1985 Naxalism Today Prakash

8/13/2019 1985 Naxalism Today Prakash

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In ;eptem er, 235@ a few months after the 7irst -ongress1 of the- I/%&0 which elected -haru %a$umdar as its >eneral ;ecretary,the faction led y ;atyanarian ;ingh revolted and in 2352 formedtheir own - I/%&0 -entral -ommittee. In 2352, Ashim -hater ee,

;antosh 9ana and other split away from the -haruite group. Whilethe ;


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othandaraman pro!-haru group of Tamilnadu and formed the - I/%&0 eople1s War group in 236@. The decided to persist in armedstruggle while also working in mass organisations.

Another pro!-haru group existing today is the -entral 9eorganising-ommittee /-9-0 led y =enu. A section of the erala pro!-harunaxalites and a splinter group from Andhra formed this group in2353. This group also defends the -haruite line while accepting theneed for mass work.

Among the anti!-haru %a$umdar groups also a process of splits andrealignments has een going on. In Andhra the naxalites who fromthe eginning refused to accept the - I /%&0 understanding andtactics, were led y


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%oni >uha after the de acle of the #--9I, has een advocating thepro!Al anian line and is considered anathema y other groups. Theonlyothe rpro!Al anian faction is the >hadar arty which is un a .The ;araf group plouged a lonely furrow and after eing decimated

in Bammu and ashmir has formed its own party titled theroletariat arty.1

7rom the a ove ma$e of splits and realignments, it can e said thatthe ma or groups, which have not ecome defunct areG ro!-harugroups H 2 - I /%&0!=inod %ishra group 8. - I/%&0! eople1s Wargroup . - I/%&0!-9-/=enu group0 D. - I/%&0 ;econd -entral-ommittee groups / ro &in :iao0

Anti!-haruite groupsG 2. - I/%&0!;< ;ingh group 8. - I/%&0!-.ulla 9eddy group . - I/%&0!-+- groups D. +--9 / anu ;anyal0 E.

#--9I /%&0!/


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issues and hoping for unity through united work and struggle.

The o stacle to unity is not only on pro and anti!-haruite lines.

Within these two road camps, there are innumera le difference onthe content of %ao Fedong thought, attitude to the -hinese-ommunist arty application of the three world theory, participationin parliamentary activities, individual annihilation and armedstruggle tactics and the concept of mass work and massorgani$ations. It is necessary therefore, to look at the ideological andpolitical controversies which hold these groups in a arren and vice!like grip.

* eolo+ical isarray

In 2346, when the naxalite left!adventurist deviation challenged the- I/%01s %arxist!&eninst! ased stand on ideological andprogrammatic issues, they put up a left!sectarian position on a wholerange of question pertaining to the international communistmovement and the path of the Indian revolution. The naxalitecondemned the - I/%0 as neo!revisionists1 on the question of thecharacter of the Indian state, stage of the revolution, strategytactics, assessment of the ;oviet #nion and the internationalcorrelation of class forces.

Their stand then could e summed up as followsG India is notpolitically independent it is semi!colonial, semi!colonial, semi!feudalHthe Indian state is controlled y imperialists, compradore

ureaucratic capital and feudal landlords, the stage of revolution isnational li eration against imperialism, compradore capitalism andfeudalismH people1s war ased on armed struggle of the peasantry isthe tactical line for li erationH the ;oviet #nion is revisionist /latermodified to social imperialist0 which is colla orating with #;

imperialismH adherence to %ao Fedong thought is the test of acommunist party. They condemned participation in parliament asreformist and adopted oycott as a strategic sloganH they denied therole of mass organi$ations and a andoned trade unions as reformistorgani$ations, further in the sphere of tactics, they negated the roleof united fronts, randing them as class colla orationist.

The - I/%0, countering the left!adventurist positions, has statedG *Ifwe take all the arguments of the critics of the ideological document

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what do they amount to? They amount to a total repudiation of theunderstanding of the epoch. They imply liquidation of the socialistcampH they convey that capitalism has een restored in the #;;9leading to imperialist policiesH that the ma or fight of the working

class of the world is not against American imperialism ut against;oviet and American imperialism. The fight against the revisionistleaders of the ;oviet #nion is replaced y the fight against the)imperialism* of the ;oviet ;tate.* /Ideological (e ate ;ummed #p

y olit :ureau, p.25 0

This was the package of left!infantilism which characteri$ed the various naxalite groups who challenged the revolutionary credentialsof the - I/%0. Today after nearly two decades of naxalite activity,when we assess where this platform has taken them, it is clear thatthey have een forced to a andon most of these position. In fact theyhave retreated pell!mell from the revolutionary1 platform theyadopted. Where they cling to such positions their own makes itdifficult to reconcile it with the theories they espouse. &et us looksome of these key positions and their derailment.

Mao e on+ Thou+ht an - ttitu e to $!$

The distinctive characteristic of the naxalite groups since theirinception has een their advertised allegiance to %ao Fedongthought was the essence of %arxism!&eninism of our epoch. 'xceptfor the pro!Al anina groups who were denounced %ao Fedongthought, all our groups extant continue to swear allegiance.Cowever, their perceptions of its content and role differ and eachaccuses the other of distorting or revising %aoist ideology. The pro!-haru groups, except the =inod %ishra group, continue to hail the9evolution and refuse to accept the - -1s critical revaluation of thisperiod and the damage it cause the party and socialist construction.The whole gamut of left!sectarian positions on the international

situation and uilding of socialism is considered y these groups toe the main content of %ao Fedong thought. +n the other hand the;< ;ingh, - ulla 9eddy and (= 9ao groups accept the - -evaluation as presented in the eleventh congress and the sixthplenum of the - - and the denunciation of the gang of four. The pro!-haru eople1s War group, after initially accepting the - -positions, has now come round to considering them revisionist. The- -1s own assessment of some of the erroneous concepts upheld ythe party under %ao1s leadership is not accepta le to the -9-,

eople1s War and ;araf groups. These groups now maintain that the

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- - has ecome a revisionist party. At the extreme, the pro!&in :iaogroup has taken the a surd stand that -hina has ecome a socialimperialist power.

7rom the naxalite groups who held that -hina was the center of theworld revolution, a su stantial num er now have gone over to theposition that the - - has etrayed world revolution. The - -1sauthoritative documents produced in the sixth plenum of the --, theeleventh and twelfth congresses, have ecome for them the edrockof revisionism and etrayal of %ao Fedong thought. The lind anddogmatic adherence to %ao Fedong thought as the essence of%arxism!&eninism of the epoch! a position which the - - itself doesnot maintain now!is the key to the ideological disarray these groupshave reached.

Three /orl Theory

Another important aspect of the differences etween the groups onthe content of %ao thought concerns the Three world Theory. ;omeof the itterest polemics are directed as to whether it forms anintegral part of %ao Fedong thought or not. %ost of the groupswhether anti!-haru or pro!-haru, the ;


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three worlds for purposes of foreign policy tactics and had neverela orated and elevated the three worlds into a full!fledged theory.'xposing the groups who uphold this thesis, they point out that thistheory has led to the formulation that out of the two super!powers,

the ;oviet #nion1s social imperialism is more aggressive anddangerous. This has led to these groups ecoming soft on #;imperialism and ending up allying with #; imperialist forces and theparties that represent them in India. 7or instance the -9- groupstates, )+pportunists like ;atyanarain ;ingh in India advanced thethesis of uilding a united front with pro!American ruling classes.The Three World Theory1 has come as a orn to these opportunistswho were already well ahead on this path of colla orating with thepro!#; section of the ruling classes* / =enuG %ao Fedong and ThreeWorld Theory1 p. 830

7urther, it exposes the international implications of this line whiletalking a out A;'A


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an anti!;oviet front on the asis of the ;oviet #nion eing the mainenemy of the Indian people and the necessity of forgoing a unitedfront against Indira fascism y including even pro!#; allies. After thesplit the ;andhites and 9oyists, ;ocialists and;arvodayites. :B and the %oslem &eague on the same platform tooppose hegemonism and aggression.* / 7or a iven their distorted loyalty to a dogmatic %ao Fedong thought1 it isut natural that in the sphere of strategy and programmatic

formulations these groups show the same variety of left opportunism,sectarianism and hopeless confusion. In recent years, particularlyafter the emergency was lifted, most of the groups have eenundertaking the exercise of holding party1 congresses and specialconferences1 preparing draft programme and resorting tointermina le discussions within their groups and amongst thedifferent groups. The ;


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reassessing the programmatic formulations and tasks, sharpdifferences have arisen. The Andhra group which did not oin the- I/%&0 in 2343 continues to differ from the 235@ propositions.

According to (= 9ao of the #--9I group, India is a neo!colony,

which is exploited y oth superpowers India is not a semi!colonyand had achieved political independence in 23D5. It lost itsindependent status and ecame a neo!colony of the superpowers. Asfor the compradore ourgeoisie, he has his own peculiarinterpretation. Ce states that there is a compradore class in theindustrial ourgeoisiesH the compradore class is part of the Indian

ourgeoisie, there y recogni$ing that there are sections of theourgeoisie, which are not compradore. Then he goes on to further

confuse the issue y stating, )-ompradore ourgeoisie class means aourgeoisie class having a compradore character, not a mere

commission agent.* /(= 9aoG eople1s (emocratic 9evolution inIndia, p. 8D0

While most groups pay lip service to the principle contradictioneing etween feudalism and the Indian people, ;araf violently

disagrees. According to him the principle contradiction should etermed as that etween the alliance of imperialism, the compradire

ourgeoisie and feudalism on the one hand, and the Indian people onthe other. Ce inveighs against the other groups for notunderstanding the key role of alliance of these forces in state power.

/A 9evolutionary view point, Ban!%arch 2356, ;araf p. 6 0

B (ixit who runs his own ournal / eople1s ower0 pounces on thealliance theory and attacksG )a suggestion of alliance etween thenative classes and imperialism means an end of the economic andpolitical su ugation of imperialismJ. The theory is dangerous as itsupports the imperialist fraud that their lackeys are not lackeys uttheir friends and allies.* / eople1s ower, Ban "Bune 2368, p.E0 The ;< ;ingh group is also su ected to this attack as in their draftprogramme they amended the principle contradiction on the lines of

the alliance of imperialism, compradore ourgeoisies and feudalism.


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changes in the programme. The character of the


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naxalites. While some staunchly maintain that the ;oviet socialimperialists are the main enemy, others vehemently disagree and putforward the alternative theories that oth imperialist powers are

oint enemiesH feudalism is the main enemyH the imperialist! acked

ig ourgeoisie and landlords are the main enemy and so on and soforth. ( = 9ao commenting on these group statesG )'ven whileclaiming revolutionaries some are una le to see the difference

etween the two superpower and he upper hand off the ;oviet#nion. As a result whenever the ;oviet #nion is exposed, they callsuch an attitude pro!#;.* /(= 9aoG ) eople1s (emocratic 9evolutionin India, forward, p.8D0. The same difference in perception of the;oviet #nion as the main enemy divides the otherwise pro!-haru

=inod %ishra and -9- groups.

This difference in perception of the main enemy creates insupera lepro lems for them to agree on a common united front strategy of theclasses in the revolution. The ; < ;ingh group, =inod %ishra groupand the anti!-haru Andhra groups / ulla 9eddy and ( = 9ao groups0pivot their strategic class front on fighting );oviet socialimperialism* which is claimed to e the dominant imperialist powerhaving a stranglehold on the Indian state and economy. Thisprogrammatic position is re ected y other groups which see this asthe asis for class colla oration with the pro!#; section of the rulingclasses. While oth sides maintain that the Indian ruling classes

/compradore ourgeois and feudals0 are divided into two factions,eing lackeys of either ;oviet or #; imperialism, they are alsodivided on the primacy of the former and the nature of strategicclass fronts to e developed. In a perversion of %arxist analysis, allthe groups su scri e to the position that there are four oppressorenemy classes to e overthrown to make the new democraticrevolution ";oviet social imperialism,1 #; imperialism, compradorecapital and feudalism. While united in their determination to denythe reality of an Indian national ourgeoisie led y the ig

ourgeoisie and its dual character, these groups have engenderedfurther disintegration y forcing class analysis to fit into a mythical

anti!communist social imperialism.1

Tactics- all Mar" o& 2 ortunism an i in+ 4ulin+ $lassisru tion


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congress of the - -. In India this rand of adventurism wasinterpreted y -haru %a$umdar to e the tactic of individualterrorism. After the de acle of this tactic in 235@!52 many groupsplit away condemning the annihilation theory1. Cowever the pro!

-haru groups have persisted in defending this revolutionary line1 andcontinue to e practitioners of terrorism. The pro &in :iao groups inWest :engal, the =inod %ishra group in :ho pur the eople1s Wargroup in Andhra radesh and the =enu group in erala have all insome form or another continued to rely on the line of annihilation.The difference exists only in the emphasis. The -9- /=enu group0

egan talking of a revolutionary mass line in 2353, y which theymean that annihilation of any which enemy must e part of the massstruggle and resorted only which the masses of an area approve of it.'xcept for the extreme fringe of the pro!&in :iao groups the othergroups who uphold he -haruite line currently talk of annihilation ofthe class enemy as an extension of the mass line.

Though many groups have denounced the past practices as wrong,the condemnation has stemmed more from the failure of the tacticrather than any honest self!introspection as to its anti!%arxistcharacter. 'ven those who renounce it as anti!%arxist, still cling tothe theory of permanent armed struggle1. The +--9 led y annu;anyal statesG )the terrorism pursued y the struggles againstrevisionism. That is, the new process of forming a %arxist!&eninist

party which was set in motion after the


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parliament was the sine qua non of naxalism. Cowever, the retreatfrom this aspect of petty ourgeois revolutionism has led toacrimonious divisions among the naxalites.

-ondemning this infantile!left position, the party had stateG #singparliamentary institutions, according to them, is remaining oggeddown at the level of mass consciousness. The added argument is thatparliaments are o solete and hence participation is no good. Thus inthe name of a revolutionary struggle this important form is re ectedin principle. This is nothing ut an anarchist deviation, whichunderestimates the fight against the state in the concrete. This hasnothing to do with &eninism. It seeks to reduce the working classand the masses to impotent spectators in the electionsH ypasses thestage of their consciousnessH advances slogans which delink theparty from vast sections particularly in the election and hands themover to the tender mercies of the -ongress and the other ourgeoisparties.* /+n &eft (eviation p. 2@0

The first group to violate this revolutionary oycott1 was the ; iven their petty!

ourgeois character, they are una le to do sustained hard work touild up united class organi$ations of workers and peasants.

Therefore in the post!emergency period, many groups haveconcentrated on two spheres in their mass work!civil li erties andculture. 7or some of the naxalite groups, civil li erties organi$ationshave ecome the mass front to conduct their partisan activities.

The history of he #-&, which originated during the emergency,needs no recounting here. :ut its nature and composition isinstructive!it has ecome a forum consisting of a specific group ofpolitical elements!naxalite sarvodayites of the >andhi eace

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7oundation variety a sprinkling of pro!western li erals and some :B !9;; activists. This is pro a ly why the ; < ;ingh!led - I/%&0 hasmade this forum its main front of activity as it tallies with their anti!;oviet, anti!fascist front line,. Cowever, other naxalite have refused

to su scri e to this concept of a civil li erties platform. ;o there arealso civil li erties fronts floated y other naxalite groups, sometogether and some separately. The eople #nion for (emocratic9ights / #(90 roke away from the #-&. Apart from this there isthe Association for roduction of (emocratic 9ights run y naxalitein West :engal and the +rgani$ation for the rotection of (emocratic9ight /+ (90 run y the (= 9ao group in Andhra. The A -ivil&i erties committee is dominated y the eople1s War / ondapalligroups0. ;uch organi$ations also exist in %aharashtra and Tamil


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Indian conditions. In fact it termed the assassination of %rs >andhias the death of a fascist1. It sees every move of the -ongress /I0government as a move to impose fascism and calls for resistingfascism. It is a very pecular form of fascism in India indeed which

allows revolutionaries of the ;


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+n un a most groups categorically state that the extremistsactivities in un a are a fight national oppression1. )In the case of

un a the situation has developed to the demand for nationalindependence involving armed struggle against national oppressors.*

/%ass &ine, Bune, 236D 0. This is how the -9- group gives the:hindranwale groups the status of fighter for national li eration.


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It is in the matter of facing the challenge of the divisive forces that

we see the naxalite at their disruptive worst today. :linded to thethreat of #; imperialism y their hatred for the ;oviet #nion and thesocialist camp, they are easy prey for recruitment into theimperialist! acked divisive movements, which can e covered withpseudo!revolution rhetoric a out anti!centre national movements.

*m erialist *n&iltration

It is this dark side of imperialist infiltration into the naxalite

movement that requires further highlighting. The recent episode ofthe vertical split in the ; < ;ingh!led - I/%&0 have confirmed thefacts already availa le. In mid!236D the rovisional -entral-ommittee led y ; < ;ingh split down the middle with the ;antosh9ana ! =askar


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and people0 in >o i allapur and :hargora, where relief work wascarried on through money from the )Tagore ;ociety*, 9ohtas-hannpatia and %ushhari, where schools were uilt up y the(a es, and party and dou ted our onafides J ;everal cadres have

een exposed to these agencies.* It concludes with the dammingindictmentG )It does not require intelligence of a high order to findout why some of the former mem ers of the -- adopted particularpolicies on the question of caste, tri e, Assamese and non!

Assamese.* 7ollowing a lind anti!;oviet line, ;atyanarian ;inghfound out a few months efore his death that the ma ority of his --mem ers sided with


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stateJ. adopted the parliamentary roadJ. lunted the edge of classstruggle and prevented the growth of a genuine revolutionary party "thus helping the perpetuation of this rotten system for such period*./;araf, A 9evolutionary view point, Buly!;ept, 2356, p.4D0

The anti!;oviet Manti!7ascist theorists include the - I/%0 as one ofthe forces to e isolated, as according to them the party supports;oviet hegemonism and is therefore a lackey of the -ongress partytoo. The newly formed I 7 in the recent parliament electionsconducted propaganda calling on people to defeat oth the-ongress/I0 and the &eft 7ront in West :engalK Two naxalite groupsin Tripura have openly allied with the separatist T#B; to fight the&eft 7ront there. The only difference etween the oycottists andparticipationsist in elections is that while those who oycott lamethe revisionist parties1 for giving a lease of life to the decayingparliamentary system1, the participationsis consider that moreeffective propaganda can e made against the - I/%0 y interveningin the elections.

The hostility is ut natural, for as raful :idwai points outG )This isone side of contemporary nxalism. The other side cynical and deviousreal politicH covert, and now increasingly overt colla oration with themost ra idly right wing politicians, class and casts, ehind the scenemaneuvers and collusion with the police and communal or regionalistparties.*

The experience of naxalism in the two &eft!7ront states of West:engal and Tripura fully ear out this truth.

The 'uture o& )ltra-7e&tism-!otential &or isru tion

The disorganised and anarchic state of naxalism indicates that this variety of ultra leftism is doomed to extinction.


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such revolutionism, its arrenness, and its tendency to turn rapidlyinto su mission, apathy, phantasma, and even a fren$ied infatuationwith one ourgeois fad or another!all this is common knowledge.Cowever at all rid revolutionary parties of old errors, which always

crop up at unexpected occasion, in somewhat new forms, in ahitherto unfamiliar gar or surroundings, in an unusual!a more orless unusual!situation.* /&enin, &eft Wing -ommunism, An Infantile(isorder, selected Works vol. III p. E60

The horrors of capitalism and feudal remnants still plague Indiansociety and affect the vast petty! ourgeois sections. #ltra leftismfinds fertile soil in such conditions. The farcical and at timesagoni$ing disintegration of the naxalite ultra!left trend ears thepotential for revival in other forms.

The struggle against the left!deviation which the - I/%0 wagedalongside the fight against revisionism has scored ma or success.Cowever, the arty has to continue to vigilantly note the continuingefforts to revive ultra!leftism and must effectively com at thesetrends in whichever gar they appear. The - I/%0 has een the onlyparty which recogni$ed the counter revolutionary content ofnaxalism and resolutely waged a political ideological attle withoutnaxalism and resolutely waged a political ideological attle withoutcompromise. The current dead!end of naxalism is a vindication of itsline.

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1985 Naxalism Today Prakash