Prophet Ezekiel (40:48), as well as the concept of the Temple itself as a spatial image of the Tabernacle in the desert and the general divine order-ing of the universe as revealed from on High to King Solomon. The author also considered the Corinthian order to be the order of Solomon’s Temple, and this is what led to this order’s becoming the sacral one in Ba-roque esthetic theory. The tractate also had a consider-able impact on the architecture of Catholic temples and monasteries, as well as on the layout of East European synagogues.

In what way, then, does the transfer of these mod-els to the lands of East Europe come about? Two fac-tors must be singled out here from among the internal “Jewish” considerations. First of all, the fact of Jewish migration from the West to the East, intensi ed dur-ing the Golden Age of Polish Jewry in the 16th and rst half of the 17th centuries, sets the parameters for this process. Beyond that is the dissemination during this same period of Jewish books into East Europe, includ-ing books from the Italian printing presses. Among the external factors there is the work of Italian architects at the courts of Polish kings and magnates, as well as the generally close ties of the Polish feudal aristocracy, as enlightened and faithful Catholics, with Italy. Many in-stances are known, in which Italian architects planned and then realized models of the ideal city for various Polish towns with appropriate Jewish neighborhoods and “defense”-type synagogues (Peter Beber, Ambro-gio Nutclauss, Pavel the Fortunate, Giacomo Medleni and etc.).

Under the in uence of Villalpando’s tractate, in the 1630s in Ostrog, Lviv, and other towns of East European shtetls**** (from Yiddish: “little town”), so called nine-bay synagogues begin to be constructed [3, p. 191–204]. (Fig. 12) These had four pillars divid-ing the hall into nine equal parts. The niche would be situated in the center among them. This scheme was different from another architectural ploy widespread at the time: a central bimah-support with four pillars exaggeratedly close to each other and boasting a local prototype: the Maharshalshul in Lublin. In our case, the nine-bay scheme permitted the space of the hall to be entirely open, and to place the bimah freely in the center. This made it possible in some cases to combine all the models of the Temple which we have described, including the nine-bay scheme, or one close to it, with tall pillars supporting an octagonal dome or lantern, as well as an octagonal bimah. (Fig. 13–14)

Beginning in the late 17th–18th centuries, the oc-togonal wooden or metal bimah becomes generally widespread in the synagogues of the Rec’ Pospolita. Just as in Italy, here it is conceived as a modest architectural object associated with a peculiar domed shrine. Its con-struction includes a surrounding ballustrade and a tall tier with pillars holding up a hollow dome in the shape of a crown, often complemented by a lantern. A rich Baroque decoration including plant motifs, animal im-ages, cartouches, or a rondo with inscriptions lends the whole a special grace and signi cance [8, p. 106–112].

But the most interesting is the fact that the octogo-nal shape is also transferred into the conceptualization of the space within. Beginning in the 18th century, in-ner false domes begin to appear in wooden synagogues, often replacing the original barrel-type domes or at ceilings. As a rule, these vaults consisted of eight pet-

**** A small town in Eastern Europe with a largely Jewish population; it is now used mainly to describe the Jewish townlets and the culture of East European Jews before the Holocaust.


Fig. 1. The Dome of the Rock. Jerusalem. 691.

Photo 2009

Fig. 2. Pietro Perugino. Sposalizio (Marriage of the Virgin). 1500–1504. Musée des Beaux-Arts, Caen

Fig. 3. Vittore Carpaccio. Arrival of the English Ambassadors. 1495–1500. Venice Academia

Fig. 4. The Dome of the Rock as Hebrew Printer`s Mark. Printed in the books of Giustiniani. Venice, 1545–52


Fig. 5. Messianic Jeru-salem. Venice Haggadah. 1609. Detail

Fig. 6. Venice. Jewish Ghetto Nuovo. Canton Schola. 1531–1532. The Bimah and skylight. 17th century. (Sullam, A.-V., Calimani, R.

(2005). The Venetian Ghetto, Milan: Electa, P. 50)

Fig. 7. Venice. Jewish Ghetto Nuovo. Canton Schola. 1531–1532. The lantern light. 17th century. Photo by Eugeny Kotlyar, 2010

Fig. 8. Venice. Jewish Ghetto Nuovo. Italian Schola. 1571–1575.

The lantern light. 17th century. Photo by Eugeny Kotlyar, 2010


Fig. 9. Gian Lorenzo Bernini. The St. Peter’s baldachin. Bronze. 1624–1633. Saint Peter’s Basilica. Vatican City,

Rome. Photo by Eugeny Kotlyar, 2006

Fig. 10. The Carmagnola synagogue. The Bimah. 1766

Fig. 11. Villalpando. The Diagram of his Temple plan with the symbolic location of the tribes of Israel and the celestial bod-ies. (Kravtsov, S. (2005) Juan Batista Villalpando and Sacred

Architecture in the Seventeenth Century, P. 315)

Fig. 12. Ostrog (now Ukraine). MaHaRShA Synagogue. 1630s. Attr. Giacomo Medleni


Fig. 14. The replica of the Bimah and vault paintings from the Gvizdets synagogue. Warsaw. POLIN Museum of the History of Polish Jews. 2013–2014. Photo by Eugeny Kotlyar, 2014

Fig. 13. Gvizdets (now Ukraine). Cross section and spatial layout of the synagogue. Mid 17th–18th cen-turies. (Piechotka, M and K. (2004) Heaven’s Gates. Wooden Synagogues in the Territories of the Former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Warsaw, P. 62)

als; it thus formed over the octagonal bimah embody-ing the “small sanctuary” a dome identical to the bimah in shape and symbolic of the heavenly vault. Here the idea of the Temple can already be deciphered in the space of the synagogue itself, and also introduces the eschatological image of the Temple to be recreated in the days of the Messiah. In many synagogues of South-Eastern Poland, particularly in Podolia, this symbol-ism was complemented by carpetlike dome paintings which included zodiacal belts, messianic symbolism, and images of the Almighty [2, p. 62–64]. In central Poland, in the Grodno-Bialystok region, masters lim-ited themselves to wooden construction alone, creating complex illusory and spatial effects typical of the Ba-roque [2, p. 344].

Conclusion. Thus, the principal transformations of East European synagogues of the 17th–18th centuries, developments having to do with the sacralization of the prayer space, unfolded under the in uence of the im-age of the Temple, which gradually developed in the theory and practice of the Italian Renaissance and, lat-er, the Italian Baroque. Part of these ideas found their application in Italian synagogues; others, such as the nine-bay scheme, were realized only in East European synagogues. These in uences con rmed new architec-tural principles in Ashkenazic synagogues of the Rec’ Pospolita, which, in light of the traditionalist approach in synagogue architecture, were maintained up until the 20th century. In addition, images of the Jerusalem

Temple, transposed via Italian Jewish art in the shape of architectural constructions and gates conceptualized as the Divine Gate, led to the further development of all the forms of traditional art among East European Jewry.

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1. Kan, W. (2002). Elementy Hrama tsarya Solomona v roman-skom iskusstve [The Elements of the Temple of King Solomon in Roman Art]. In Yevreyskoye iskusstvo v yevropeyskom kontekste — Jewish Art in the European Context, (pp. 79–96). Jerusalem–Mocsow. [In Russian].

2. Kotlyar, Е. (2010). Vostochnoevropeyskaya traditsiya rospisey sinagog i ee regionalnye tsentry na istoricheskih zemlyah Ukrainy. K postanovke problemy [The Eastern European Tradition of Synagogue Paintings and Its Local Centers on the Historical Lands of Ukraine. To the State of the Problem]. Visnyk Kharkivs’koyi derzhavnoyi akademiyi dyzaynu i mystetstv — Bulletin of Kharkiv State Academy of Design and Arts, 8 (3), 50–101. [In Russian].

3. Kravtsov, S. (2002). O proiskhozhdenii devyatipol’nykh kamennykh sinagog [On the Origin of the Nine- eld Stone

Synagogues]. In Yevreyskoye iskusstvo v yevropeyskom kon-tekste — Jewish Art in the European Context, (pp. 191–204). Jerusalem–Mocsow. [In Russian].

4. Khaymovich, B. (2003). O simvolike Hrama v sinagogah Vostochnoy Evropy [On the Symbolism of the Temple in the Synagogues of Eastern Europe]. In Kanon i svoboda. Problemy yevreyskogo plasticheskogo iskusstva — Canon and Freedom. The Problems of Jewish Plastic Art, (pp. 65–71). Мoscow. [In Russian].

5. Cassuto, D. (1988). A Venetian Parokhet and its Design Ori-gins. Jewish Art, 14, 35–43. [In English].

6. Fortis, U. (1987). The Ghetto on the Lagoon. A Guide to the History and Art of the Venetian Ghetto (1516–1797), (pp. 295–312). Venezia. [In English].

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8. Piechotka, M. & Piechotka, K. (2004). Heaven`s Gates. Wooden Synagogues in the Territories of the Former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Warsaw : Krupski i S-ka. [In English].

9. Sabar, Sh. (1997–1998). Messianic Aspirations and Re-naissance Urban Ideals : The Image of Jerusalem in the Venice Haggadah, 1609. Jewish Art, 23–24, 295–312. [In English].

10. Sacerdoti, A. (2003). The Guide to Jewish Italy. Venice : Mar-silio Editori. [In English].

11. Yargina, Z. (1993). Wooden Synagogues. Moscow : Image Advertising & Publishing House [In English].

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122 · 122 Історія мистецтва ... кож переноситься в архітектуру синагог Венеції, про що свідчать восьмикутні