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R. Radhakrishnan and N. Rajagopalan MODES OF BHAKTI IN TAMIL DEVOTIONAL LITERATURE* A feature analysis In this paper we shall discuss the characteristic features of various modes of bhakti (devotion) in terms of the assumed and felt relationship be- tween the bhakta (devotee) and his personal god as they emerge from a study of the Tamil bhakti literature of Alvars (Vaishnava saints) and Nayanmars (Shaiva saints) of the period roughly from the seventh to the ninth centuries A.D. Also, it is suggested that the different relationships attested in the literature are not on par with one another, and they are hierarchically ordered. The flowering of bhakti as a religious movement during this period in Tamilnadu has to be understood in its immediate cultural and religious perspectives. The vigorous movementof Jainism, and to a lesser degree Buddhism, prevailed immediately preceeding this period--a period which goes by the name Kalabhra interregnum; and the revival of the Upanishadic and Vedantic tradition culminated in Sankara's advaita (monism) in the eighth century A.D. These had heavily repressed the expression of the emotional aspects of man. Even the fine arts such as music and dance which flourished during the Cankam period, roughly from third century B.C. to second century A.D., were supressed. The intellectual inquiries emerged as the dominant means of shaping the relationship of man to the supernatural, rather in an abstract manner. It is in this context, the bhakti , the loving devotion to a personal god, sprang up as a force with which man could comfortably and readily relate himself with the supernatural. We use the term "supernatural" here to refer to those aspects of human cognition which are outside the bounds of easily verifiable and rationally explicable knowledge and sense- bound experiences. The term supernatural subsumes mystic experience due to bhakti . For this study we have examined the original literature in Tamil of all the twelve Alvars and most of the twenty-three Nayanmars for the typology of relationships presented here. The idea of a typology itself is not new, and it is knownto the traditional scholarship at least in its fourfold classification of relationships as the following (see C. S. J. White, "Bhakti," Encyclopedia Britannica^ 1969, pp. 563-64): I. vãtsalya-bhãva bhakti - based on parental love shown to the deity of one's choice. II. sakhya-bhava bhakti - based on a relationship of friendship with the deity. III. dasya-bhava bhakti - based on the affection of a servant towards a deity as one's master. IV. mãdhurya-bhãva bhakti - based on the love of a womanto her deity as her lover. We have slightly modified the above to include the subtypes. However, what we say as to what the particular relationship entails is something new, and it emerges directly from the evidence left by the Alvars and Nayanmars in their hymns. *This study was part of an investigation of devotion in Tamil and Hebrew traditions undertaken by Peter C. Craigie, R. Radhakrishnan and H. G. Coward, funded by Canada Council Research Grant No. 741897 (1975-1976).

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R. Radhakrishnan and N. Rajagopalan

MODES OF BHAKTI IN TAMIL DEVOTIONAL LITERATURE*

A feature analysis

In this paper we shall discuss the characteristic features of various modes of bhakti (devotion) in terms of the assumed and felt relationship be- tween the bhakta (devotee) and his personal god as they emerge from a study of the Tamil bhakti literature of Alvars (Vaishnava saints) and Nayanmars (Shaiva saints) of the period roughly from the seventh to the ninth centuries A.D. Also, it is suggested that the different relationships attested in the literature are not on par with one another, and they are hierarchically ordered.

The flowering of bhakti as a religious movement during this period in Tamilnadu has to be understood in its immediate cultural and religious perspectives. The vigorous movement of Jainism, and to a lesser degree Buddhism, prevailed immediately preceeding this period--a period which goes by the name Kalabhra interregnum; and the revival of the Upanishadic and Vedantic tradition culminated in Sankara's advaita (monism) in the eighth century A.D. These had heavily repressed the expression of the emotional aspects of man. Even the fine arts such as music and dance which flourished during the Cankam period, roughly from third century B.C. to second century A.D., were supressed. The intellectual inquiries emerged as the dominant means of shaping the relationship of man to the supernatural, rather in an abstract manner. It is in this context, the bhakti , the loving devotion to a personal god, sprang up as a force with which man could comfortably and readily relate himself with the supernatural. We use the term "supernatural" here to refer to those aspects of human cognition which are outside the bounds of easily verifiable and rationally explicable knowledge and sense- bound experiences. The term supernatural subsumes mystic experience due to bhakti .

For this study we have examined the original literature in Tamil of all the twelve Alvars and most of the twenty-three Nayanmars for the typology of relationships presented here. The idea of a typology itself is not new, and it is known to the traditional scholarship at least in its fourfold classification of relationships as the following (see C. S. J. White, "Bhakti," Encyclopedia Britannica^ 1969, pp. 563-64):

I. vãtsalya-bhãva bhakti - based on parental love shown to the deity of one's choice.

II. sakhya-bhava bhakti - based on a relationship of friendship with the deity.

III. dasya-bhava bhakti - based on the affection of a servant towards a deity as one's master.

IV. mãdhurya-bhãva bhakti - based on the love of a woman to her deity as her lover.

We have slightly modified the above to include the subtypes. However, what we say as to what the particular relationship entails is something new, and it emerges directly from the evidence left by the Alvars and Nayanmars in their hymns.

*This study was part of an investigation of devotion in Tamil and Hebrew traditions undertaken by Peter C. Craigie, R. Radhakrishnan and H. G. Coward, funded by Canada Council Research Grant No. 741897 (1975-1976).

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Table 1.

Modes of Bhakti : Roles and Relationships

Relationship Roles played Bhaktas as Modes to god by bhaktas role players

I. vãtsalya- [A] son (m) mother (f) Periyãlvãr (V); Kulaoêkarap- bhava perumaï (V); Tirumankai (V ) ;

No Shaivite saints. ;

[B]* daughter (f) mother (f) -nil- I [C] son (m) father (m) kulasëkarap-perumaal ' (V) i [D]* daughter (f) father (m) -nil-

' j

II. sakhya- [F] superordinate subordinate Suntaramürti (S) ¡ bhãva friend (m) friend (m) ¡

[G]* superordinate subordinate friend (f) friend (m) -nil- i

[H]* superordinate subordinate friend (f) friend (f) -nil-

[I]* superordinate subordinate ! friend (m) friend (f) -nil-

III. dãsya- [J] master/1 ord(m) servant/slave Periyãlvãr (V); Kulaoêkarap- bhãva (n) perumaï (V); Tirumilicai

( V ) ; Tontaratippofi ( V ) ; Tiruppän (V); Maturatavi (V); Tirumankai (V); Poukai (V); Pütan (V); Pëy (V);

; Nammãlvãr (V); Tirunüvuk- ' karasar ( S ) : TSanaoampantar ' (S); Cuntarar (ST; Mãikkavã- ' oakar ( . . . (S).

i [K] master/lord m) young girl(n) Ãntal ' | [L] master/lord m) pey /demon (n) lâœaikal-ammaiyar (S) ! [M]* master/lord f) servant,etc. -nil- : [N] king (m) subject (m) Tirumankai (V) ; ! [0] master/lord(m) servant (f) Mãnikkavãoakar (S)

j IV. mâdhurya-' [P] lover (m) beloved (f) An-pal (V); Kulaoëkarap- ' bhãva peruriäl (V); Tirumankai I (V); Nammãlvãr (V); Periyal- ' vor (V); TÏrunavuk-kara8ar ! (S); NZtnaoampantar (S); | Cuntarar (S); (S)

[Q]* beloved (f) lover (m) -nil-

*non-occuring type; (m)-male; (f)-female; (n)-sex unspecified or irrevelant; (V) Vaishnava saint; (S) Shaiva saint

From Table 1 we see that god is always male; the goddess is never worshipped alone. The bhakta could be a male, female or nonspecified for sex in role playing. There are only two female bhaktas included: Antal and Kãraikkãl- ammaiyãr. Male bhaktas also play the female roles. A bhakta could play the

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role of a mother or father, but god is always a son, never a daughter. Again god is never a beloved, or a female friend. See II [F], etc.

We note that in the mode dãsya-bhãva, the bhakta is always unspecified as to sex, or deemed to be unspecified as to sex; in relation III [K] though, the sex is (f); she is too younq to be classified as such, and, therefore, deemed to be (n). In relation [L], the devotee is a female, but she refers to herself as a pey, a demon, and so a (n). In relation [N], the bhakta assumes NOT a general role as a subject, but enacts the particular mytholog- ical personalities; they are defeated warriors. Relationship [0] is some- what problematic; here the maidens are praying for good husbands; they are asking for a boon rather than for god's grace.

It is interesting to note that guru-sisya (teacher-pupil) relationship is not found in the literature under consideration. Whereas this relation- ship is important in 'nana marga, no bhakta played the role of a sisya. Mãn- ikkavãoakar and Periyãlvãr refer to god as guru, but there is no evidence that they played the role of a sisya.

Though, according to tradition Nanaoampantar played the role of a son towards the god as his father, there is no internal evidence in his hymns to support this. Though often god is referred to as appan (father) by many of the bhaktas, they never refer to themselves as sons or daughters; the word appan in these contexts is used in the general sense of a master.

Thus, we see that dãsya-bhãva is completely a non-sanguine relationship. When a non-sanguine relationship prevails, the bhakta always assumes a sub- ordinate role. On the other hand, in a sanguine relationship the bhakta always assumes a superordinate role.

The particular roles the bhaktas play are indicated in their hymns by the use of the first-person pronoun along with the specification of the roles themselves. In addition to these, there are three other contexts in which the first-person pronoun is used. These are when the mother (narrãy) , the nurse-foster mother (oevilittãy) , and people in general (kantor) taïk about the beloved (f). These three roles are obviously played not as bhaktas. According to the Cankam Tamil tradition, these three roles are to be designated as pirar kürru (others ' disposition or role), and the roles the bhaktas play are to be called as tan kürru (self's role).

Our interpretations are based on the following assumption. In role- playing the bhaktas stimulate the pathos appropriate to the roles. Even though we have not presented any detailed analysis of texts in this paper, we have treated the language of, the bhaktas not entirely as allegorical, but somehow portraying the felt emotions and sentiments. See Table 2 below pro- viding a feature analysis of the modes of bhakti.

Before we comment on the distribution of the features in Table 2 we need to note the following. Tradition of practical bhakti and the literature we reveiwed indicate that bhakti is always accompanied by intense emotion and sometimes ecstasy. And, for bhaktas to be successful in their sãdhanã, they must have complete trust in their personal god for his wisdom and to the efficacy of his benevolence, and as well a belief in the historicity of mythological events with no trace of doubt as to their factual i ty. The world of mythology is so unreal to the "nonbel i ever" but so real to the "believer" (bhakta). It seems that the sãdhanã of bhakti without this element of illusion is not practicable.

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Table 2.

Feature Analysis of Modes of Bhakti

Reciprocation of Surrender Mode/Role Trust love etc. expected offered

I . vãtsalya-bhãva/ a parent present no no ¡

I I . sákhya-bhãva/ | subordinate present yes no friend

III. dãsya-bhãva/ servant present no yes

IV . mãdhurya-bhãva/ beloved present yes no

We are almost certain that in our examination of the literature of the early bhakti period we find that the ultimate of 'bhakti , viz. union and/or liberation (see further below on this), is attainable only through adopting the mode of dãsya-bhãva and by playing the role of servant. Even the rhãdhurya-bhãva, where one plays the role of the beloved, fails to facilitate the achievement of union which one expects on the analogy of union in secular life. There is no hint of freedom being attained through vãtsalya-bhãva or sakhya-bhãva. This finding from examining the internal evidence goes very much against the traditionally-held view that all bhãvas lead to the same result. We are somewhat surprised by this finding.

We ask that if vãtsalya-bhãva does not facilitate union or liberation, then why practice it? We may speculate that by simulating this role a bhakta is enabled to cultivate a selfless, non-egoti stic nature, without which the complete surrender present in and unique to dãsya-bhãva is not possible. In secular Ufe, a parent either by nature or by social demands has to be selfless towards the children.

Likewise, 1n simulating sakhya-bhava and mãdhurya-bhãva, both of which share Identical features (see Table 2), a bhakta 1s enabled to develop trust as pointed out earlier. We note that trust is a feature shared by all modes/ bhãvas, and 1t 1s a prerequisite for the sãdhanã of bhakti. This 1s borne out in the literature.

We already commented that the simulation of dãsya-bhãva alone yields fruit. Further, we have some evidence to differentiate "union" (onral, kalattal) from "liberation" (vltu pêru, vîtu pêrru impam), the ultimate result of bhakti sãdhanã. We try the following explanation to account for this difference.

What is generally happening in the simulation of roles, and relation- ships with one's personal god, we infer, the discourse polarity of "I" (the first person) and "you" (the second person) 1s Intertorized. There is no "you" outside the bhakta. In addition, in dhãsya-bhãva there is that com- plete surrender or abandonment of one's self by the bhakta', here, though

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there is action; it is without violation. Unlike in the other bhãvas/modes where the discourse polarity though interi ori zed is maintained, in ãàsya- bhãva alone the polarity is not only interi ori zed to begin with, but elim- inated or neutralized because of surrender; and there is no more the "I" in the bhakta. But so long as the bhakta sees himself as an agent for his actions, what is achieved is "union" (after the neutralization of the polar- ity ). Here the neutralized polarity remains interiorized and functions as an agent. On the other hand, if the self is not seen even as an agent by the bhakta* then what is achieved is "liberation." Here the neutralized polarity gets exteriorized, or universalized.

REFERENCES

Alvarkal. Nãlãyira tivviyap-pirapantam. Ed. Mayilai Matavatasan. Manali Lakshmana Mudai i ar1 s Specific Endowments Publication, 1962.

Cuntaramurtti Cuvamikal. Tevaram. Ed. K. V. Jakannatan. Tiurppanantal : Sri Kact matam Publication, 1949.

Meenakshisundan, T. P. A History of Tamil Literature. Annamal ai nagar: Annamal ai University, 1965.

Ti runanacampanta Cuvamikal . Tevaram. Ed. Patuccami Otuvar. Tiruppanantal : Sri Kaci -matam Publication, 1950.

Tirunavakkaracu Cuvamikal. Tevaram. Ed. T. Pattuccami Otuvar. Tiruppanan- tal: Sri Kaci-matam Publication, 1949.

White, C. S. J. "Bhakti," Encyclopedia Britannica, 1969, pp. 563-64.