35
Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Forschungsinstitut für Archäologie Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 2012 SONDERDRUCK AUS: RGZM – TAGUNGEN Band 17 Bendeguz Tobias (Hrsg.) DIE ARCHÄOLOGIE DER FRÜHEN UNGARN CHRONOLOGIE, TECHNOLOGIE UND METHODIK Internationaler Workshop des Archäologischen Instituts der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften und des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz in Budapest am 4. und 5. Dezember 2009

Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

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Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«

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Page 1: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

Roumlmisch-Germanisches ZentralmuseumForschungsinstitut fuumlr Archaumlologie

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 2012

SONDERDRUCK AUS

RGZM ndash TAGUNGENBand 17

Bendeguz Tobias (Hrsg)

DIE ARCHAumlOLOGIE DER FRUumlHEN UNGARN

CHRONOLOGIE TECHNOLOGIE UND METHODIK

Internationaler Workshop des Archaumlologischen Instituts

der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften

und des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz

in Budapest am 4 und 5 Dezember 2009

Redaktion Evelyn Garvey (New York) Reinhard Koumlster Bendeguz Tobias (RGZM)Satz Hans Jung (RGZM)Umschlaggestaltung Reinhard Koumlster (RGZM)

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation inder Deutschen Nationalbibliografie detaillierte bibliografischeDaten sind im Internet uumlber httpdnbd-nbde abrufbar

ISBN 978-3-88467-205-1ISSN 1862-4812

copy 2012 Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums

Das Werk ist urheberrechtlich geschuumltzt Die dadurch begruumln detenRechte insbesondere die der Uumlbersetzung des Nach drucks derEntnahme von Abbildungen der Funk- und Fernsehsen dung derWiedergabe auf photomechanischem (Photokopie Mikrokopie)oder aumlhnlichem Wege und der Speicherung in Datenverarbei -tungs anlagen Ton- und Bild traumlgern bleiben auch bei nur auszugs-weiser Verwertung vor be halten Die Verguuml tungs anspruumlche des sect 54 Abs 2 UrhG werden durch die Verwer tungs gesellschaftWort wahrgenommen

Herstellung Strauss GmbH MoumlrlenbachPrinted in Germany

Falko Daim

Vorwort IX

Vor der Landnahme

Attila Tuumlrk

Zu den osteuropaumlischen und byzantinischen Beziehungen der Funde des 10-11 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken 3

Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jonson

Traces of contacts Magyar material culture in the Swedish Viking Age context of Birka 29

Chronologische Fragen zum Fundmaterial des Karpatenbeckens

Peacuteter Langoacute

Notes on the dating of Byzantine coin finds from 10th century context in the Carpathian Basin 49

Peacuteter Prohaacuteszka

Bemerkungen zum byzantinischen Muumlnzverkehr der ungarischen Landnahmezeit und der Staatsgruumlndung im Karpatenbecken 67

Gabriel Fusek

Chronologische Fragen der Nitraer Graumlberfelder des 10-11 Jahrhundertsdas Fallbeispiel Nitra-Šindolka 89

Gabriel Nevizaacutensky middot Jiřiacute Košta

Die Ausgrabung eines fruumlhungarischen Reitergraumlberfeldes in Streda nad Bodrogom (okr TrebišovSK) in den Jahren 1926 und 1937 113

Mikloacutes Takaacutecs

Die Chronologie der Siedlungen und besonders der Siedlungskeramik des Karpatenbeckens des 8-11 Jahrhunderts im Spannungsfeld zwischen den verschieden Datierungsmoumlglichkeiten und ihren Einwaumlnden 145

Zwischen Ost und West raquoFremdelaquo Schwerter in raquolokalemlaquo Kontext

Naďa Profantovaacute

Examples of the most important results of technological analyses of swords in the Czech Republic 169

III

INHALT

IV

Aacutedaacutem Biacuteroacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view 191

Valeri Yotov

The Kunaacutegota sword guard and the dating of two bronze matrices for hilt manufacturing 219

Beitraumlge technologischer und naturwissenschaftlicher Untersuchungen zu archaumlologischen Fragestellungen

Adam Bolloacutek

Chronological questions of the Hungarian Conquest Period a technological perspective 229

Susanne Greiff

Silver grave goods from early Hungarian contexts technological implications of debased alloy compositions with zinc tin and lead 241

Nataša V Eniosova

Tracing the routes of silver procurement to the early urban centre Gneumlzdovo in the 10thearly 11th centuries 261

Mariela Inkova

A contribution to the problem of producing the Old Bulgarian belt-fittings from the 10th century 277

Naďa Profantovaacute

Ein tauschierter Steigbuumlgel aus der Umgebung von Dobruška (okr Rychnov nad KněžnouCZ) 295

Verzeichnis der Autorinnen und Autoren 309

Hinweis fuumlr den LeserKyrillische Buchstaben wurden wissenschaftlich transliteriert In Ausnahmefaumlllen wurde bei Eigennamen aufeine wissenschaftliche Transliteration verzichtet Bei den Fundortangaben in den Gebieten der ehemaligenSowjetunion werden die heutigen Ortsnamen angegeben Bei Kulturen bezeichnenden Fundorten wurdevon einer Aumlnderung abgesehen

AacuteDAacuteM BIacuteROacute

DATING (WITH) WEAPON BURIALS

AND THE raquoWAFFENWECHSELlaquo

A PRELIMINARY REPORT ON NEW INVESTIGATIONS

OF THE SO-CALLED VIKING-AGE SWORDS IN THE CARPATHIAN BASIN

FROM A CHRONOLOGICAL POINT OF VIEW

Superamur scio multitudine sed non virtute sed non armis 1

PREFACE

Due to its abundance in graves military equipment plays a special and important role in the chronological

system of the archaeological material of the 10th century AD in the Carpathian Basin Hungarian archae-

ologists tend to determine precise and exclusive chronological positions of certain weapons or weapon

types within the relatively short archaeological period of the so-called Hungarian Conquest although there

has not yet been a comprehensive and thorough archaeological research concerning weapon burials The

dating of weapon types is mainly based on marginal notes or ndash which is worse ndash created to support

unproved historical hypotheses The implicit acceptance of these raquodatingslaquo without control or supervision

resulted in the canonisation of a unified but first of all simplified chronological system In my opinion this

system is not only in need of a serious revision but a new strictly archaeological chronology should be

established instead since the former was neither based upon proper classification analyses nor on relative

chronological studies An attempt aiming at the historical interpretation of the archaeological material

would be reasonable only if such research would be accomplished Therefore this topic claims a complex

modern thorough future research to which of course also archaeometrical and experimental studies

belong

However it is not my duty here to cover all aspects of dating the weapons or other artefacts with them

On the other hand it seems necessary to sketch at least the three main keystones on which the present

chronological system rests

1 According to the first thesis men whose burials contained coins and weapons at the same time must be

seen as warriors who took part in the military campaigns and raids which the Magyars led to Europe in

the first half of the 10th century

2 The second thesis declares that straight double-edged swords replaced sabres from the middle or last

quarter of the century on due to the state formation process andor the realisation of inadequate arma-

ment being the main reason for the defeats suffered from the Saxon heavy cavalry On this basis the

year 955 and the battle at the river Lech or the beginning of the state formation process are given an

extraordinary importance ndash which on the one hand serves as a terminus post quem for the straight dou-

ble-edged swords and other military equipment thought to be connected with the so-called heavy cav-

alry while on the other hand it indicates a terminus ante quem for the majority of the sabres which are

considered typical nomadic light cavalry weapons

191Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

3 The third thesis claims that the rite of pagan (weapon) burials continued at least during the first quarter

of the 11th century in some territories of the Carpathian Basin 2

Bearing in mind the significance of the weapon dating in 10th-century Carpathian Basin a part of the proj-

ect raquoReiterkrieger Burgenbauer die fruumlhen Ungarn und das rsaquoDeutsche Reichlsaquo vom 9 bis zum 11 Jahr -

hundertlaquo (RGZM) aims at the revision and reconsideration of sword and sabre data along with coin-dated

graves in order to present a precise chronology for the Conquest Period material From the above-men-

tioned three theses all worthy of a full-scale reconsideration only the second forms part of the project

although the first one is also inherent in the interpretation of the coin-dated graves The main reason

behind the conception and the research topics of the project was the fact that whilst the numerous Muslim

dirhams and West European denarii found in graves represent a chance at least for the first half of the cen-

tury to create absolute dated assemblages the sword and sabre question may shed light on relative

chronological relations of the material Therefore I shall discuss the second thesis in this paper presenting

a preliminary historical and archaeological critique of the state of research

MILITARY REVOLUTION (REFORM) AND WEAPON CHANGE IN THE 10TH CENTURY

Historiography of the thesis

Albeit it would make sense to present here a comprehensive overview of the history of research on 10th-

century double-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 3 a short summary of the main statements of pri-

mary importance concerning this topic and their evolution should be sufficient to get a clear picture of the

theory in question

Although the origin of the thesis may be traced back to the late 19th- and early 20th-century studies 4 espe-

cially in the works of Zoltaacuten Toacuteth 5 the full concept blossomed out in a never quoted short study written

by Jaacutenos Kalmaacuter in 1936 6 Kalmaacuter offered a coherent but simplistic and idealistic view of the relations of

sabre and sword by placing them in the general evolution of medieval armour and assuming that they

belong to different cultural spheres and thus different warfare and tactics He demonstrated the distinction

of sabre and sword on raquoethno-psychological groundslaquo with the so-called Vienna sabre and the sword of

Saint Stephen I in Prague 7

raquoDer rsaquoAttila-Saumlbellsaquo und das Sankt Stefans-Schwert diese beiden wichtigsten Zimelien der fruumlhmagyari-

schen Kriegsgeschichte stehen im schaumlrfsten Kontrast zueinander Sie symbolisieren gewissermaszligen die

beiden Einfluszligsphaumlren von Ost und West Der Saumlbel erinnert an das einstige Steppenvolk das frank und

frei in den endlosen sarmatischen Niederungen irrlichterte das schwere Pallasch-Schwert dagegen ist

die Waffe eines bereits seszlighaft gewordenen ortsverbundenen Volkes Der Saumlbel ist die Waffe der per-

soumlnlichen Tapferkeit und Behendigkeit der Pallasch die der technischen Uumlberlegenheit Der Saumlbel ist ein

Produkt der tuumlrkischen der Pallasch jenes der indogermanischen Kultur Der Saumlbel ist die Waffe der

ploumltzlich emporlodernden taktischen Ideen der Pallasch das Symbol der planmaumlszligig arbeitenden vor-

ausblickenden Strategielaquo 8

Although Kalmaacuterrsquos paper unfortunately escaped the notice of the Hungarian research three years later his

ideas found their way into a short review by Gyula Laacuteszloacute 9 on Naacutendor Fettichrsquos article which deals with the

Prague sword 10 What was presented in this marginal note remained until now the most influential

approach to the question of the interpretation and chronology of the straight double-edged swords in the

Carpathian Basin It seems that at least the following two major conceptions of Kalmaacuter were integrated

into Laacuteszloacutersquos thesis

192 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1 that the sabre was inferior and proved unsuccessful against the heavy armour of West European armies

which resulted in the end of the Magyar incursions and

2 that with the beginning of the state reform of Saint Stephen I the sword and new tactics became dom-

inant in the Carpathian Basin

In the end Kalmaacuterrsquos original idea however indirectly presented the basis which was accepted and repeat-

ed later by following scholars who reiterated Laacuteszloacutersquos reasoning or worse used it as axiom for further the-

ories andor chronological statements Thus it is necessary to recapitulate Laacuteszloacutersquos main arguments here in

order to point out various inherent methodological problems 11

1 According to Laacuteszloacutersquos thesis straight double-edged swords were only used by heavy cavalry (so their pres-

ence in the archaeological record unambiguously indicates the existence of a western-type heavy caval-

ry in 10th-century Carpathian Basin) while sabres were instruments exclusively used in the raquoancient

nomadiclaquo close combat

2 Thus Laacuteszloacute created two artificial archaeological assemblages without any precise definition labelling

them with a simplifying term such as raquoChristianlaquo and raquopaganlaquo to deepen the supposed difference with

which he degraded the multi-layered complex past to a rigid simplified historical narration

3 In his view the raquoancestral nomadiclaquo equipment and fighting method ensured the successes of the

Magyars in the first half of the 10th century while the superior armament and tactics of their enemies

were responsible for the later defeats It is therefore obvious as Laacuteszloacute concludes that the Magyars had

to adopt the military achievements of Christian Europe (i e the Ottonian Empire) which is of course the

heavy cavalry armed with straight double-edged swords This newly organised modern Christian army

which became later the core of the regular army of the Hungarian kingdom was put to use for suppress-

ing pagan tribes who rebelled against the rule of Geacuteza and his successor Saint Stephen I at the end of

the 10th century

As I already mentioned serious methodological problems can be identified in this train of thought Not only

the unconditional linking of certain weapons with certain combat tactics seems to be doubtful 12 but also

the main characteristic of Laacuteszloacutersquos concept is misleading a historical theory is used as a rigid restricted inter-

pretation of the archaeological material which in turn determines the date of swords exclusively to the late

10th century Since the theory was easily explainable within Marxist historical materialism the idea had a

deep effect on the Hungarian historical research as well authorising it thus to spread the belief of a pri-

vate western-style (feudalistic) heavy cavalry in the service of Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I13 At the same time

the lively and rapidly developing historical military debate (starting in the late 1870s) on the possible recon-

struction of the Magyar tactics which otherwise had strong connections to the triumphant noble histori-

cal view of the zeitgeist came to a halt after World War II As a result Laacuteszloacutersquos rough sketch became due

to his determinant role in research a solid base for later investigations 14 Moreover his artistic representa-

tions of the supposed essential difference between the Ottonian and the Hungarian warfare made his

approach very popular also outside academic circles (fig 1) Neither could the following scholars escape

the convincing simplicity of Laacuteszloacutersquos idea 15 while they developed the concept to a universal historical hypo -

thesis using more or less detailed archaeological analyses 16

Korneacutel Bakay one of Laacuteszloacutersquos students was the first to manage an exhaustive archaeological analysis of

straight double-edged swords from the Carpathian Basin 17 but his conclusions and results were guided by

his professorrsquos view on the early state formation process of the Hungarian kingdom Thus as the main con-

cept remained basically historical the arguments and reasons applied often lacked archaeological evidence

or which is worse the archaeological evidence was intentionally treated inferior Bakay himself clearly

chose this approach by stressing that the importance of the supposed social and economical transforma-

tion (i e the state formation process) at the end of the 10th century determines the chronology of the

193Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

swords in question which aspect is superior to their typological and relative chronological relations In his

own words

raquoBereits hier moumlchte ich betonen dass die Chronologie der zweischneidigen Schwerter in erster Linie

eigentlich durch die oben geschilderte wirtschaftlich-gesellschaftliche Umwandlung bestimmt ist Der

typologische Vergleich dient demnach bloszlig als Ergaumlnzunglaquo 18

Furthermore the pioneering thought to compare the efficiency of the sword and the sabre with the aid of

modeling was invented only to prove Laacuteszloacutersquos (and originally Kalmaacuterrsquos) premise i e that the sword was a

more raquosuccessful weaponlaquo than the sabre However Bakayrsquos detailed calculations of the superiority of the

straight double-edged sword when compared to the sabre led to the mystification of the sword as a won-

der weapon (raquoWunderwaffelaquo) in the Hungarian archaeological research Although a more detailed archae-

ological explanation was now presented from those historians who slowly became the most influential his-

torians of the 10th-11th centuries only Gyoumlrgy Gyoumlrffy accepted and integrated the idea of the raquoregular elite

armylaquo consisting of heavy cavalry units organised by Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I into his comprehensive work

on the state formation process 19 Others like Joacutezsef Gerics simply evaded the discussion of the topic 20

while Gyula Kristoacute instead of acknowledging the military revolution as a historical fact treated the end of

the military campaigns in Europe and the battle at the Lech only as an important internal and foreign pol-

icy affair ndash nothing more 21 Kristoacute alone had proposed a short critique from the historianrsquos viewpoint are

archaeology and archaeological material competent to discuss and determine historical theories concern-

ing politico-historical questions 22 However Bakayrsquos work proved to be so overwhelmingly convincing that

not only the leading Hungarian archaeologists 23 but even Slovakian 24 and Romanian scholars acknowl-

edged his main conclusions 25 Radu Robert Heitel even treated the Transylvanian double-edged swords and

sword chapes as evidence that would draw the march route of the army of Saint Stephen I which con-

quered the regnum regis IuliiProkui in the year 1003 according to the Annales Hildesheimenses 26

194 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 1 The nature of the Magyar-Ottonian battle ndash (After Laacuteszloacute 1982 29)

In turn the archaeologist Laacuteszloacute Kovaacutecs took up the challenge to give a more proper archaeological expla-

nation of the historical thesis Although he assembled a whole catalogue on the subject of source-critical

problems of the double-edged swords 27 filtering out many ill-dated artefacts his whole evaluation regret-

tably was never published in its entirety Nevertheless his conception of an all-embracing simplified mili-

tary revolution dating from 955 rapidly became fundamental With his theory in contrast to Bakay Kovaacutecs

returned to the original notion of Laacuteszloacute (and Kalmaacuter) i e the necessary weapon change (raquoWaffen wech -

sellaquo) as a logical result of the raquomilitary shocklaquo generated by the defeats in the European theatre of war 28

However Kovaacutecs failed to give a convincing demonstration since his exclusive and at times subjective con-

clusions were drawn on the basis of a limited amount of numismatic material available 29 A rather new

phenomenon of the late 1990s is the appearance of some historical military papers 30 which mark a new

dawn of interest in the theme after the long silence from the potential third party of the debate Unfor -

tunately this research did not continue the traditions of the former historical military discussion but apart

from its useful practical viewpoint endeavoured only to describe and realise the above-mentioned hypoth-

esis from the viewpoint of the modern military terminology

There has been only one archaeological approach to the double-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpa -

thian Basin which did not originate from Laacuteszloacutersquos school Mechthild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm attempted to analyse

their chronological position apart from the historical approach of the Hungarian research and to fit them

into her absolute chronological system This was based on the chronological diversities and different origins

of the dirham and denar material of the first half of the 10th century Schulze-Doumlrrlammrsquos phase I (896-925)

and phase II (926-95070) comprised the so-called raquoaltmagyarischer Formenkreislaquo group in the former

chronology of Jochen Giesler The two phases were differentiated in their geographical distribution as well

Since the topography of the double-edged swords seemed to resemble that of phase II as Schulze-

Doumlrrlamm concludes the swords belong to the second quarter of the century 31 Although these phases

appear to be overly artificial and moreover their projection or application to the whole of the material is

at least problematic 32 her critical note on Bakayrsquos conception is more than appropriate

raquoDie Uumlbernahme dieser neuen Hiebwaffe und damit zugleich auch einer anderen Kampftechnik durch

die Ungarn hat demnach nichts mit dem rsaquoFuumlrstenheerlsaquo des Fuumlrsten Geza (972-997) zu tun wie es Bakay

vermutete sondern duumlrfte eine Reaktion auf die Erfahrungen bei den Kaumlmpfen in Deutschland und

Italien gewesen seinlaquo 33

However we must be aware that Schulze-Doumlrrlamm did not query the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo itself but only

presented a third option for the historical explanation of the presence of such swords thought to be alien

in the archaeological material of the Magyars As a conclusion of my preliminary thoughts on the histori-

ography concerning the chronological problems and interpretation of 10th-century straight double-edged

swords found in the Carpathian Basin I find the following thoughts of Bernard Sebastian Bachrach aston-

ishingly sound also in light of the situation of the Hungarian research

raquoIn what has amounted to a highly romanticized search for the origins of chivalry scholars have for too

long ignored the balance of the evidence focused upon bits and pieces of inconclusive data and mag-

nified the importance of these to help create a flawed picture of warfare in the early Middle Ageslaquo 34

Methodological problems of the thesis ndash reconsidering swords

While sketching the main points of the former research three major approaches took shape each based

on the idea that the straight double-edged swords are new phenomena in the otherwise homogeneous

raquonomadiclaquo material culture of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin This was clarified by a change in warfare

and military equipment taking place in the second quarter in the middle or in the third quarter of the cen-

195Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

tury either due to the experience of the campaigns in Europe or to the politico-military shock of the battle

at the Lech or thanks to the state formation process These theories all emphasise a crucial difference

between the sabre and the straight double-edged sword which significantly affected or altered the warfare

and tactics of the Magyars during the 10th century Thus we have seen a far-reaching theory changing over

time set off by Kalmaacuter as early as 1936 which explains the origin of the so-called Viking swords the politi-

co-social and military status they were thought to indicate and the historical context they created or in

which they acted When we take a closer look at the main arguments of this chain of thought many will

arouse our interest and hence induce a profound examination since they indicate serious methodological

problems I shall discuss these in the following separated on the basis of the character of their reasoning

be it principally (military) historical or archaeological

Historical arguments and notes

First of all it is worth noting that the concept of the supposed military reform and the creation or presence

of a heavy cavalry in 10th-century Hungary is completely without any written evidence or proof Not a sin-

gle historical information not any contemporary literary account shows any trace of either the establish-

ment or organisation of a new army or of the central distribution of swords or other military equipment to

Hungarian soldiers We do not even have a text that would at least indirectly refer to the army or retinue

of dux Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I such as e g the account of Thietmar of Merseburg on the 300 armoured

but not by all means mounted warriors (trecentis militibus loricatis) possibly serving as part of the person-

al retinue or guard of dux Bolesław I Chrobry (Chronicon Thietmari IV46) before they were given as a pres-

ent to Otto II 35

Our only contemporary source that mentions military affairs is the founding document of the monastery at

Pannonhalma 36 Although the diplomarsquos account on the war between the Germans and Hungarians and

the civil war known in more detail from later sources is almost meaningless and highly ambiguous 37 it was

associated with the supposed German origin of the duces raquoPoznanolaquo raquoCuntiolaquo and raquoOrziolaquo This proved

to be well enough for a theory of a strong Ottonian or German (military) influence in the court of the late

Geacuteza and young raquoWaiclaquoStephen and to attribute these duces a decisive role on the battlefield during

the suppression of the revolt of Koppaacuteny 38 In the later traditions of medieval Hungarian chronicles they

became the personal bodyguards of Saint Stephen I and generals of his army39 and ndash as a consequence in

modern historical research ndash the possible disseminators of heavy cavalry the organisers of the new Christian

regular army 40

Apart from the problematic interpretation of this diploma from the total range of contemporary sources

only five articles in the codes of Saint Stephen I provide useful information by dealing to some extent with

military affairs and by mentioning the sword The first article judges those who draw a sword (raquode evagi-

natione gladiilaquo) with the aim of injury to be killed by the same sword (I16) The second one rules the same

sentence for the case of murder with a sword (II12) the third declares the raquoan eye for an eyelaquo principle

for maiming with a sword (II13) while the fourth determines the fee that should be paid to a victim that

recovers from a wound by a sword (II16) The last article deals with the case of drawing a sword in rage

without wounding (II17) 41 Each article uses the word gladius but does not go into details about the

weapon like e g the famous raquoWalthariuslaquo poem 42 hence it is not possible to correlate the archaeological

material with the written evidence What is interesting however is that Stephenrsquos laws do not mention the

famous missile of the Magyars the bow and arrow ndash although their dominating presence in the burial

material would indicate a high importance 43 In contrast the many articles dealing with the crimes com-

mitted specifically with the sword especially in the second book of Saint Stephen I where they make up

196 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

almost one fifth of the total number of articles may refer to a very common phenomenon in the society

Personal violence must have been a widespread practice for reducing social tensions in a changing society

It is of great importance that this symptom of solving social problems with fighting and after all with vio-

lence and murder became manifest in close combat fought with gladii swords or sabres This as a final

result indirectly but unambiguously speaks of a tradition and preference of experiencing fight and combat

from up close ndash provided that these articles are not artificial adoptions of West European laws

In that way or another none of the quoted written sources serves as a firm base for a theory of a (new)

regular army whose core consists of heavy cavalry Furthermore the theory constructed upon these dubi-

ous sources cannot apply to the dating of archaeological assemblages as a determining fact What we

know for sure is that one of the different strata of the society called milites ndash witnessed in the laws of Saint

Stephen I ndash may be connected with somewhat regular perhaps professional military services 44 Thus I do

not reject the possibility of a more or less regular army at the time of the first Hungarian rex since it is obvi-

ous that a determined political will with a strong military base an army or at least a large retinue is the pre-

condition of state formation 45 I only suggest that in the case of the early Hungarian state formation nei-

ther written sources nor archaeological data as will be seen later provide us with any useful and unam-

biguous information on how that army could have looked like But we must not rely solely on the argu-

mentum ex silentio since this false reasoning was frequently done by the former research

Other contradictions emerge when we take into account the possible existence of a military reform or rev-

olution within the framework of early medieval Europe The concept may have its roots in the 19th- and

early 20th-century European idea that describes and explains military affairs being highly dependent on the

quality of the military equipment However this was a legitimate phenomenon in the world of mass armies

and an unbelievably quick progress in military techniques like artillery Thus the creators of this concept sim-

ply projected the military idea of the time of Delbruumlck and von Clausewitz back to early medieval times

Therefore the idea of a military revolution is mostly anachronistic in 10th-century Europe Nevertheless this

approach was not only prevalent in the Hungarian scholarship of the 20th century ndash the symptom appeared

in the German historical tradition as well One may find Karl Leyserrsquos thoughts on the Saxon military revo-

lution at the time of Henry I (919-936) and Otto I (936-973) closely related to the Hungarian example

Leyser stated that the creation of a heavily armoured cavalry (armati loricati) was the key to the military

and political success of the Ottonian dynasty According to him after 933 the Ottonian heavy cavalry

dominated the battles in the field 46 When Leyser published his theory in its entirety first in 1968 he had

already exploited three years earlier the assumed fundamental differences in the armament of the Magyar

and Ottonian troops in his interpretation of the battle at the Lech in 955 Leyserrsquos main point was to empha-

sise the effectiveness of the Ottonian armament in particular of the raquoheavier swordlaquo over their Magyar

counterparts raquoIn close quarter fighting with spears and especially swords the great majority of the Hun -

garians had no chance against the heavier arms and the much better protective equipment of their oppo-

nentslaquo 47

Leyserrsquos belief that the outcome of the battle is to be explained by the differences in arms and armour and

thus in tactics was so firm that he treated the locus raquoSuperamur scio multitudine sed non virtute sed

non armis Maxima enim ex parte nudos illos armis omnibus penitus cognovimuslaquo of Widukind in his raquoRes

Gestae Saxonicaelaquo (III XLVI) as proof for the decisive disparity 48 According to him the text should be inter-

preted in the following way raquoIn Widukind it was virtus and as shall be seen better weapons which over-

came superior numbers [at the battle of Lechfeld]laquo The latter half of the quotation should be understood

as the Magyars having a shortage of raquooffensive but also defensive weaponslaquo including raquoshields iron hel-

mets and above all hauberkslaquo 49 However we may try to specify the meaning and context of the locus

more precisely Contrary to Leyserrsquos opinion Widukind stated in the former sentence that the Ottonian

197Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

army is inferior to the Magyars ndash not in arms or virtue but in numbers Since the factors and circumstances

that do determine the process and final result of a battle in the field are obviously more than just the pure

number the armament and the virtus of the opposing forces we may see Widukindrsquos first statement of the

comparison rather as a comment that proves the value of the Ottonian army While the latter highly am -

biguous sentence ndash which can be used to determine the Magyar army as light cavalry wearing no armour

ndash may also indicate that the percentage of Magyar warriors equipped with defensive armament was lower

than that of the Ottonian soldiers in general On the other hand a serious methodological problem occurs

when we take a closer look at the whole text First of all it must be noted that the comparison of the two

armies i e the quoted text of Widukind is only a short part of the perhaps fictional encouraging speech

of rex Otto I who addressed his fellow soldiers right before the battle 50 The whole speech consists of typ-

ical phrases concerning general topics that aim at reassuring the soldiers of their strength and of their hope

that they could win the battle These phrases are so simplified that we may suppose without exaggeration

that this speech could have been delivered in every battlefield during the pre-modern period In the con-

text of such a pre-battle speech every statement gains an additional sense of encouragement heroism

past victories danger fictitious or real advantages etc are mentioned in order to strengthen the dubious

and those filled with fear 51 ndash fear of a punishment that will surely follow in the case of flight or deserta-

tion and fear of death in the battle itself 52 Addressing the enemyrsquos armour in a battle speech either in a

positive or a negative way is so trivial and self-evident that it even appears in the famous movie with Kevin

Costner raquoRobin Hood ndash Prince of Thieveslaquo 53 But let us return to Widukind himself and do not reject his

opinion when he clearly states in the continuation of the above-quoted text that raquoet quod maximi est nobis

solatii auxilio Deilaquo 54 thus the main difference between the two armies was the faith in Christ Whether

such a speech could have been given by Otto I or not (due to natural physical communication difficulties)

whether it is an original battle speech or only a fiction of the author 55 ndash it should be concluded that

Widukind does not allow us to draw such exact conclusions as Leyser did on the armament of the entire

opposing forces Consequently it seems that in parallel with the theory of Laacuteszloacute and Bakay the German

research also developed the idea of superiority of the double-edged straight sword ndash in connection with

(what is more important) the supposed dominance of the heavy cavalry on the battlefields

Leyserrsquos main thesis was actually only the application of a former historical notion to the cases of Charles

Martel Pippin and Charlemagne However Bachrachrsquos in-depth studies convincingly proved that neither the

thesis of a Carolingian nor of an Ottonian military revolution is true instead they should rather be treated

as myths 56 He established in many articles that early medieval wars were aimed at the conquest of the

enemyrsquos territory by besieging and controlling fortifications This resulted in the fact that the nature of early

medieval warfare was dominated by sieges and hence infantry fight while raquomounted shock combat was a

minor aspect even in the rare battles in the field that were fought throughout the pre-crusading Europelaquo 57

Instead of performing frontal attacks that usually failed and caused disastrous disorganisation and loss of

battle the early medieval European cavalry in the 9th-11th centuries were to perform multifunctional tasks

with their mostly light weaponry The tactically reasonable use of cavalry consisted of feigned retreats

flanking attacks and leaving them as a (hidden) reverse against a probable encirclement by the enemy They

were often even ordered to dismount and engage in the battle on foot 58

A similar picture is emerging from the battle and duel descriptions of the raquoWalthariuslaquo poem whose author

shows a remarkable interest in weaponry and realistic fighting 59 It seems that the raquoWalthariuslaquo is the only

early medieval narrative source that deals with military affairs to an extent that allows us to draw conclu-

sions regarding battlefield tactics and duel techniques ndash if we take the poem as a more or less authentic

account on European warfare of the late 9th and 10th centuries What is important here is that the battle

description (lines 180-207 especially 182-195) 60 does not mention the presence of heavy cavalry but

198 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

instead gives a carefully detailed picture of opposing troops standing very close a long-lasting missile fight

of throwing spears and some archery and then the clash of the battle lines in the chaos of close combat

It should be made clear that in this description the course of the battle consists of two equal parts the skir-

mish and the close combat Since the opposing troops are only at a raquothrowing spearlaquo distance of approx

30 m max 50 m apart from one another the possibility of a heavy cavalry charge is excluded Though the

author mentions cavalry fight as well it is ambiguous if they were heavily armoured 61 only shields (umbo)

are mentioned The same process is visible in every duel in the raquoWalthariuslaquo the fights start with throwing

spears (archery is only involved in one case) and end up with a close combat using spear-shield or sword-

shield combinations on foot

Even if we are wrong in taking the written sources at face value the main question that lies in the heart

of the investigation proves to be the toughest to answer What kind of cavalry may one call heavy And

what are its major distinctive features It is clear that the term was first invented for and applied to the

mounted knights of the High Middle Ages whose armour slowly developed into sophisticated and spe-

cialised full plate constructions But isnrsquot it wrong to desperately seek and suppose a similar case in the Early

Middle Ages In an attempt to understand early medieval cavalry in its own past reality a more flexible

approach is needed In my opinion the terms raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo are highly relative and work well only

in standard comparisons regarding equipment On the other hand contrary to the armament the assigned

or unintentionally performed operations against certain enemy units during a battle should be seen as the

most important factor that may determine the (momentary) battlefield role i e the tactical classification of

the cavalry unit in question Thus raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo should only be used in clear cases when written

sources permit the scholar to give a detailed picture of the battle In such ideal conditions different caval-

ry raquounitslaquo may be compared to each other or to infantry for reasons of differences in their armament their

assigned tasks and fulfilled operations on the basis of their momentum and results to finally address them

with attributes like raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo Bearing in mind the complicated nature and multi-layered process

of battles in general and the commonly laconic conditions of contemporary written sources one may

assume that only probable but no exact definitions are to be expected However it is not my duty to give

an analysis of early medieval European cavalry here I only point out the problem detailed studies will hope-

fully follow for the 10th-11th centuries as well 62

When looking for a contemporary military unit that might be rightly titled as heavy cavalry one has to turn

to Byzantium According to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (c 950) and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo (c 965) as well

as to later sources the task of the middle Byzantine kataphraktoi was to crush the middle of the enemy

battle lines with a single decisive charge 63 Their position within the general Byzantine battle order denotes

their remarkable importance the offensive part of a full middle Byzantine army was organised around the

kataphraktoi 64 forming a wedge in the Byzantine centre 65 The Byzantines were to achieve victory by this

main charge that began immediately after the skirmish of the prokoursatores 66 The detailed description of

their armament in the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo 67 clearly indicates that not only

the kataphraktos but also his horse was protected by armour (klibanion kremasmata epilorikion etc for

the mounted and the various carapaces for the horse) of the best quality 68 Thus the kataphraktoi fulfil the

major requirements that would make a unit of mounted soldiers heavy cavalry in theory first of all the spe-

cialised battlefield task that was officially attributed to them and secondly their centrally organised supply

with the appropriate armament to successfully perform their duty

Drawing conclusions is at least highly risky in the absence of a complete survey of all relevant texts and for-

mer research concerning the problem of 10th century heavy cavalry In spite of the fact that the rigid efforts

of describing cavalry with abstract definitions of tactical classifications seem to be outdated I have to deal

with the term raquoheavy cavalrylaquo in this paper in order to ascertain the probability of the thesis of the Hun -

199Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

garian military reform In this sense it may not be exaggerated and is reasonable to conclude that heavy

cavalry with a shock-delivering decisive role did not really exist on the battlefields of Western and Central

Europe in the 10th century ndash considering Bachrachrsquos negative opinion on Leyserrsquos Saxon military reform and

heavy cavalry According to this conception the supposed Hungarian military reform of establishing a heavy

cavalry that served as basis for the state formation should also be considered at least preliminary a myth

Archaeological arguments methods and sources

Much should and could be said concerning the absolute chronology of swords and the supposed weapon

change from the archaeologistrsquos point of view In this paper I will only concentrate on the main method-

ological problems of the thesis (fig 2)

Much ink has been spilt over the question of understanding burials in general and the foremost interest

the question of warrior or soldier graves presents similar difficulties in evaluating weapon burials Since the

early 1990s a new approach claims that the interpretation of weapon burials is not independent from

intentional factors that changed and created the burial while paleoanthropological and paleopathological

data are to be reckoned with in particular 69 Gender studies concerning this topic have reached a notable

success in Anglo-Saxon archaeology 70 A clear distinction must be made between weapon burials (raquoWaf -

fen graumlberlaquo) and warrior graves (raquoKriegergraumlberlaquo) identified by anthropological means In the light of recent

research the primary objective is to determine if the men buried with weapons primarily with straight dou-

ble-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpathian Basin were participants in military affairs or not Hope -

fully the planned anthropological research within the ongoing project will result in appropriate information

that can be compared with the archaeological data However now we are forced to only make use of the

archaeological evidence ndash which may prove or negate the thesis we are dealing with

The archaeological identification of pure military matters like tactics army or military organisation is more

problematic in particular when only grave material is at disposal Hence numerous methodological objec-

tions should be made in the case of linking specific fighting methods or tactics with certain weapons In the-

ory it is obvious that throughout human history on every technical level exists an assembly of armour and

weapons which fits best a specific battlefield role However equipping an army with different assemblies

of armaments requires an enormous financial investment a well-balanced economy and armourer industry

and ndash last but not least ndash a sophisticated military science None of that was at the disposal of the 10th-cen-

tury European states and pre-states with the exception of Byzantium On the other hand the concept of

armies divided into troops with unified armaments and different battlefield duties is the idea of the early

modern and modern period and of 19th-cen-

tury military scholarship Such uniformity in

armament and fighting ability may have

been dominant in Byzantium and at least

ten dentious in Europe in the small num ber

of elite troops namely within the small circle

of bodyguards and those who possessed a

high social andor military status Treating

the straight double-edged swords as exclu-

sive markers of heavy cavalry is extremely

challenging especially when one takes into

account that battlefield roles may be accom-

plished with different armaments and are

200 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 2 Main arguments determining the hypothesis ndash (Drawing and digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

therefore only indirectly and idealistically linked to a certain armament type Since the so-called raquostirrup the-

sislaquo which otherwise had a much greater effect on medieval military historiography than the raquosword the-

sislaquo at last proved to be untenable71 it seems more and more obvious that as far as one can judge from

the archaeological evidence and historical records with the aid of physics and simple logic the pure connec-

tion of tactics and military technology in a continental European early medieval context is a paradox

The best contemporary argument for this is the case of the above-mentioned Byzantine kataphraktos who

was armed with two or more close combat weapons a spathion on a baldric a paramerion and several

siderorabdia (iron maces) fastened to the saddle (according to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo)72 The spathion is

identified as a double-edged straight sword while the explanation of the paramerion is more complicated

The term paramerion appeared in general use in the late 9th and early 10th century and means literally

raquo(something held) by the thighlaquo 73 John Haldon assumed that the main difference between the ordinary

sword and the paramerion is the way they were worn the former being carried on a baldric while the lat-

ter hung from a waist-belt 74 However the difference in form is more remarkable the paramerion is usu-

ally regarded as a straight single-edged sword according to the description in Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo and in the

raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 75 Albeit the recent translation of the raquoTacticalaquo is consistent in understanding it as a

dagger 76 a closer look at Leo VIrsquos text helps to specify what kind of weapon one shall understand by the

term The locus raquoπαραμήρια μαχαίρας μεγάλας μονοστόμουςlaquo (raquoTacticalaquo 5 sect217) could be a simple

enumeration without any further logical connection between the parameria and the single-edged great

daggers as the mention of raquoπαραμήρια ήτοι μαχαίραςlaquo (6 sect219) In contrast two other loci (6 sect26167

6 sect30198) clearly indicate that the word was used as an adverb and adjective as well Therefore it is quite

probable that the author attempted to explain the term paramerion when it first appeared in the text (5

sect217) and that the locus should be translated as raquoparameria i e large single-edged daggerslaquo Since the

author of the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo repeatedly uses the term paramerion as well but most importantly con-

firms twice that single-edged swords (monostomon and heterestomon xiphos) were called parameria

(raquoπαραμήρια ξίφη δηλαδὴ ἑτερόστομαlaquo [38 sect518] and raquoμονόστομα ξίφη hellip ἃ δή ϰαί παραμήριαλέγονταιlaquo [39 sect212-13]) 77 and at the same time states in the latter locus that the length of a parameri-

on and a spathion are equal 78 one is surely not facing a dagger here the expression raquogreat daggerlaquo in the

raquoTacticalaquo may rather mean that the paramerion is a dagger-like weapon in its form but bigger From this

one might infer a straight blade contrary to the opinion of Haldon who proposed that the paramerion is

the slightly curved single-edged sabre79 Piotr Ł Grotowski most recently summarised the state of research

and defined the paramerion as a single-edged broadsword 80 According to him the paramerion would be

with the fancy word of the Slavic research the palash ndash a predecessor of the sabre Although it does not

seem proper to name a weapon by an anachronistic term of unknown origin and etymology and the char-

acterisation of obviously contemporaneous types of weaponry by their hypothetical relative typological rela-

tion is also not an indisputable method Grotowski correctly concludes that raquoone must be careful seeing

the paramerion as a sabrelaquo 81 A similar view was expressed by Maria G Parani who was the first to draw

attention to the fact that neither Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo nor the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo or the raquoPraecepta

Militarialaquo mention the curve of the blade 82 Parani also emphasised that no middle Byzantine depiction of

a sword with a curved blade exists 83 Although there are some uncertainties concerning the modern defi-

nition of the sabre one may consider the curve of the blade as a major attribute that distinguishes the sabre

from other single- and double-edged swords The division of swords into three main types according to the

form and construction of the blades is supported by the archaeological material unearthed in the periph-

ery of the Byzantine Empire not only straight double-edged and curved single-edged but also straight sin-

gle-edged weapons are present in the Carpathian Basin (fig 3) and in Bulgaria as well 84 With the excep-

tion of Joacutezsef Hampelrsquos early remarks 85 such swords were regarded as sabres by the Hungarian research

201Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

without recognising their disparity although other hybrid forms were noticed but not studied thoroughly

(fig 4) 86 It seems that no certain archaeological pictorial or written evidence testifies the use of the sabre

i e the curved single-(false)edged sword in 10th-century Byzantium ndash there is only evidence of the other

two of the three basic blade types shortly defined above The importance of the differentiation between

straight single-edged and straight double-edged swords is also further attested by pictorial sources For

instance one may recognise the sword that the third foot soldier in the procession of the Forty Martyrs of

Sebastea holds in his hand on the fresco in the Guumlvercinlik (dovecote) church in Ccedilavuşin (Cappadocia) in

Turkey dated to 963-969 as straight and single-edged in contrast to the double-edged swords of the first

two soldiers on foot 87 The fresco is so detailed that even the fuller or rhombic section of the double-edged

blades is clearly visible The two types of blades differ not only in their points (that determine the number

of their edges) but also in their width the single-edged one is almost half as wide as the double-edged It

seems reasonable to assume that the painter of the scene was well aware of the variations and main char-

acteristics of the different swords and endeavoured to give highly detailed realistic depictions of them If

we are right in identifying the paramerion as a straight single-edged sword it should be noted that it is

closer in its construction and weight and thus in its possible original function to the sabre than to the

202 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 3 Some of the straight single-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 1 Biharkeresztes Vasuacutetaacutellomaacutes (Hajduacute-Bihar countyH) grave 1 ndash 2 Zemianska Olča (Hung NemesoacutecsaKomaacuterno distSK) grave 7 ndash 3 Csongraacuted-Vendelhalom (Csongraacuted countyH) grave41955 ndash 4 Szob-Vendelin (Pest countyH)grave 51 ndash (Drawings L Kovaacutecs digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

straight double-edged sword Since the former is usually interpreted as a special light cavalry weapon and

the latter as a heavy cavalry or heavy infantry weapon one may ask why the Byzantine super-heavy caval-

ry was equipped with a raquolightlaquo sword akin to the sabre The answer is simple neither is the sabre an exclu-

sively light cavalry weapon nor is the straight double-edged sword a typical heavy cavalry weapon Both

arms can be used in other tactical formations as well To sum up an armament type does not solely deter-

mine the tactics and thus the success or defeat of a soldier or an army

Even if we bona fide prescind from the above-mentioned methodological problems inherent in the inter-

pretation of graves and weapon burials in general the archaeological material should show features that

would unambiguously refer to heavily armed mounted fighters Therefore we may expect these Magyar

burials with double-edged swords to be furnished with objects that relate to riding mounted fight and

raquoheavylaquo armament first of all including armour On the other hand we may not overestimate the fact that

no sign of any armour has been recovered from Magyar graves 88 since the appearance of armour chain

mail and helmet is extremely rare not only in 10th-century burials 89 but throughout the Early Middle Ages

The total absence of shield bosses in the 10th- and 11th-century Carpathian Basin is more remarkable 90

compared to the Carolingian and Ottonian case Although they are neither frequent in contemporary West

European archaeological material 91 pictorial evidence and written sources indicate that the shield was a

most basic element in the equipment of Carolingian and Ottonian soldiers 92 Consequently further

research should concentrate on the types and small diversities in the buried riding gear with the intention

of differentiating between various riding techniques 93 This might serve as a basis for distinguishing raquoheavy

cavalry burialslaquo even though I particularly doubt the existence of 10th-century heavy cavalry and even more

its archaeological markers

Let us now turn towards the superiority and mystification of the straight double-edged sword Due to

Bakayrsquos physical analysis 94 which without exception fully persuaded Hungarian scholars the myth of the

sword being a weapon twice as powerful and effective than the sabre spread and became an axiom

However Bakayrsquos calculations concerning the torque (raquoDrehkraftlaquo) of the sabre and the sword are overly

simplified and hardly prove more than the fact that if a smaller and a bigger apple is thrown at you the

bigger one hurts more Actually his point was already lost when he chose the torque and not the mechan-

ic or kinetic energy as the aim of his calculations Not only his physical model (let the weapon fall to the

ground with its point first) fails to model the handling of these weapons in combat but he also simplified

203Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 4 The Szentbeacutekkaacutella hybrid sword ndash (Photo and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

References

Androshchuk 2003 F Androshchuk The raquoLjudota Swordlaquo (AnEpisode of Contacts Between Britain and Scandinavia in the LateViking Age) Ruthenica 2 2003 15-25

Androushchuk 2009 F Androushchuk Vikings and Farmers SomeRemarks on the Social Interpretation of Swords and Long-Distance Contacts during the Viking Age In Holmquist Olaus-son Olausson 2009 93-104

Arbman 1937 H Arbman Schweden und das Karolingische ReichStudien zu den Handelsverbindungen des 9 Jahrhunderts KglVitterhets Hist Akad Handlingar 43 (Stockholm 1937)

Arbman Nilsson 1969 H Arbman N-O Nilsson Armes scandi-naves de lrsquoeacutepoque Viking en France Meddel Lund Univ HistMus 1966-1968 (1969) 163-202

Arwidsson 1986 G Arwidsson Schilde In idem (ed) Birka II2 Sys -tematische Analysen der Graumlberfunde (Stockholm 1986) 38-44

Bachrach 1969 B S Bachrach The Origin of Armorican ChivalryTechnology and Culture 10 1969 166-171

1970 B S Bachrach Charles Martel Mounted Shock Combatthe Stirrup and Feudalism Stud Medieval and Renaissance Hist7 1970 49-75

1983 B S Bachrach Charlemagnersquos Cavalry Myth and RealityMilitary Affairs 474 1983 181-187

1988 B S Bachrach Caballus et Caballarius in Medieval War-fare In H Chickering T H Seiler (eds) The Study of ChivalryResources and Approaches (Kalamazoo 1988) 173-211

1993 B S Bachrach Armies and Politics in the Early MedievalWest (Aldershot Brookfield 1993)

1995 B S Bachrach The Milites and the Millennium HaskinsSoc Journal Stud Medieval Hist 3 1992 85-95

2001 B S Bachrach Early Carolingian Warfare Prelude to Em -pire (Philadelphia 2001)

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Beatson 1995 P Beatson The raquoViking Shieldlaquo from ArchaeologyVarangian Voice 35 1995 25-35

Beloševič 2007 J Beloševič Osvrt na karolinške mačeve tipa H sašireg područja Dalmatinske Hrvatske (Ruumlckschau auf karolingi-sche Schwerter des Typus H aus dem Groszligraum des dalmati-schen Kroatiens) Prilozi 24 2007 405-418

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Cattaneo 2009 G Cattaneo The Scandinavians in Poland a Re-Evolution of Perceptions of the Vikings Brathair 92 2009 2-14

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2000 I Fodor A haderő eacutes a fegyverzet aacutetalakulaacutesa az aacutellamala-piacutetaacutes koraacuteban In Aacute Raacutecz (ed) Nagy keacutepes millenniumi hadtoumlr-teacutenet 1000 eacutev a hadak uacutetjaacuten (Budapest 2000) 20 f

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2001b I Fodor Az aacutellamalapiacutetaacutes koraacutenak hadserege In P Hal-maacutegyi (ed) Az aacutellamalapiacutetoacutekroacutel 2000-ben A VII Honveacuted Emleacutek-nap eacutes a Leveacuteltaacuteri Napok makoacutei előadaacutesai A Makoacutei MuacutezeumFuumlzetei 98 (Makoacute 2001) 17-39

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Gaacutell 2007 E Gaacutell Az Erdeacutelyi-medence a Partium eacutes a Baacutensaacuteg X-XIszaacutezadi siacuter- eacutes szoacutervaacuteny-fegyverleleteinek elemzeacutese (An Analysisof the Grave and Stray Weapon Finds of the TranssylvanianBasin the Partium and the Banat from the 10th-11th Centuries)Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 1202 2007 395-474

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Gerics 1995 J Gerics Egyhaacutez aacutellam eacutes gondolkodaacutes a Magyarors-zaacutegon a koumlzeacutepkorban Magyar Egyhaacuteztoumlrteacuteneti EnciklopeacutediaMunkakoumlzoumlsseacuteg koumlnyvek 9 (Budapest 1995)

2000 J Gerics Herrschaftszentren und HerrschaftsorganisationIn Wieczorek Hinz 2000 570-573

Gomolka 1968 G Gomolka Die Kleinfunde vom LimeskastellIatrus in Moesia inferior Klio 50 1968 171-249

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Grieg 1947 S Grieg Gjermundbufunnet En hoslashvdingegrav fra900-aringrene fra Ringerike Norske Oldfunn 8 (Oslo 1947)

Grotowski 2010 P Ł Grotowski Arms and Armour of the WarriorSaints Tradition and Innovation in Byzantine Iconography (843-1261) The Medieval Mediterranean Peoples Economies andCultures 400-1500 87 (Boston Leiden 2010)

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1997b H Haumlrke Early Anglo-Saxon Military Organisation anArchaeological Perspective In Joslashrgensen Clausen 1997 93-101

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Herfert 1978 P Herfert Fruumlhmittelalterliche Schwerter aus demStrelasund und dem Einzugsgebiet der Peene Jahrb Boden-denkmalpfl Mecklenburg 1977 (1978) 247-261

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2004 В Йотов Въопъжениетто и снапяжението от бълга-рското средновековие (VII-XI век) (Varna 2004)

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Kahsnitz 2001 R Kahsnitz Erstes Buch der Makkabaumler In Puhle2001 218-221

Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 J Kalmaacuter Saumlbel und Schwert in Ungarn Zeit -schr Hist Waffen u Kostuumlmkde (Berlin) XIV NF 5 1936 150-155

1942 J Kalmaacuter Peacutecsi sisak a honfoglalaacutes koumlruumlli időből In Peacutecsszabad kiraacutelyi vaacuteros Majorossy Imre Muacutezeumaacutenak Eacutertesiacutetője1942 22-29

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Kind 2002 Th Kind Archaumlologische Funde von Teilen der Reiter-ausruumlstung aus Europa und ihr Beitrag zur Kultur- und Sozialge-schichte der Ottonenzeit In Henning 2002 283-299

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1971 А Н Кирпичников Древнерусское оручжие Бып-ыск третий Доспех комплекс боевых средств АрхеологияСССР Е1-36 (Leningrad 1971)

Kjellstroumlm 2009 A Kjellstroumlm Type Specific Features and Identifi-cation of War Graves the Physical Remains as Source Materialafter Battle In Holmquist Olausson Olausson 2009 179-190

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Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008 P N Kotowicz A Michalak Sta-tus of Research on Early Medieval Armament in MałopolskaRemarks Regarding the Monograph Study by Piotr Strzyż ActaArch Carpathica 42-43 2007-2008 371-417

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1993 L Kovaacutecs Waffenwechsel vom Saumlbel zum Schwert ZurDatierung der ungarischen Graumlber des 10-11 Jahrhunderts mitzweischneidigem Schwert Fasciculi Arch Hist 7 1993 45-60

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2002 L Kovaacutecs A honfoglaloacute magyarok bőrpaacutenceacuteljaacuteroacutel (Aboutthe Leather Armour of the Conquering Hungarians) HadtoumlrtKoumlzl 1152 2002 311-334

Kristoacute 1980 Gy Kristoacute Oroszok az Aacuterpaacuted-kori Magyaroroszaacutegon(Russes en Hongrie agrave lrsquoeacutepoque des Aacuterpaacuteds) Acta Univ Szegedi-nensis 67 1980 57-66

1985 Gy Kristoacute Az augsburgi csata Sorsdoumlntő ToumlrteacutenelmiNapok 8 (Budapest 1985)

1986 Gy Kristoacute Az Aacuterpaacuted-kor haacuteboruacutei (Budapest 1986)

1993 Gy Kristoacute Die Arpaden-Dynastie Die Geschichte Ungarnsvon 895 bis 1301 (Szekszaacuterd 1993)

1995 Gy Kristoacute A magyar aacutellam megszuumlleteacutese Szegedi Koumlzeacutep-kortoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 8 (Szeged 1995)

214 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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Last 1972 M Last Die Bewaffnung der Karolingerzeit Nachr Nie -dersachsen Urgesch 41 1972 77-93

Laacuteszloacute 1939 Gy Laacuteszloacute Fettich Naacutendor A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten kardreacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacutetaacutesban (Naacutendor Fettich Lrsquoepeacutee de SaintEtienne du point de vue archeacuteologique) Folia Arch 1-2 1939231-235

1942 Gy Laacuteszloacute Budapest a neacutepvaacutendorlaacutes koraacuteban In KSzendy (ed) Budapest toumlrteacutenete I Budapest az oacutekorban maacuteso-dik reacutesz (Budapest 1942) 781-818

1982 Gy Laacuteszloacute 50 rajz a honfoglaloacutekroacutel (50 Drawings on theAncient Hungarians) (Budapest 1982)

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Peirce 2002 I Peirce Swords of the Viking Age (Woodbridge2002)

Petersen 1919 J Petersen De norske vikingesverd En typologisk-kronologiske studie over vikingatidens vaaben Videnskapssels-kapets Skr 2 Hist-fil Kl 19192 (Kristiania 1919)

Piatnitsky et al 2000 Y Piatnitsky O Baddeley Ea Brunner MMundell Mango (eds) Sinai Byzantium Russia Orthodox Artfrom the Sixth to the Twentieth Century (London 2000)

Pinter 1999 Z-K Pinter Spada şi sabia medieval icircn Transilvania şiBanat (secolele IX-XIV) (Reşiţa 1999)

Plavinskij 2009 Н А Плавинский Мечи эпохи бикингов стерритории Беларуси (The Swords of the Viking Age on theTerritory of Belarus) Stratum Plus 5 2005-2009 (2009) 58-70

Polgaacuter 2004 Sz Polgaacuter Kora koumlzeacutepkori (9-12 szaacutezadi) kelet-euroacute-pai fegyverkereskedelemre utaloacute feljegyzeacutesek az iacuterott forraacutesok-ban In L Balogh L Keller (eds) Fegyveres nomaacutedok nomaacutedfegyveresek Magyar Őstoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 21 (Budapest 2004)92-100

Popa 1984 R Popa Knaufkrone eines wikingerzeitlichen Pracht-schwertes von Păcuilul lui Soare Germania 622 1984 425-431

Puhle 2001 M Puhle (ed) Otto der Grosse Magdeburg undEuropa [exhibition cat] (Mainz 2001)

Randsborg 1981a K Randsborg The Viking Age State Formationin Denmark Offa 38 1981 259-276

1981b K Randsborg Burial Succession and Early State Forma-tion in Denmark In R Chapman I Kinnes K Randsborg (eds)The Archaeology of Death New Directions in Archaeology(Cam bridge 1981) 105-121

Restle 1967 M Restle Die byzantinische Wandmalerei in Klein-asien (Recklinghausen 1967)

Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 L Reacuteveacutesz I M Nepper The ArchaeologicalHeritage of the Ancient Hungarians In Fodor et al 1996 37-56

Rohrer 2009 W Rohrer Wikinger oder Slawen Die Interpreta-tionsgeschichte fruumlhpiastischer Bestattungen mit Waffenbei-gabe In A Klammt S Rossignol (eds) Mittelalterliche Elitenund Kulturtransfer oumlstlich der Elbe (Goumlttingen 2009) 27-41

Rudziński 2009 P M Rudziński tarcta we wczesnośredniowiecz-nej Polsce na tle europejskim Od plemienia do państwa (Shieldin Early Medieval Poland on the Background of the EuropeanWarfare From Tribal Times to Early State) Acta Militaria Mediae-valia 5 2009 21-78

Ruttkay 1970 A Ruttkay Korneacutel Bakay Archaumlologische Studienzur Frage der ungarischen Staatsgruumlndung Slovenskaacute Arch182 1970 482-484

1976 A Ruttkay Waffen und Reiterausruumlstung des 9 bis zurersten Haumllfte des 14 Jahrhunderts in der Slowakei (II) SlovenskaacuteArch 242 1976 245-395

Schuldt 1978 E Schuldt Einige bemerkenswerte Einzelfunde ausdem Burgwallgelaumlnde von Groszlig Raden Kreis Sternberg JahrbBodendenkmalpfl Mecklenburg 1977 (1978) 225-245

Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 M Schulze-Doumlrrlamm Das ungarischeKriegergrab von Aspers-legraves-Corps Untersuchungen zu denUngarn einfaumlllen nach Mittel- West- und Suumldeuropa (899-955 nChr) mit einem Exkurs zur Muumlnzchronologie altungarischerGraumlber Jahrb RGZM 31 1984 473-514

Shepard 2005 J Shepard Conversions and Regimes Comparedthe Rusrsquo and the Poles ca 1000 In Curta 2005 254-282

Solberg 1991 B Solberg Weapon Export from the Continent tothe Nordic Countries in the Carolingian Period Stud Sachsen-forsch 7 1991 241-259

Stalsberg 2008a A Stalsberg Herstellung und Verbreitung derVlfberht-Schwertklingen Eine Neubewertung Zeitschr ArchMittelalter 36 2008 89-118

2008b A Stalsberg The Vlfberht Sword Blades Reevaluated(httpjenny-ritaorgannestalsberghtml 1542012)

2010 A Stalsberg Ulfberht Revisited a Classification In JSheehan D Oacute Corraacutein (eds) The Viking Age Ireland and theWest (Dublin 2010) 450-464

Steuer 1987 H Steuer Der Handel in der Wikingerzeit zwischenNord- und Westeuropa aufgrund archaumlologischer Zeugnisse InK Duumlwel H Jankuhn H Siems D Timpe (eds) Untersuchun-gen zu Handel und Verkehr der vor- und fruumlhgeschichtlichen Zeitin Mittel- und Nordeuropa 4 Der Handel der Karolinger- undWikingerzeit Abhandl Akad Wiss Goumlttingen Phil-Hist Kl3156 (Goumlttingen 1987) 113-197

Stoodley 1999 N Stoodley The Spindle and the Spear a CriticalEnquiry into the Construction and Meaning of Gender in theEarly Anglo-Saxon Burial Rite BAR British Ser 288 (Oxford1999)

Strecker 1987 K Strecker (ed) Waltharius Deutsche Uumlbersetzungvon P Vossen (Hildesheim 21987)

Szaboacute 2010 J B Szaboacute A honfoglaloacutektoacutel a huszaacuterokig A koumlzeacutep-kori magyar koumlnnyűlovassaacutegroacutel (From the Hungarian Conquerorsto the Hussars Light Cavalry in Medieval Hungary) (Budapest2010)

Szameit 1992 E Szameit Ein VLFBERHT-Schwert aus der Donaubei Aggsbach Niederoumlsterreich Arch Austriaca 76 1992 215-221

Szőke 1962 B Szőke A honfoglaloacute eacutes kora Aacuterpaacuted-kori magyarsaacutegreacutegeacuteszeti emleacutekei Reacutegeacuteszeti tanulmaacutenyok 1 (Budapest 1962)

Szőllősy 2001 G Szőllősy Mi ceacutelt szolgaacutel a szablya fokeacutele Kiacuteseacuterletimegkoumlzeliacuteteacutesek Wosinsky Moacuter Muacutez Eacutevk 23 2001 275-293

Talbot Sullivan 2005 The History of Leo the Deacon ByzantineMilitary Expansion in the Tenth Century Introduction Transla-tion and Annotations by A-M Talbot and D F Sullivan Dum-barton Oaks Stud 41 (Washington DC 2005)

Toacuteth 1934 Z Toacuteth A huszaacuterok eredeteacuteről Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 3-41934 129-196

Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

Urbańczyk 2005 P Urbańczyk Early State Formation in East Cen-tral Europe In Curta 2005 139-151

Urtan 1961 В А Уртан Древние щиты на территории Латв-ийской ССР Sovetskaja Arch 19611 216-224

Validi 1936 A Z Validi Die Schwerter der Germanen nach arabi-schen Berichten des 9-11 Jahrhunderts Zeitschr Dt Morgen-laumlnd Ges 90 1936 19-37

216 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

Veszpreacutemy 1996 L Veszpreacutemy A nyugat-euroacutepai eacutes bizaacutenci hadvi-seleacutes a honfoglalaacutes eacutes kalandozaacutesok idejeacuten In L Veszpreacutemy(ed) Honfoglaloacute őseink (Budapest 1996) 66-80

2008 L Veszpreacutemy Szent Istvaacuten feloumlvezeacuteseacuteről In VeszpreacutemyLovagvilaacuteg Magyarorszaacutegon (Budapest 2008) 66-77

Vinski 1983 Z Vinski Razmatranja o poslijekarolinškim mačevima10 i 11 stolječa u Jugoslaviji (Betrachtung zu postkarolingischenSchwertern des 10 und 11 Jahrhunderts in Jugoslawien) Sta-rohrvatska Prosvjeta 313 1983 7-64

Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

Walsh 1998 A Walsh A Summary Classification of Viking AgeSwords in Ireland In H B Clarke M N Mhaonaigh ROacute Floinn (eds) Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age(Dublin 1998) 222-235

Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

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Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 2: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

Redaktion Evelyn Garvey (New York) Reinhard Koumlster Bendeguz Tobias (RGZM)Satz Hans Jung (RGZM)Umschlaggestaltung Reinhard Koumlster (RGZM)

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation inder Deutschen Nationalbibliografie detaillierte bibliografischeDaten sind im Internet uumlber httpdnbd-nbde abrufbar

ISBN 978-3-88467-205-1ISSN 1862-4812

copy 2012 Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums

Das Werk ist urheberrechtlich geschuumltzt Die dadurch begruumln detenRechte insbesondere die der Uumlbersetzung des Nach drucks derEntnahme von Abbildungen der Funk- und Fernsehsen dung derWiedergabe auf photomechanischem (Photokopie Mikrokopie)oder aumlhnlichem Wege und der Speicherung in Datenverarbei -tungs anlagen Ton- und Bild traumlgern bleiben auch bei nur auszugs-weiser Verwertung vor be halten Die Verguuml tungs anspruumlche des sect 54 Abs 2 UrhG werden durch die Verwer tungs gesellschaftWort wahrgenommen

Herstellung Strauss GmbH MoumlrlenbachPrinted in Germany

Falko Daim

Vorwort IX

Vor der Landnahme

Attila Tuumlrk

Zu den osteuropaumlischen und byzantinischen Beziehungen der Funde des 10-11 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken 3

Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jonson

Traces of contacts Magyar material culture in the Swedish Viking Age context of Birka 29

Chronologische Fragen zum Fundmaterial des Karpatenbeckens

Peacuteter Langoacute

Notes on the dating of Byzantine coin finds from 10th century context in the Carpathian Basin 49

Peacuteter Prohaacuteszka

Bemerkungen zum byzantinischen Muumlnzverkehr der ungarischen Landnahmezeit und der Staatsgruumlndung im Karpatenbecken 67

Gabriel Fusek

Chronologische Fragen der Nitraer Graumlberfelder des 10-11 Jahrhundertsdas Fallbeispiel Nitra-Šindolka 89

Gabriel Nevizaacutensky middot Jiřiacute Košta

Die Ausgrabung eines fruumlhungarischen Reitergraumlberfeldes in Streda nad Bodrogom (okr TrebišovSK) in den Jahren 1926 und 1937 113

Mikloacutes Takaacutecs

Die Chronologie der Siedlungen und besonders der Siedlungskeramik des Karpatenbeckens des 8-11 Jahrhunderts im Spannungsfeld zwischen den verschieden Datierungsmoumlglichkeiten und ihren Einwaumlnden 145

Zwischen Ost und West raquoFremdelaquo Schwerter in raquolokalemlaquo Kontext

Naďa Profantovaacute

Examples of the most important results of technological analyses of swords in the Czech Republic 169

III

INHALT

IV

Aacutedaacutem Biacuteroacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view 191

Valeri Yotov

The Kunaacutegota sword guard and the dating of two bronze matrices for hilt manufacturing 219

Beitraumlge technologischer und naturwissenschaftlicher Untersuchungen zu archaumlologischen Fragestellungen

Adam Bolloacutek

Chronological questions of the Hungarian Conquest Period a technological perspective 229

Susanne Greiff

Silver grave goods from early Hungarian contexts technological implications of debased alloy compositions with zinc tin and lead 241

Nataša V Eniosova

Tracing the routes of silver procurement to the early urban centre Gneumlzdovo in the 10thearly 11th centuries 261

Mariela Inkova

A contribution to the problem of producing the Old Bulgarian belt-fittings from the 10th century 277

Naďa Profantovaacute

Ein tauschierter Steigbuumlgel aus der Umgebung von Dobruška (okr Rychnov nad KněžnouCZ) 295

Verzeichnis der Autorinnen und Autoren 309

Hinweis fuumlr den LeserKyrillische Buchstaben wurden wissenschaftlich transliteriert In Ausnahmefaumlllen wurde bei Eigennamen aufeine wissenschaftliche Transliteration verzichtet Bei den Fundortangaben in den Gebieten der ehemaligenSowjetunion werden die heutigen Ortsnamen angegeben Bei Kulturen bezeichnenden Fundorten wurdevon einer Aumlnderung abgesehen

AacuteDAacuteM BIacuteROacute

DATING (WITH) WEAPON BURIALS

AND THE raquoWAFFENWECHSELlaquo

A PRELIMINARY REPORT ON NEW INVESTIGATIONS

OF THE SO-CALLED VIKING-AGE SWORDS IN THE CARPATHIAN BASIN

FROM A CHRONOLOGICAL POINT OF VIEW

Superamur scio multitudine sed non virtute sed non armis 1

PREFACE

Due to its abundance in graves military equipment plays a special and important role in the chronological

system of the archaeological material of the 10th century AD in the Carpathian Basin Hungarian archae-

ologists tend to determine precise and exclusive chronological positions of certain weapons or weapon

types within the relatively short archaeological period of the so-called Hungarian Conquest although there

has not yet been a comprehensive and thorough archaeological research concerning weapon burials The

dating of weapon types is mainly based on marginal notes or ndash which is worse ndash created to support

unproved historical hypotheses The implicit acceptance of these raquodatingslaquo without control or supervision

resulted in the canonisation of a unified but first of all simplified chronological system In my opinion this

system is not only in need of a serious revision but a new strictly archaeological chronology should be

established instead since the former was neither based upon proper classification analyses nor on relative

chronological studies An attempt aiming at the historical interpretation of the archaeological material

would be reasonable only if such research would be accomplished Therefore this topic claims a complex

modern thorough future research to which of course also archaeometrical and experimental studies

belong

However it is not my duty here to cover all aspects of dating the weapons or other artefacts with them

On the other hand it seems necessary to sketch at least the three main keystones on which the present

chronological system rests

1 According to the first thesis men whose burials contained coins and weapons at the same time must be

seen as warriors who took part in the military campaigns and raids which the Magyars led to Europe in

the first half of the 10th century

2 The second thesis declares that straight double-edged swords replaced sabres from the middle or last

quarter of the century on due to the state formation process andor the realisation of inadequate arma-

ment being the main reason for the defeats suffered from the Saxon heavy cavalry On this basis the

year 955 and the battle at the river Lech or the beginning of the state formation process are given an

extraordinary importance ndash which on the one hand serves as a terminus post quem for the straight dou-

ble-edged swords and other military equipment thought to be connected with the so-called heavy cav-

alry while on the other hand it indicates a terminus ante quem for the majority of the sabres which are

considered typical nomadic light cavalry weapons

191Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

3 The third thesis claims that the rite of pagan (weapon) burials continued at least during the first quarter

of the 11th century in some territories of the Carpathian Basin 2

Bearing in mind the significance of the weapon dating in 10th-century Carpathian Basin a part of the proj-

ect raquoReiterkrieger Burgenbauer die fruumlhen Ungarn und das rsaquoDeutsche Reichlsaquo vom 9 bis zum 11 Jahr -

hundertlaquo (RGZM) aims at the revision and reconsideration of sword and sabre data along with coin-dated

graves in order to present a precise chronology for the Conquest Period material From the above-men-

tioned three theses all worthy of a full-scale reconsideration only the second forms part of the project

although the first one is also inherent in the interpretation of the coin-dated graves The main reason

behind the conception and the research topics of the project was the fact that whilst the numerous Muslim

dirhams and West European denarii found in graves represent a chance at least for the first half of the cen-

tury to create absolute dated assemblages the sword and sabre question may shed light on relative

chronological relations of the material Therefore I shall discuss the second thesis in this paper presenting

a preliminary historical and archaeological critique of the state of research

MILITARY REVOLUTION (REFORM) AND WEAPON CHANGE IN THE 10TH CENTURY

Historiography of the thesis

Albeit it would make sense to present here a comprehensive overview of the history of research on 10th-

century double-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 3 a short summary of the main statements of pri-

mary importance concerning this topic and their evolution should be sufficient to get a clear picture of the

theory in question

Although the origin of the thesis may be traced back to the late 19th- and early 20th-century studies 4 espe-

cially in the works of Zoltaacuten Toacuteth 5 the full concept blossomed out in a never quoted short study written

by Jaacutenos Kalmaacuter in 1936 6 Kalmaacuter offered a coherent but simplistic and idealistic view of the relations of

sabre and sword by placing them in the general evolution of medieval armour and assuming that they

belong to different cultural spheres and thus different warfare and tactics He demonstrated the distinction

of sabre and sword on raquoethno-psychological groundslaquo with the so-called Vienna sabre and the sword of

Saint Stephen I in Prague 7

raquoDer rsaquoAttila-Saumlbellsaquo und das Sankt Stefans-Schwert diese beiden wichtigsten Zimelien der fruumlhmagyari-

schen Kriegsgeschichte stehen im schaumlrfsten Kontrast zueinander Sie symbolisieren gewissermaszligen die

beiden Einfluszligsphaumlren von Ost und West Der Saumlbel erinnert an das einstige Steppenvolk das frank und

frei in den endlosen sarmatischen Niederungen irrlichterte das schwere Pallasch-Schwert dagegen ist

die Waffe eines bereits seszlighaft gewordenen ortsverbundenen Volkes Der Saumlbel ist die Waffe der per-

soumlnlichen Tapferkeit und Behendigkeit der Pallasch die der technischen Uumlberlegenheit Der Saumlbel ist ein

Produkt der tuumlrkischen der Pallasch jenes der indogermanischen Kultur Der Saumlbel ist die Waffe der

ploumltzlich emporlodernden taktischen Ideen der Pallasch das Symbol der planmaumlszligig arbeitenden vor-

ausblickenden Strategielaquo 8

Although Kalmaacuterrsquos paper unfortunately escaped the notice of the Hungarian research three years later his

ideas found their way into a short review by Gyula Laacuteszloacute 9 on Naacutendor Fettichrsquos article which deals with the

Prague sword 10 What was presented in this marginal note remained until now the most influential

approach to the question of the interpretation and chronology of the straight double-edged swords in the

Carpathian Basin It seems that at least the following two major conceptions of Kalmaacuter were integrated

into Laacuteszloacutersquos thesis

192 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1 that the sabre was inferior and proved unsuccessful against the heavy armour of West European armies

which resulted in the end of the Magyar incursions and

2 that with the beginning of the state reform of Saint Stephen I the sword and new tactics became dom-

inant in the Carpathian Basin

In the end Kalmaacuterrsquos original idea however indirectly presented the basis which was accepted and repeat-

ed later by following scholars who reiterated Laacuteszloacutersquos reasoning or worse used it as axiom for further the-

ories andor chronological statements Thus it is necessary to recapitulate Laacuteszloacutersquos main arguments here in

order to point out various inherent methodological problems 11

1 According to Laacuteszloacutersquos thesis straight double-edged swords were only used by heavy cavalry (so their pres-

ence in the archaeological record unambiguously indicates the existence of a western-type heavy caval-

ry in 10th-century Carpathian Basin) while sabres were instruments exclusively used in the raquoancient

nomadiclaquo close combat

2 Thus Laacuteszloacute created two artificial archaeological assemblages without any precise definition labelling

them with a simplifying term such as raquoChristianlaquo and raquopaganlaquo to deepen the supposed difference with

which he degraded the multi-layered complex past to a rigid simplified historical narration

3 In his view the raquoancestral nomadiclaquo equipment and fighting method ensured the successes of the

Magyars in the first half of the 10th century while the superior armament and tactics of their enemies

were responsible for the later defeats It is therefore obvious as Laacuteszloacute concludes that the Magyars had

to adopt the military achievements of Christian Europe (i e the Ottonian Empire) which is of course the

heavy cavalry armed with straight double-edged swords This newly organised modern Christian army

which became later the core of the regular army of the Hungarian kingdom was put to use for suppress-

ing pagan tribes who rebelled against the rule of Geacuteza and his successor Saint Stephen I at the end of

the 10th century

As I already mentioned serious methodological problems can be identified in this train of thought Not only

the unconditional linking of certain weapons with certain combat tactics seems to be doubtful 12 but also

the main characteristic of Laacuteszloacutersquos concept is misleading a historical theory is used as a rigid restricted inter-

pretation of the archaeological material which in turn determines the date of swords exclusively to the late

10th century Since the theory was easily explainable within Marxist historical materialism the idea had a

deep effect on the Hungarian historical research as well authorising it thus to spread the belief of a pri-

vate western-style (feudalistic) heavy cavalry in the service of Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I13 At the same time

the lively and rapidly developing historical military debate (starting in the late 1870s) on the possible recon-

struction of the Magyar tactics which otherwise had strong connections to the triumphant noble histori-

cal view of the zeitgeist came to a halt after World War II As a result Laacuteszloacutersquos rough sketch became due

to his determinant role in research a solid base for later investigations 14 Moreover his artistic representa-

tions of the supposed essential difference between the Ottonian and the Hungarian warfare made his

approach very popular also outside academic circles (fig 1) Neither could the following scholars escape

the convincing simplicity of Laacuteszloacutersquos idea 15 while they developed the concept to a universal historical hypo -

thesis using more or less detailed archaeological analyses 16

Korneacutel Bakay one of Laacuteszloacutersquos students was the first to manage an exhaustive archaeological analysis of

straight double-edged swords from the Carpathian Basin 17 but his conclusions and results were guided by

his professorrsquos view on the early state formation process of the Hungarian kingdom Thus as the main con-

cept remained basically historical the arguments and reasons applied often lacked archaeological evidence

or which is worse the archaeological evidence was intentionally treated inferior Bakay himself clearly

chose this approach by stressing that the importance of the supposed social and economical transforma-

tion (i e the state formation process) at the end of the 10th century determines the chronology of the

193Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

swords in question which aspect is superior to their typological and relative chronological relations In his

own words

raquoBereits hier moumlchte ich betonen dass die Chronologie der zweischneidigen Schwerter in erster Linie

eigentlich durch die oben geschilderte wirtschaftlich-gesellschaftliche Umwandlung bestimmt ist Der

typologische Vergleich dient demnach bloszlig als Ergaumlnzunglaquo 18

Furthermore the pioneering thought to compare the efficiency of the sword and the sabre with the aid of

modeling was invented only to prove Laacuteszloacutersquos (and originally Kalmaacuterrsquos) premise i e that the sword was a

more raquosuccessful weaponlaquo than the sabre However Bakayrsquos detailed calculations of the superiority of the

straight double-edged sword when compared to the sabre led to the mystification of the sword as a won-

der weapon (raquoWunderwaffelaquo) in the Hungarian archaeological research Although a more detailed archae-

ological explanation was now presented from those historians who slowly became the most influential his-

torians of the 10th-11th centuries only Gyoumlrgy Gyoumlrffy accepted and integrated the idea of the raquoregular elite

armylaquo consisting of heavy cavalry units organised by Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I into his comprehensive work

on the state formation process 19 Others like Joacutezsef Gerics simply evaded the discussion of the topic 20

while Gyula Kristoacute instead of acknowledging the military revolution as a historical fact treated the end of

the military campaigns in Europe and the battle at the Lech only as an important internal and foreign pol-

icy affair ndash nothing more 21 Kristoacute alone had proposed a short critique from the historianrsquos viewpoint are

archaeology and archaeological material competent to discuss and determine historical theories concern-

ing politico-historical questions 22 However Bakayrsquos work proved to be so overwhelmingly convincing that

not only the leading Hungarian archaeologists 23 but even Slovakian 24 and Romanian scholars acknowl-

edged his main conclusions 25 Radu Robert Heitel even treated the Transylvanian double-edged swords and

sword chapes as evidence that would draw the march route of the army of Saint Stephen I which con-

quered the regnum regis IuliiProkui in the year 1003 according to the Annales Hildesheimenses 26

194 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 1 The nature of the Magyar-Ottonian battle ndash (After Laacuteszloacute 1982 29)

In turn the archaeologist Laacuteszloacute Kovaacutecs took up the challenge to give a more proper archaeological expla-

nation of the historical thesis Although he assembled a whole catalogue on the subject of source-critical

problems of the double-edged swords 27 filtering out many ill-dated artefacts his whole evaluation regret-

tably was never published in its entirety Nevertheless his conception of an all-embracing simplified mili-

tary revolution dating from 955 rapidly became fundamental With his theory in contrast to Bakay Kovaacutecs

returned to the original notion of Laacuteszloacute (and Kalmaacuter) i e the necessary weapon change (raquoWaffen wech -

sellaquo) as a logical result of the raquomilitary shocklaquo generated by the defeats in the European theatre of war 28

However Kovaacutecs failed to give a convincing demonstration since his exclusive and at times subjective con-

clusions were drawn on the basis of a limited amount of numismatic material available 29 A rather new

phenomenon of the late 1990s is the appearance of some historical military papers 30 which mark a new

dawn of interest in the theme after the long silence from the potential third party of the debate Unfor -

tunately this research did not continue the traditions of the former historical military discussion but apart

from its useful practical viewpoint endeavoured only to describe and realise the above-mentioned hypoth-

esis from the viewpoint of the modern military terminology

There has been only one archaeological approach to the double-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpa -

thian Basin which did not originate from Laacuteszloacutersquos school Mechthild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm attempted to analyse

their chronological position apart from the historical approach of the Hungarian research and to fit them

into her absolute chronological system This was based on the chronological diversities and different origins

of the dirham and denar material of the first half of the 10th century Schulze-Doumlrrlammrsquos phase I (896-925)

and phase II (926-95070) comprised the so-called raquoaltmagyarischer Formenkreislaquo group in the former

chronology of Jochen Giesler The two phases were differentiated in their geographical distribution as well

Since the topography of the double-edged swords seemed to resemble that of phase II as Schulze-

Doumlrrlamm concludes the swords belong to the second quarter of the century 31 Although these phases

appear to be overly artificial and moreover their projection or application to the whole of the material is

at least problematic 32 her critical note on Bakayrsquos conception is more than appropriate

raquoDie Uumlbernahme dieser neuen Hiebwaffe und damit zugleich auch einer anderen Kampftechnik durch

die Ungarn hat demnach nichts mit dem rsaquoFuumlrstenheerlsaquo des Fuumlrsten Geza (972-997) zu tun wie es Bakay

vermutete sondern duumlrfte eine Reaktion auf die Erfahrungen bei den Kaumlmpfen in Deutschland und

Italien gewesen seinlaquo 33

However we must be aware that Schulze-Doumlrrlamm did not query the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo itself but only

presented a third option for the historical explanation of the presence of such swords thought to be alien

in the archaeological material of the Magyars As a conclusion of my preliminary thoughts on the histori-

ography concerning the chronological problems and interpretation of 10th-century straight double-edged

swords found in the Carpathian Basin I find the following thoughts of Bernard Sebastian Bachrach aston-

ishingly sound also in light of the situation of the Hungarian research

raquoIn what has amounted to a highly romanticized search for the origins of chivalry scholars have for too

long ignored the balance of the evidence focused upon bits and pieces of inconclusive data and mag-

nified the importance of these to help create a flawed picture of warfare in the early Middle Ageslaquo 34

Methodological problems of the thesis ndash reconsidering swords

While sketching the main points of the former research three major approaches took shape each based

on the idea that the straight double-edged swords are new phenomena in the otherwise homogeneous

raquonomadiclaquo material culture of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin This was clarified by a change in warfare

and military equipment taking place in the second quarter in the middle or in the third quarter of the cen-

195Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

tury either due to the experience of the campaigns in Europe or to the politico-military shock of the battle

at the Lech or thanks to the state formation process These theories all emphasise a crucial difference

between the sabre and the straight double-edged sword which significantly affected or altered the warfare

and tactics of the Magyars during the 10th century Thus we have seen a far-reaching theory changing over

time set off by Kalmaacuter as early as 1936 which explains the origin of the so-called Viking swords the politi-

co-social and military status they were thought to indicate and the historical context they created or in

which they acted When we take a closer look at the main arguments of this chain of thought many will

arouse our interest and hence induce a profound examination since they indicate serious methodological

problems I shall discuss these in the following separated on the basis of the character of their reasoning

be it principally (military) historical or archaeological

Historical arguments and notes

First of all it is worth noting that the concept of the supposed military reform and the creation or presence

of a heavy cavalry in 10th-century Hungary is completely without any written evidence or proof Not a sin-

gle historical information not any contemporary literary account shows any trace of either the establish-

ment or organisation of a new army or of the central distribution of swords or other military equipment to

Hungarian soldiers We do not even have a text that would at least indirectly refer to the army or retinue

of dux Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I such as e g the account of Thietmar of Merseburg on the 300 armoured

but not by all means mounted warriors (trecentis militibus loricatis) possibly serving as part of the person-

al retinue or guard of dux Bolesław I Chrobry (Chronicon Thietmari IV46) before they were given as a pres-

ent to Otto II 35

Our only contemporary source that mentions military affairs is the founding document of the monastery at

Pannonhalma 36 Although the diplomarsquos account on the war between the Germans and Hungarians and

the civil war known in more detail from later sources is almost meaningless and highly ambiguous 37 it was

associated with the supposed German origin of the duces raquoPoznanolaquo raquoCuntiolaquo and raquoOrziolaquo This proved

to be well enough for a theory of a strong Ottonian or German (military) influence in the court of the late

Geacuteza and young raquoWaiclaquoStephen and to attribute these duces a decisive role on the battlefield during

the suppression of the revolt of Koppaacuteny 38 In the later traditions of medieval Hungarian chronicles they

became the personal bodyguards of Saint Stephen I and generals of his army39 and ndash as a consequence in

modern historical research ndash the possible disseminators of heavy cavalry the organisers of the new Christian

regular army 40

Apart from the problematic interpretation of this diploma from the total range of contemporary sources

only five articles in the codes of Saint Stephen I provide useful information by dealing to some extent with

military affairs and by mentioning the sword The first article judges those who draw a sword (raquode evagi-

natione gladiilaquo) with the aim of injury to be killed by the same sword (I16) The second one rules the same

sentence for the case of murder with a sword (II12) the third declares the raquoan eye for an eyelaquo principle

for maiming with a sword (II13) while the fourth determines the fee that should be paid to a victim that

recovers from a wound by a sword (II16) The last article deals with the case of drawing a sword in rage

without wounding (II17) 41 Each article uses the word gladius but does not go into details about the

weapon like e g the famous raquoWalthariuslaquo poem 42 hence it is not possible to correlate the archaeological

material with the written evidence What is interesting however is that Stephenrsquos laws do not mention the

famous missile of the Magyars the bow and arrow ndash although their dominating presence in the burial

material would indicate a high importance 43 In contrast the many articles dealing with the crimes com-

mitted specifically with the sword especially in the second book of Saint Stephen I where they make up

196 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

almost one fifth of the total number of articles may refer to a very common phenomenon in the society

Personal violence must have been a widespread practice for reducing social tensions in a changing society

It is of great importance that this symptom of solving social problems with fighting and after all with vio-

lence and murder became manifest in close combat fought with gladii swords or sabres This as a final

result indirectly but unambiguously speaks of a tradition and preference of experiencing fight and combat

from up close ndash provided that these articles are not artificial adoptions of West European laws

In that way or another none of the quoted written sources serves as a firm base for a theory of a (new)

regular army whose core consists of heavy cavalry Furthermore the theory constructed upon these dubi-

ous sources cannot apply to the dating of archaeological assemblages as a determining fact What we

know for sure is that one of the different strata of the society called milites ndash witnessed in the laws of Saint

Stephen I ndash may be connected with somewhat regular perhaps professional military services 44 Thus I do

not reject the possibility of a more or less regular army at the time of the first Hungarian rex since it is obvi-

ous that a determined political will with a strong military base an army or at least a large retinue is the pre-

condition of state formation 45 I only suggest that in the case of the early Hungarian state formation nei-

ther written sources nor archaeological data as will be seen later provide us with any useful and unam-

biguous information on how that army could have looked like But we must not rely solely on the argu-

mentum ex silentio since this false reasoning was frequently done by the former research

Other contradictions emerge when we take into account the possible existence of a military reform or rev-

olution within the framework of early medieval Europe The concept may have its roots in the 19th- and

early 20th-century European idea that describes and explains military affairs being highly dependent on the

quality of the military equipment However this was a legitimate phenomenon in the world of mass armies

and an unbelievably quick progress in military techniques like artillery Thus the creators of this concept sim-

ply projected the military idea of the time of Delbruumlck and von Clausewitz back to early medieval times

Therefore the idea of a military revolution is mostly anachronistic in 10th-century Europe Nevertheless this

approach was not only prevalent in the Hungarian scholarship of the 20th century ndash the symptom appeared

in the German historical tradition as well One may find Karl Leyserrsquos thoughts on the Saxon military revo-

lution at the time of Henry I (919-936) and Otto I (936-973) closely related to the Hungarian example

Leyser stated that the creation of a heavily armoured cavalry (armati loricati) was the key to the military

and political success of the Ottonian dynasty According to him after 933 the Ottonian heavy cavalry

dominated the battles in the field 46 When Leyser published his theory in its entirety first in 1968 he had

already exploited three years earlier the assumed fundamental differences in the armament of the Magyar

and Ottonian troops in his interpretation of the battle at the Lech in 955 Leyserrsquos main point was to empha-

sise the effectiveness of the Ottonian armament in particular of the raquoheavier swordlaquo over their Magyar

counterparts raquoIn close quarter fighting with spears and especially swords the great majority of the Hun -

garians had no chance against the heavier arms and the much better protective equipment of their oppo-

nentslaquo 47

Leyserrsquos belief that the outcome of the battle is to be explained by the differences in arms and armour and

thus in tactics was so firm that he treated the locus raquoSuperamur scio multitudine sed non virtute sed

non armis Maxima enim ex parte nudos illos armis omnibus penitus cognovimuslaquo of Widukind in his raquoRes

Gestae Saxonicaelaquo (III XLVI) as proof for the decisive disparity 48 According to him the text should be inter-

preted in the following way raquoIn Widukind it was virtus and as shall be seen better weapons which over-

came superior numbers [at the battle of Lechfeld]laquo The latter half of the quotation should be understood

as the Magyars having a shortage of raquooffensive but also defensive weaponslaquo including raquoshields iron hel-

mets and above all hauberkslaquo 49 However we may try to specify the meaning and context of the locus

more precisely Contrary to Leyserrsquos opinion Widukind stated in the former sentence that the Ottonian

197Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

army is inferior to the Magyars ndash not in arms or virtue but in numbers Since the factors and circumstances

that do determine the process and final result of a battle in the field are obviously more than just the pure

number the armament and the virtus of the opposing forces we may see Widukindrsquos first statement of the

comparison rather as a comment that proves the value of the Ottonian army While the latter highly am -

biguous sentence ndash which can be used to determine the Magyar army as light cavalry wearing no armour

ndash may also indicate that the percentage of Magyar warriors equipped with defensive armament was lower

than that of the Ottonian soldiers in general On the other hand a serious methodological problem occurs

when we take a closer look at the whole text First of all it must be noted that the comparison of the two

armies i e the quoted text of Widukind is only a short part of the perhaps fictional encouraging speech

of rex Otto I who addressed his fellow soldiers right before the battle 50 The whole speech consists of typ-

ical phrases concerning general topics that aim at reassuring the soldiers of their strength and of their hope

that they could win the battle These phrases are so simplified that we may suppose without exaggeration

that this speech could have been delivered in every battlefield during the pre-modern period In the con-

text of such a pre-battle speech every statement gains an additional sense of encouragement heroism

past victories danger fictitious or real advantages etc are mentioned in order to strengthen the dubious

and those filled with fear 51 ndash fear of a punishment that will surely follow in the case of flight or deserta-

tion and fear of death in the battle itself 52 Addressing the enemyrsquos armour in a battle speech either in a

positive or a negative way is so trivial and self-evident that it even appears in the famous movie with Kevin

Costner raquoRobin Hood ndash Prince of Thieveslaquo 53 But let us return to Widukind himself and do not reject his

opinion when he clearly states in the continuation of the above-quoted text that raquoet quod maximi est nobis

solatii auxilio Deilaquo 54 thus the main difference between the two armies was the faith in Christ Whether

such a speech could have been given by Otto I or not (due to natural physical communication difficulties)

whether it is an original battle speech or only a fiction of the author 55 ndash it should be concluded that

Widukind does not allow us to draw such exact conclusions as Leyser did on the armament of the entire

opposing forces Consequently it seems that in parallel with the theory of Laacuteszloacute and Bakay the German

research also developed the idea of superiority of the double-edged straight sword ndash in connection with

(what is more important) the supposed dominance of the heavy cavalry on the battlefields

Leyserrsquos main thesis was actually only the application of a former historical notion to the cases of Charles

Martel Pippin and Charlemagne However Bachrachrsquos in-depth studies convincingly proved that neither the

thesis of a Carolingian nor of an Ottonian military revolution is true instead they should rather be treated

as myths 56 He established in many articles that early medieval wars were aimed at the conquest of the

enemyrsquos territory by besieging and controlling fortifications This resulted in the fact that the nature of early

medieval warfare was dominated by sieges and hence infantry fight while raquomounted shock combat was a

minor aspect even in the rare battles in the field that were fought throughout the pre-crusading Europelaquo 57

Instead of performing frontal attacks that usually failed and caused disastrous disorganisation and loss of

battle the early medieval European cavalry in the 9th-11th centuries were to perform multifunctional tasks

with their mostly light weaponry The tactically reasonable use of cavalry consisted of feigned retreats

flanking attacks and leaving them as a (hidden) reverse against a probable encirclement by the enemy They

were often even ordered to dismount and engage in the battle on foot 58

A similar picture is emerging from the battle and duel descriptions of the raquoWalthariuslaquo poem whose author

shows a remarkable interest in weaponry and realistic fighting 59 It seems that the raquoWalthariuslaquo is the only

early medieval narrative source that deals with military affairs to an extent that allows us to draw conclu-

sions regarding battlefield tactics and duel techniques ndash if we take the poem as a more or less authentic

account on European warfare of the late 9th and 10th centuries What is important here is that the battle

description (lines 180-207 especially 182-195) 60 does not mention the presence of heavy cavalry but

198 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

instead gives a carefully detailed picture of opposing troops standing very close a long-lasting missile fight

of throwing spears and some archery and then the clash of the battle lines in the chaos of close combat

It should be made clear that in this description the course of the battle consists of two equal parts the skir-

mish and the close combat Since the opposing troops are only at a raquothrowing spearlaquo distance of approx

30 m max 50 m apart from one another the possibility of a heavy cavalry charge is excluded Though the

author mentions cavalry fight as well it is ambiguous if they were heavily armoured 61 only shields (umbo)

are mentioned The same process is visible in every duel in the raquoWalthariuslaquo the fights start with throwing

spears (archery is only involved in one case) and end up with a close combat using spear-shield or sword-

shield combinations on foot

Even if we are wrong in taking the written sources at face value the main question that lies in the heart

of the investigation proves to be the toughest to answer What kind of cavalry may one call heavy And

what are its major distinctive features It is clear that the term was first invented for and applied to the

mounted knights of the High Middle Ages whose armour slowly developed into sophisticated and spe-

cialised full plate constructions But isnrsquot it wrong to desperately seek and suppose a similar case in the Early

Middle Ages In an attempt to understand early medieval cavalry in its own past reality a more flexible

approach is needed In my opinion the terms raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo are highly relative and work well only

in standard comparisons regarding equipment On the other hand contrary to the armament the assigned

or unintentionally performed operations against certain enemy units during a battle should be seen as the

most important factor that may determine the (momentary) battlefield role i e the tactical classification of

the cavalry unit in question Thus raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo should only be used in clear cases when written

sources permit the scholar to give a detailed picture of the battle In such ideal conditions different caval-

ry raquounitslaquo may be compared to each other or to infantry for reasons of differences in their armament their

assigned tasks and fulfilled operations on the basis of their momentum and results to finally address them

with attributes like raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo Bearing in mind the complicated nature and multi-layered process

of battles in general and the commonly laconic conditions of contemporary written sources one may

assume that only probable but no exact definitions are to be expected However it is not my duty to give

an analysis of early medieval European cavalry here I only point out the problem detailed studies will hope-

fully follow for the 10th-11th centuries as well 62

When looking for a contemporary military unit that might be rightly titled as heavy cavalry one has to turn

to Byzantium According to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (c 950) and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo (c 965) as well

as to later sources the task of the middle Byzantine kataphraktoi was to crush the middle of the enemy

battle lines with a single decisive charge 63 Their position within the general Byzantine battle order denotes

their remarkable importance the offensive part of a full middle Byzantine army was organised around the

kataphraktoi 64 forming a wedge in the Byzantine centre 65 The Byzantines were to achieve victory by this

main charge that began immediately after the skirmish of the prokoursatores 66 The detailed description of

their armament in the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo 67 clearly indicates that not only

the kataphraktos but also his horse was protected by armour (klibanion kremasmata epilorikion etc for

the mounted and the various carapaces for the horse) of the best quality 68 Thus the kataphraktoi fulfil the

major requirements that would make a unit of mounted soldiers heavy cavalry in theory first of all the spe-

cialised battlefield task that was officially attributed to them and secondly their centrally organised supply

with the appropriate armament to successfully perform their duty

Drawing conclusions is at least highly risky in the absence of a complete survey of all relevant texts and for-

mer research concerning the problem of 10th century heavy cavalry In spite of the fact that the rigid efforts

of describing cavalry with abstract definitions of tactical classifications seem to be outdated I have to deal

with the term raquoheavy cavalrylaquo in this paper in order to ascertain the probability of the thesis of the Hun -

199Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

garian military reform In this sense it may not be exaggerated and is reasonable to conclude that heavy

cavalry with a shock-delivering decisive role did not really exist on the battlefields of Western and Central

Europe in the 10th century ndash considering Bachrachrsquos negative opinion on Leyserrsquos Saxon military reform and

heavy cavalry According to this conception the supposed Hungarian military reform of establishing a heavy

cavalry that served as basis for the state formation should also be considered at least preliminary a myth

Archaeological arguments methods and sources

Much should and could be said concerning the absolute chronology of swords and the supposed weapon

change from the archaeologistrsquos point of view In this paper I will only concentrate on the main method-

ological problems of the thesis (fig 2)

Much ink has been spilt over the question of understanding burials in general and the foremost interest

the question of warrior or soldier graves presents similar difficulties in evaluating weapon burials Since the

early 1990s a new approach claims that the interpretation of weapon burials is not independent from

intentional factors that changed and created the burial while paleoanthropological and paleopathological

data are to be reckoned with in particular 69 Gender studies concerning this topic have reached a notable

success in Anglo-Saxon archaeology 70 A clear distinction must be made between weapon burials (raquoWaf -

fen graumlberlaquo) and warrior graves (raquoKriegergraumlberlaquo) identified by anthropological means In the light of recent

research the primary objective is to determine if the men buried with weapons primarily with straight dou-

ble-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpathian Basin were participants in military affairs or not Hope -

fully the planned anthropological research within the ongoing project will result in appropriate information

that can be compared with the archaeological data However now we are forced to only make use of the

archaeological evidence ndash which may prove or negate the thesis we are dealing with

The archaeological identification of pure military matters like tactics army or military organisation is more

problematic in particular when only grave material is at disposal Hence numerous methodological objec-

tions should be made in the case of linking specific fighting methods or tactics with certain weapons In the-

ory it is obvious that throughout human history on every technical level exists an assembly of armour and

weapons which fits best a specific battlefield role However equipping an army with different assemblies

of armaments requires an enormous financial investment a well-balanced economy and armourer industry

and ndash last but not least ndash a sophisticated military science None of that was at the disposal of the 10th-cen-

tury European states and pre-states with the exception of Byzantium On the other hand the concept of

armies divided into troops with unified armaments and different battlefield duties is the idea of the early

modern and modern period and of 19th-cen-

tury military scholarship Such uniformity in

armament and fighting ability may have

been dominant in Byzantium and at least

ten dentious in Europe in the small num ber

of elite troops namely within the small circle

of bodyguards and those who possessed a

high social andor military status Treating

the straight double-edged swords as exclu-

sive markers of heavy cavalry is extremely

challenging especially when one takes into

account that battlefield roles may be accom-

plished with different armaments and are

200 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 2 Main arguments determining the hypothesis ndash (Drawing and digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

therefore only indirectly and idealistically linked to a certain armament type Since the so-called raquostirrup the-

sislaquo which otherwise had a much greater effect on medieval military historiography than the raquosword the-

sislaquo at last proved to be untenable71 it seems more and more obvious that as far as one can judge from

the archaeological evidence and historical records with the aid of physics and simple logic the pure connec-

tion of tactics and military technology in a continental European early medieval context is a paradox

The best contemporary argument for this is the case of the above-mentioned Byzantine kataphraktos who

was armed with two or more close combat weapons a spathion on a baldric a paramerion and several

siderorabdia (iron maces) fastened to the saddle (according to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo)72 The spathion is

identified as a double-edged straight sword while the explanation of the paramerion is more complicated

The term paramerion appeared in general use in the late 9th and early 10th century and means literally

raquo(something held) by the thighlaquo 73 John Haldon assumed that the main difference between the ordinary

sword and the paramerion is the way they were worn the former being carried on a baldric while the lat-

ter hung from a waist-belt 74 However the difference in form is more remarkable the paramerion is usu-

ally regarded as a straight single-edged sword according to the description in Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo and in the

raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 75 Albeit the recent translation of the raquoTacticalaquo is consistent in understanding it as a

dagger 76 a closer look at Leo VIrsquos text helps to specify what kind of weapon one shall understand by the

term The locus raquoπαραμήρια μαχαίρας μεγάλας μονοστόμουςlaquo (raquoTacticalaquo 5 sect217) could be a simple

enumeration without any further logical connection between the parameria and the single-edged great

daggers as the mention of raquoπαραμήρια ήτοι μαχαίραςlaquo (6 sect219) In contrast two other loci (6 sect26167

6 sect30198) clearly indicate that the word was used as an adverb and adjective as well Therefore it is quite

probable that the author attempted to explain the term paramerion when it first appeared in the text (5

sect217) and that the locus should be translated as raquoparameria i e large single-edged daggerslaquo Since the

author of the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo repeatedly uses the term paramerion as well but most importantly con-

firms twice that single-edged swords (monostomon and heterestomon xiphos) were called parameria

(raquoπαραμήρια ξίφη δηλαδὴ ἑτερόστομαlaquo [38 sect518] and raquoμονόστομα ξίφη hellip ἃ δή ϰαί παραμήριαλέγονταιlaquo [39 sect212-13]) 77 and at the same time states in the latter locus that the length of a parameri-

on and a spathion are equal 78 one is surely not facing a dagger here the expression raquogreat daggerlaquo in the

raquoTacticalaquo may rather mean that the paramerion is a dagger-like weapon in its form but bigger From this

one might infer a straight blade contrary to the opinion of Haldon who proposed that the paramerion is

the slightly curved single-edged sabre79 Piotr Ł Grotowski most recently summarised the state of research

and defined the paramerion as a single-edged broadsword 80 According to him the paramerion would be

with the fancy word of the Slavic research the palash ndash a predecessor of the sabre Although it does not

seem proper to name a weapon by an anachronistic term of unknown origin and etymology and the char-

acterisation of obviously contemporaneous types of weaponry by their hypothetical relative typological rela-

tion is also not an indisputable method Grotowski correctly concludes that raquoone must be careful seeing

the paramerion as a sabrelaquo 81 A similar view was expressed by Maria G Parani who was the first to draw

attention to the fact that neither Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo nor the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo or the raquoPraecepta

Militarialaquo mention the curve of the blade 82 Parani also emphasised that no middle Byzantine depiction of

a sword with a curved blade exists 83 Although there are some uncertainties concerning the modern defi-

nition of the sabre one may consider the curve of the blade as a major attribute that distinguishes the sabre

from other single- and double-edged swords The division of swords into three main types according to the

form and construction of the blades is supported by the archaeological material unearthed in the periph-

ery of the Byzantine Empire not only straight double-edged and curved single-edged but also straight sin-

gle-edged weapons are present in the Carpathian Basin (fig 3) and in Bulgaria as well 84 With the excep-

tion of Joacutezsef Hampelrsquos early remarks 85 such swords were regarded as sabres by the Hungarian research

201Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

without recognising their disparity although other hybrid forms were noticed but not studied thoroughly

(fig 4) 86 It seems that no certain archaeological pictorial or written evidence testifies the use of the sabre

i e the curved single-(false)edged sword in 10th-century Byzantium ndash there is only evidence of the other

two of the three basic blade types shortly defined above The importance of the differentiation between

straight single-edged and straight double-edged swords is also further attested by pictorial sources For

instance one may recognise the sword that the third foot soldier in the procession of the Forty Martyrs of

Sebastea holds in his hand on the fresco in the Guumlvercinlik (dovecote) church in Ccedilavuşin (Cappadocia) in

Turkey dated to 963-969 as straight and single-edged in contrast to the double-edged swords of the first

two soldiers on foot 87 The fresco is so detailed that even the fuller or rhombic section of the double-edged

blades is clearly visible The two types of blades differ not only in their points (that determine the number

of their edges) but also in their width the single-edged one is almost half as wide as the double-edged It

seems reasonable to assume that the painter of the scene was well aware of the variations and main char-

acteristics of the different swords and endeavoured to give highly detailed realistic depictions of them If

we are right in identifying the paramerion as a straight single-edged sword it should be noted that it is

closer in its construction and weight and thus in its possible original function to the sabre than to the

202 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 3 Some of the straight single-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 1 Biharkeresztes Vasuacutetaacutellomaacutes (Hajduacute-Bihar countyH) grave 1 ndash 2 Zemianska Olča (Hung NemesoacutecsaKomaacuterno distSK) grave 7 ndash 3 Csongraacuted-Vendelhalom (Csongraacuted countyH) grave41955 ndash 4 Szob-Vendelin (Pest countyH)grave 51 ndash (Drawings L Kovaacutecs digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

straight double-edged sword Since the former is usually interpreted as a special light cavalry weapon and

the latter as a heavy cavalry or heavy infantry weapon one may ask why the Byzantine super-heavy caval-

ry was equipped with a raquolightlaquo sword akin to the sabre The answer is simple neither is the sabre an exclu-

sively light cavalry weapon nor is the straight double-edged sword a typical heavy cavalry weapon Both

arms can be used in other tactical formations as well To sum up an armament type does not solely deter-

mine the tactics and thus the success or defeat of a soldier or an army

Even if we bona fide prescind from the above-mentioned methodological problems inherent in the inter-

pretation of graves and weapon burials in general the archaeological material should show features that

would unambiguously refer to heavily armed mounted fighters Therefore we may expect these Magyar

burials with double-edged swords to be furnished with objects that relate to riding mounted fight and

raquoheavylaquo armament first of all including armour On the other hand we may not overestimate the fact that

no sign of any armour has been recovered from Magyar graves 88 since the appearance of armour chain

mail and helmet is extremely rare not only in 10th-century burials 89 but throughout the Early Middle Ages

The total absence of shield bosses in the 10th- and 11th-century Carpathian Basin is more remarkable 90

compared to the Carolingian and Ottonian case Although they are neither frequent in contemporary West

European archaeological material 91 pictorial evidence and written sources indicate that the shield was a

most basic element in the equipment of Carolingian and Ottonian soldiers 92 Consequently further

research should concentrate on the types and small diversities in the buried riding gear with the intention

of differentiating between various riding techniques 93 This might serve as a basis for distinguishing raquoheavy

cavalry burialslaquo even though I particularly doubt the existence of 10th-century heavy cavalry and even more

its archaeological markers

Let us now turn towards the superiority and mystification of the straight double-edged sword Due to

Bakayrsquos physical analysis 94 which without exception fully persuaded Hungarian scholars the myth of the

sword being a weapon twice as powerful and effective than the sabre spread and became an axiom

However Bakayrsquos calculations concerning the torque (raquoDrehkraftlaquo) of the sabre and the sword are overly

simplified and hardly prove more than the fact that if a smaller and a bigger apple is thrown at you the

bigger one hurts more Actually his point was already lost when he chose the torque and not the mechan-

ic or kinetic energy as the aim of his calculations Not only his physical model (let the weapon fall to the

ground with its point first) fails to model the handling of these weapons in combat but he also simplified

203Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 4 The Szentbeacutekkaacutella hybrid sword ndash (Photo and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

References

Androshchuk 2003 F Androshchuk The raquoLjudota Swordlaquo (AnEpisode of Contacts Between Britain and Scandinavia in the LateViking Age) Ruthenica 2 2003 15-25

Androushchuk 2009 F Androushchuk Vikings and Farmers SomeRemarks on the Social Interpretation of Swords and Long-Distance Contacts during the Viking Age In Holmquist Olaus-son Olausson 2009 93-104

Arbman 1937 H Arbman Schweden und das Karolingische ReichStudien zu den Handelsverbindungen des 9 Jahrhunderts KglVitterhets Hist Akad Handlingar 43 (Stockholm 1937)

Arbman Nilsson 1969 H Arbman N-O Nilsson Armes scandi-naves de lrsquoeacutepoque Viking en France Meddel Lund Univ HistMus 1966-1968 (1969) 163-202

Arwidsson 1986 G Arwidsson Schilde In idem (ed) Birka II2 Sys -tematische Analysen der Graumlberfunde (Stockholm 1986) 38-44

Bachrach 1969 B S Bachrach The Origin of Armorican ChivalryTechnology and Culture 10 1969 166-171

1970 B S Bachrach Charles Martel Mounted Shock Combatthe Stirrup and Feudalism Stud Medieval and Renaissance Hist7 1970 49-75

1983 B S Bachrach Charlemagnersquos Cavalry Myth and RealityMilitary Affairs 474 1983 181-187

1988 B S Bachrach Caballus et Caballarius in Medieval War-fare In H Chickering T H Seiler (eds) The Study of ChivalryResources and Approaches (Kalamazoo 1988) 173-211

1993 B S Bachrach Armies and Politics in the Early MedievalWest (Aldershot Brookfield 1993)

1995 B S Bachrach The Milites and the Millennium HaskinsSoc Journal Stud Medieval Hist 3 1992 85-95

2001 B S Bachrach Early Carolingian Warfare Prelude to Em -pire (Philadelphia 2001)

2002 B S Bachrach Warfare and Military Organization in Pre-Crusading Europe (Aldershot Burlington Suffolk 2002)

2006 B S Bachrach Verbruggenrsquos raquoCavalrylaquo and the Lyon-The-sis Journal Medieval Military Hist 4 2006 137-141

Bachrach Bachrach 2007 B S Bachrach D Bachrach SaxonMilitary Revolution 912-973 Myth and Reality Early MedievalEurope 152 2007 186-222

Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 The Laws of the Medieval Kingdom ofHungary 1 1000-1301 Translated and edited by J M Bak GyBoacutenis and J R Sweeney (Bakersfield 1989)

Bakay 1967 K Bakay Archaumlologische Studien zur Frage der unga-rischen Staatsgruumlndung Angaben zur Organisierung des fuumlrst-lichen Heeres Acta Arch Acad Scien Hungaricae 19 1967105-173

Bauer Rau 1992 Fontes ad historiam aevi Saxonici illustrandamWidukindi Res Gestae Saxonicae Adalberti Continuatio Regino-nis Liudprandi Opera Neu bearbeitet von A Bauer und R RauAusgewaumlhlte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters8 (Darmstadt 41992)

Beatson 1995 P Beatson The raquoViking Shieldlaquo from ArchaeologyVarangian Voice 35 1995 25-35

Beloševič 2007 J Beloševič Osvrt na karolinške mačeve tipa H sašireg područja Dalmatinske Hrvatske (Ruumlckschau auf karolingi-sche Schwerter des Typus H aus dem Groszligraum des dalmati-schen Kroatiens) Prilozi 24 2007 405-418

Bloumlndal Benedikz 1978 S Bloumlndal B S Benedikz The Varangi-ans of Byzantium An Aspect of Byzantine Military History (Cam-bridge 1978)

Boacutena 2000 I Boacutena Die ungarische Kampftechnik in den Feldzuuml-gen gegen Europa In Wieczorek Hinz 2000 225-230

Borosy 1962 A Borosy A XI-XIV szaacutezadi magyar lovassaacutegroacutel (Onthe Hungarian Cavalry in the 11-14th Centuries) Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl92 1962 119-174

Bowlus 2006 C R Bowlus The Battle of Lechfeld and its After-math August 955 The End of the Age of Migrations in the LatinWest (Aldershot Burlington 2006)

Buko 2008 A Buko The Archaeology of Early Medieval PolandDiscoveries ndash Hypotheses ndash Interpretations East Central andEastern Europe in the Middle Ages 450-1450 1 (Boston Leiden2008)

Cattaneo 2009 G Cattaneo The Scandinavians in Poland a Re-Evolution of Perceptions of the Vikings Brathair 92 2009 2-14

Claessen 2006 H J M Claessen War and State Formation Whatis the Connection In T Otto H Thrane H Vandkilde (eds)Warfare and Society Archaeological and Social AnthropologicalPerspectives (Aarhus 2006) 217-226

Connor 1998 C L Connor The Color of Ivory Polychromy onByzantine Ivories (Princeton 1998)

Coupland 1990 S Coupland Carolingian Arms and Armor in theNinth Century VIATOR Journal Medieval and Renaissance Stud21 1990 29-50

Curta 2005 F Curta (ed) East Central and Eastern Europe in theEarly Middle Ages (Ann Arbor 2005)

DrsquoAmato 2010 R DrsquoAmato The Varangian Guard 988-1453 Os -prey MilitaryMen-at-Arms Ser 459 (New York Oxford 2010)

Dain 1938 Sylloge Tacticorum quae olim raquoInedita Leonis Tacticalaquodicebatur in lucem prolata curis Alphonsi Dain (Paris 1938)

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1971 А Н Кирпичников Древнерусское оручжие Бып-ыск третий Доспех комплекс боевых средств АрхеологияСССР Е1-36 (Leningrad 1971)

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Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 M Schulze-Doumlrrlamm Das ungarischeKriegergrab von Aspers-legraves-Corps Untersuchungen zu denUngarn einfaumlllen nach Mittel- West- und Suumldeuropa (899-955 nChr) mit einem Exkurs zur Muumlnzchronologie altungarischerGraumlber Jahrb RGZM 31 1984 473-514

Shepard 2005 J Shepard Conversions and Regimes Comparedthe Rusrsquo and the Poles ca 1000 In Curta 2005 254-282

Solberg 1991 B Solberg Weapon Export from the Continent tothe Nordic Countries in the Carolingian Period Stud Sachsen-forsch 7 1991 241-259

Stalsberg 2008a A Stalsberg Herstellung und Verbreitung derVlfberht-Schwertklingen Eine Neubewertung Zeitschr ArchMittelalter 36 2008 89-118

2008b A Stalsberg The Vlfberht Sword Blades Reevaluated(httpjenny-ritaorgannestalsberghtml 1542012)

2010 A Stalsberg Ulfberht Revisited a Classification In JSheehan D Oacute Corraacutein (eds) The Viking Age Ireland and theWest (Dublin 2010) 450-464

Steuer 1987 H Steuer Der Handel in der Wikingerzeit zwischenNord- und Westeuropa aufgrund archaumlologischer Zeugnisse InK Duumlwel H Jankuhn H Siems D Timpe (eds) Untersuchun-gen zu Handel und Verkehr der vor- und fruumlhgeschichtlichen Zeitin Mittel- und Nordeuropa 4 Der Handel der Karolinger- undWikingerzeit Abhandl Akad Wiss Goumlttingen Phil-Hist Kl3156 (Goumlttingen 1987) 113-197

Stoodley 1999 N Stoodley The Spindle and the Spear a CriticalEnquiry into the Construction and Meaning of Gender in theEarly Anglo-Saxon Burial Rite BAR British Ser 288 (Oxford1999)

Strecker 1987 K Strecker (ed) Waltharius Deutsche Uumlbersetzungvon P Vossen (Hildesheim 21987)

Szaboacute 2010 J B Szaboacute A honfoglaloacutektoacutel a huszaacuterokig A koumlzeacutep-kori magyar koumlnnyűlovassaacutegroacutel (From the Hungarian Conquerorsto the Hussars Light Cavalry in Medieval Hungary) (Budapest2010)

Szameit 1992 E Szameit Ein VLFBERHT-Schwert aus der Donaubei Aggsbach Niederoumlsterreich Arch Austriaca 76 1992 215-221

Szőke 1962 B Szőke A honfoglaloacute eacutes kora Aacuterpaacuted-kori magyarsaacutegreacutegeacuteszeti emleacutekei Reacutegeacuteszeti tanulmaacutenyok 1 (Budapest 1962)

Szőllősy 2001 G Szőllősy Mi ceacutelt szolgaacutel a szablya fokeacutele Kiacuteseacuterletimegkoumlzeliacuteteacutesek Wosinsky Moacuter Muacutez Eacutevk 23 2001 275-293

Talbot Sullivan 2005 The History of Leo the Deacon ByzantineMilitary Expansion in the Tenth Century Introduction Transla-tion and Annotations by A-M Talbot and D F Sullivan Dum-barton Oaks Stud 41 (Washington DC 2005)

Toacuteth 1934 Z Toacuteth A huszaacuterok eredeteacuteről Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 3-41934 129-196

Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

Urbańczyk 2005 P Urbańczyk Early State Formation in East Cen-tral Europe In Curta 2005 139-151

Urtan 1961 В А Уртан Древние щиты на территории Латв-ийской ССР Sovetskaja Arch 19611 216-224

Validi 1936 A Z Validi Die Schwerter der Germanen nach arabi-schen Berichten des 9-11 Jahrhunderts Zeitschr Dt Morgen-laumlnd Ges 90 1936 19-37

216 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

Veszpreacutemy 1996 L Veszpreacutemy A nyugat-euroacutepai eacutes bizaacutenci hadvi-seleacutes a honfoglalaacutes eacutes kalandozaacutesok idejeacuten In L Veszpreacutemy(ed) Honfoglaloacute őseink (Budapest 1996) 66-80

2008 L Veszpreacutemy Szent Istvaacuten feloumlvezeacuteseacuteről In VeszpreacutemyLovagvilaacuteg Magyarorszaacutegon (Budapest 2008) 66-77

Vinski 1983 Z Vinski Razmatranja o poslijekarolinškim mačevima10 i 11 stolječa u Jugoslaviji (Betrachtung zu postkarolingischenSchwertern des 10 und 11 Jahrhunderts in Jugoslawien) Sta-rohrvatska Prosvjeta 313 1983 7-64

Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

Walsh 1998 A Walsh A Summary Classification of Viking AgeSwords in Ireland In H B Clarke M N Mhaonaigh ROacute Floinn (eds) Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age(Dublin 1998) 222-235

Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

2008 J M Ziolkowski Of Arms and the (Ger)man Literary andMaterial Culture in the Waltharius In J R Davis M McCor-mick (eds) The Long Morning of Medieval Europe New Direc-tions in Early Medieval Studies (Aldershot Burlington 2008)193-208

Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 3: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

Falko Daim

Vorwort IX

Vor der Landnahme

Attila Tuumlrk

Zu den osteuropaumlischen und byzantinischen Beziehungen der Funde des 10-11 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken 3

Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jonson

Traces of contacts Magyar material culture in the Swedish Viking Age context of Birka 29

Chronologische Fragen zum Fundmaterial des Karpatenbeckens

Peacuteter Langoacute

Notes on the dating of Byzantine coin finds from 10th century context in the Carpathian Basin 49

Peacuteter Prohaacuteszka

Bemerkungen zum byzantinischen Muumlnzverkehr der ungarischen Landnahmezeit und der Staatsgruumlndung im Karpatenbecken 67

Gabriel Fusek

Chronologische Fragen der Nitraer Graumlberfelder des 10-11 Jahrhundertsdas Fallbeispiel Nitra-Šindolka 89

Gabriel Nevizaacutensky middot Jiřiacute Košta

Die Ausgrabung eines fruumlhungarischen Reitergraumlberfeldes in Streda nad Bodrogom (okr TrebišovSK) in den Jahren 1926 und 1937 113

Mikloacutes Takaacutecs

Die Chronologie der Siedlungen und besonders der Siedlungskeramik des Karpatenbeckens des 8-11 Jahrhunderts im Spannungsfeld zwischen den verschieden Datierungsmoumlglichkeiten und ihren Einwaumlnden 145

Zwischen Ost und West raquoFremdelaquo Schwerter in raquolokalemlaquo Kontext

Naďa Profantovaacute

Examples of the most important results of technological analyses of swords in the Czech Republic 169

III

INHALT

IV

Aacutedaacutem Biacuteroacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view 191

Valeri Yotov

The Kunaacutegota sword guard and the dating of two bronze matrices for hilt manufacturing 219

Beitraumlge technologischer und naturwissenschaftlicher Untersuchungen zu archaumlologischen Fragestellungen

Adam Bolloacutek

Chronological questions of the Hungarian Conquest Period a technological perspective 229

Susanne Greiff

Silver grave goods from early Hungarian contexts technological implications of debased alloy compositions with zinc tin and lead 241

Nataša V Eniosova

Tracing the routes of silver procurement to the early urban centre Gneumlzdovo in the 10thearly 11th centuries 261

Mariela Inkova

A contribution to the problem of producing the Old Bulgarian belt-fittings from the 10th century 277

Naďa Profantovaacute

Ein tauschierter Steigbuumlgel aus der Umgebung von Dobruška (okr Rychnov nad KněžnouCZ) 295

Verzeichnis der Autorinnen und Autoren 309

Hinweis fuumlr den LeserKyrillische Buchstaben wurden wissenschaftlich transliteriert In Ausnahmefaumlllen wurde bei Eigennamen aufeine wissenschaftliche Transliteration verzichtet Bei den Fundortangaben in den Gebieten der ehemaligenSowjetunion werden die heutigen Ortsnamen angegeben Bei Kulturen bezeichnenden Fundorten wurdevon einer Aumlnderung abgesehen

AacuteDAacuteM BIacuteROacute

DATING (WITH) WEAPON BURIALS

AND THE raquoWAFFENWECHSELlaquo

A PRELIMINARY REPORT ON NEW INVESTIGATIONS

OF THE SO-CALLED VIKING-AGE SWORDS IN THE CARPATHIAN BASIN

FROM A CHRONOLOGICAL POINT OF VIEW

Superamur scio multitudine sed non virtute sed non armis 1

PREFACE

Due to its abundance in graves military equipment plays a special and important role in the chronological

system of the archaeological material of the 10th century AD in the Carpathian Basin Hungarian archae-

ologists tend to determine precise and exclusive chronological positions of certain weapons or weapon

types within the relatively short archaeological period of the so-called Hungarian Conquest although there

has not yet been a comprehensive and thorough archaeological research concerning weapon burials The

dating of weapon types is mainly based on marginal notes or ndash which is worse ndash created to support

unproved historical hypotheses The implicit acceptance of these raquodatingslaquo without control or supervision

resulted in the canonisation of a unified but first of all simplified chronological system In my opinion this

system is not only in need of a serious revision but a new strictly archaeological chronology should be

established instead since the former was neither based upon proper classification analyses nor on relative

chronological studies An attempt aiming at the historical interpretation of the archaeological material

would be reasonable only if such research would be accomplished Therefore this topic claims a complex

modern thorough future research to which of course also archaeometrical and experimental studies

belong

However it is not my duty here to cover all aspects of dating the weapons or other artefacts with them

On the other hand it seems necessary to sketch at least the three main keystones on which the present

chronological system rests

1 According to the first thesis men whose burials contained coins and weapons at the same time must be

seen as warriors who took part in the military campaigns and raids which the Magyars led to Europe in

the first half of the 10th century

2 The second thesis declares that straight double-edged swords replaced sabres from the middle or last

quarter of the century on due to the state formation process andor the realisation of inadequate arma-

ment being the main reason for the defeats suffered from the Saxon heavy cavalry On this basis the

year 955 and the battle at the river Lech or the beginning of the state formation process are given an

extraordinary importance ndash which on the one hand serves as a terminus post quem for the straight dou-

ble-edged swords and other military equipment thought to be connected with the so-called heavy cav-

alry while on the other hand it indicates a terminus ante quem for the majority of the sabres which are

considered typical nomadic light cavalry weapons

191Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

3 The third thesis claims that the rite of pagan (weapon) burials continued at least during the first quarter

of the 11th century in some territories of the Carpathian Basin 2

Bearing in mind the significance of the weapon dating in 10th-century Carpathian Basin a part of the proj-

ect raquoReiterkrieger Burgenbauer die fruumlhen Ungarn und das rsaquoDeutsche Reichlsaquo vom 9 bis zum 11 Jahr -

hundertlaquo (RGZM) aims at the revision and reconsideration of sword and sabre data along with coin-dated

graves in order to present a precise chronology for the Conquest Period material From the above-men-

tioned three theses all worthy of a full-scale reconsideration only the second forms part of the project

although the first one is also inherent in the interpretation of the coin-dated graves The main reason

behind the conception and the research topics of the project was the fact that whilst the numerous Muslim

dirhams and West European denarii found in graves represent a chance at least for the first half of the cen-

tury to create absolute dated assemblages the sword and sabre question may shed light on relative

chronological relations of the material Therefore I shall discuss the second thesis in this paper presenting

a preliminary historical and archaeological critique of the state of research

MILITARY REVOLUTION (REFORM) AND WEAPON CHANGE IN THE 10TH CENTURY

Historiography of the thesis

Albeit it would make sense to present here a comprehensive overview of the history of research on 10th-

century double-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 3 a short summary of the main statements of pri-

mary importance concerning this topic and their evolution should be sufficient to get a clear picture of the

theory in question

Although the origin of the thesis may be traced back to the late 19th- and early 20th-century studies 4 espe-

cially in the works of Zoltaacuten Toacuteth 5 the full concept blossomed out in a never quoted short study written

by Jaacutenos Kalmaacuter in 1936 6 Kalmaacuter offered a coherent but simplistic and idealistic view of the relations of

sabre and sword by placing them in the general evolution of medieval armour and assuming that they

belong to different cultural spheres and thus different warfare and tactics He demonstrated the distinction

of sabre and sword on raquoethno-psychological groundslaquo with the so-called Vienna sabre and the sword of

Saint Stephen I in Prague 7

raquoDer rsaquoAttila-Saumlbellsaquo und das Sankt Stefans-Schwert diese beiden wichtigsten Zimelien der fruumlhmagyari-

schen Kriegsgeschichte stehen im schaumlrfsten Kontrast zueinander Sie symbolisieren gewissermaszligen die

beiden Einfluszligsphaumlren von Ost und West Der Saumlbel erinnert an das einstige Steppenvolk das frank und

frei in den endlosen sarmatischen Niederungen irrlichterte das schwere Pallasch-Schwert dagegen ist

die Waffe eines bereits seszlighaft gewordenen ortsverbundenen Volkes Der Saumlbel ist die Waffe der per-

soumlnlichen Tapferkeit und Behendigkeit der Pallasch die der technischen Uumlberlegenheit Der Saumlbel ist ein

Produkt der tuumlrkischen der Pallasch jenes der indogermanischen Kultur Der Saumlbel ist die Waffe der

ploumltzlich emporlodernden taktischen Ideen der Pallasch das Symbol der planmaumlszligig arbeitenden vor-

ausblickenden Strategielaquo 8

Although Kalmaacuterrsquos paper unfortunately escaped the notice of the Hungarian research three years later his

ideas found their way into a short review by Gyula Laacuteszloacute 9 on Naacutendor Fettichrsquos article which deals with the

Prague sword 10 What was presented in this marginal note remained until now the most influential

approach to the question of the interpretation and chronology of the straight double-edged swords in the

Carpathian Basin It seems that at least the following two major conceptions of Kalmaacuter were integrated

into Laacuteszloacutersquos thesis

192 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1 that the sabre was inferior and proved unsuccessful against the heavy armour of West European armies

which resulted in the end of the Magyar incursions and

2 that with the beginning of the state reform of Saint Stephen I the sword and new tactics became dom-

inant in the Carpathian Basin

In the end Kalmaacuterrsquos original idea however indirectly presented the basis which was accepted and repeat-

ed later by following scholars who reiterated Laacuteszloacutersquos reasoning or worse used it as axiom for further the-

ories andor chronological statements Thus it is necessary to recapitulate Laacuteszloacutersquos main arguments here in

order to point out various inherent methodological problems 11

1 According to Laacuteszloacutersquos thesis straight double-edged swords were only used by heavy cavalry (so their pres-

ence in the archaeological record unambiguously indicates the existence of a western-type heavy caval-

ry in 10th-century Carpathian Basin) while sabres were instruments exclusively used in the raquoancient

nomadiclaquo close combat

2 Thus Laacuteszloacute created two artificial archaeological assemblages without any precise definition labelling

them with a simplifying term such as raquoChristianlaquo and raquopaganlaquo to deepen the supposed difference with

which he degraded the multi-layered complex past to a rigid simplified historical narration

3 In his view the raquoancestral nomadiclaquo equipment and fighting method ensured the successes of the

Magyars in the first half of the 10th century while the superior armament and tactics of their enemies

were responsible for the later defeats It is therefore obvious as Laacuteszloacute concludes that the Magyars had

to adopt the military achievements of Christian Europe (i e the Ottonian Empire) which is of course the

heavy cavalry armed with straight double-edged swords This newly organised modern Christian army

which became later the core of the regular army of the Hungarian kingdom was put to use for suppress-

ing pagan tribes who rebelled against the rule of Geacuteza and his successor Saint Stephen I at the end of

the 10th century

As I already mentioned serious methodological problems can be identified in this train of thought Not only

the unconditional linking of certain weapons with certain combat tactics seems to be doubtful 12 but also

the main characteristic of Laacuteszloacutersquos concept is misleading a historical theory is used as a rigid restricted inter-

pretation of the archaeological material which in turn determines the date of swords exclusively to the late

10th century Since the theory was easily explainable within Marxist historical materialism the idea had a

deep effect on the Hungarian historical research as well authorising it thus to spread the belief of a pri-

vate western-style (feudalistic) heavy cavalry in the service of Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I13 At the same time

the lively and rapidly developing historical military debate (starting in the late 1870s) on the possible recon-

struction of the Magyar tactics which otherwise had strong connections to the triumphant noble histori-

cal view of the zeitgeist came to a halt after World War II As a result Laacuteszloacutersquos rough sketch became due

to his determinant role in research a solid base for later investigations 14 Moreover his artistic representa-

tions of the supposed essential difference between the Ottonian and the Hungarian warfare made his

approach very popular also outside academic circles (fig 1) Neither could the following scholars escape

the convincing simplicity of Laacuteszloacutersquos idea 15 while they developed the concept to a universal historical hypo -

thesis using more or less detailed archaeological analyses 16

Korneacutel Bakay one of Laacuteszloacutersquos students was the first to manage an exhaustive archaeological analysis of

straight double-edged swords from the Carpathian Basin 17 but his conclusions and results were guided by

his professorrsquos view on the early state formation process of the Hungarian kingdom Thus as the main con-

cept remained basically historical the arguments and reasons applied often lacked archaeological evidence

or which is worse the archaeological evidence was intentionally treated inferior Bakay himself clearly

chose this approach by stressing that the importance of the supposed social and economical transforma-

tion (i e the state formation process) at the end of the 10th century determines the chronology of the

193Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

swords in question which aspect is superior to their typological and relative chronological relations In his

own words

raquoBereits hier moumlchte ich betonen dass die Chronologie der zweischneidigen Schwerter in erster Linie

eigentlich durch die oben geschilderte wirtschaftlich-gesellschaftliche Umwandlung bestimmt ist Der

typologische Vergleich dient demnach bloszlig als Ergaumlnzunglaquo 18

Furthermore the pioneering thought to compare the efficiency of the sword and the sabre with the aid of

modeling was invented only to prove Laacuteszloacutersquos (and originally Kalmaacuterrsquos) premise i e that the sword was a

more raquosuccessful weaponlaquo than the sabre However Bakayrsquos detailed calculations of the superiority of the

straight double-edged sword when compared to the sabre led to the mystification of the sword as a won-

der weapon (raquoWunderwaffelaquo) in the Hungarian archaeological research Although a more detailed archae-

ological explanation was now presented from those historians who slowly became the most influential his-

torians of the 10th-11th centuries only Gyoumlrgy Gyoumlrffy accepted and integrated the idea of the raquoregular elite

armylaquo consisting of heavy cavalry units organised by Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I into his comprehensive work

on the state formation process 19 Others like Joacutezsef Gerics simply evaded the discussion of the topic 20

while Gyula Kristoacute instead of acknowledging the military revolution as a historical fact treated the end of

the military campaigns in Europe and the battle at the Lech only as an important internal and foreign pol-

icy affair ndash nothing more 21 Kristoacute alone had proposed a short critique from the historianrsquos viewpoint are

archaeology and archaeological material competent to discuss and determine historical theories concern-

ing politico-historical questions 22 However Bakayrsquos work proved to be so overwhelmingly convincing that

not only the leading Hungarian archaeologists 23 but even Slovakian 24 and Romanian scholars acknowl-

edged his main conclusions 25 Radu Robert Heitel even treated the Transylvanian double-edged swords and

sword chapes as evidence that would draw the march route of the army of Saint Stephen I which con-

quered the regnum regis IuliiProkui in the year 1003 according to the Annales Hildesheimenses 26

194 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 1 The nature of the Magyar-Ottonian battle ndash (After Laacuteszloacute 1982 29)

In turn the archaeologist Laacuteszloacute Kovaacutecs took up the challenge to give a more proper archaeological expla-

nation of the historical thesis Although he assembled a whole catalogue on the subject of source-critical

problems of the double-edged swords 27 filtering out many ill-dated artefacts his whole evaluation regret-

tably was never published in its entirety Nevertheless his conception of an all-embracing simplified mili-

tary revolution dating from 955 rapidly became fundamental With his theory in contrast to Bakay Kovaacutecs

returned to the original notion of Laacuteszloacute (and Kalmaacuter) i e the necessary weapon change (raquoWaffen wech -

sellaquo) as a logical result of the raquomilitary shocklaquo generated by the defeats in the European theatre of war 28

However Kovaacutecs failed to give a convincing demonstration since his exclusive and at times subjective con-

clusions were drawn on the basis of a limited amount of numismatic material available 29 A rather new

phenomenon of the late 1990s is the appearance of some historical military papers 30 which mark a new

dawn of interest in the theme after the long silence from the potential third party of the debate Unfor -

tunately this research did not continue the traditions of the former historical military discussion but apart

from its useful practical viewpoint endeavoured only to describe and realise the above-mentioned hypoth-

esis from the viewpoint of the modern military terminology

There has been only one archaeological approach to the double-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpa -

thian Basin which did not originate from Laacuteszloacutersquos school Mechthild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm attempted to analyse

their chronological position apart from the historical approach of the Hungarian research and to fit them

into her absolute chronological system This was based on the chronological diversities and different origins

of the dirham and denar material of the first half of the 10th century Schulze-Doumlrrlammrsquos phase I (896-925)

and phase II (926-95070) comprised the so-called raquoaltmagyarischer Formenkreislaquo group in the former

chronology of Jochen Giesler The two phases were differentiated in their geographical distribution as well

Since the topography of the double-edged swords seemed to resemble that of phase II as Schulze-

Doumlrrlamm concludes the swords belong to the second quarter of the century 31 Although these phases

appear to be overly artificial and moreover their projection or application to the whole of the material is

at least problematic 32 her critical note on Bakayrsquos conception is more than appropriate

raquoDie Uumlbernahme dieser neuen Hiebwaffe und damit zugleich auch einer anderen Kampftechnik durch

die Ungarn hat demnach nichts mit dem rsaquoFuumlrstenheerlsaquo des Fuumlrsten Geza (972-997) zu tun wie es Bakay

vermutete sondern duumlrfte eine Reaktion auf die Erfahrungen bei den Kaumlmpfen in Deutschland und

Italien gewesen seinlaquo 33

However we must be aware that Schulze-Doumlrrlamm did not query the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo itself but only

presented a third option for the historical explanation of the presence of such swords thought to be alien

in the archaeological material of the Magyars As a conclusion of my preliminary thoughts on the histori-

ography concerning the chronological problems and interpretation of 10th-century straight double-edged

swords found in the Carpathian Basin I find the following thoughts of Bernard Sebastian Bachrach aston-

ishingly sound also in light of the situation of the Hungarian research

raquoIn what has amounted to a highly romanticized search for the origins of chivalry scholars have for too

long ignored the balance of the evidence focused upon bits and pieces of inconclusive data and mag-

nified the importance of these to help create a flawed picture of warfare in the early Middle Ageslaquo 34

Methodological problems of the thesis ndash reconsidering swords

While sketching the main points of the former research three major approaches took shape each based

on the idea that the straight double-edged swords are new phenomena in the otherwise homogeneous

raquonomadiclaquo material culture of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin This was clarified by a change in warfare

and military equipment taking place in the second quarter in the middle or in the third quarter of the cen-

195Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

tury either due to the experience of the campaigns in Europe or to the politico-military shock of the battle

at the Lech or thanks to the state formation process These theories all emphasise a crucial difference

between the sabre and the straight double-edged sword which significantly affected or altered the warfare

and tactics of the Magyars during the 10th century Thus we have seen a far-reaching theory changing over

time set off by Kalmaacuter as early as 1936 which explains the origin of the so-called Viking swords the politi-

co-social and military status they were thought to indicate and the historical context they created or in

which they acted When we take a closer look at the main arguments of this chain of thought many will

arouse our interest and hence induce a profound examination since they indicate serious methodological

problems I shall discuss these in the following separated on the basis of the character of their reasoning

be it principally (military) historical or archaeological

Historical arguments and notes

First of all it is worth noting that the concept of the supposed military reform and the creation or presence

of a heavy cavalry in 10th-century Hungary is completely without any written evidence or proof Not a sin-

gle historical information not any contemporary literary account shows any trace of either the establish-

ment or organisation of a new army or of the central distribution of swords or other military equipment to

Hungarian soldiers We do not even have a text that would at least indirectly refer to the army or retinue

of dux Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I such as e g the account of Thietmar of Merseburg on the 300 armoured

but not by all means mounted warriors (trecentis militibus loricatis) possibly serving as part of the person-

al retinue or guard of dux Bolesław I Chrobry (Chronicon Thietmari IV46) before they were given as a pres-

ent to Otto II 35

Our only contemporary source that mentions military affairs is the founding document of the monastery at

Pannonhalma 36 Although the diplomarsquos account on the war between the Germans and Hungarians and

the civil war known in more detail from later sources is almost meaningless and highly ambiguous 37 it was

associated with the supposed German origin of the duces raquoPoznanolaquo raquoCuntiolaquo and raquoOrziolaquo This proved

to be well enough for a theory of a strong Ottonian or German (military) influence in the court of the late

Geacuteza and young raquoWaiclaquoStephen and to attribute these duces a decisive role on the battlefield during

the suppression of the revolt of Koppaacuteny 38 In the later traditions of medieval Hungarian chronicles they

became the personal bodyguards of Saint Stephen I and generals of his army39 and ndash as a consequence in

modern historical research ndash the possible disseminators of heavy cavalry the organisers of the new Christian

regular army 40

Apart from the problematic interpretation of this diploma from the total range of contemporary sources

only five articles in the codes of Saint Stephen I provide useful information by dealing to some extent with

military affairs and by mentioning the sword The first article judges those who draw a sword (raquode evagi-

natione gladiilaquo) with the aim of injury to be killed by the same sword (I16) The second one rules the same

sentence for the case of murder with a sword (II12) the third declares the raquoan eye for an eyelaquo principle

for maiming with a sword (II13) while the fourth determines the fee that should be paid to a victim that

recovers from a wound by a sword (II16) The last article deals with the case of drawing a sword in rage

without wounding (II17) 41 Each article uses the word gladius but does not go into details about the

weapon like e g the famous raquoWalthariuslaquo poem 42 hence it is not possible to correlate the archaeological

material with the written evidence What is interesting however is that Stephenrsquos laws do not mention the

famous missile of the Magyars the bow and arrow ndash although their dominating presence in the burial

material would indicate a high importance 43 In contrast the many articles dealing with the crimes com-

mitted specifically with the sword especially in the second book of Saint Stephen I where they make up

196 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

almost one fifth of the total number of articles may refer to a very common phenomenon in the society

Personal violence must have been a widespread practice for reducing social tensions in a changing society

It is of great importance that this symptom of solving social problems with fighting and after all with vio-

lence and murder became manifest in close combat fought with gladii swords or sabres This as a final

result indirectly but unambiguously speaks of a tradition and preference of experiencing fight and combat

from up close ndash provided that these articles are not artificial adoptions of West European laws

In that way or another none of the quoted written sources serves as a firm base for a theory of a (new)

regular army whose core consists of heavy cavalry Furthermore the theory constructed upon these dubi-

ous sources cannot apply to the dating of archaeological assemblages as a determining fact What we

know for sure is that one of the different strata of the society called milites ndash witnessed in the laws of Saint

Stephen I ndash may be connected with somewhat regular perhaps professional military services 44 Thus I do

not reject the possibility of a more or less regular army at the time of the first Hungarian rex since it is obvi-

ous that a determined political will with a strong military base an army or at least a large retinue is the pre-

condition of state formation 45 I only suggest that in the case of the early Hungarian state formation nei-

ther written sources nor archaeological data as will be seen later provide us with any useful and unam-

biguous information on how that army could have looked like But we must not rely solely on the argu-

mentum ex silentio since this false reasoning was frequently done by the former research

Other contradictions emerge when we take into account the possible existence of a military reform or rev-

olution within the framework of early medieval Europe The concept may have its roots in the 19th- and

early 20th-century European idea that describes and explains military affairs being highly dependent on the

quality of the military equipment However this was a legitimate phenomenon in the world of mass armies

and an unbelievably quick progress in military techniques like artillery Thus the creators of this concept sim-

ply projected the military idea of the time of Delbruumlck and von Clausewitz back to early medieval times

Therefore the idea of a military revolution is mostly anachronistic in 10th-century Europe Nevertheless this

approach was not only prevalent in the Hungarian scholarship of the 20th century ndash the symptom appeared

in the German historical tradition as well One may find Karl Leyserrsquos thoughts on the Saxon military revo-

lution at the time of Henry I (919-936) and Otto I (936-973) closely related to the Hungarian example

Leyser stated that the creation of a heavily armoured cavalry (armati loricati) was the key to the military

and political success of the Ottonian dynasty According to him after 933 the Ottonian heavy cavalry

dominated the battles in the field 46 When Leyser published his theory in its entirety first in 1968 he had

already exploited three years earlier the assumed fundamental differences in the armament of the Magyar

and Ottonian troops in his interpretation of the battle at the Lech in 955 Leyserrsquos main point was to empha-

sise the effectiveness of the Ottonian armament in particular of the raquoheavier swordlaquo over their Magyar

counterparts raquoIn close quarter fighting with spears and especially swords the great majority of the Hun -

garians had no chance against the heavier arms and the much better protective equipment of their oppo-

nentslaquo 47

Leyserrsquos belief that the outcome of the battle is to be explained by the differences in arms and armour and

thus in tactics was so firm that he treated the locus raquoSuperamur scio multitudine sed non virtute sed

non armis Maxima enim ex parte nudos illos armis omnibus penitus cognovimuslaquo of Widukind in his raquoRes

Gestae Saxonicaelaquo (III XLVI) as proof for the decisive disparity 48 According to him the text should be inter-

preted in the following way raquoIn Widukind it was virtus and as shall be seen better weapons which over-

came superior numbers [at the battle of Lechfeld]laquo The latter half of the quotation should be understood

as the Magyars having a shortage of raquooffensive but also defensive weaponslaquo including raquoshields iron hel-

mets and above all hauberkslaquo 49 However we may try to specify the meaning and context of the locus

more precisely Contrary to Leyserrsquos opinion Widukind stated in the former sentence that the Ottonian

197Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

army is inferior to the Magyars ndash not in arms or virtue but in numbers Since the factors and circumstances

that do determine the process and final result of a battle in the field are obviously more than just the pure

number the armament and the virtus of the opposing forces we may see Widukindrsquos first statement of the

comparison rather as a comment that proves the value of the Ottonian army While the latter highly am -

biguous sentence ndash which can be used to determine the Magyar army as light cavalry wearing no armour

ndash may also indicate that the percentage of Magyar warriors equipped with defensive armament was lower

than that of the Ottonian soldiers in general On the other hand a serious methodological problem occurs

when we take a closer look at the whole text First of all it must be noted that the comparison of the two

armies i e the quoted text of Widukind is only a short part of the perhaps fictional encouraging speech

of rex Otto I who addressed his fellow soldiers right before the battle 50 The whole speech consists of typ-

ical phrases concerning general topics that aim at reassuring the soldiers of their strength and of their hope

that they could win the battle These phrases are so simplified that we may suppose without exaggeration

that this speech could have been delivered in every battlefield during the pre-modern period In the con-

text of such a pre-battle speech every statement gains an additional sense of encouragement heroism

past victories danger fictitious or real advantages etc are mentioned in order to strengthen the dubious

and those filled with fear 51 ndash fear of a punishment that will surely follow in the case of flight or deserta-

tion and fear of death in the battle itself 52 Addressing the enemyrsquos armour in a battle speech either in a

positive or a negative way is so trivial and self-evident that it even appears in the famous movie with Kevin

Costner raquoRobin Hood ndash Prince of Thieveslaquo 53 But let us return to Widukind himself and do not reject his

opinion when he clearly states in the continuation of the above-quoted text that raquoet quod maximi est nobis

solatii auxilio Deilaquo 54 thus the main difference between the two armies was the faith in Christ Whether

such a speech could have been given by Otto I or not (due to natural physical communication difficulties)

whether it is an original battle speech or only a fiction of the author 55 ndash it should be concluded that

Widukind does not allow us to draw such exact conclusions as Leyser did on the armament of the entire

opposing forces Consequently it seems that in parallel with the theory of Laacuteszloacute and Bakay the German

research also developed the idea of superiority of the double-edged straight sword ndash in connection with

(what is more important) the supposed dominance of the heavy cavalry on the battlefields

Leyserrsquos main thesis was actually only the application of a former historical notion to the cases of Charles

Martel Pippin and Charlemagne However Bachrachrsquos in-depth studies convincingly proved that neither the

thesis of a Carolingian nor of an Ottonian military revolution is true instead they should rather be treated

as myths 56 He established in many articles that early medieval wars were aimed at the conquest of the

enemyrsquos territory by besieging and controlling fortifications This resulted in the fact that the nature of early

medieval warfare was dominated by sieges and hence infantry fight while raquomounted shock combat was a

minor aspect even in the rare battles in the field that were fought throughout the pre-crusading Europelaquo 57

Instead of performing frontal attacks that usually failed and caused disastrous disorganisation and loss of

battle the early medieval European cavalry in the 9th-11th centuries were to perform multifunctional tasks

with their mostly light weaponry The tactically reasonable use of cavalry consisted of feigned retreats

flanking attacks and leaving them as a (hidden) reverse against a probable encirclement by the enemy They

were often even ordered to dismount and engage in the battle on foot 58

A similar picture is emerging from the battle and duel descriptions of the raquoWalthariuslaquo poem whose author

shows a remarkable interest in weaponry and realistic fighting 59 It seems that the raquoWalthariuslaquo is the only

early medieval narrative source that deals with military affairs to an extent that allows us to draw conclu-

sions regarding battlefield tactics and duel techniques ndash if we take the poem as a more or less authentic

account on European warfare of the late 9th and 10th centuries What is important here is that the battle

description (lines 180-207 especially 182-195) 60 does not mention the presence of heavy cavalry but

198 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

instead gives a carefully detailed picture of opposing troops standing very close a long-lasting missile fight

of throwing spears and some archery and then the clash of the battle lines in the chaos of close combat

It should be made clear that in this description the course of the battle consists of two equal parts the skir-

mish and the close combat Since the opposing troops are only at a raquothrowing spearlaquo distance of approx

30 m max 50 m apart from one another the possibility of a heavy cavalry charge is excluded Though the

author mentions cavalry fight as well it is ambiguous if they were heavily armoured 61 only shields (umbo)

are mentioned The same process is visible in every duel in the raquoWalthariuslaquo the fights start with throwing

spears (archery is only involved in one case) and end up with a close combat using spear-shield or sword-

shield combinations on foot

Even if we are wrong in taking the written sources at face value the main question that lies in the heart

of the investigation proves to be the toughest to answer What kind of cavalry may one call heavy And

what are its major distinctive features It is clear that the term was first invented for and applied to the

mounted knights of the High Middle Ages whose armour slowly developed into sophisticated and spe-

cialised full plate constructions But isnrsquot it wrong to desperately seek and suppose a similar case in the Early

Middle Ages In an attempt to understand early medieval cavalry in its own past reality a more flexible

approach is needed In my opinion the terms raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo are highly relative and work well only

in standard comparisons regarding equipment On the other hand contrary to the armament the assigned

or unintentionally performed operations against certain enemy units during a battle should be seen as the

most important factor that may determine the (momentary) battlefield role i e the tactical classification of

the cavalry unit in question Thus raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo should only be used in clear cases when written

sources permit the scholar to give a detailed picture of the battle In such ideal conditions different caval-

ry raquounitslaquo may be compared to each other or to infantry for reasons of differences in their armament their

assigned tasks and fulfilled operations on the basis of their momentum and results to finally address them

with attributes like raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo Bearing in mind the complicated nature and multi-layered process

of battles in general and the commonly laconic conditions of contemporary written sources one may

assume that only probable but no exact definitions are to be expected However it is not my duty to give

an analysis of early medieval European cavalry here I only point out the problem detailed studies will hope-

fully follow for the 10th-11th centuries as well 62

When looking for a contemporary military unit that might be rightly titled as heavy cavalry one has to turn

to Byzantium According to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (c 950) and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo (c 965) as well

as to later sources the task of the middle Byzantine kataphraktoi was to crush the middle of the enemy

battle lines with a single decisive charge 63 Their position within the general Byzantine battle order denotes

their remarkable importance the offensive part of a full middle Byzantine army was organised around the

kataphraktoi 64 forming a wedge in the Byzantine centre 65 The Byzantines were to achieve victory by this

main charge that began immediately after the skirmish of the prokoursatores 66 The detailed description of

their armament in the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo 67 clearly indicates that not only

the kataphraktos but also his horse was protected by armour (klibanion kremasmata epilorikion etc for

the mounted and the various carapaces for the horse) of the best quality 68 Thus the kataphraktoi fulfil the

major requirements that would make a unit of mounted soldiers heavy cavalry in theory first of all the spe-

cialised battlefield task that was officially attributed to them and secondly their centrally organised supply

with the appropriate armament to successfully perform their duty

Drawing conclusions is at least highly risky in the absence of a complete survey of all relevant texts and for-

mer research concerning the problem of 10th century heavy cavalry In spite of the fact that the rigid efforts

of describing cavalry with abstract definitions of tactical classifications seem to be outdated I have to deal

with the term raquoheavy cavalrylaquo in this paper in order to ascertain the probability of the thesis of the Hun -

199Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

garian military reform In this sense it may not be exaggerated and is reasonable to conclude that heavy

cavalry with a shock-delivering decisive role did not really exist on the battlefields of Western and Central

Europe in the 10th century ndash considering Bachrachrsquos negative opinion on Leyserrsquos Saxon military reform and

heavy cavalry According to this conception the supposed Hungarian military reform of establishing a heavy

cavalry that served as basis for the state formation should also be considered at least preliminary a myth

Archaeological arguments methods and sources

Much should and could be said concerning the absolute chronology of swords and the supposed weapon

change from the archaeologistrsquos point of view In this paper I will only concentrate on the main method-

ological problems of the thesis (fig 2)

Much ink has been spilt over the question of understanding burials in general and the foremost interest

the question of warrior or soldier graves presents similar difficulties in evaluating weapon burials Since the

early 1990s a new approach claims that the interpretation of weapon burials is not independent from

intentional factors that changed and created the burial while paleoanthropological and paleopathological

data are to be reckoned with in particular 69 Gender studies concerning this topic have reached a notable

success in Anglo-Saxon archaeology 70 A clear distinction must be made between weapon burials (raquoWaf -

fen graumlberlaquo) and warrior graves (raquoKriegergraumlberlaquo) identified by anthropological means In the light of recent

research the primary objective is to determine if the men buried with weapons primarily with straight dou-

ble-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpathian Basin were participants in military affairs or not Hope -

fully the planned anthropological research within the ongoing project will result in appropriate information

that can be compared with the archaeological data However now we are forced to only make use of the

archaeological evidence ndash which may prove or negate the thesis we are dealing with

The archaeological identification of pure military matters like tactics army or military organisation is more

problematic in particular when only grave material is at disposal Hence numerous methodological objec-

tions should be made in the case of linking specific fighting methods or tactics with certain weapons In the-

ory it is obvious that throughout human history on every technical level exists an assembly of armour and

weapons which fits best a specific battlefield role However equipping an army with different assemblies

of armaments requires an enormous financial investment a well-balanced economy and armourer industry

and ndash last but not least ndash a sophisticated military science None of that was at the disposal of the 10th-cen-

tury European states and pre-states with the exception of Byzantium On the other hand the concept of

armies divided into troops with unified armaments and different battlefield duties is the idea of the early

modern and modern period and of 19th-cen-

tury military scholarship Such uniformity in

armament and fighting ability may have

been dominant in Byzantium and at least

ten dentious in Europe in the small num ber

of elite troops namely within the small circle

of bodyguards and those who possessed a

high social andor military status Treating

the straight double-edged swords as exclu-

sive markers of heavy cavalry is extremely

challenging especially when one takes into

account that battlefield roles may be accom-

plished with different armaments and are

200 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 2 Main arguments determining the hypothesis ndash (Drawing and digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

therefore only indirectly and idealistically linked to a certain armament type Since the so-called raquostirrup the-

sislaquo which otherwise had a much greater effect on medieval military historiography than the raquosword the-

sislaquo at last proved to be untenable71 it seems more and more obvious that as far as one can judge from

the archaeological evidence and historical records with the aid of physics and simple logic the pure connec-

tion of tactics and military technology in a continental European early medieval context is a paradox

The best contemporary argument for this is the case of the above-mentioned Byzantine kataphraktos who

was armed with two or more close combat weapons a spathion on a baldric a paramerion and several

siderorabdia (iron maces) fastened to the saddle (according to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo)72 The spathion is

identified as a double-edged straight sword while the explanation of the paramerion is more complicated

The term paramerion appeared in general use in the late 9th and early 10th century and means literally

raquo(something held) by the thighlaquo 73 John Haldon assumed that the main difference between the ordinary

sword and the paramerion is the way they were worn the former being carried on a baldric while the lat-

ter hung from a waist-belt 74 However the difference in form is more remarkable the paramerion is usu-

ally regarded as a straight single-edged sword according to the description in Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo and in the

raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 75 Albeit the recent translation of the raquoTacticalaquo is consistent in understanding it as a

dagger 76 a closer look at Leo VIrsquos text helps to specify what kind of weapon one shall understand by the

term The locus raquoπαραμήρια μαχαίρας μεγάλας μονοστόμουςlaquo (raquoTacticalaquo 5 sect217) could be a simple

enumeration without any further logical connection between the parameria and the single-edged great

daggers as the mention of raquoπαραμήρια ήτοι μαχαίραςlaquo (6 sect219) In contrast two other loci (6 sect26167

6 sect30198) clearly indicate that the word was used as an adverb and adjective as well Therefore it is quite

probable that the author attempted to explain the term paramerion when it first appeared in the text (5

sect217) and that the locus should be translated as raquoparameria i e large single-edged daggerslaquo Since the

author of the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo repeatedly uses the term paramerion as well but most importantly con-

firms twice that single-edged swords (monostomon and heterestomon xiphos) were called parameria

(raquoπαραμήρια ξίφη δηλαδὴ ἑτερόστομαlaquo [38 sect518] and raquoμονόστομα ξίφη hellip ἃ δή ϰαί παραμήριαλέγονταιlaquo [39 sect212-13]) 77 and at the same time states in the latter locus that the length of a parameri-

on and a spathion are equal 78 one is surely not facing a dagger here the expression raquogreat daggerlaquo in the

raquoTacticalaquo may rather mean that the paramerion is a dagger-like weapon in its form but bigger From this

one might infer a straight blade contrary to the opinion of Haldon who proposed that the paramerion is

the slightly curved single-edged sabre79 Piotr Ł Grotowski most recently summarised the state of research

and defined the paramerion as a single-edged broadsword 80 According to him the paramerion would be

with the fancy word of the Slavic research the palash ndash a predecessor of the sabre Although it does not

seem proper to name a weapon by an anachronistic term of unknown origin and etymology and the char-

acterisation of obviously contemporaneous types of weaponry by their hypothetical relative typological rela-

tion is also not an indisputable method Grotowski correctly concludes that raquoone must be careful seeing

the paramerion as a sabrelaquo 81 A similar view was expressed by Maria G Parani who was the first to draw

attention to the fact that neither Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo nor the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo or the raquoPraecepta

Militarialaquo mention the curve of the blade 82 Parani also emphasised that no middle Byzantine depiction of

a sword with a curved blade exists 83 Although there are some uncertainties concerning the modern defi-

nition of the sabre one may consider the curve of the blade as a major attribute that distinguishes the sabre

from other single- and double-edged swords The division of swords into three main types according to the

form and construction of the blades is supported by the archaeological material unearthed in the periph-

ery of the Byzantine Empire not only straight double-edged and curved single-edged but also straight sin-

gle-edged weapons are present in the Carpathian Basin (fig 3) and in Bulgaria as well 84 With the excep-

tion of Joacutezsef Hampelrsquos early remarks 85 such swords were regarded as sabres by the Hungarian research

201Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

without recognising their disparity although other hybrid forms were noticed but not studied thoroughly

(fig 4) 86 It seems that no certain archaeological pictorial or written evidence testifies the use of the sabre

i e the curved single-(false)edged sword in 10th-century Byzantium ndash there is only evidence of the other

two of the three basic blade types shortly defined above The importance of the differentiation between

straight single-edged and straight double-edged swords is also further attested by pictorial sources For

instance one may recognise the sword that the third foot soldier in the procession of the Forty Martyrs of

Sebastea holds in his hand on the fresco in the Guumlvercinlik (dovecote) church in Ccedilavuşin (Cappadocia) in

Turkey dated to 963-969 as straight and single-edged in contrast to the double-edged swords of the first

two soldiers on foot 87 The fresco is so detailed that even the fuller or rhombic section of the double-edged

blades is clearly visible The two types of blades differ not only in their points (that determine the number

of their edges) but also in their width the single-edged one is almost half as wide as the double-edged It

seems reasonable to assume that the painter of the scene was well aware of the variations and main char-

acteristics of the different swords and endeavoured to give highly detailed realistic depictions of them If

we are right in identifying the paramerion as a straight single-edged sword it should be noted that it is

closer in its construction and weight and thus in its possible original function to the sabre than to the

202 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 3 Some of the straight single-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 1 Biharkeresztes Vasuacutetaacutellomaacutes (Hajduacute-Bihar countyH) grave 1 ndash 2 Zemianska Olča (Hung NemesoacutecsaKomaacuterno distSK) grave 7 ndash 3 Csongraacuted-Vendelhalom (Csongraacuted countyH) grave41955 ndash 4 Szob-Vendelin (Pest countyH)grave 51 ndash (Drawings L Kovaacutecs digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

straight double-edged sword Since the former is usually interpreted as a special light cavalry weapon and

the latter as a heavy cavalry or heavy infantry weapon one may ask why the Byzantine super-heavy caval-

ry was equipped with a raquolightlaquo sword akin to the sabre The answer is simple neither is the sabre an exclu-

sively light cavalry weapon nor is the straight double-edged sword a typical heavy cavalry weapon Both

arms can be used in other tactical formations as well To sum up an armament type does not solely deter-

mine the tactics and thus the success or defeat of a soldier or an army

Even if we bona fide prescind from the above-mentioned methodological problems inherent in the inter-

pretation of graves and weapon burials in general the archaeological material should show features that

would unambiguously refer to heavily armed mounted fighters Therefore we may expect these Magyar

burials with double-edged swords to be furnished with objects that relate to riding mounted fight and

raquoheavylaquo armament first of all including armour On the other hand we may not overestimate the fact that

no sign of any armour has been recovered from Magyar graves 88 since the appearance of armour chain

mail and helmet is extremely rare not only in 10th-century burials 89 but throughout the Early Middle Ages

The total absence of shield bosses in the 10th- and 11th-century Carpathian Basin is more remarkable 90

compared to the Carolingian and Ottonian case Although they are neither frequent in contemporary West

European archaeological material 91 pictorial evidence and written sources indicate that the shield was a

most basic element in the equipment of Carolingian and Ottonian soldiers 92 Consequently further

research should concentrate on the types and small diversities in the buried riding gear with the intention

of differentiating between various riding techniques 93 This might serve as a basis for distinguishing raquoheavy

cavalry burialslaquo even though I particularly doubt the existence of 10th-century heavy cavalry and even more

its archaeological markers

Let us now turn towards the superiority and mystification of the straight double-edged sword Due to

Bakayrsquos physical analysis 94 which without exception fully persuaded Hungarian scholars the myth of the

sword being a weapon twice as powerful and effective than the sabre spread and became an axiom

However Bakayrsquos calculations concerning the torque (raquoDrehkraftlaquo) of the sabre and the sword are overly

simplified and hardly prove more than the fact that if a smaller and a bigger apple is thrown at you the

bigger one hurts more Actually his point was already lost when he chose the torque and not the mechan-

ic or kinetic energy as the aim of his calculations Not only his physical model (let the weapon fall to the

ground with its point first) fails to model the handling of these weapons in combat but he also simplified

203Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 4 The Szentbeacutekkaacutella hybrid sword ndash (Photo and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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Androushchuk 2009 F Androushchuk Vikings and Farmers SomeRemarks on the Social Interpretation of Swords and Long-Distance Contacts during the Viking Age In Holmquist Olaus-son Olausson 2009 93-104

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Arbman Nilsson 1969 H Arbman N-O Nilsson Armes scandi-naves de lrsquoeacutepoque Viking en France Meddel Lund Univ HistMus 1966-1968 (1969) 163-202

Arwidsson 1986 G Arwidsson Schilde In idem (ed) Birka II2 Sys -tematische Analysen der Graumlberfunde (Stockholm 1986) 38-44

Bachrach 1969 B S Bachrach The Origin of Armorican ChivalryTechnology and Culture 10 1969 166-171

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1983 B S Bachrach Charlemagnersquos Cavalry Myth and RealityMilitary Affairs 474 1983 181-187

1988 B S Bachrach Caballus et Caballarius in Medieval War-fare In H Chickering T H Seiler (eds) The Study of ChivalryResources and Approaches (Kalamazoo 1988) 173-211

1993 B S Bachrach Armies and Politics in the Early MedievalWest (Aldershot Brookfield 1993)

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2002 B S Bachrach Warfare and Military Organization in Pre-Crusading Europe (Aldershot Burlington Suffolk 2002)

2006 B S Bachrach Verbruggenrsquos raquoCavalrylaquo and the Lyon-The-sis Journal Medieval Military Hist 4 2006 137-141

Bachrach Bachrach 2007 B S Bachrach D Bachrach SaxonMilitary Revolution 912-973 Myth and Reality Early MedievalEurope 152 2007 186-222

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Bakay 1967 K Bakay Archaumlologische Studien zur Frage der unga-rischen Staatsgruumlndung Angaben zur Organisierung des fuumlrst-lichen Heeres Acta Arch Acad Scien Hungaricae 19 1967105-173

Bauer Rau 1992 Fontes ad historiam aevi Saxonici illustrandamWidukindi Res Gestae Saxonicae Adalberti Continuatio Regino-nis Liudprandi Opera Neu bearbeitet von A Bauer und R RauAusgewaumlhlte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters8 (Darmstadt 41992)

Beatson 1995 P Beatson The raquoViking Shieldlaquo from ArchaeologyVarangian Voice 35 1995 25-35

Beloševič 2007 J Beloševič Osvrt na karolinške mačeve tipa H sašireg područja Dalmatinske Hrvatske (Ruumlckschau auf karolingi-sche Schwerter des Typus H aus dem Groszligraum des dalmati-schen Kroatiens) Prilozi 24 2007 405-418

Bloumlndal Benedikz 1978 S Bloumlndal B S Benedikz The Varangi-ans of Byzantium An Aspect of Byzantine Military History (Cam-bridge 1978)

Boacutena 2000 I Boacutena Die ungarische Kampftechnik in den Feldzuuml-gen gegen Europa In Wieczorek Hinz 2000 225-230

Borosy 1962 A Borosy A XI-XIV szaacutezadi magyar lovassaacutegroacutel (Onthe Hungarian Cavalry in the 11-14th Centuries) Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl92 1962 119-174

Bowlus 2006 C R Bowlus The Battle of Lechfeld and its After-math August 955 The End of the Age of Migrations in the LatinWest (Aldershot Burlington 2006)

Buko 2008 A Buko The Archaeology of Early Medieval PolandDiscoveries ndash Hypotheses ndash Interpretations East Central andEastern Europe in the Middle Ages 450-1450 1 (Boston Leiden2008)

Cattaneo 2009 G Cattaneo The Scandinavians in Poland a Re-Evolution of Perceptions of the Vikings Brathair 92 2009 2-14

Claessen 2006 H J M Claessen War and State Formation Whatis the Connection In T Otto H Thrane H Vandkilde (eds)Warfare and Society Archaeological and Social AnthropologicalPerspectives (Aarhus 2006) 217-226

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Coupland 1990 S Coupland Carolingian Arms and Armor in theNinth Century VIATOR Journal Medieval and Renaissance Stud21 1990 29-50

Curta 2005 F Curta (ed) East Central and Eastern Europe in theEarly Middle Ages (Ann Arbor 2005)

DrsquoAmato 2010 R DrsquoAmato The Varangian Guard 988-1453 Os -prey MilitaryMen-at-Arms Ser 459 (New York Oxford 2010)

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Davidson 1994 H E Davidson The Sword in Anglo-Saxon Eng-land Its Archaeology and Literature (Woodbrigde 21994)

Dawson 1998 T Dawson Kremasmata Kabadion Klibanion SomeAspects of Middle Byzantine Military Equipment Recon sideredByzantine and Modern Greek Stud (Birmingham) 22 1998 38-50

2002 T Dawson Suntagma Hoplocircn the Equipment of RegularByzantine Troops c 950 to c 1204 In D Nicolle (ed) A Com-panion to Medieval Arms and Armour (Woodbridge 2002) 81-90

2007a T Dawson raquoFit for the Tasklaquo Equipment Sizes and theTransmission of Military Lore Sixth to Tenth Centuries Byzantineand Modern Greek Stud (Birmingham) 31 2007 1-12

2007b T Dawson Byzantine Infantryman Eastern Roman Em -pire c 900-1204 Osprey MilitaryWarrior Ser 118 (New YorkOxford 2007)

2009a T Dawson Byzantine Cavalryman c 900-1204 OspreyMilitaryWarrior Ser 139 (New York Oxford 2009)

2009b T Dawson The Walpurgis Fechtbuch an Inheritance ofConstantinople Arms and Armour Journal of the Royal Armou-ries 61 2009 79-92

Dennis 2010 The Taktika of Leo VI Text translation and commen-tary by G Dennis Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 49(Washington DC 2010)

Dienes 1972 I Dienes Die Ungarn um die Zeit der Landnahme(Budapest 1972)

Engel 2001 P Engel The Realm of St Stephen A History of Me -dieval Hungary 895-1526 (London New York 2001)

Eacuterszegi 1996 G Eacuterszegi Szent Istvaacuten pannonhalmi oklevele (Okle-veacuteltani-filoloacutegiai kommentaacuter) In I Takaacutecs (ed) Mons Sacer 996-1996 Pannonhalma ezer eacuteve 1 (Pannonhalma 1996) 47-89

Fettich 1933 N Fettich A levediai magyarsaacuteg a reacutegeacuteszet megvilaacute-giacutetaacutesaacuteban Szaacutezadok A Magyar Toumlrteacutenelmi Taacutersulat Eacutevk 677-10 1933 251-276 369-399

1937 N Fettich A honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg feacutemművesseacutege (DieMetallkunst der landnehmenden Ungarn) Archaeologia Hunga-rica Acta Archaeologica Musei Nationalis Hungarici 21 (Buda-pest 1937)

1938 N Fettich A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten-kard reacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacute-taacutesban In J Sereacutedi (ed) Emleacutekkoumlnyv Szent Istvaacuten kiraacutely halaacutelaacute-nak kilencszaacutezadik eacutevforduloacutejaacuten 1 (Budapest 1938) 475-516

Fodor 1981 I Fodor A magyarsaacuteg baltikumi eacutes skandinaacuteviai kapc-solatai a IX-XI szaacutezadban a reacutegeacuteszeti leletek alapjaacuten (Verbindun-gen der Ungarn mit dem Baltikum und Skandinavien zwischendem 9 und 11 Jahrhundert aufgrund der Bodenfunde) SzolnokMegyei Muacutez Eacutevk 1981 85-89

1996 I Fodor Vienna sabre In Fodor et al 1996 67-71

2000 I Fodor A haderő eacutes a fegyverzet aacutetalakulaacutesa az aacutellamala-piacutetaacutes koraacuteban In Aacute Raacutecz (ed) Nagy keacutepes millenniumi hadtoumlr-teacutenet 1000 eacutev a hadak uacutetjaacuten (Budapest 2000) 20 f

2001a I Fodor Laacuteszloacute Gyula a reacutegeacutesz In I Balassa E Laacuteszloacute(eds) Laacuteszloacute Gyula 1910-1998 Emleacutekkoumlnyv (Budapest 2001)147-270

2001b I Fodor Az aacutellamalapiacutetaacutes koraacutenak hadserege In P Hal-maacutegyi (ed) Az aacutellamalapiacutetoacutekroacutel 2000-ben A VII Honveacuted Emleacutek-nap eacutes a Leveacuteltaacuteri Napok makoacutei előadaacutesai A Makoacutei MuacutezeumFuumlzetei 98 (Makoacute 2001) 17-39

Fodor et al 1996 I Fodor L Reacuteveacutesz M Wolf I M Nepper (eds)The Ancient Hungarians [exhibition cat] (Budapest 1996)

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Veszpreacutemy 1996 L Veszpreacutemy A nyugat-euroacutepai eacutes bizaacutenci hadvi-seleacutes a honfoglalaacutes eacutes kalandozaacutesok idejeacuten In L Veszpreacutemy(ed) Honfoglaloacute őseink (Budapest 1996) 66-80

2008 L Veszpreacutemy Szent Istvaacuten feloumlvezeacuteseacuteről In VeszpreacutemyLovagvilaacuteg Magyarorszaacutegon (Budapest 2008) 66-77

Vinski 1983 Z Vinski Razmatranja o poslijekarolinškim mačevima10 i 11 stolječa u Jugoslaviji (Betrachtung zu postkarolingischenSchwertern des 10 und 11 Jahrhunderts in Jugoslawien) Sta-rohrvatska Prosvjeta 313 1983 7-64

Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

Walsh 1998 A Walsh A Summary Classification of Viking AgeSwords in Ireland In H B Clarke M N Mhaonaigh ROacute Floinn (eds) Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age(Dublin 1998) 222-235

Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

2008 J M Ziolkowski Of Arms and the (Ger)man Literary andMaterial Culture in the Waltharius In J R Davis M McCor-mick (eds) The Long Morning of Medieval Europe New Direc-tions in Early Medieval Studies (Aldershot Burlington 2008)193-208

Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 4: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

IV

Aacutedaacutem Biacuteroacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view 191

Valeri Yotov

The Kunaacutegota sword guard and the dating of two bronze matrices for hilt manufacturing 219

Beitraumlge technologischer und naturwissenschaftlicher Untersuchungen zu archaumlologischen Fragestellungen

Adam Bolloacutek

Chronological questions of the Hungarian Conquest Period a technological perspective 229

Susanne Greiff

Silver grave goods from early Hungarian contexts technological implications of debased alloy compositions with zinc tin and lead 241

Nataša V Eniosova

Tracing the routes of silver procurement to the early urban centre Gneumlzdovo in the 10thearly 11th centuries 261

Mariela Inkova

A contribution to the problem of producing the Old Bulgarian belt-fittings from the 10th century 277

Naďa Profantovaacute

Ein tauschierter Steigbuumlgel aus der Umgebung von Dobruška (okr Rychnov nad KněžnouCZ) 295

Verzeichnis der Autorinnen und Autoren 309

Hinweis fuumlr den LeserKyrillische Buchstaben wurden wissenschaftlich transliteriert In Ausnahmefaumlllen wurde bei Eigennamen aufeine wissenschaftliche Transliteration verzichtet Bei den Fundortangaben in den Gebieten der ehemaligenSowjetunion werden die heutigen Ortsnamen angegeben Bei Kulturen bezeichnenden Fundorten wurdevon einer Aumlnderung abgesehen

AacuteDAacuteM BIacuteROacute

DATING (WITH) WEAPON BURIALS

AND THE raquoWAFFENWECHSELlaquo

A PRELIMINARY REPORT ON NEW INVESTIGATIONS

OF THE SO-CALLED VIKING-AGE SWORDS IN THE CARPATHIAN BASIN

FROM A CHRONOLOGICAL POINT OF VIEW

Superamur scio multitudine sed non virtute sed non armis 1

PREFACE

Due to its abundance in graves military equipment plays a special and important role in the chronological

system of the archaeological material of the 10th century AD in the Carpathian Basin Hungarian archae-

ologists tend to determine precise and exclusive chronological positions of certain weapons or weapon

types within the relatively short archaeological period of the so-called Hungarian Conquest although there

has not yet been a comprehensive and thorough archaeological research concerning weapon burials The

dating of weapon types is mainly based on marginal notes or ndash which is worse ndash created to support

unproved historical hypotheses The implicit acceptance of these raquodatingslaquo without control or supervision

resulted in the canonisation of a unified but first of all simplified chronological system In my opinion this

system is not only in need of a serious revision but a new strictly archaeological chronology should be

established instead since the former was neither based upon proper classification analyses nor on relative

chronological studies An attempt aiming at the historical interpretation of the archaeological material

would be reasonable only if such research would be accomplished Therefore this topic claims a complex

modern thorough future research to which of course also archaeometrical and experimental studies

belong

However it is not my duty here to cover all aspects of dating the weapons or other artefacts with them

On the other hand it seems necessary to sketch at least the three main keystones on which the present

chronological system rests

1 According to the first thesis men whose burials contained coins and weapons at the same time must be

seen as warriors who took part in the military campaigns and raids which the Magyars led to Europe in

the first half of the 10th century

2 The second thesis declares that straight double-edged swords replaced sabres from the middle or last

quarter of the century on due to the state formation process andor the realisation of inadequate arma-

ment being the main reason for the defeats suffered from the Saxon heavy cavalry On this basis the

year 955 and the battle at the river Lech or the beginning of the state formation process are given an

extraordinary importance ndash which on the one hand serves as a terminus post quem for the straight dou-

ble-edged swords and other military equipment thought to be connected with the so-called heavy cav-

alry while on the other hand it indicates a terminus ante quem for the majority of the sabres which are

considered typical nomadic light cavalry weapons

191Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

3 The third thesis claims that the rite of pagan (weapon) burials continued at least during the first quarter

of the 11th century in some territories of the Carpathian Basin 2

Bearing in mind the significance of the weapon dating in 10th-century Carpathian Basin a part of the proj-

ect raquoReiterkrieger Burgenbauer die fruumlhen Ungarn und das rsaquoDeutsche Reichlsaquo vom 9 bis zum 11 Jahr -

hundertlaquo (RGZM) aims at the revision and reconsideration of sword and sabre data along with coin-dated

graves in order to present a precise chronology for the Conquest Period material From the above-men-

tioned three theses all worthy of a full-scale reconsideration only the second forms part of the project

although the first one is also inherent in the interpretation of the coin-dated graves The main reason

behind the conception and the research topics of the project was the fact that whilst the numerous Muslim

dirhams and West European denarii found in graves represent a chance at least for the first half of the cen-

tury to create absolute dated assemblages the sword and sabre question may shed light on relative

chronological relations of the material Therefore I shall discuss the second thesis in this paper presenting

a preliminary historical and archaeological critique of the state of research

MILITARY REVOLUTION (REFORM) AND WEAPON CHANGE IN THE 10TH CENTURY

Historiography of the thesis

Albeit it would make sense to present here a comprehensive overview of the history of research on 10th-

century double-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 3 a short summary of the main statements of pri-

mary importance concerning this topic and their evolution should be sufficient to get a clear picture of the

theory in question

Although the origin of the thesis may be traced back to the late 19th- and early 20th-century studies 4 espe-

cially in the works of Zoltaacuten Toacuteth 5 the full concept blossomed out in a never quoted short study written

by Jaacutenos Kalmaacuter in 1936 6 Kalmaacuter offered a coherent but simplistic and idealistic view of the relations of

sabre and sword by placing them in the general evolution of medieval armour and assuming that they

belong to different cultural spheres and thus different warfare and tactics He demonstrated the distinction

of sabre and sword on raquoethno-psychological groundslaquo with the so-called Vienna sabre and the sword of

Saint Stephen I in Prague 7

raquoDer rsaquoAttila-Saumlbellsaquo und das Sankt Stefans-Schwert diese beiden wichtigsten Zimelien der fruumlhmagyari-

schen Kriegsgeschichte stehen im schaumlrfsten Kontrast zueinander Sie symbolisieren gewissermaszligen die

beiden Einfluszligsphaumlren von Ost und West Der Saumlbel erinnert an das einstige Steppenvolk das frank und

frei in den endlosen sarmatischen Niederungen irrlichterte das schwere Pallasch-Schwert dagegen ist

die Waffe eines bereits seszlighaft gewordenen ortsverbundenen Volkes Der Saumlbel ist die Waffe der per-

soumlnlichen Tapferkeit und Behendigkeit der Pallasch die der technischen Uumlberlegenheit Der Saumlbel ist ein

Produkt der tuumlrkischen der Pallasch jenes der indogermanischen Kultur Der Saumlbel ist die Waffe der

ploumltzlich emporlodernden taktischen Ideen der Pallasch das Symbol der planmaumlszligig arbeitenden vor-

ausblickenden Strategielaquo 8

Although Kalmaacuterrsquos paper unfortunately escaped the notice of the Hungarian research three years later his

ideas found their way into a short review by Gyula Laacuteszloacute 9 on Naacutendor Fettichrsquos article which deals with the

Prague sword 10 What was presented in this marginal note remained until now the most influential

approach to the question of the interpretation and chronology of the straight double-edged swords in the

Carpathian Basin It seems that at least the following two major conceptions of Kalmaacuter were integrated

into Laacuteszloacutersquos thesis

192 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1 that the sabre was inferior and proved unsuccessful against the heavy armour of West European armies

which resulted in the end of the Magyar incursions and

2 that with the beginning of the state reform of Saint Stephen I the sword and new tactics became dom-

inant in the Carpathian Basin

In the end Kalmaacuterrsquos original idea however indirectly presented the basis which was accepted and repeat-

ed later by following scholars who reiterated Laacuteszloacutersquos reasoning or worse used it as axiom for further the-

ories andor chronological statements Thus it is necessary to recapitulate Laacuteszloacutersquos main arguments here in

order to point out various inherent methodological problems 11

1 According to Laacuteszloacutersquos thesis straight double-edged swords were only used by heavy cavalry (so their pres-

ence in the archaeological record unambiguously indicates the existence of a western-type heavy caval-

ry in 10th-century Carpathian Basin) while sabres were instruments exclusively used in the raquoancient

nomadiclaquo close combat

2 Thus Laacuteszloacute created two artificial archaeological assemblages without any precise definition labelling

them with a simplifying term such as raquoChristianlaquo and raquopaganlaquo to deepen the supposed difference with

which he degraded the multi-layered complex past to a rigid simplified historical narration

3 In his view the raquoancestral nomadiclaquo equipment and fighting method ensured the successes of the

Magyars in the first half of the 10th century while the superior armament and tactics of their enemies

were responsible for the later defeats It is therefore obvious as Laacuteszloacute concludes that the Magyars had

to adopt the military achievements of Christian Europe (i e the Ottonian Empire) which is of course the

heavy cavalry armed with straight double-edged swords This newly organised modern Christian army

which became later the core of the regular army of the Hungarian kingdom was put to use for suppress-

ing pagan tribes who rebelled against the rule of Geacuteza and his successor Saint Stephen I at the end of

the 10th century

As I already mentioned serious methodological problems can be identified in this train of thought Not only

the unconditional linking of certain weapons with certain combat tactics seems to be doubtful 12 but also

the main characteristic of Laacuteszloacutersquos concept is misleading a historical theory is used as a rigid restricted inter-

pretation of the archaeological material which in turn determines the date of swords exclusively to the late

10th century Since the theory was easily explainable within Marxist historical materialism the idea had a

deep effect on the Hungarian historical research as well authorising it thus to spread the belief of a pri-

vate western-style (feudalistic) heavy cavalry in the service of Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I13 At the same time

the lively and rapidly developing historical military debate (starting in the late 1870s) on the possible recon-

struction of the Magyar tactics which otherwise had strong connections to the triumphant noble histori-

cal view of the zeitgeist came to a halt after World War II As a result Laacuteszloacutersquos rough sketch became due

to his determinant role in research a solid base for later investigations 14 Moreover his artistic representa-

tions of the supposed essential difference between the Ottonian and the Hungarian warfare made his

approach very popular also outside academic circles (fig 1) Neither could the following scholars escape

the convincing simplicity of Laacuteszloacutersquos idea 15 while they developed the concept to a universal historical hypo -

thesis using more or less detailed archaeological analyses 16

Korneacutel Bakay one of Laacuteszloacutersquos students was the first to manage an exhaustive archaeological analysis of

straight double-edged swords from the Carpathian Basin 17 but his conclusions and results were guided by

his professorrsquos view on the early state formation process of the Hungarian kingdom Thus as the main con-

cept remained basically historical the arguments and reasons applied often lacked archaeological evidence

or which is worse the archaeological evidence was intentionally treated inferior Bakay himself clearly

chose this approach by stressing that the importance of the supposed social and economical transforma-

tion (i e the state formation process) at the end of the 10th century determines the chronology of the

193Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

swords in question which aspect is superior to their typological and relative chronological relations In his

own words

raquoBereits hier moumlchte ich betonen dass die Chronologie der zweischneidigen Schwerter in erster Linie

eigentlich durch die oben geschilderte wirtschaftlich-gesellschaftliche Umwandlung bestimmt ist Der

typologische Vergleich dient demnach bloszlig als Ergaumlnzunglaquo 18

Furthermore the pioneering thought to compare the efficiency of the sword and the sabre with the aid of

modeling was invented only to prove Laacuteszloacutersquos (and originally Kalmaacuterrsquos) premise i e that the sword was a

more raquosuccessful weaponlaquo than the sabre However Bakayrsquos detailed calculations of the superiority of the

straight double-edged sword when compared to the sabre led to the mystification of the sword as a won-

der weapon (raquoWunderwaffelaquo) in the Hungarian archaeological research Although a more detailed archae-

ological explanation was now presented from those historians who slowly became the most influential his-

torians of the 10th-11th centuries only Gyoumlrgy Gyoumlrffy accepted and integrated the idea of the raquoregular elite

armylaquo consisting of heavy cavalry units organised by Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I into his comprehensive work

on the state formation process 19 Others like Joacutezsef Gerics simply evaded the discussion of the topic 20

while Gyula Kristoacute instead of acknowledging the military revolution as a historical fact treated the end of

the military campaigns in Europe and the battle at the Lech only as an important internal and foreign pol-

icy affair ndash nothing more 21 Kristoacute alone had proposed a short critique from the historianrsquos viewpoint are

archaeology and archaeological material competent to discuss and determine historical theories concern-

ing politico-historical questions 22 However Bakayrsquos work proved to be so overwhelmingly convincing that

not only the leading Hungarian archaeologists 23 but even Slovakian 24 and Romanian scholars acknowl-

edged his main conclusions 25 Radu Robert Heitel even treated the Transylvanian double-edged swords and

sword chapes as evidence that would draw the march route of the army of Saint Stephen I which con-

quered the regnum regis IuliiProkui in the year 1003 according to the Annales Hildesheimenses 26

194 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 1 The nature of the Magyar-Ottonian battle ndash (After Laacuteszloacute 1982 29)

In turn the archaeologist Laacuteszloacute Kovaacutecs took up the challenge to give a more proper archaeological expla-

nation of the historical thesis Although he assembled a whole catalogue on the subject of source-critical

problems of the double-edged swords 27 filtering out many ill-dated artefacts his whole evaluation regret-

tably was never published in its entirety Nevertheless his conception of an all-embracing simplified mili-

tary revolution dating from 955 rapidly became fundamental With his theory in contrast to Bakay Kovaacutecs

returned to the original notion of Laacuteszloacute (and Kalmaacuter) i e the necessary weapon change (raquoWaffen wech -

sellaquo) as a logical result of the raquomilitary shocklaquo generated by the defeats in the European theatre of war 28

However Kovaacutecs failed to give a convincing demonstration since his exclusive and at times subjective con-

clusions were drawn on the basis of a limited amount of numismatic material available 29 A rather new

phenomenon of the late 1990s is the appearance of some historical military papers 30 which mark a new

dawn of interest in the theme after the long silence from the potential third party of the debate Unfor -

tunately this research did not continue the traditions of the former historical military discussion but apart

from its useful practical viewpoint endeavoured only to describe and realise the above-mentioned hypoth-

esis from the viewpoint of the modern military terminology

There has been only one archaeological approach to the double-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpa -

thian Basin which did not originate from Laacuteszloacutersquos school Mechthild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm attempted to analyse

their chronological position apart from the historical approach of the Hungarian research and to fit them

into her absolute chronological system This was based on the chronological diversities and different origins

of the dirham and denar material of the first half of the 10th century Schulze-Doumlrrlammrsquos phase I (896-925)

and phase II (926-95070) comprised the so-called raquoaltmagyarischer Formenkreislaquo group in the former

chronology of Jochen Giesler The two phases were differentiated in their geographical distribution as well

Since the topography of the double-edged swords seemed to resemble that of phase II as Schulze-

Doumlrrlamm concludes the swords belong to the second quarter of the century 31 Although these phases

appear to be overly artificial and moreover their projection or application to the whole of the material is

at least problematic 32 her critical note on Bakayrsquos conception is more than appropriate

raquoDie Uumlbernahme dieser neuen Hiebwaffe und damit zugleich auch einer anderen Kampftechnik durch

die Ungarn hat demnach nichts mit dem rsaquoFuumlrstenheerlsaquo des Fuumlrsten Geza (972-997) zu tun wie es Bakay

vermutete sondern duumlrfte eine Reaktion auf die Erfahrungen bei den Kaumlmpfen in Deutschland und

Italien gewesen seinlaquo 33

However we must be aware that Schulze-Doumlrrlamm did not query the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo itself but only

presented a third option for the historical explanation of the presence of such swords thought to be alien

in the archaeological material of the Magyars As a conclusion of my preliminary thoughts on the histori-

ography concerning the chronological problems and interpretation of 10th-century straight double-edged

swords found in the Carpathian Basin I find the following thoughts of Bernard Sebastian Bachrach aston-

ishingly sound also in light of the situation of the Hungarian research

raquoIn what has amounted to a highly romanticized search for the origins of chivalry scholars have for too

long ignored the balance of the evidence focused upon bits and pieces of inconclusive data and mag-

nified the importance of these to help create a flawed picture of warfare in the early Middle Ageslaquo 34

Methodological problems of the thesis ndash reconsidering swords

While sketching the main points of the former research three major approaches took shape each based

on the idea that the straight double-edged swords are new phenomena in the otherwise homogeneous

raquonomadiclaquo material culture of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin This was clarified by a change in warfare

and military equipment taking place in the second quarter in the middle or in the third quarter of the cen-

195Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

tury either due to the experience of the campaigns in Europe or to the politico-military shock of the battle

at the Lech or thanks to the state formation process These theories all emphasise a crucial difference

between the sabre and the straight double-edged sword which significantly affected or altered the warfare

and tactics of the Magyars during the 10th century Thus we have seen a far-reaching theory changing over

time set off by Kalmaacuter as early as 1936 which explains the origin of the so-called Viking swords the politi-

co-social and military status they were thought to indicate and the historical context they created or in

which they acted When we take a closer look at the main arguments of this chain of thought many will

arouse our interest and hence induce a profound examination since they indicate serious methodological

problems I shall discuss these in the following separated on the basis of the character of their reasoning

be it principally (military) historical or archaeological

Historical arguments and notes

First of all it is worth noting that the concept of the supposed military reform and the creation or presence

of a heavy cavalry in 10th-century Hungary is completely without any written evidence or proof Not a sin-

gle historical information not any contemporary literary account shows any trace of either the establish-

ment or organisation of a new army or of the central distribution of swords or other military equipment to

Hungarian soldiers We do not even have a text that would at least indirectly refer to the army or retinue

of dux Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I such as e g the account of Thietmar of Merseburg on the 300 armoured

but not by all means mounted warriors (trecentis militibus loricatis) possibly serving as part of the person-

al retinue or guard of dux Bolesław I Chrobry (Chronicon Thietmari IV46) before they were given as a pres-

ent to Otto II 35

Our only contemporary source that mentions military affairs is the founding document of the monastery at

Pannonhalma 36 Although the diplomarsquos account on the war between the Germans and Hungarians and

the civil war known in more detail from later sources is almost meaningless and highly ambiguous 37 it was

associated with the supposed German origin of the duces raquoPoznanolaquo raquoCuntiolaquo and raquoOrziolaquo This proved

to be well enough for a theory of a strong Ottonian or German (military) influence in the court of the late

Geacuteza and young raquoWaiclaquoStephen and to attribute these duces a decisive role on the battlefield during

the suppression of the revolt of Koppaacuteny 38 In the later traditions of medieval Hungarian chronicles they

became the personal bodyguards of Saint Stephen I and generals of his army39 and ndash as a consequence in

modern historical research ndash the possible disseminators of heavy cavalry the organisers of the new Christian

regular army 40

Apart from the problematic interpretation of this diploma from the total range of contemporary sources

only five articles in the codes of Saint Stephen I provide useful information by dealing to some extent with

military affairs and by mentioning the sword The first article judges those who draw a sword (raquode evagi-

natione gladiilaquo) with the aim of injury to be killed by the same sword (I16) The second one rules the same

sentence for the case of murder with a sword (II12) the third declares the raquoan eye for an eyelaquo principle

for maiming with a sword (II13) while the fourth determines the fee that should be paid to a victim that

recovers from a wound by a sword (II16) The last article deals with the case of drawing a sword in rage

without wounding (II17) 41 Each article uses the word gladius but does not go into details about the

weapon like e g the famous raquoWalthariuslaquo poem 42 hence it is not possible to correlate the archaeological

material with the written evidence What is interesting however is that Stephenrsquos laws do not mention the

famous missile of the Magyars the bow and arrow ndash although their dominating presence in the burial

material would indicate a high importance 43 In contrast the many articles dealing with the crimes com-

mitted specifically with the sword especially in the second book of Saint Stephen I where they make up

196 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

almost one fifth of the total number of articles may refer to a very common phenomenon in the society

Personal violence must have been a widespread practice for reducing social tensions in a changing society

It is of great importance that this symptom of solving social problems with fighting and after all with vio-

lence and murder became manifest in close combat fought with gladii swords or sabres This as a final

result indirectly but unambiguously speaks of a tradition and preference of experiencing fight and combat

from up close ndash provided that these articles are not artificial adoptions of West European laws

In that way or another none of the quoted written sources serves as a firm base for a theory of a (new)

regular army whose core consists of heavy cavalry Furthermore the theory constructed upon these dubi-

ous sources cannot apply to the dating of archaeological assemblages as a determining fact What we

know for sure is that one of the different strata of the society called milites ndash witnessed in the laws of Saint

Stephen I ndash may be connected with somewhat regular perhaps professional military services 44 Thus I do

not reject the possibility of a more or less regular army at the time of the first Hungarian rex since it is obvi-

ous that a determined political will with a strong military base an army or at least a large retinue is the pre-

condition of state formation 45 I only suggest that in the case of the early Hungarian state formation nei-

ther written sources nor archaeological data as will be seen later provide us with any useful and unam-

biguous information on how that army could have looked like But we must not rely solely on the argu-

mentum ex silentio since this false reasoning was frequently done by the former research

Other contradictions emerge when we take into account the possible existence of a military reform or rev-

olution within the framework of early medieval Europe The concept may have its roots in the 19th- and

early 20th-century European idea that describes and explains military affairs being highly dependent on the

quality of the military equipment However this was a legitimate phenomenon in the world of mass armies

and an unbelievably quick progress in military techniques like artillery Thus the creators of this concept sim-

ply projected the military idea of the time of Delbruumlck and von Clausewitz back to early medieval times

Therefore the idea of a military revolution is mostly anachronistic in 10th-century Europe Nevertheless this

approach was not only prevalent in the Hungarian scholarship of the 20th century ndash the symptom appeared

in the German historical tradition as well One may find Karl Leyserrsquos thoughts on the Saxon military revo-

lution at the time of Henry I (919-936) and Otto I (936-973) closely related to the Hungarian example

Leyser stated that the creation of a heavily armoured cavalry (armati loricati) was the key to the military

and political success of the Ottonian dynasty According to him after 933 the Ottonian heavy cavalry

dominated the battles in the field 46 When Leyser published his theory in its entirety first in 1968 he had

already exploited three years earlier the assumed fundamental differences in the armament of the Magyar

and Ottonian troops in his interpretation of the battle at the Lech in 955 Leyserrsquos main point was to empha-

sise the effectiveness of the Ottonian armament in particular of the raquoheavier swordlaquo over their Magyar

counterparts raquoIn close quarter fighting with spears and especially swords the great majority of the Hun -

garians had no chance against the heavier arms and the much better protective equipment of their oppo-

nentslaquo 47

Leyserrsquos belief that the outcome of the battle is to be explained by the differences in arms and armour and

thus in tactics was so firm that he treated the locus raquoSuperamur scio multitudine sed non virtute sed

non armis Maxima enim ex parte nudos illos armis omnibus penitus cognovimuslaquo of Widukind in his raquoRes

Gestae Saxonicaelaquo (III XLVI) as proof for the decisive disparity 48 According to him the text should be inter-

preted in the following way raquoIn Widukind it was virtus and as shall be seen better weapons which over-

came superior numbers [at the battle of Lechfeld]laquo The latter half of the quotation should be understood

as the Magyars having a shortage of raquooffensive but also defensive weaponslaquo including raquoshields iron hel-

mets and above all hauberkslaquo 49 However we may try to specify the meaning and context of the locus

more precisely Contrary to Leyserrsquos opinion Widukind stated in the former sentence that the Ottonian

197Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

army is inferior to the Magyars ndash not in arms or virtue but in numbers Since the factors and circumstances

that do determine the process and final result of a battle in the field are obviously more than just the pure

number the armament and the virtus of the opposing forces we may see Widukindrsquos first statement of the

comparison rather as a comment that proves the value of the Ottonian army While the latter highly am -

biguous sentence ndash which can be used to determine the Magyar army as light cavalry wearing no armour

ndash may also indicate that the percentage of Magyar warriors equipped with defensive armament was lower

than that of the Ottonian soldiers in general On the other hand a serious methodological problem occurs

when we take a closer look at the whole text First of all it must be noted that the comparison of the two

armies i e the quoted text of Widukind is only a short part of the perhaps fictional encouraging speech

of rex Otto I who addressed his fellow soldiers right before the battle 50 The whole speech consists of typ-

ical phrases concerning general topics that aim at reassuring the soldiers of their strength and of their hope

that they could win the battle These phrases are so simplified that we may suppose without exaggeration

that this speech could have been delivered in every battlefield during the pre-modern period In the con-

text of such a pre-battle speech every statement gains an additional sense of encouragement heroism

past victories danger fictitious or real advantages etc are mentioned in order to strengthen the dubious

and those filled with fear 51 ndash fear of a punishment that will surely follow in the case of flight or deserta-

tion and fear of death in the battle itself 52 Addressing the enemyrsquos armour in a battle speech either in a

positive or a negative way is so trivial and self-evident that it even appears in the famous movie with Kevin

Costner raquoRobin Hood ndash Prince of Thieveslaquo 53 But let us return to Widukind himself and do not reject his

opinion when he clearly states in the continuation of the above-quoted text that raquoet quod maximi est nobis

solatii auxilio Deilaquo 54 thus the main difference between the two armies was the faith in Christ Whether

such a speech could have been given by Otto I or not (due to natural physical communication difficulties)

whether it is an original battle speech or only a fiction of the author 55 ndash it should be concluded that

Widukind does not allow us to draw such exact conclusions as Leyser did on the armament of the entire

opposing forces Consequently it seems that in parallel with the theory of Laacuteszloacute and Bakay the German

research also developed the idea of superiority of the double-edged straight sword ndash in connection with

(what is more important) the supposed dominance of the heavy cavalry on the battlefields

Leyserrsquos main thesis was actually only the application of a former historical notion to the cases of Charles

Martel Pippin and Charlemagne However Bachrachrsquos in-depth studies convincingly proved that neither the

thesis of a Carolingian nor of an Ottonian military revolution is true instead they should rather be treated

as myths 56 He established in many articles that early medieval wars were aimed at the conquest of the

enemyrsquos territory by besieging and controlling fortifications This resulted in the fact that the nature of early

medieval warfare was dominated by sieges and hence infantry fight while raquomounted shock combat was a

minor aspect even in the rare battles in the field that were fought throughout the pre-crusading Europelaquo 57

Instead of performing frontal attacks that usually failed and caused disastrous disorganisation and loss of

battle the early medieval European cavalry in the 9th-11th centuries were to perform multifunctional tasks

with their mostly light weaponry The tactically reasonable use of cavalry consisted of feigned retreats

flanking attacks and leaving them as a (hidden) reverse against a probable encirclement by the enemy They

were often even ordered to dismount and engage in the battle on foot 58

A similar picture is emerging from the battle and duel descriptions of the raquoWalthariuslaquo poem whose author

shows a remarkable interest in weaponry and realistic fighting 59 It seems that the raquoWalthariuslaquo is the only

early medieval narrative source that deals with military affairs to an extent that allows us to draw conclu-

sions regarding battlefield tactics and duel techniques ndash if we take the poem as a more or less authentic

account on European warfare of the late 9th and 10th centuries What is important here is that the battle

description (lines 180-207 especially 182-195) 60 does not mention the presence of heavy cavalry but

198 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

instead gives a carefully detailed picture of opposing troops standing very close a long-lasting missile fight

of throwing spears and some archery and then the clash of the battle lines in the chaos of close combat

It should be made clear that in this description the course of the battle consists of two equal parts the skir-

mish and the close combat Since the opposing troops are only at a raquothrowing spearlaquo distance of approx

30 m max 50 m apart from one another the possibility of a heavy cavalry charge is excluded Though the

author mentions cavalry fight as well it is ambiguous if they were heavily armoured 61 only shields (umbo)

are mentioned The same process is visible in every duel in the raquoWalthariuslaquo the fights start with throwing

spears (archery is only involved in one case) and end up with a close combat using spear-shield or sword-

shield combinations on foot

Even if we are wrong in taking the written sources at face value the main question that lies in the heart

of the investigation proves to be the toughest to answer What kind of cavalry may one call heavy And

what are its major distinctive features It is clear that the term was first invented for and applied to the

mounted knights of the High Middle Ages whose armour slowly developed into sophisticated and spe-

cialised full plate constructions But isnrsquot it wrong to desperately seek and suppose a similar case in the Early

Middle Ages In an attempt to understand early medieval cavalry in its own past reality a more flexible

approach is needed In my opinion the terms raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo are highly relative and work well only

in standard comparisons regarding equipment On the other hand contrary to the armament the assigned

or unintentionally performed operations against certain enemy units during a battle should be seen as the

most important factor that may determine the (momentary) battlefield role i e the tactical classification of

the cavalry unit in question Thus raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo should only be used in clear cases when written

sources permit the scholar to give a detailed picture of the battle In such ideal conditions different caval-

ry raquounitslaquo may be compared to each other or to infantry for reasons of differences in their armament their

assigned tasks and fulfilled operations on the basis of their momentum and results to finally address them

with attributes like raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo Bearing in mind the complicated nature and multi-layered process

of battles in general and the commonly laconic conditions of contemporary written sources one may

assume that only probable but no exact definitions are to be expected However it is not my duty to give

an analysis of early medieval European cavalry here I only point out the problem detailed studies will hope-

fully follow for the 10th-11th centuries as well 62

When looking for a contemporary military unit that might be rightly titled as heavy cavalry one has to turn

to Byzantium According to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (c 950) and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo (c 965) as well

as to later sources the task of the middle Byzantine kataphraktoi was to crush the middle of the enemy

battle lines with a single decisive charge 63 Their position within the general Byzantine battle order denotes

their remarkable importance the offensive part of a full middle Byzantine army was organised around the

kataphraktoi 64 forming a wedge in the Byzantine centre 65 The Byzantines were to achieve victory by this

main charge that began immediately after the skirmish of the prokoursatores 66 The detailed description of

their armament in the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo 67 clearly indicates that not only

the kataphraktos but also his horse was protected by armour (klibanion kremasmata epilorikion etc for

the mounted and the various carapaces for the horse) of the best quality 68 Thus the kataphraktoi fulfil the

major requirements that would make a unit of mounted soldiers heavy cavalry in theory first of all the spe-

cialised battlefield task that was officially attributed to them and secondly their centrally organised supply

with the appropriate armament to successfully perform their duty

Drawing conclusions is at least highly risky in the absence of a complete survey of all relevant texts and for-

mer research concerning the problem of 10th century heavy cavalry In spite of the fact that the rigid efforts

of describing cavalry with abstract definitions of tactical classifications seem to be outdated I have to deal

with the term raquoheavy cavalrylaquo in this paper in order to ascertain the probability of the thesis of the Hun -

199Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

garian military reform In this sense it may not be exaggerated and is reasonable to conclude that heavy

cavalry with a shock-delivering decisive role did not really exist on the battlefields of Western and Central

Europe in the 10th century ndash considering Bachrachrsquos negative opinion on Leyserrsquos Saxon military reform and

heavy cavalry According to this conception the supposed Hungarian military reform of establishing a heavy

cavalry that served as basis for the state formation should also be considered at least preliminary a myth

Archaeological arguments methods and sources

Much should and could be said concerning the absolute chronology of swords and the supposed weapon

change from the archaeologistrsquos point of view In this paper I will only concentrate on the main method-

ological problems of the thesis (fig 2)

Much ink has been spilt over the question of understanding burials in general and the foremost interest

the question of warrior or soldier graves presents similar difficulties in evaluating weapon burials Since the

early 1990s a new approach claims that the interpretation of weapon burials is not independent from

intentional factors that changed and created the burial while paleoanthropological and paleopathological

data are to be reckoned with in particular 69 Gender studies concerning this topic have reached a notable

success in Anglo-Saxon archaeology 70 A clear distinction must be made between weapon burials (raquoWaf -

fen graumlberlaquo) and warrior graves (raquoKriegergraumlberlaquo) identified by anthropological means In the light of recent

research the primary objective is to determine if the men buried with weapons primarily with straight dou-

ble-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpathian Basin were participants in military affairs or not Hope -

fully the planned anthropological research within the ongoing project will result in appropriate information

that can be compared with the archaeological data However now we are forced to only make use of the

archaeological evidence ndash which may prove or negate the thesis we are dealing with

The archaeological identification of pure military matters like tactics army or military organisation is more

problematic in particular when only grave material is at disposal Hence numerous methodological objec-

tions should be made in the case of linking specific fighting methods or tactics with certain weapons In the-

ory it is obvious that throughout human history on every technical level exists an assembly of armour and

weapons which fits best a specific battlefield role However equipping an army with different assemblies

of armaments requires an enormous financial investment a well-balanced economy and armourer industry

and ndash last but not least ndash a sophisticated military science None of that was at the disposal of the 10th-cen-

tury European states and pre-states with the exception of Byzantium On the other hand the concept of

armies divided into troops with unified armaments and different battlefield duties is the idea of the early

modern and modern period and of 19th-cen-

tury military scholarship Such uniformity in

armament and fighting ability may have

been dominant in Byzantium and at least

ten dentious in Europe in the small num ber

of elite troops namely within the small circle

of bodyguards and those who possessed a

high social andor military status Treating

the straight double-edged swords as exclu-

sive markers of heavy cavalry is extremely

challenging especially when one takes into

account that battlefield roles may be accom-

plished with different armaments and are

200 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 2 Main arguments determining the hypothesis ndash (Drawing and digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

therefore only indirectly and idealistically linked to a certain armament type Since the so-called raquostirrup the-

sislaquo which otherwise had a much greater effect on medieval military historiography than the raquosword the-

sislaquo at last proved to be untenable71 it seems more and more obvious that as far as one can judge from

the archaeological evidence and historical records with the aid of physics and simple logic the pure connec-

tion of tactics and military technology in a continental European early medieval context is a paradox

The best contemporary argument for this is the case of the above-mentioned Byzantine kataphraktos who

was armed with two or more close combat weapons a spathion on a baldric a paramerion and several

siderorabdia (iron maces) fastened to the saddle (according to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo)72 The spathion is

identified as a double-edged straight sword while the explanation of the paramerion is more complicated

The term paramerion appeared in general use in the late 9th and early 10th century and means literally

raquo(something held) by the thighlaquo 73 John Haldon assumed that the main difference between the ordinary

sword and the paramerion is the way they were worn the former being carried on a baldric while the lat-

ter hung from a waist-belt 74 However the difference in form is more remarkable the paramerion is usu-

ally regarded as a straight single-edged sword according to the description in Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo and in the

raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 75 Albeit the recent translation of the raquoTacticalaquo is consistent in understanding it as a

dagger 76 a closer look at Leo VIrsquos text helps to specify what kind of weapon one shall understand by the

term The locus raquoπαραμήρια μαχαίρας μεγάλας μονοστόμουςlaquo (raquoTacticalaquo 5 sect217) could be a simple

enumeration without any further logical connection between the parameria and the single-edged great

daggers as the mention of raquoπαραμήρια ήτοι μαχαίραςlaquo (6 sect219) In contrast two other loci (6 sect26167

6 sect30198) clearly indicate that the word was used as an adverb and adjective as well Therefore it is quite

probable that the author attempted to explain the term paramerion when it first appeared in the text (5

sect217) and that the locus should be translated as raquoparameria i e large single-edged daggerslaquo Since the

author of the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo repeatedly uses the term paramerion as well but most importantly con-

firms twice that single-edged swords (monostomon and heterestomon xiphos) were called parameria

(raquoπαραμήρια ξίφη δηλαδὴ ἑτερόστομαlaquo [38 sect518] and raquoμονόστομα ξίφη hellip ἃ δή ϰαί παραμήριαλέγονταιlaquo [39 sect212-13]) 77 and at the same time states in the latter locus that the length of a parameri-

on and a spathion are equal 78 one is surely not facing a dagger here the expression raquogreat daggerlaquo in the

raquoTacticalaquo may rather mean that the paramerion is a dagger-like weapon in its form but bigger From this

one might infer a straight blade contrary to the opinion of Haldon who proposed that the paramerion is

the slightly curved single-edged sabre79 Piotr Ł Grotowski most recently summarised the state of research

and defined the paramerion as a single-edged broadsword 80 According to him the paramerion would be

with the fancy word of the Slavic research the palash ndash a predecessor of the sabre Although it does not

seem proper to name a weapon by an anachronistic term of unknown origin and etymology and the char-

acterisation of obviously contemporaneous types of weaponry by their hypothetical relative typological rela-

tion is also not an indisputable method Grotowski correctly concludes that raquoone must be careful seeing

the paramerion as a sabrelaquo 81 A similar view was expressed by Maria G Parani who was the first to draw

attention to the fact that neither Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo nor the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo or the raquoPraecepta

Militarialaquo mention the curve of the blade 82 Parani also emphasised that no middle Byzantine depiction of

a sword with a curved blade exists 83 Although there are some uncertainties concerning the modern defi-

nition of the sabre one may consider the curve of the blade as a major attribute that distinguishes the sabre

from other single- and double-edged swords The division of swords into three main types according to the

form and construction of the blades is supported by the archaeological material unearthed in the periph-

ery of the Byzantine Empire not only straight double-edged and curved single-edged but also straight sin-

gle-edged weapons are present in the Carpathian Basin (fig 3) and in Bulgaria as well 84 With the excep-

tion of Joacutezsef Hampelrsquos early remarks 85 such swords were regarded as sabres by the Hungarian research

201Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

without recognising their disparity although other hybrid forms were noticed but not studied thoroughly

(fig 4) 86 It seems that no certain archaeological pictorial or written evidence testifies the use of the sabre

i e the curved single-(false)edged sword in 10th-century Byzantium ndash there is only evidence of the other

two of the three basic blade types shortly defined above The importance of the differentiation between

straight single-edged and straight double-edged swords is also further attested by pictorial sources For

instance one may recognise the sword that the third foot soldier in the procession of the Forty Martyrs of

Sebastea holds in his hand on the fresco in the Guumlvercinlik (dovecote) church in Ccedilavuşin (Cappadocia) in

Turkey dated to 963-969 as straight and single-edged in contrast to the double-edged swords of the first

two soldiers on foot 87 The fresco is so detailed that even the fuller or rhombic section of the double-edged

blades is clearly visible The two types of blades differ not only in their points (that determine the number

of their edges) but also in their width the single-edged one is almost half as wide as the double-edged It

seems reasonable to assume that the painter of the scene was well aware of the variations and main char-

acteristics of the different swords and endeavoured to give highly detailed realistic depictions of them If

we are right in identifying the paramerion as a straight single-edged sword it should be noted that it is

closer in its construction and weight and thus in its possible original function to the sabre than to the

202 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 3 Some of the straight single-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 1 Biharkeresztes Vasuacutetaacutellomaacutes (Hajduacute-Bihar countyH) grave 1 ndash 2 Zemianska Olča (Hung NemesoacutecsaKomaacuterno distSK) grave 7 ndash 3 Csongraacuted-Vendelhalom (Csongraacuted countyH) grave41955 ndash 4 Szob-Vendelin (Pest countyH)grave 51 ndash (Drawings L Kovaacutecs digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

straight double-edged sword Since the former is usually interpreted as a special light cavalry weapon and

the latter as a heavy cavalry or heavy infantry weapon one may ask why the Byzantine super-heavy caval-

ry was equipped with a raquolightlaquo sword akin to the sabre The answer is simple neither is the sabre an exclu-

sively light cavalry weapon nor is the straight double-edged sword a typical heavy cavalry weapon Both

arms can be used in other tactical formations as well To sum up an armament type does not solely deter-

mine the tactics and thus the success or defeat of a soldier or an army

Even if we bona fide prescind from the above-mentioned methodological problems inherent in the inter-

pretation of graves and weapon burials in general the archaeological material should show features that

would unambiguously refer to heavily armed mounted fighters Therefore we may expect these Magyar

burials with double-edged swords to be furnished with objects that relate to riding mounted fight and

raquoheavylaquo armament first of all including armour On the other hand we may not overestimate the fact that

no sign of any armour has been recovered from Magyar graves 88 since the appearance of armour chain

mail and helmet is extremely rare not only in 10th-century burials 89 but throughout the Early Middle Ages

The total absence of shield bosses in the 10th- and 11th-century Carpathian Basin is more remarkable 90

compared to the Carolingian and Ottonian case Although they are neither frequent in contemporary West

European archaeological material 91 pictorial evidence and written sources indicate that the shield was a

most basic element in the equipment of Carolingian and Ottonian soldiers 92 Consequently further

research should concentrate on the types and small diversities in the buried riding gear with the intention

of differentiating between various riding techniques 93 This might serve as a basis for distinguishing raquoheavy

cavalry burialslaquo even though I particularly doubt the existence of 10th-century heavy cavalry and even more

its archaeological markers

Let us now turn towards the superiority and mystification of the straight double-edged sword Due to

Bakayrsquos physical analysis 94 which without exception fully persuaded Hungarian scholars the myth of the

sword being a weapon twice as powerful and effective than the sabre spread and became an axiom

However Bakayrsquos calculations concerning the torque (raquoDrehkraftlaquo) of the sabre and the sword are overly

simplified and hardly prove more than the fact that if a smaller and a bigger apple is thrown at you the

bigger one hurts more Actually his point was already lost when he chose the torque and not the mechan-

ic or kinetic energy as the aim of his calculations Not only his physical model (let the weapon fall to the

ground with its point first) fails to model the handling of these weapons in combat but he also simplified

203Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 4 The Szentbeacutekkaacutella hybrid sword ndash (Photo and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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Boacutena 2000 I Boacutena Die ungarische Kampftechnik in den Feldzuuml-gen gegen Europa In Wieczorek Hinz 2000 225-230

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Claessen 2006 H J M Claessen War and State Formation Whatis the Connection In T Otto H Thrane H Vandkilde (eds)Warfare and Society Archaeological and Social AnthropologicalPerspectives (Aarhus 2006) 217-226

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Dawson 1998 T Dawson Kremasmata Kabadion Klibanion SomeAspects of Middle Byzantine Military Equipment Recon sideredByzantine and Modern Greek Stud (Birmingham) 22 1998 38-50

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2007b T Dawson Byzantine Infantryman Eastern Roman Em -pire c 900-1204 Osprey MilitaryWarrior Ser 118 (New YorkOxford 2007)

2009a T Dawson Byzantine Cavalryman c 900-1204 OspreyMilitaryWarrior Ser 139 (New York Oxford 2009)

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Dennis 2010 The Taktika of Leo VI Text translation and commen-tary by G Dennis Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 49(Washington DC 2010)

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Engel 2001 P Engel The Realm of St Stephen A History of Me -dieval Hungary 895-1526 (London New York 2001)

Eacuterszegi 1996 G Eacuterszegi Szent Istvaacuten pannonhalmi oklevele (Okle-veacuteltani-filoloacutegiai kommentaacuter) In I Takaacutecs (ed) Mons Sacer 996-1996 Pannonhalma ezer eacuteve 1 (Pannonhalma 1996) 47-89

Fettich 1933 N Fettich A levediai magyarsaacuteg a reacutegeacuteszet megvilaacute-giacutetaacutesaacuteban Szaacutezadok A Magyar Toumlrteacutenelmi Taacutersulat Eacutevk 677-10 1933 251-276 369-399

1937 N Fettich A honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg feacutemművesseacutege (DieMetallkunst der landnehmenden Ungarn) Archaeologia Hunga-rica Acta Archaeologica Musei Nationalis Hungarici 21 (Buda-pest 1937)

1938 N Fettich A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten-kard reacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacute-taacutesban In J Sereacutedi (ed) Emleacutekkoumlnyv Szent Istvaacuten kiraacutely halaacutelaacute-nak kilencszaacutezadik eacutevforduloacutejaacuten 1 (Budapest 1938) 475-516

Fodor 1981 I Fodor A magyarsaacuteg baltikumi eacutes skandinaacuteviai kapc-solatai a IX-XI szaacutezadban a reacutegeacuteszeti leletek alapjaacuten (Verbindun-gen der Ungarn mit dem Baltikum und Skandinavien zwischendem 9 und 11 Jahrhundert aufgrund der Bodenfunde) SzolnokMegyei Muacutez Eacutevk 1981 85-89

1996 I Fodor Vienna sabre In Fodor et al 1996 67-71

2000 I Fodor A haderő eacutes a fegyverzet aacutetalakulaacutesa az aacutellamala-piacutetaacutes koraacuteban In Aacute Raacutecz (ed) Nagy keacutepes millenniumi hadtoumlr-teacutenet 1000 eacutev a hadak uacutetjaacuten (Budapest 2000) 20 f

2001a I Fodor Laacuteszloacute Gyula a reacutegeacutesz In I Balassa E Laacuteszloacute(eds) Laacuteszloacute Gyula 1910-1998 Emleacutekkoumlnyv (Budapest 2001)147-270

2001b I Fodor Az aacutellamalapiacutetaacutes koraacutenak hadserege In P Hal-maacutegyi (ed) Az aacutellamalapiacutetoacutekroacutel 2000-ben A VII Honveacuted Emleacutek-nap eacutes a Leveacuteltaacuteri Napok makoacutei előadaacutesai A Makoacutei MuacutezeumFuumlzetei 98 (Makoacute 2001) 17-39

Fodor et al 1996 I Fodor L Reacuteveacutesz M Wolf I M Nepper (eds)The Ancient Hungarians [exhibition cat] (Budapest 1996)

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Gaacutell 2007 E Gaacutell Az Erdeacutelyi-medence a Partium eacutes a Baacutensaacuteg X-XIszaacutezadi siacuter- eacutes szoacutervaacuteny-fegyverleleteinek elemzeacutese (An Analysisof the Grave and Stray Weapon Finds of the TranssylvanianBasin the Partium and the Banat from the 10th-11th Centuries)Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 1202 2007 395-474

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2007 J Haldon (ed) Byzantine Warfare (Aldershot Burlington2007)

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1900 J Hampel A honfoglalaacutesi kor hazai emleacutekei In Gy Pau-ler S Szilaacutegyi (eds) A magyar honfoglalaacutes kuacutetfői A honfoglalaacutesezredeacuteves emleacutekeacutere (Budapest 1900) 507-830

1905 J Hampel Alterthuumlmer des fruumlhen Mittelalters in Ungarn(Braunschweig 1905)

1907 J Hampel Ujabb tanulmaacutenyok a honfoglalaacutesi kor emleacutekei-ről (Budapest 1907)

Haumlrke 1989 H Haumlrke Early Saxon Weapon Burials FrequenciesDistributions and Weapon Combinations In S C Hawkes (ed)Weapons and Warfare in Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford 1989)49-61

1990 H Haumlrke raquoWarrior Graveslaquo The Background of theAnglo-Saxon Weapon Burial Rite Past amp Present 126 1990 22-43

1992a H Haumlrke Changing Symbols in a Changing Society theAnglo-Saxon Weapon Burial Rite in the Seventh Century In MO H Carver (ed) The Age of Sutton Hoo the Seventh Centuryin North-Western Europe (Woodbrigde 1992) 149-165

1992b H Haumlrke Angelsaumlchsische Waffengraumlber des 5-7 Jahr-hunderts Zeitschr Arch Mittelalter Beih 6 (Bonn Koumlln 1992)

213Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

1997a H Haumlrke Material Culture as Myth Weapons in Anglo-Saxon Graves In Jensen Nielsen 1997 119-127

1997b H Haumlrke Early Anglo-Saxon Military Organisation anArchaeological Perspective In Joslashrgensen Clausen 1997 93-101

Haug Vollmann 1991 W Haug B K Vollmann (eds) Fruumlhe deut -sche Literatur und lateinische Literatur in Deutschland 800-1150(Frankfurt 1991)

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217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 5: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

AacuteDAacuteM BIacuteROacute

DATING (WITH) WEAPON BURIALS

AND THE raquoWAFFENWECHSELlaquo

A PRELIMINARY REPORT ON NEW INVESTIGATIONS

OF THE SO-CALLED VIKING-AGE SWORDS IN THE CARPATHIAN BASIN

FROM A CHRONOLOGICAL POINT OF VIEW

Superamur scio multitudine sed non virtute sed non armis 1

PREFACE

Due to its abundance in graves military equipment plays a special and important role in the chronological

system of the archaeological material of the 10th century AD in the Carpathian Basin Hungarian archae-

ologists tend to determine precise and exclusive chronological positions of certain weapons or weapon

types within the relatively short archaeological period of the so-called Hungarian Conquest although there

has not yet been a comprehensive and thorough archaeological research concerning weapon burials The

dating of weapon types is mainly based on marginal notes or ndash which is worse ndash created to support

unproved historical hypotheses The implicit acceptance of these raquodatingslaquo without control or supervision

resulted in the canonisation of a unified but first of all simplified chronological system In my opinion this

system is not only in need of a serious revision but a new strictly archaeological chronology should be

established instead since the former was neither based upon proper classification analyses nor on relative

chronological studies An attempt aiming at the historical interpretation of the archaeological material

would be reasonable only if such research would be accomplished Therefore this topic claims a complex

modern thorough future research to which of course also archaeometrical and experimental studies

belong

However it is not my duty here to cover all aspects of dating the weapons or other artefacts with them

On the other hand it seems necessary to sketch at least the three main keystones on which the present

chronological system rests

1 According to the first thesis men whose burials contained coins and weapons at the same time must be

seen as warriors who took part in the military campaigns and raids which the Magyars led to Europe in

the first half of the 10th century

2 The second thesis declares that straight double-edged swords replaced sabres from the middle or last

quarter of the century on due to the state formation process andor the realisation of inadequate arma-

ment being the main reason for the defeats suffered from the Saxon heavy cavalry On this basis the

year 955 and the battle at the river Lech or the beginning of the state formation process are given an

extraordinary importance ndash which on the one hand serves as a terminus post quem for the straight dou-

ble-edged swords and other military equipment thought to be connected with the so-called heavy cav-

alry while on the other hand it indicates a terminus ante quem for the majority of the sabres which are

considered typical nomadic light cavalry weapons

191Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

3 The third thesis claims that the rite of pagan (weapon) burials continued at least during the first quarter

of the 11th century in some territories of the Carpathian Basin 2

Bearing in mind the significance of the weapon dating in 10th-century Carpathian Basin a part of the proj-

ect raquoReiterkrieger Burgenbauer die fruumlhen Ungarn und das rsaquoDeutsche Reichlsaquo vom 9 bis zum 11 Jahr -

hundertlaquo (RGZM) aims at the revision and reconsideration of sword and sabre data along with coin-dated

graves in order to present a precise chronology for the Conquest Period material From the above-men-

tioned three theses all worthy of a full-scale reconsideration only the second forms part of the project

although the first one is also inherent in the interpretation of the coin-dated graves The main reason

behind the conception and the research topics of the project was the fact that whilst the numerous Muslim

dirhams and West European denarii found in graves represent a chance at least for the first half of the cen-

tury to create absolute dated assemblages the sword and sabre question may shed light on relative

chronological relations of the material Therefore I shall discuss the second thesis in this paper presenting

a preliminary historical and archaeological critique of the state of research

MILITARY REVOLUTION (REFORM) AND WEAPON CHANGE IN THE 10TH CENTURY

Historiography of the thesis

Albeit it would make sense to present here a comprehensive overview of the history of research on 10th-

century double-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 3 a short summary of the main statements of pri-

mary importance concerning this topic and their evolution should be sufficient to get a clear picture of the

theory in question

Although the origin of the thesis may be traced back to the late 19th- and early 20th-century studies 4 espe-

cially in the works of Zoltaacuten Toacuteth 5 the full concept blossomed out in a never quoted short study written

by Jaacutenos Kalmaacuter in 1936 6 Kalmaacuter offered a coherent but simplistic and idealistic view of the relations of

sabre and sword by placing them in the general evolution of medieval armour and assuming that they

belong to different cultural spheres and thus different warfare and tactics He demonstrated the distinction

of sabre and sword on raquoethno-psychological groundslaquo with the so-called Vienna sabre and the sword of

Saint Stephen I in Prague 7

raquoDer rsaquoAttila-Saumlbellsaquo und das Sankt Stefans-Schwert diese beiden wichtigsten Zimelien der fruumlhmagyari-

schen Kriegsgeschichte stehen im schaumlrfsten Kontrast zueinander Sie symbolisieren gewissermaszligen die

beiden Einfluszligsphaumlren von Ost und West Der Saumlbel erinnert an das einstige Steppenvolk das frank und

frei in den endlosen sarmatischen Niederungen irrlichterte das schwere Pallasch-Schwert dagegen ist

die Waffe eines bereits seszlighaft gewordenen ortsverbundenen Volkes Der Saumlbel ist die Waffe der per-

soumlnlichen Tapferkeit und Behendigkeit der Pallasch die der technischen Uumlberlegenheit Der Saumlbel ist ein

Produkt der tuumlrkischen der Pallasch jenes der indogermanischen Kultur Der Saumlbel ist die Waffe der

ploumltzlich emporlodernden taktischen Ideen der Pallasch das Symbol der planmaumlszligig arbeitenden vor-

ausblickenden Strategielaquo 8

Although Kalmaacuterrsquos paper unfortunately escaped the notice of the Hungarian research three years later his

ideas found their way into a short review by Gyula Laacuteszloacute 9 on Naacutendor Fettichrsquos article which deals with the

Prague sword 10 What was presented in this marginal note remained until now the most influential

approach to the question of the interpretation and chronology of the straight double-edged swords in the

Carpathian Basin It seems that at least the following two major conceptions of Kalmaacuter were integrated

into Laacuteszloacutersquos thesis

192 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1 that the sabre was inferior and proved unsuccessful against the heavy armour of West European armies

which resulted in the end of the Magyar incursions and

2 that with the beginning of the state reform of Saint Stephen I the sword and new tactics became dom-

inant in the Carpathian Basin

In the end Kalmaacuterrsquos original idea however indirectly presented the basis which was accepted and repeat-

ed later by following scholars who reiterated Laacuteszloacutersquos reasoning or worse used it as axiom for further the-

ories andor chronological statements Thus it is necessary to recapitulate Laacuteszloacutersquos main arguments here in

order to point out various inherent methodological problems 11

1 According to Laacuteszloacutersquos thesis straight double-edged swords were only used by heavy cavalry (so their pres-

ence in the archaeological record unambiguously indicates the existence of a western-type heavy caval-

ry in 10th-century Carpathian Basin) while sabres were instruments exclusively used in the raquoancient

nomadiclaquo close combat

2 Thus Laacuteszloacute created two artificial archaeological assemblages without any precise definition labelling

them with a simplifying term such as raquoChristianlaquo and raquopaganlaquo to deepen the supposed difference with

which he degraded the multi-layered complex past to a rigid simplified historical narration

3 In his view the raquoancestral nomadiclaquo equipment and fighting method ensured the successes of the

Magyars in the first half of the 10th century while the superior armament and tactics of their enemies

were responsible for the later defeats It is therefore obvious as Laacuteszloacute concludes that the Magyars had

to adopt the military achievements of Christian Europe (i e the Ottonian Empire) which is of course the

heavy cavalry armed with straight double-edged swords This newly organised modern Christian army

which became later the core of the regular army of the Hungarian kingdom was put to use for suppress-

ing pagan tribes who rebelled against the rule of Geacuteza and his successor Saint Stephen I at the end of

the 10th century

As I already mentioned serious methodological problems can be identified in this train of thought Not only

the unconditional linking of certain weapons with certain combat tactics seems to be doubtful 12 but also

the main characteristic of Laacuteszloacutersquos concept is misleading a historical theory is used as a rigid restricted inter-

pretation of the archaeological material which in turn determines the date of swords exclusively to the late

10th century Since the theory was easily explainable within Marxist historical materialism the idea had a

deep effect on the Hungarian historical research as well authorising it thus to spread the belief of a pri-

vate western-style (feudalistic) heavy cavalry in the service of Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I13 At the same time

the lively and rapidly developing historical military debate (starting in the late 1870s) on the possible recon-

struction of the Magyar tactics which otherwise had strong connections to the triumphant noble histori-

cal view of the zeitgeist came to a halt after World War II As a result Laacuteszloacutersquos rough sketch became due

to his determinant role in research a solid base for later investigations 14 Moreover his artistic representa-

tions of the supposed essential difference between the Ottonian and the Hungarian warfare made his

approach very popular also outside academic circles (fig 1) Neither could the following scholars escape

the convincing simplicity of Laacuteszloacutersquos idea 15 while they developed the concept to a universal historical hypo -

thesis using more or less detailed archaeological analyses 16

Korneacutel Bakay one of Laacuteszloacutersquos students was the first to manage an exhaustive archaeological analysis of

straight double-edged swords from the Carpathian Basin 17 but his conclusions and results were guided by

his professorrsquos view on the early state formation process of the Hungarian kingdom Thus as the main con-

cept remained basically historical the arguments and reasons applied often lacked archaeological evidence

or which is worse the archaeological evidence was intentionally treated inferior Bakay himself clearly

chose this approach by stressing that the importance of the supposed social and economical transforma-

tion (i e the state formation process) at the end of the 10th century determines the chronology of the

193Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

swords in question which aspect is superior to their typological and relative chronological relations In his

own words

raquoBereits hier moumlchte ich betonen dass die Chronologie der zweischneidigen Schwerter in erster Linie

eigentlich durch die oben geschilderte wirtschaftlich-gesellschaftliche Umwandlung bestimmt ist Der

typologische Vergleich dient demnach bloszlig als Ergaumlnzunglaquo 18

Furthermore the pioneering thought to compare the efficiency of the sword and the sabre with the aid of

modeling was invented only to prove Laacuteszloacutersquos (and originally Kalmaacuterrsquos) premise i e that the sword was a

more raquosuccessful weaponlaquo than the sabre However Bakayrsquos detailed calculations of the superiority of the

straight double-edged sword when compared to the sabre led to the mystification of the sword as a won-

der weapon (raquoWunderwaffelaquo) in the Hungarian archaeological research Although a more detailed archae-

ological explanation was now presented from those historians who slowly became the most influential his-

torians of the 10th-11th centuries only Gyoumlrgy Gyoumlrffy accepted and integrated the idea of the raquoregular elite

armylaquo consisting of heavy cavalry units organised by Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I into his comprehensive work

on the state formation process 19 Others like Joacutezsef Gerics simply evaded the discussion of the topic 20

while Gyula Kristoacute instead of acknowledging the military revolution as a historical fact treated the end of

the military campaigns in Europe and the battle at the Lech only as an important internal and foreign pol-

icy affair ndash nothing more 21 Kristoacute alone had proposed a short critique from the historianrsquos viewpoint are

archaeology and archaeological material competent to discuss and determine historical theories concern-

ing politico-historical questions 22 However Bakayrsquos work proved to be so overwhelmingly convincing that

not only the leading Hungarian archaeologists 23 but even Slovakian 24 and Romanian scholars acknowl-

edged his main conclusions 25 Radu Robert Heitel even treated the Transylvanian double-edged swords and

sword chapes as evidence that would draw the march route of the army of Saint Stephen I which con-

quered the regnum regis IuliiProkui in the year 1003 according to the Annales Hildesheimenses 26

194 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 1 The nature of the Magyar-Ottonian battle ndash (After Laacuteszloacute 1982 29)

In turn the archaeologist Laacuteszloacute Kovaacutecs took up the challenge to give a more proper archaeological expla-

nation of the historical thesis Although he assembled a whole catalogue on the subject of source-critical

problems of the double-edged swords 27 filtering out many ill-dated artefacts his whole evaluation regret-

tably was never published in its entirety Nevertheless his conception of an all-embracing simplified mili-

tary revolution dating from 955 rapidly became fundamental With his theory in contrast to Bakay Kovaacutecs

returned to the original notion of Laacuteszloacute (and Kalmaacuter) i e the necessary weapon change (raquoWaffen wech -

sellaquo) as a logical result of the raquomilitary shocklaquo generated by the defeats in the European theatre of war 28

However Kovaacutecs failed to give a convincing demonstration since his exclusive and at times subjective con-

clusions were drawn on the basis of a limited amount of numismatic material available 29 A rather new

phenomenon of the late 1990s is the appearance of some historical military papers 30 which mark a new

dawn of interest in the theme after the long silence from the potential third party of the debate Unfor -

tunately this research did not continue the traditions of the former historical military discussion but apart

from its useful practical viewpoint endeavoured only to describe and realise the above-mentioned hypoth-

esis from the viewpoint of the modern military terminology

There has been only one archaeological approach to the double-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpa -

thian Basin which did not originate from Laacuteszloacutersquos school Mechthild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm attempted to analyse

their chronological position apart from the historical approach of the Hungarian research and to fit them

into her absolute chronological system This was based on the chronological diversities and different origins

of the dirham and denar material of the first half of the 10th century Schulze-Doumlrrlammrsquos phase I (896-925)

and phase II (926-95070) comprised the so-called raquoaltmagyarischer Formenkreislaquo group in the former

chronology of Jochen Giesler The two phases were differentiated in their geographical distribution as well

Since the topography of the double-edged swords seemed to resemble that of phase II as Schulze-

Doumlrrlamm concludes the swords belong to the second quarter of the century 31 Although these phases

appear to be overly artificial and moreover their projection or application to the whole of the material is

at least problematic 32 her critical note on Bakayrsquos conception is more than appropriate

raquoDie Uumlbernahme dieser neuen Hiebwaffe und damit zugleich auch einer anderen Kampftechnik durch

die Ungarn hat demnach nichts mit dem rsaquoFuumlrstenheerlsaquo des Fuumlrsten Geza (972-997) zu tun wie es Bakay

vermutete sondern duumlrfte eine Reaktion auf die Erfahrungen bei den Kaumlmpfen in Deutschland und

Italien gewesen seinlaquo 33

However we must be aware that Schulze-Doumlrrlamm did not query the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo itself but only

presented a third option for the historical explanation of the presence of such swords thought to be alien

in the archaeological material of the Magyars As a conclusion of my preliminary thoughts on the histori-

ography concerning the chronological problems and interpretation of 10th-century straight double-edged

swords found in the Carpathian Basin I find the following thoughts of Bernard Sebastian Bachrach aston-

ishingly sound also in light of the situation of the Hungarian research

raquoIn what has amounted to a highly romanticized search for the origins of chivalry scholars have for too

long ignored the balance of the evidence focused upon bits and pieces of inconclusive data and mag-

nified the importance of these to help create a flawed picture of warfare in the early Middle Ageslaquo 34

Methodological problems of the thesis ndash reconsidering swords

While sketching the main points of the former research three major approaches took shape each based

on the idea that the straight double-edged swords are new phenomena in the otherwise homogeneous

raquonomadiclaquo material culture of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin This was clarified by a change in warfare

and military equipment taking place in the second quarter in the middle or in the third quarter of the cen-

195Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

tury either due to the experience of the campaigns in Europe or to the politico-military shock of the battle

at the Lech or thanks to the state formation process These theories all emphasise a crucial difference

between the sabre and the straight double-edged sword which significantly affected or altered the warfare

and tactics of the Magyars during the 10th century Thus we have seen a far-reaching theory changing over

time set off by Kalmaacuter as early as 1936 which explains the origin of the so-called Viking swords the politi-

co-social and military status they were thought to indicate and the historical context they created or in

which they acted When we take a closer look at the main arguments of this chain of thought many will

arouse our interest and hence induce a profound examination since they indicate serious methodological

problems I shall discuss these in the following separated on the basis of the character of their reasoning

be it principally (military) historical or archaeological

Historical arguments and notes

First of all it is worth noting that the concept of the supposed military reform and the creation or presence

of a heavy cavalry in 10th-century Hungary is completely without any written evidence or proof Not a sin-

gle historical information not any contemporary literary account shows any trace of either the establish-

ment or organisation of a new army or of the central distribution of swords or other military equipment to

Hungarian soldiers We do not even have a text that would at least indirectly refer to the army or retinue

of dux Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I such as e g the account of Thietmar of Merseburg on the 300 armoured

but not by all means mounted warriors (trecentis militibus loricatis) possibly serving as part of the person-

al retinue or guard of dux Bolesław I Chrobry (Chronicon Thietmari IV46) before they were given as a pres-

ent to Otto II 35

Our only contemporary source that mentions military affairs is the founding document of the monastery at

Pannonhalma 36 Although the diplomarsquos account on the war between the Germans and Hungarians and

the civil war known in more detail from later sources is almost meaningless and highly ambiguous 37 it was

associated with the supposed German origin of the duces raquoPoznanolaquo raquoCuntiolaquo and raquoOrziolaquo This proved

to be well enough for a theory of a strong Ottonian or German (military) influence in the court of the late

Geacuteza and young raquoWaiclaquoStephen and to attribute these duces a decisive role on the battlefield during

the suppression of the revolt of Koppaacuteny 38 In the later traditions of medieval Hungarian chronicles they

became the personal bodyguards of Saint Stephen I and generals of his army39 and ndash as a consequence in

modern historical research ndash the possible disseminators of heavy cavalry the organisers of the new Christian

regular army 40

Apart from the problematic interpretation of this diploma from the total range of contemporary sources

only five articles in the codes of Saint Stephen I provide useful information by dealing to some extent with

military affairs and by mentioning the sword The first article judges those who draw a sword (raquode evagi-

natione gladiilaquo) with the aim of injury to be killed by the same sword (I16) The second one rules the same

sentence for the case of murder with a sword (II12) the third declares the raquoan eye for an eyelaquo principle

for maiming with a sword (II13) while the fourth determines the fee that should be paid to a victim that

recovers from a wound by a sword (II16) The last article deals with the case of drawing a sword in rage

without wounding (II17) 41 Each article uses the word gladius but does not go into details about the

weapon like e g the famous raquoWalthariuslaquo poem 42 hence it is not possible to correlate the archaeological

material with the written evidence What is interesting however is that Stephenrsquos laws do not mention the

famous missile of the Magyars the bow and arrow ndash although their dominating presence in the burial

material would indicate a high importance 43 In contrast the many articles dealing with the crimes com-

mitted specifically with the sword especially in the second book of Saint Stephen I where they make up

196 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

almost one fifth of the total number of articles may refer to a very common phenomenon in the society

Personal violence must have been a widespread practice for reducing social tensions in a changing society

It is of great importance that this symptom of solving social problems with fighting and after all with vio-

lence and murder became manifest in close combat fought with gladii swords or sabres This as a final

result indirectly but unambiguously speaks of a tradition and preference of experiencing fight and combat

from up close ndash provided that these articles are not artificial adoptions of West European laws

In that way or another none of the quoted written sources serves as a firm base for a theory of a (new)

regular army whose core consists of heavy cavalry Furthermore the theory constructed upon these dubi-

ous sources cannot apply to the dating of archaeological assemblages as a determining fact What we

know for sure is that one of the different strata of the society called milites ndash witnessed in the laws of Saint

Stephen I ndash may be connected with somewhat regular perhaps professional military services 44 Thus I do

not reject the possibility of a more or less regular army at the time of the first Hungarian rex since it is obvi-

ous that a determined political will with a strong military base an army or at least a large retinue is the pre-

condition of state formation 45 I only suggest that in the case of the early Hungarian state formation nei-

ther written sources nor archaeological data as will be seen later provide us with any useful and unam-

biguous information on how that army could have looked like But we must not rely solely on the argu-

mentum ex silentio since this false reasoning was frequently done by the former research

Other contradictions emerge when we take into account the possible existence of a military reform or rev-

olution within the framework of early medieval Europe The concept may have its roots in the 19th- and

early 20th-century European idea that describes and explains military affairs being highly dependent on the

quality of the military equipment However this was a legitimate phenomenon in the world of mass armies

and an unbelievably quick progress in military techniques like artillery Thus the creators of this concept sim-

ply projected the military idea of the time of Delbruumlck and von Clausewitz back to early medieval times

Therefore the idea of a military revolution is mostly anachronistic in 10th-century Europe Nevertheless this

approach was not only prevalent in the Hungarian scholarship of the 20th century ndash the symptom appeared

in the German historical tradition as well One may find Karl Leyserrsquos thoughts on the Saxon military revo-

lution at the time of Henry I (919-936) and Otto I (936-973) closely related to the Hungarian example

Leyser stated that the creation of a heavily armoured cavalry (armati loricati) was the key to the military

and political success of the Ottonian dynasty According to him after 933 the Ottonian heavy cavalry

dominated the battles in the field 46 When Leyser published his theory in its entirety first in 1968 he had

already exploited three years earlier the assumed fundamental differences in the armament of the Magyar

and Ottonian troops in his interpretation of the battle at the Lech in 955 Leyserrsquos main point was to empha-

sise the effectiveness of the Ottonian armament in particular of the raquoheavier swordlaquo over their Magyar

counterparts raquoIn close quarter fighting with spears and especially swords the great majority of the Hun -

garians had no chance against the heavier arms and the much better protective equipment of their oppo-

nentslaquo 47

Leyserrsquos belief that the outcome of the battle is to be explained by the differences in arms and armour and

thus in tactics was so firm that he treated the locus raquoSuperamur scio multitudine sed non virtute sed

non armis Maxima enim ex parte nudos illos armis omnibus penitus cognovimuslaquo of Widukind in his raquoRes

Gestae Saxonicaelaquo (III XLVI) as proof for the decisive disparity 48 According to him the text should be inter-

preted in the following way raquoIn Widukind it was virtus and as shall be seen better weapons which over-

came superior numbers [at the battle of Lechfeld]laquo The latter half of the quotation should be understood

as the Magyars having a shortage of raquooffensive but also defensive weaponslaquo including raquoshields iron hel-

mets and above all hauberkslaquo 49 However we may try to specify the meaning and context of the locus

more precisely Contrary to Leyserrsquos opinion Widukind stated in the former sentence that the Ottonian

197Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

army is inferior to the Magyars ndash not in arms or virtue but in numbers Since the factors and circumstances

that do determine the process and final result of a battle in the field are obviously more than just the pure

number the armament and the virtus of the opposing forces we may see Widukindrsquos first statement of the

comparison rather as a comment that proves the value of the Ottonian army While the latter highly am -

biguous sentence ndash which can be used to determine the Magyar army as light cavalry wearing no armour

ndash may also indicate that the percentage of Magyar warriors equipped with defensive armament was lower

than that of the Ottonian soldiers in general On the other hand a serious methodological problem occurs

when we take a closer look at the whole text First of all it must be noted that the comparison of the two

armies i e the quoted text of Widukind is only a short part of the perhaps fictional encouraging speech

of rex Otto I who addressed his fellow soldiers right before the battle 50 The whole speech consists of typ-

ical phrases concerning general topics that aim at reassuring the soldiers of their strength and of their hope

that they could win the battle These phrases are so simplified that we may suppose without exaggeration

that this speech could have been delivered in every battlefield during the pre-modern period In the con-

text of such a pre-battle speech every statement gains an additional sense of encouragement heroism

past victories danger fictitious or real advantages etc are mentioned in order to strengthen the dubious

and those filled with fear 51 ndash fear of a punishment that will surely follow in the case of flight or deserta-

tion and fear of death in the battle itself 52 Addressing the enemyrsquos armour in a battle speech either in a

positive or a negative way is so trivial and self-evident that it even appears in the famous movie with Kevin

Costner raquoRobin Hood ndash Prince of Thieveslaquo 53 But let us return to Widukind himself and do not reject his

opinion when he clearly states in the continuation of the above-quoted text that raquoet quod maximi est nobis

solatii auxilio Deilaquo 54 thus the main difference between the two armies was the faith in Christ Whether

such a speech could have been given by Otto I or not (due to natural physical communication difficulties)

whether it is an original battle speech or only a fiction of the author 55 ndash it should be concluded that

Widukind does not allow us to draw such exact conclusions as Leyser did on the armament of the entire

opposing forces Consequently it seems that in parallel with the theory of Laacuteszloacute and Bakay the German

research also developed the idea of superiority of the double-edged straight sword ndash in connection with

(what is more important) the supposed dominance of the heavy cavalry on the battlefields

Leyserrsquos main thesis was actually only the application of a former historical notion to the cases of Charles

Martel Pippin and Charlemagne However Bachrachrsquos in-depth studies convincingly proved that neither the

thesis of a Carolingian nor of an Ottonian military revolution is true instead they should rather be treated

as myths 56 He established in many articles that early medieval wars were aimed at the conquest of the

enemyrsquos territory by besieging and controlling fortifications This resulted in the fact that the nature of early

medieval warfare was dominated by sieges and hence infantry fight while raquomounted shock combat was a

minor aspect even in the rare battles in the field that were fought throughout the pre-crusading Europelaquo 57

Instead of performing frontal attacks that usually failed and caused disastrous disorganisation and loss of

battle the early medieval European cavalry in the 9th-11th centuries were to perform multifunctional tasks

with their mostly light weaponry The tactically reasonable use of cavalry consisted of feigned retreats

flanking attacks and leaving them as a (hidden) reverse against a probable encirclement by the enemy They

were often even ordered to dismount and engage in the battle on foot 58

A similar picture is emerging from the battle and duel descriptions of the raquoWalthariuslaquo poem whose author

shows a remarkable interest in weaponry and realistic fighting 59 It seems that the raquoWalthariuslaquo is the only

early medieval narrative source that deals with military affairs to an extent that allows us to draw conclu-

sions regarding battlefield tactics and duel techniques ndash if we take the poem as a more or less authentic

account on European warfare of the late 9th and 10th centuries What is important here is that the battle

description (lines 180-207 especially 182-195) 60 does not mention the presence of heavy cavalry but

198 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

instead gives a carefully detailed picture of opposing troops standing very close a long-lasting missile fight

of throwing spears and some archery and then the clash of the battle lines in the chaos of close combat

It should be made clear that in this description the course of the battle consists of two equal parts the skir-

mish and the close combat Since the opposing troops are only at a raquothrowing spearlaquo distance of approx

30 m max 50 m apart from one another the possibility of a heavy cavalry charge is excluded Though the

author mentions cavalry fight as well it is ambiguous if they were heavily armoured 61 only shields (umbo)

are mentioned The same process is visible in every duel in the raquoWalthariuslaquo the fights start with throwing

spears (archery is only involved in one case) and end up with a close combat using spear-shield or sword-

shield combinations on foot

Even if we are wrong in taking the written sources at face value the main question that lies in the heart

of the investigation proves to be the toughest to answer What kind of cavalry may one call heavy And

what are its major distinctive features It is clear that the term was first invented for and applied to the

mounted knights of the High Middle Ages whose armour slowly developed into sophisticated and spe-

cialised full plate constructions But isnrsquot it wrong to desperately seek and suppose a similar case in the Early

Middle Ages In an attempt to understand early medieval cavalry in its own past reality a more flexible

approach is needed In my opinion the terms raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo are highly relative and work well only

in standard comparisons regarding equipment On the other hand contrary to the armament the assigned

or unintentionally performed operations against certain enemy units during a battle should be seen as the

most important factor that may determine the (momentary) battlefield role i e the tactical classification of

the cavalry unit in question Thus raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo should only be used in clear cases when written

sources permit the scholar to give a detailed picture of the battle In such ideal conditions different caval-

ry raquounitslaquo may be compared to each other or to infantry for reasons of differences in their armament their

assigned tasks and fulfilled operations on the basis of their momentum and results to finally address them

with attributes like raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo Bearing in mind the complicated nature and multi-layered process

of battles in general and the commonly laconic conditions of contemporary written sources one may

assume that only probable but no exact definitions are to be expected However it is not my duty to give

an analysis of early medieval European cavalry here I only point out the problem detailed studies will hope-

fully follow for the 10th-11th centuries as well 62

When looking for a contemporary military unit that might be rightly titled as heavy cavalry one has to turn

to Byzantium According to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (c 950) and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo (c 965) as well

as to later sources the task of the middle Byzantine kataphraktoi was to crush the middle of the enemy

battle lines with a single decisive charge 63 Their position within the general Byzantine battle order denotes

their remarkable importance the offensive part of a full middle Byzantine army was organised around the

kataphraktoi 64 forming a wedge in the Byzantine centre 65 The Byzantines were to achieve victory by this

main charge that began immediately after the skirmish of the prokoursatores 66 The detailed description of

their armament in the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo 67 clearly indicates that not only

the kataphraktos but also his horse was protected by armour (klibanion kremasmata epilorikion etc for

the mounted and the various carapaces for the horse) of the best quality 68 Thus the kataphraktoi fulfil the

major requirements that would make a unit of mounted soldiers heavy cavalry in theory first of all the spe-

cialised battlefield task that was officially attributed to them and secondly their centrally organised supply

with the appropriate armament to successfully perform their duty

Drawing conclusions is at least highly risky in the absence of a complete survey of all relevant texts and for-

mer research concerning the problem of 10th century heavy cavalry In spite of the fact that the rigid efforts

of describing cavalry with abstract definitions of tactical classifications seem to be outdated I have to deal

with the term raquoheavy cavalrylaquo in this paper in order to ascertain the probability of the thesis of the Hun -

199Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

garian military reform In this sense it may not be exaggerated and is reasonable to conclude that heavy

cavalry with a shock-delivering decisive role did not really exist on the battlefields of Western and Central

Europe in the 10th century ndash considering Bachrachrsquos negative opinion on Leyserrsquos Saxon military reform and

heavy cavalry According to this conception the supposed Hungarian military reform of establishing a heavy

cavalry that served as basis for the state formation should also be considered at least preliminary a myth

Archaeological arguments methods and sources

Much should and could be said concerning the absolute chronology of swords and the supposed weapon

change from the archaeologistrsquos point of view In this paper I will only concentrate on the main method-

ological problems of the thesis (fig 2)

Much ink has been spilt over the question of understanding burials in general and the foremost interest

the question of warrior or soldier graves presents similar difficulties in evaluating weapon burials Since the

early 1990s a new approach claims that the interpretation of weapon burials is not independent from

intentional factors that changed and created the burial while paleoanthropological and paleopathological

data are to be reckoned with in particular 69 Gender studies concerning this topic have reached a notable

success in Anglo-Saxon archaeology 70 A clear distinction must be made between weapon burials (raquoWaf -

fen graumlberlaquo) and warrior graves (raquoKriegergraumlberlaquo) identified by anthropological means In the light of recent

research the primary objective is to determine if the men buried with weapons primarily with straight dou-

ble-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpathian Basin were participants in military affairs or not Hope -

fully the planned anthropological research within the ongoing project will result in appropriate information

that can be compared with the archaeological data However now we are forced to only make use of the

archaeological evidence ndash which may prove or negate the thesis we are dealing with

The archaeological identification of pure military matters like tactics army or military organisation is more

problematic in particular when only grave material is at disposal Hence numerous methodological objec-

tions should be made in the case of linking specific fighting methods or tactics with certain weapons In the-

ory it is obvious that throughout human history on every technical level exists an assembly of armour and

weapons which fits best a specific battlefield role However equipping an army with different assemblies

of armaments requires an enormous financial investment a well-balanced economy and armourer industry

and ndash last but not least ndash a sophisticated military science None of that was at the disposal of the 10th-cen-

tury European states and pre-states with the exception of Byzantium On the other hand the concept of

armies divided into troops with unified armaments and different battlefield duties is the idea of the early

modern and modern period and of 19th-cen-

tury military scholarship Such uniformity in

armament and fighting ability may have

been dominant in Byzantium and at least

ten dentious in Europe in the small num ber

of elite troops namely within the small circle

of bodyguards and those who possessed a

high social andor military status Treating

the straight double-edged swords as exclu-

sive markers of heavy cavalry is extremely

challenging especially when one takes into

account that battlefield roles may be accom-

plished with different armaments and are

200 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 2 Main arguments determining the hypothesis ndash (Drawing and digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

therefore only indirectly and idealistically linked to a certain armament type Since the so-called raquostirrup the-

sislaquo which otherwise had a much greater effect on medieval military historiography than the raquosword the-

sislaquo at last proved to be untenable71 it seems more and more obvious that as far as one can judge from

the archaeological evidence and historical records with the aid of physics and simple logic the pure connec-

tion of tactics and military technology in a continental European early medieval context is a paradox

The best contemporary argument for this is the case of the above-mentioned Byzantine kataphraktos who

was armed with two or more close combat weapons a spathion on a baldric a paramerion and several

siderorabdia (iron maces) fastened to the saddle (according to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo)72 The spathion is

identified as a double-edged straight sword while the explanation of the paramerion is more complicated

The term paramerion appeared in general use in the late 9th and early 10th century and means literally

raquo(something held) by the thighlaquo 73 John Haldon assumed that the main difference between the ordinary

sword and the paramerion is the way they were worn the former being carried on a baldric while the lat-

ter hung from a waist-belt 74 However the difference in form is more remarkable the paramerion is usu-

ally regarded as a straight single-edged sword according to the description in Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo and in the

raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 75 Albeit the recent translation of the raquoTacticalaquo is consistent in understanding it as a

dagger 76 a closer look at Leo VIrsquos text helps to specify what kind of weapon one shall understand by the

term The locus raquoπαραμήρια μαχαίρας μεγάλας μονοστόμουςlaquo (raquoTacticalaquo 5 sect217) could be a simple

enumeration without any further logical connection between the parameria and the single-edged great

daggers as the mention of raquoπαραμήρια ήτοι μαχαίραςlaquo (6 sect219) In contrast two other loci (6 sect26167

6 sect30198) clearly indicate that the word was used as an adverb and adjective as well Therefore it is quite

probable that the author attempted to explain the term paramerion when it first appeared in the text (5

sect217) and that the locus should be translated as raquoparameria i e large single-edged daggerslaquo Since the

author of the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo repeatedly uses the term paramerion as well but most importantly con-

firms twice that single-edged swords (monostomon and heterestomon xiphos) were called parameria

(raquoπαραμήρια ξίφη δηλαδὴ ἑτερόστομαlaquo [38 sect518] and raquoμονόστομα ξίφη hellip ἃ δή ϰαί παραμήριαλέγονταιlaquo [39 sect212-13]) 77 and at the same time states in the latter locus that the length of a parameri-

on and a spathion are equal 78 one is surely not facing a dagger here the expression raquogreat daggerlaquo in the

raquoTacticalaquo may rather mean that the paramerion is a dagger-like weapon in its form but bigger From this

one might infer a straight blade contrary to the opinion of Haldon who proposed that the paramerion is

the slightly curved single-edged sabre79 Piotr Ł Grotowski most recently summarised the state of research

and defined the paramerion as a single-edged broadsword 80 According to him the paramerion would be

with the fancy word of the Slavic research the palash ndash a predecessor of the sabre Although it does not

seem proper to name a weapon by an anachronistic term of unknown origin and etymology and the char-

acterisation of obviously contemporaneous types of weaponry by their hypothetical relative typological rela-

tion is also not an indisputable method Grotowski correctly concludes that raquoone must be careful seeing

the paramerion as a sabrelaquo 81 A similar view was expressed by Maria G Parani who was the first to draw

attention to the fact that neither Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo nor the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo or the raquoPraecepta

Militarialaquo mention the curve of the blade 82 Parani also emphasised that no middle Byzantine depiction of

a sword with a curved blade exists 83 Although there are some uncertainties concerning the modern defi-

nition of the sabre one may consider the curve of the blade as a major attribute that distinguishes the sabre

from other single- and double-edged swords The division of swords into three main types according to the

form and construction of the blades is supported by the archaeological material unearthed in the periph-

ery of the Byzantine Empire not only straight double-edged and curved single-edged but also straight sin-

gle-edged weapons are present in the Carpathian Basin (fig 3) and in Bulgaria as well 84 With the excep-

tion of Joacutezsef Hampelrsquos early remarks 85 such swords were regarded as sabres by the Hungarian research

201Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

without recognising their disparity although other hybrid forms were noticed but not studied thoroughly

(fig 4) 86 It seems that no certain archaeological pictorial or written evidence testifies the use of the sabre

i e the curved single-(false)edged sword in 10th-century Byzantium ndash there is only evidence of the other

two of the three basic blade types shortly defined above The importance of the differentiation between

straight single-edged and straight double-edged swords is also further attested by pictorial sources For

instance one may recognise the sword that the third foot soldier in the procession of the Forty Martyrs of

Sebastea holds in his hand on the fresco in the Guumlvercinlik (dovecote) church in Ccedilavuşin (Cappadocia) in

Turkey dated to 963-969 as straight and single-edged in contrast to the double-edged swords of the first

two soldiers on foot 87 The fresco is so detailed that even the fuller or rhombic section of the double-edged

blades is clearly visible The two types of blades differ not only in their points (that determine the number

of their edges) but also in their width the single-edged one is almost half as wide as the double-edged It

seems reasonable to assume that the painter of the scene was well aware of the variations and main char-

acteristics of the different swords and endeavoured to give highly detailed realistic depictions of them If

we are right in identifying the paramerion as a straight single-edged sword it should be noted that it is

closer in its construction and weight and thus in its possible original function to the sabre than to the

202 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 3 Some of the straight single-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 1 Biharkeresztes Vasuacutetaacutellomaacutes (Hajduacute-Bihar countyH) grave 1 ndash 2 Zemianska Olča (Hung NemesoacutecsaKomaacuterno distSK) grave 7 ndash 3 Csongraacuted-Vendelhalom (Csongraacuted countyH) grave41955 ndash 4 Szob-Vendelin (Pest countyH)grave 51 ndash (Drawings L Kovaacutecs digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

straight double-edged sword Since the former is usually interpreted as a special light cavalry weapon and

the latter as a heavy cavalry or heavy infantry weapon one may ask why the Byzantine super-heavy caval-

ry was equipped with a raquolightlaquo sword akin to the sabre The answer is simple neither is the sabre an exclu-

sively light cavalry weapon nor is the straight double-edged sword a typical heavy cavalry weapon Both

arms can be used in other tactical formations as well To sum up an armament type does not solely deter-

mine the tactics and thus the success or defeat of a soldier or an army

Even if we bona fide prescind from the above-mentioned methodological problems inherent in the inter-

pretation of graves and weapon burials in general the archaeological material should show features that

would unambiguously refer to heavily armed mounted fighters Therefore we may expect these Magyar

burials with double-edged swords to be furnished with objects that relate to riding mounted fight and

raquoheavylaquo armament first of all including armour On the other hand we may not overestimate the fact that

no sign of any armour has been recovered from Magyar graves 88 since the appearance of armour chain

mail and helmet is extremely rare not only in 10th-century burials 89 but throughout the Early Middle Ages

The total absence of shield bosses in the 10th- and 11th-century Carpathian Basin is more remarkable 90

compared to the Carolingian and Ottonian case Although they are neither frequent in contemporary West

European archaeological material 91 pictorial evidence and written sources indicate that the shield was a

most basic element in the equipment of Carolingian and Ottonian soldiers 92 Consequently further

research should concentrate on the types and small diversities in the buried riding gear with the intention

of differentiating between various riding techniques 93 This might serve as a basis for distinguishing raquoheavy

cavalry burialslaquo even though I particularly doubt the existence of 10th-century heavy cavalry and even more

its archaeological markers

Let us now turn towards the superiority and mystification of the straight double-edged sword Due to

Bakayrsquos physical analysis 94 which without exception fully persuaded Hungarian scholars the myth of the

sword being a weapon twice as powerful and effective than the sabre spread and became an axiom

However Bakayrsquos calculations concerning the torque (raquoDrehkraftlaquo) of the sabre and the sword are overly

simplified and hardly prove more than the fact that if a smaller and a bigger apple is thrown at you the

bigger one hurts more Actually his point was already lost when he chose the torque and not the mechan-

ic or kinetic energy as the aim of his calculations Not only his physical model (let the weapon fall to the

ground with its point first) fails to model the handling of these weapons in combat but he also simplified

203Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 4 The Szentbeacutekkaacutella hybrid sword ndash (Photo and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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2007b T Dawson Byzantine Infantryman Eastern Roman Em -pire c 900-1204 Osprey MilitaryWarrior Ser 118 (New YorkOxford 2007)

2009a T Dawson Byzantine Cavalryman c 900-1204 OspreyMilitaryWarrior Ser 139 (New York Oxford 2009)

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Fettich 1933 N Fettich A levediai magyarsaacuteg a reacutegeacuteszet megvilaacute-giacutetaacutesaacuteban Szaacutezadok A Magyar Toumlrteacutenelmi Taacutersulat Eacutevk 677-10 1933 251-276 369-399

1937 N Fettich A honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg feacutemművesseacutege (DieMetallkunst der landnehmenden Ungarn) Archaeologia Hunga-rica Acta Archaeologica Musei Nationalis Hungarici 21 (Buda-pest 1937)

1938 N Fettich A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten-kard reacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacute-taacutesban In J Sereacutedi (ed) Emleacutekkoumlnyv Szent Istvaacuten kiraacutely halaacutelaacute-nak kilencszaacutezadik eacutevforduloacutejaacuten 1 (Budapest 1938) 475-516

Fodor 1981 I Fodor A magyarsaacuteg baltikumi eacutes skandinaacuteviai kapc-solatai a IX-XI szaacutezadban a reacutegeacuteszeti leletek alapjaacuten (Verbindun-gen der Ungarn mit dem Baltikum und Skandinavien zwischendem 9 und 11 Jahrhundert aufgrund der Bodenfunde) SzolnokMegyei Muacutez Eacutevk 1981 85-89

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1994-1995 L Kovaacutecs A Kaacuterpaacutet-medence keacuteteacutelű kardjai a 10szaacutezad 2 feleacuteből (Adattaacuter) Commun Arch Hungariae 1994-1995 153-189

1995 L Kovaacutecs Előkelő rusz viteacutez egy szeacutekesfeheacutervaacuteri siacuterban Araacutedioacutetelepi honfoglalaacutes kori A siacuter eacutes kardja (A Noble Knight fromRuss Buried in Szeacutekesfeheacutervaacuter) In L Koszta (ed) Kelet eacutes nyu-gat koumlzoumltt Toumlrteacuteneti tanulmaacutenyok Kristoacute Gyula tiszteleteacutere (Sze-ged 1995)

2002 L Kovaacutecs A honfoglaloacute magyarok bőrpaacutenceacuteljaacuteroacutel (Aboutthe Leather Armour of the Conquering Hungarians) HadtoumlrtKoumlzl 1152 2002 311-334

Kristoacute 1980 Gy Kristoacute Oroszok az Aacuterpaacuted-kori Magyaroroszaacutegon(Russes en Hongrie agrave lrsquoeacutepoque des Aacuterpaacuteds) Acta Univ Szegedi-nensis 67 1980 57-66

1985 Gy Kristoacute Az augsburgi csata Sorsdoumlntő ToumlrteacutenelmiNapok 8 (Budapest 1985)

1986 Gy Kristoacute Az Aacuterpaacuted-kor haacuteboruacutei (Budapest 1986)

1993 Gy Kristoacute Die Arpaden-Dynastie Die Geschichte Ungarnsvon 895 bis 1301 (Szekszaacuterd 1993)

1995 Gy Kristoacute A magyar aacutellam megszuumlleteacutese Szegedi Koumlzeacutep-kortoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 8 (Szeged 1995)

214 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Langoacute 2005 P Langoacute Archaeological Research on the ConqueringHungarians a Review In B G Mende (ed) Research on thePrehistory of the Hungarians a Review Varia ArchaeologicaHungarica 18 (Budapest 2005) 175-340

Last 1972 M Last Die Bewaffnung der Karolingerzeit Nachr Nie -dersachsen Urgesch 41 1972 77-93

Laacuteszloacute 1939 Gy Laacuteszloacute Fettich Naacutendor A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten kardreacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacutetaacutesban (Naacutendor Fettich Lrsquoepeacutee de SaintEtienne du point de vue archeacuteologique) Folia Arch 1-2 1939231-235

1942 Gy Laacuteszloacute Budapest a neacutepvaacutendorlaacutes koraacuteban In KSzendy (ed) Budapest toumlrteacutenete I Budapest az oacutekorban maacuteso-dik reacutesz (Budapest 1942) 781-818

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Plavinskij 2009 Н А Плавинский Мечи эпохи бикингов стерритории Беларуси (The Swords of the Viking Age on theTerritory of Belarus) Stratum Plus 5 2005-2009 (2009) 58-70

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217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 6: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

3 The third thesis claims that the rite of pagan (weapon) burials continued at least during the first quarter

of the 11th century in some territories of the Carpathian Basin 2

Bearing in mind the significance of the weapon dating in 10th-century Carpathian Basin a part of the proj-

ect raquoReiterkrieger Burgenbauer die fruumlhen Ungarn und das rsaquoDeutsche Reichlsaquo vom 9 bis zum 11 Jahr -

hundertlaquo (RGZM) aims at the revision and reconsideration of sword and sabre data along with coin-dated

graves in order to present a precise chronology for the Conquest Period material From the above-men-

tioned three theses all worthy of a full-scale reconsideration only the second forms part of the project

although the first one is also inherent in the interpretation of the coin-dated graves The main reason

behind the conception and the research topics of the project was the fact that whilst the numerous Muslim

dirhams and West European denarii found in graves represent a chance at least for the first half of the cen-

tury to create absolute dated assemblages the sword and sabre question may shed light on relative

chronological relations of the material Therefore I shall discuss the second thesis in this paper presenting

a preliminary historical and archaeological critique of the state of research

MILITARY REVOLUTION (REFORM) AND WEAPON CHANGE IN THE 10TH CENTURY

Historiography of the thesis

Albeit it would make sense to present here a comprehensive overview of the history of research on 10th-

century double-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 3 a short summary of the main statements of pri-

mary importance concerning this topic and their evolution should be sufficient to get a clear picture of the

theory in question

Although the origin of the thesis may be traced back to the late 19th- and early 20th-century studies 4 espe-

cially in the works of Zoltaacuten Toacuteth 5 the full concept blossomed out in a never quoted short study written

by Jaacutenos Kalmaacuter in 1936 6 Kalmaacuter offered a coherent but simplistic and idealistic view of the relations of

sabre and sword by placing them in the general evolution of medieval armour and assuming that they

belong to different cultural spheres and thus different warfare and tactics He demonstrated the distinction

of sabre and sword on raquoethno-psychological groundslaquo with the so-called Vienna sabre and the sword of

Saint Stephen I in Prague 7

raquoDer rsaquoAttila-Saumlbellsaquo und das Sankt Stefans-Schwert diese beiden wichtigsten Zimelien der fruumlhmagyari-

schen Kriegsgeschichte stehen im schaumlrfsten Kontrast zueinander Sie symbolisieren gewissermaszligen die

beiden Einfluszligsphaumlren von Ost und West Der Saumlbel erinnert an das einstige Steppenvolk das frank und

frei in den endlosen sarmatischen Niederungen irrlichterte das schwere Pallasch-Schwert dagegen ist

die Waffe eines bereits seszlighaft gewordenen ortsverbundenen Volkes Der Saumlbel ist die Waffe der per-

soumlnlichen Tapferkeit und Behendigkeit der Pallasch die der technischen Uumlberlegenheit Der Saumlbel ist ein

Produkt der tuumlrkischen der Pallasch jenes der indogermanischen Kultur Der Saumlbel ist die Waffe der

ploumltzlich emporlodernden taktischen Ideen der Pallasch das Symbol der planmaumlszligig arbeitenden vor-

ausblickenden Strategielaquo 8

Although Kalmaacuterrsquos paper unfortunately escaped the notice of the Hungarian research three years later his

ideas found their way into a short review by Gyula Laacuteszloacute 9 on Naacutendor Fettichrsquos article which deals with the

Prague sword 10 What was presented in this marginal note remained until now the most influential

approach to the question of the interpretation and chronology of the straight double-edged swords in the

Carpathian Basin It seems that at least the following two major conceptions of Kalmaacuter were integrated

into Laacuteszloacutersquos thesis

192 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1 that the sabre was inferior and proved unsuccessful against the heavy armour of West European armies

which resulted in the end of the Magyar incursions and

2 that with the beginning of the state reform of Saint Stephen I the sword and new tactics became dom-

inant in the Carpathian Basin

In the end Kalmaacuterrsquos original idea however indirectly presented the basis which was accepted and repeat-

ed later by following scholars who reiterated Laacuteszloacutersquos reasoning or worse used it as axiom for further the-

ories andor chronological statements Thus it is necessary to recapitulate Laacuteszloacutersquos main arguments here in

order to point out various inherent methodological problems 11

1 According to Laacuteszloacutersquos thesis straight double-edged swords were only used by heavy cavalry (so their pres-

ence in the archaeological record unambiguously indicates the existence of a western-type heavy caval-

ry in 10th-century Carpathian Basin) while sabres were instruments exclusively used in the raquoancient

nomadiclaquo close combat

2 Thus Laacuteszloacute created two artificial archaeological assemblages without any precise definition labelling

them with a simplifying term such as raquoChristianlaquo and raquopaganlaquo to deepen the supposed difference with

which he degraded the multi-layered complex past to a rigid simplified historical narration

3 In his view the raquoancestral nomadiclaquo equipment and fighting method ensured the successes of the

Magyars in the first half of the 10th century while the superior armament and tactics of their enemies

were responsible for the later defeats It is therefore obvious as Laacuteszloacute concludes that the Magyars had

to adopt the military achievements of Christian Europe (i e the Ottonian Empire) which is of course the

heavy cavalry armed with straight double-edged swords This newly organised modern Christian army

which became later the core of the regular army of the Hungarian kingdom was put to use for suppress-

ing pagan tribes who rebelled against the rule of Geacuteza and his successor Saint Stephen I at the end of

the 10th century

As I already mentioned serious methodological problems can be identified in this train of thought Not only

the unconditional linking of certain weapons with certain combat tactics seems to be doubtful 12 but also

the main characteristic of Laacuteszloacutersquos concept is misleading a historical theory is used as a rigid restricted inter-

pretation of the archaeological material which in turn determines the date of swords exclusively to the late

10th century Since the theory was easily explainable within Marxist historical materialism the idea had a

deep effect on the Hungarian historical research as well authorising it thus to spread the belief of a pri-

vate western-style (feudalistic) heavy cavalry in the service of Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I13 At the same time

the lively and rapidly developing historical military debate (starting in the late 1870s) on the possible recon-

struction of the Magyar tactics which otherwise had strong connections to the triumphant noble histori-

cal view of the zeitgeist came to a halt after World War II As a result Laacuteszloacutersquos rough sketch became due

to his determinant role in research a solid base for later investigations 14 Moreover his artistic representa-

tions of the supposed essential difference between the Ottonian and the Hungarian warfare made his

approach very popular also outside academic circles (fig 1) Neither could the following scholars escape

the convincing simplicity of Laacuteszloacutersquos idea 15 while they developed the concept to a universal historical hypo -

thesis using more or less detailed archaeological analyses 16

Korneacutel Bakay one of Laacuteszloacutersquos students was the first to manage an exhaustive archaeological analysis of

straight double-edged swords from the Carpathian Basin 17 but his conclusions and results were guided by

his professorrsquos view on the early state formation process of the Hungarian kingdom Thus as the main con-

cept remained basically historical the arguments and reasons applied often lacked archaeological evidence

or which is worse the archaeological evidence was intentionally treated inferior Bakay himself clearly

chose this approach by stressing that the importance of the supposed social and economical transforma-

tion (i e the state formation process) at the end of the 10th century determines the chronology of the

193Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

swords in question which aspect is superior to their typological and relative chronological relations In his

own words

raquoBereits hier moumlchte ich betonen dass die Chronologie der zweischneidigen Schwerter in erster Linie

eigentlich durch die oben geschilderte wirtschaftlich-gesellschaftliche Umwandlung bestimmt ist Der

typologische Vergleich dient demnach bloszlig als Ergaumlnzunglaquo 18

Furthermore the pioneering thought to compare the efficiency of the sword and the sabre with the aid of

modeling was invented only to prove Laacuteszloacutersquos (and originally Kalmaacuterrsquos) premise i e that the sword was a

more raquosuccessful weaponlaquo than the sabre However Bakayrsquos detailed calculations of the superiority of the

straight double-edged sword when compared to the sabre led to the mystification of the sword as a won-

der weapon (raquoWunderwaffelaquo) in the Hungarian archaeological research Although a more detailed archae-

ological explanation was now presented from those historians who slowly became the most influential his-

torians of the 10th-11th centuries only Gyoumlrgy Gyoumlrffy accepted and integrated the idea of the raquoregular elite

armylaquo consisting of heavy cavalry units organised by Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I into his comprehensive work

on the state formation process 19 Others like Joacutezsef Gerics simply evaded the discussion of the topic 20

while Gyula Kristoacute instead of acknowledging the military revolution as a historical fact treated the end of

the military campaigns in Europe and the battle at the Lech only as an important internal and foreign pol-

icy affair ndash nothing more 21 Kristoacute alone had proposed a short critique from the historianrsquos viewpoint are

archaeology and archaeological material competent to discuss and determine historical theories concern-

ing politico-historical questions 22 However Bakayrsquos work proved to be so overwhelmingly convincing that

not only the leading Hungarian archaeologists 23 but even Slovakian 24 and Romanian scholars acknowl-

edged his main conclusions 25 Radu Robert Heitel even treated the Transylvanian double-edged swords and

sword chapes as evidence that would draw the march route of the army of Saint Stephen I which con-

quered the regnum regis IuliiProkui in the year 1003 according to the Annales Hildesheimenses 26

194 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 1 The nature of the Magyar-Ottonian battle ndash (After Laacuteszloacute 1982 29)

In turn the archaeologist Laacuteszloacute Kovaacutecs took up the challenge to give a more proper archaeological expla-

nation of the historical thesis Although he assembled a whole catalogue on the subject of source-critical

problems of the double-edged swords 27 filtering out many ill-dated artefacts his whole evaluation regret-

tably was never published in its entirety Nevertheless his conception of an all-embracing simplified mili-

tary revolution dating from 955 rapidly became fundamental With his theory in contrast to Bakay Kovaacutecs

returned to the original notion of Laacuteszloacute (and Kalmaacuter) i e the necessary weapon change (raquoWaffen wech -

sellaquo) as a logical result of the raquomilitary shocklaquo generated by the defeats in the European theatre of war 28

However Kovaacutecs failed to give a convincing demonstration since his exclusive and at times subjective con-

clusions were drawn on the basis of a limited amount of numismatic material available 29 A rather new

phenomenon of the late 1990s is the appearance of some historical military papers 30 which mark a new

dawn of interest in the theme after the long silence from the potential third party of the debate Unfor -

tunately this research did not continue the traditions of the former historical military discussion but apart

from its useful practical viewpoint endeavoured only to describe and realise the above-mentioned hypoth-

esis from the viewpoint of the modern military terminology

There has been only one archaeological approach to the double-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpa -

thian Basin which did not originate from Laacuteszloacutersquos school Mechthild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm attempted to analyse

their chronological position apart from the historical approach of the Hungarian research and to fit them

into her absolute chronological system This was based on the chronological diversities and different origins

of the dirham and denar material of the first half of the 10th century Schulze-Doumlrrlammrsquos phase I (896-925)

and phase II (926-95070) comprised the so-called raquoaltmagyarischer Formenkreislaquo group in the former

chronology of Jochen Giesler The two phases were differentiated in their geographical distribution as well

Since the topography of the double-edged swords seemed to resemble that of phase II as Schulze-

Doumlrrlamm concludes the swords belong to the second quarter of the century 31 Although these phases

appear to be overly artificial and moreover their projection or application to the whole of the material is

at least problematic 32 her critical note on Bakayrsquos conception is more than appropriate

raquoDie Uumlbernahme dieser neuen Hiebwaffe und damit zugleich auch einer anderen Kampftechnik durch

die Ungarn hat demnach nichts mit dem rsaquoFuumlrstenheerlsaquo des Fuumlrsten Geza (972-997) zu tun wie es Bakay

vermutete sondern duumlrfte eine Reaktion auf die Erfahrungen bei den Kaumlmpfen in Deutschland und

Italien gewesen seinlaquo 33

However we must be aware that Schulze-Doumlrrlamm did not query the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo itself but only

presented a third option for the historical explanation of the presence of such swords thought to be alien

in the archaeological material of the Magyars As a conclusion of my preliminary thoughts on the histori-

ography concerning the chronological problems and interpretation of 10th-century straight double-edged

swords found in the Carpathian Basin I find the following thoughts of Bernard Sebastian Bachrach aston-

ishingly sound also in light of the situation of the Hungarian research

raquoIn what has amounted to a highly romanticized search for the origins of chivalry scholars have for too

long ignored the balance of the evidence focused upon bits and pieces of inconclusive data and mag-

nified the importance of these to help create a flawed picture of warfare in the early Middle Ageslaquo 34

Methodological problems of the thesis ndash reconsidering swords

While sketching the main points of the former research three major approaches took shape each based

on the idea that the straight double-edged swords are new phenomena in the otherwise homogeneous

raquonomadiclaquo material culture of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin This was clarified by a change in warfare

and military equipment taking place in the second quarter in the middle or in the third quarter of the cen-

195Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

tury either due to the experience of the campaigns in Europe or to the politico-military shock of the battle

at the Lech or thanks to the state formation process These theories all emphasise a crucial difference

between the sabre and the straight double-edged sword which significantly affected or altered the warfare

and tactics of the Magyars during the 10th century Thus we have seen a far-reaching theory changing over

time set off by Kalmaacuter as early as 1936 which explains the origin of the so-called Viking swords the politi-

co-social and military status they were thought to indicate and the historical context they created or in

which they acted When we take a closer look at the main arguments of this chain of thought many will

arouse our interest and hence induce a profound examination since they indicate serious methodological

problems I shall discuss these in the following separated on the basis of the character of their reasoning

be it principally (military) historical or archaeological

Historical arguments and notes

First of all it is worth noting that the concept of the supposed military reform and the creation or presence

of a heavy cavalry in 10th-century Hungary is completely without any written evidence or proof Not a sin-

gle historical information not any contemporary literary account shows any trace of either the establish-

ment or organisation of a new army or of the central distribution of swords or other military equipment to

Hungarian soldiers We do not even have a text that would at least indirectly refer to the army or retinue

of dux Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I such as e g the account of Thietmar of Merseburg on the 300 armoured

but not by all means mounted warriors (trecentis militibus loricatis) possibly serving as part of the person-

al retinue or guard of dux Bolesław I Chrobry (Chronicon Thietmari IV46) before they were given as a pres-

ent to Otto II 35

Our only contemporary source that mentions military affairs is the founding document of the monastery at

Pannonhalma 36 Although the diplomarsquos account on the war between the Germans and Hungarians and

the civil war known in more detail from later sources is almost meaningless and highly ambiguous 37 it was

associated with the supposed German origin of the duces raquoPoznanolaquo raquoCuntiolaquo and raquoOrziolaquo This proved

to be well enough for a theory of a strong Ottonian or German (military) influence in the court of the late

Geacuteza and young raquoWaiclaquoStephen and to attribute these duces a decisive role on the battlefield during

the suppression of the revolt of Koppaacuteny 38 In the later traditions of medieval Hungarian chronicles they

became the personal bodyguards of Saint Stephen I and generals of his army39 and ndash as a consequence in

modern historical research ndash the possible disseminators of heavy cavalry the organisers of the new Christian

regular army 40

Apart from the problematic interpretation of this diploma from the total range of contemporary sources

only five articles in the codes of Saint Stephen I provide useful information by dealing to some extent with

military affairs and by mentioning the sword The first article judges those who draw a sword (raquode evagi-

natione gladiilaquo) with the aim of injury to be killed by the same sword (I16) The second one rules the same

sentence for the case of murder with a sword (II12) the third declares the raquoan eye for an eyelaquo principle

for maiming with a sword (II13) while the fourth determines the fee that should be paid to a victim that

recovers from a wound by a sword (II16) The last article deals with the case of drawing a sword in rage

without wounding (II17) 41 Each article uses the word gladius but does not go into details about the

weapon like e g the famous raquoWalthariuslaquo poem 42 hence it is not possible to correlate the archaeological

material with the written evidence What is interesting however is that Stephenrsquos laws do not mention the

famous missile of the Magyars the bow and arrow ndash although their dominating presence in the burial

material would indicate a high importance 43 In contrast the many articles dealing with the crimes com-

mitted specifically with the sword especially in the second book of Saint Stephen I where they make up

196 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

almost one fifth of the total number of articles may refer to a very common phenomenon in the society

Personal violence must have been a widespread practice for reducing social tensions in a changing society

It is of great importance that this symptom of solving social problems with fighting and after all with vio-

lence and murder became manifest in close combat fought with gladii swords or sabres This as a final

result indirectly but unambiguously speaks of a tradition and preference of experiencing fight and combat

from up close ndash provided that these articles are not artificial adoptions of West European laws

In that way or another none of the quoted written sources serves as a firm base for a theory of a (new)

regular army whose core consists of heavy cavalry Furthermore the theory constructed upon these dubi-

ous sources cannot apply to the dating of archaeological assemblages as a determining fact What we

know for sure is that one of the different strata of the society called milites ndash witnessed in the laws of Saint

Stephen I ndash may be connected with somewhat regular perhaps professional military services 44 Thus I do

not reject the possibility of a more or less regular army at the time of the first Hungarian rex since it is obvi-

ous that a determined political will with a strong military base an army or at least a large retinue is the pre-

condition of state formation 45 I only suggest that in the case of the early Hungarian state formation nei-

ther written sources nor archaeological data as will be seen later provide us with any useful and unam-

biguous information on how that army could have looked like But we must not rely solely on the argu-

mentum ex silentio since this false reasoning was frequently done by the former research

Other contradictions emerge when we take into account the possible existence of a military reform or rev-

olution within the framework of early medieval Europe The concept may have its roots in the 19th- and

early 20th-century European idea that describes and explains military affairs being highly dependent on the

quality of the military equipment However this was a legitimate phenomenon in the world of mass armies

and an unbelievably quick progress in military techniques like artillery Thus the creators of this concept sim-

ply projected the military idea of the time of Delbruumlck and von Clausewitz back to early medieval times

Therefore the idea of a military revolution is mostly anachronistic in 10th-century Europe Nevertheless this

approach was not only prevalent in the Hungarian scholarship of the 20th century ndash the symptom appeared

in the German historical tradition as well One may find Karl Leyserrsquos thoughts on the Saxon military revo-

lution at the time of Henry I (919-936) and Otto I (936-973) closely related to the Hungarian example

Leyser stated that the creation of a heavily armoured cavalry (armati loricati) was the key to the military

and political success of the Ottonian dynasty According to him after 933 the Ottonian heavy cavalry

dominated the battles in the field 46 When Leyser published his theory in its entirety first in 1968 he had

already exploited three years earlier the assumed fundamental differences in the armament of the Magyar

and Ottonian troops in his interpretation of the battle at the Lech in 955 Leyserrsquos main point was to empha-

sise the effectiveness of the Ottonian armament in particular of the raquoheavier swordlaquo over their Magyar

counterparts raquoIn close quarter fighting with spears and especially swords the great majority of the Hun -

garians had no chance against the heavier arms and the much better protective equipment of their oppo-

nentslaquo 47

Leyserrsquos belief that the outcome of the battle is to be explained by the differences in arms and armour and

thus in tactics was so firm that he treated the locus raquoSuperamur scio multitudine sed non virtute sed

non armis Maxima enim ex parte nudos illos armis omnibus penitus cognovimuslaquo of Widukind in his raquoRes

Gestae Saxonicaelaquo (III XLVI) as proof for the decisive disparity 48 According to him the text should be inter-

preted in the following way raquoIn Widukind it was virtus and as shall be seen better weapons which over-

came superior numbers [at the battle of Lechfeld]laquo The latter half of the quotation should be understood

as the Magyars having a shortage of raquooffensive but also defensive weaponslaquo including raquoshields iron hel-

mets and above all hauberkslaquo 49 However we may try to specify the meaning and context of the locus

more precisely Contrary to Leyserrsquos opinion Widukind stated in the former sentence that the Ottonian

197Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

army is inferior to the Magyars ndash not in arms or virtue but in numbers Since the factors and circumstances

that do determine the process and final result of a battle in the field are obviously more than just the pure

number the armament and the virtus of the opposing forces we may see Widukindrsquos first statement of the

comparison rather as a comment that proves the value of the Ottonian army While the latter highly am -

biguous sentence ndash which can be used to determine the Magyar army as light cavalry wearing no armour

ndash may also indicate that the percentage of Magyar warriors equipped with defensive armament was lower

than that of the Ottonian soldiers in general On the other hand a serious methodological problem occurs

when we take a closer look at the whole text First of all it must be noted that the comparison of the two

armies i e the quoted text of Widukind is only a short part of the perhaps fictional encouraging speech

of rex Otto I who addressed his fellow soldiers right before the battle 50 The whole speech consists of typ-

ical phrases concerning general topics that aim at reassuring the soldiers of their strength and of their hope

that they could win the battle These phrases are so simplified that we may suppose without exaggeration

that this speech could have been delivered in every battlefield during the pre-modern period In the con-

text of such a pre-battle speech every statement gains an additional sense of encouragement heroism

past victories danger fictitious or real advantages etc are mentioned in order to strengthen the dubious

and those filled with fear 51 ndash fear of a punishment that will surely follow in the case of flight or deserta-

tion and fear of death in the battle itself 52 Addressing the enemyrsquos armour in a battle speech either in a

positive or a negative way is so trivial and self-evident that it even appears in the famous movie with Kevin

Costner raquoRobin Hood ndash Prince of Thieveslaquo 53 But let us return to Widukind himself and do not reject his

opinion when he clearly states in the continuation of the above-quoted text that raquoet quod maximi est nobis

solatii auxilio Deilaquo 54 thus the main difference between the two armies was the faith in Christ Whether

such a speech could have been given by Otto I or not (due to natural physical communication difficulties)

whether it is an original battle speech or only a fiction of the author 55 ndash it should be concluded that

Widukind does not allow us to draw such exact conclusions as Leyser did on the armament of the entire

opposing forces Consequently it seems that in parallel with the theory of Laacuteszloacute and Bakay the German

research also developed the idea of superiority of the double-edged straight sword ndash in connection with

(what is more important) the supposed dominance of the heavy cavalry on the battlefields

Leyserrsquos main thesis was actually only the application of a former historical notion to the cases of Charles

Martel Pippin and Charlemagne However Bachrachrsquos in-depth studies convincingly proved that neither the

thesis of a Carolingian nor of an Ottonian military revolution is true instead they should rather be treated

as myths 56 He established in many articles that early medieval wars were aimed at the conquest of the

enemyrsquos territory by besieging and controlling fortifications This resulted in the fact that the nature of early

medieval warfare was dominated by sieges and hence infantry fight while raquomounted shock combat was a

minor aspect even in the rare battles in the field that were fought throughout the pre-crusading Europelaquo 57

Instead of performing frontal attacks that usually failed and caused disastrous disorganisation and loss of

battle the early medieval European cavalry in the 9th-11th centuries were to perform multifunctional tasks

with their mostly light weaponry The tactically reasonable use of cavalry consisted of feigned retreats

flanking attacks and leaving them as a (hidden) reverse against a probable encirclement by the enemy They

were often even ordered to dismount and engage in the battle on foot 58

A similar picture is emerging from the battle and duel descriptions of the raquoWalthariuslaquo poem whose author

shows a remarkable interest in weaponry and realistic fighting 59 It seems that the raquoWalthariuslaquo is the only

early medieval narrative source that deals with military affairs to an extent that allows us to draw conclu-

sions regarding battlefield tactics and duel techniques ndash if we take the poem as a more or less authentic

account on European warfare of the late 9th and 10th centuries What is important here is that the battle

description (lines 180-207 especially 182-195) 60 does not mention the presence of heavy cavalry but

198 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

instead gives a carefully detailed picture of opposing troops standing very close a long-lasting missile fight

of throwing spears and some archery and then the clash of the battle lines in the chaos of close combat

It should be made clear that in this description the course of the battle consists of two equal parts the skir-

mish and the close combat Since the opposing troops are only at a raquothrowing spearlaquo distance of approx

30 m max 50 m apart from one another the possibility of a heavy cavalry charge is excluded Though the

author mentions cavalry fight as well it is ambiguous if they were heavily armoured 61 only shields (umbo)

are mentioned The same process is visible in every duel in the raquoWalthariuslaquo the fights start with throwing

spears (archery is only involved in one case) and end up with a close combat using spear-shield or sword-

shield combinations on foot

Even if we are wrong in taking the written sources at face value the main question that lies in the heart

of the investigation proves to be the toughest to answer What kind of cavalry may one call heavy And

what are its major distinctive features It is clear that the term was first invented for and applied to the

mounted knights of the High Middle Ages whose armour slowly developed into sophisticated and spe-

cialised full plate constructions But isnrsquot it wrong to desperately seek and suppose a similar case in the Early

Middle Ages In an attempt to understand early medieval cavalry in its own past reality a more flexible

approach is needed In my opinion the terms raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo are highly relative and work well only

in standard comparisons regarding equipment On the other hand contrary to the armament the assigned

or unintentionally performed operations against certain enemy units during a battle should be seen as the

most important factor that may determine the (momentary) battlefield role i e the tactical classification of

the cavalry unit in question Thus raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo should only be used in clear cases when written

sources permit the scholar to give a detailed picture of the battle In such ideal conditions different caval-

ry raquounitslaquo may be compared to each other or to infantry for reasons of differences in their armament their

assigned tasks and fulfilled operations on the basis of their momentum and results to finally address them

with attributes like raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo Bearing in mind the complicated nature and multi-layered process

of battles in general and the commonly laconic conditions of contemporary written sources one may

assume that only probable but no exact definitions are to be expected However it is not my duty to give

an analysis of early medieval European cavalry here I only point out the problem detailed studies will hope-

fully follow for the 10th-11th centuries as well 62

When looking for a contemporary military unit that might be rightly titled as heavy cavalry one has to turn

to Byzantium According to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (c 950) and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo (c 965) as well

as to later sources the task of the middle Byzantine kataphraktoi was to crush the middle of the enemy

battle lines with a single decisive charge 63 Their position within the general Byzantine battle order denotes

their remarkable importance the offensive part of a full middle Byzantine army was organised around the

kataphraktoi 64 forming a wedge in the Byzantine centre 65 The Byzantines were to achieve victory by this

main charge that began immediately after the skirmish of the prokoursatores 66 The detailed description of

their armament in the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo 67 clearly indicates that not only

the kataphraktos but also his horse was protected by armour (klibanion kremasmata epilorikion etc for

the mounted and the various carapaces for the horse) of the best quality 68 Thus the kataphraktoi fulfil the

major requirements that would make a unit of mounted soldiers heavy cavalry in theory first of all the spe-

cialised battlefield task that was officially attributed to them and secondly their centrally organised supply

with the appropriate armament to successfully perform their duty

Drawing conclusions is at least highly risky in the absence of a complete survey of all relevant texts and for-

mer research concerning the problem of 10th century heavy cavalry In spite of the fact that the rigid efforts

of describing cavalry with abstract definitions of tactical classifications seem to be outdated I have to deal

with the term raquoheavy cavalrylaquo in this paper in order to ascertain the probability of the thesis of the Hun -

199Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

garian military reform In this sense it may not be exaggerated and is reasonable to conclude that heavy

cavalry with a shock-delivering decisive role did not really exist on the battlefields of Western and Central

Europe in the 10th century ndash considering Bachrachrsquos negative opinion on Leyserrsquos Saxon military reform and

heavy cavalry According to this conception the supposed Hungarian military reform of establishing a heavy

cavalry that served as basis for the state formation should also be considered at least preliminary a myth

Archaeological arguments methods and sources

Much should and could be said concerning the absolute chronology of swords and the supposed weapon

change from the archaeologistrsquos point of view In this paper I will only concentrate on the main method-

ological problems of the thesis (fig 2)

Much ink has been spilt over the question of understanding burials in general and the foremost interest

the question of warrior or soldier graves presents similar difficulties in evaluating weapon burials Since the

early 1990s a new approach claims that the interpretation of weapon burials is not independent from

intentional factors that changed and created the burial while paleoanthropological and paleopathological

data are to be reckoned with in particular 69 Gender studies concerning this topic have reached a notable

success in Anglo-Saxon archaeology 70 A clear distinction must be made between weapon burials (raquoWaf -

fen graumlberlaquo) and warrior graves (raquoKriegergraumlberlaquo) identified by anthropological means In the light of recent

research the primary objective is to determine if the men buried with weapons primarily with straight dou-

ble-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpathian Basin were participants in military affairs or not Hope -

fully the planned anthropological research within the ongoing project will result in appropriate information

that can be compared with the archaeological data However now we are forced to only make use of the

archaeological evidence ndash which may prove or negate the thesis we are dealing with

The archaeological identification of pure military matters like tactics army or military organisation is more

problematic in particular when only grave material is at disposal Hence numerous methodological objec-

tions should be made in the case of linking specific fighting methods or tactics with certain weapons In the-

ory it is obvious that throughout human history on every technical level exists an assembly of armour and

weapons which fits best a specific battlefield role However equipping an army with different assemblies

of armaments requires an enormous financial investment a well-balanced economy and armourer industry

and ndash last but not least ndash a sophisticated military science None of that was at the disposal of the 10th-cen-

tury European states and pre-states with the exception of Byzantium On the other hand the concept of

armies divided into troops with unified armaments and different battlefield duties is the idea of the early

modern and modern period and of 19th-cen-

tury military scholarship Such uniformity in

armament and fighting ability may have

been dominant in Byzantium and at least

ten dentious in Europe in the small num ber

of elite troops namely within the small circle

of bodyguards and those who possessed a

high social andor military status Treating

the straight double-edged swords as exclu-

sive markers of heavy cavalry is extremely

challenging especially when one takes into

account that battlefield roles may be accom-

plished with different armaments and are

200 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 2 Main arguments determining the hypothesis ndash (Drawing and digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

therefore only indirectly and idealistically linked to a certain armament type Since the so-called raquostirrup the-

sislaquo which otherwise had a much greater effect on medieval military historiography than the raquosword the-

sislaquo at last proved to be untenable71 it seems more and more obvious that as far as one can judge from

the archaeological evidence and historical records with the aid of physics and simple logic the pure connec-

tion of tactics and military technology in a continental European early medieval context is a paradox

The best contemporary argument for this is the case of the above-mentioned Byzantine kataphraktos who

was armed with two or more close combat weapons a spathion on a baldric a paramerion and several

siderorabdia (iron maces) fastened to the saddle (according to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo)72 The spathion is

identified as a double-edged straight sword while the explanation of the paramerion is more complicated

The term paramerion appeared in general use in the late 9th and early 10th century and means literally

raquo(something held) by the thighlaquo 73 John Haldon assumed that the main difference between the ordinary

sword and the paramerion is the way they were worn the former being carried on a baldric while the lat-

ter hung from a waist-belt 74 However the difference in form is more remarkable the paramerion is usu-

ally regarded as a straight single-edged sword according to the description in Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo and in the

raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 75 Albeit the recent translation of the raquoTacticalaquo is consistent in understanding it as a

dagger 76 a closer look at Leo VIrsquos text helps to specify what kind of weapon one shall understand by the

term The locus raquoπαραμήρια μαχαίρας μεγάλας μονοστόμουςlaquo (raquoTacticalaquo 5 sect217) could be a simple

enumeration without any further logical connection between the parameria and the single-edged great

daggers as the mention of raquoπαραμήρια ήτοι μαχαίραςlaquo (6 sect219) In contrast two other loci (6 sect26167

6 sect30198) clearly indicate that the word was used as an adverb and adjective as well Therefore it is quite

probable that the author attempted to explain the term paramerion when it first appeared in the text (5

sect217) and that the locus should be translated as raquoparameria i e large single-edged daggerslaquo Since the

author of the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo repeatedly uses the term paramerion as well but most importantly con-

firms twice that single-edged swords (monostomon and heterestomon xiphos) were called parameria

(raquoπαραμήρια ξίφη δηλαδὴ ἑτερόστομαlaquo [38 sect518] and raquoμονόστομα ξίφη hellip ἃ δή ϰαί παραμήριαλέγονταιlaquo [39 sect212-13]) 77 and at the same time states in the latter locus that the length of a parameri-

on and a spathion are equal 78 one is surely not facing a dagger here the expression raquogreat daggerlaquo in the

raquoTacticalaquo may rather mean that the paramerion is a dagger-like weapon in its form but bigger From this

one might infer a straight blade contrary to the opinion of Haldon who proposed that the paramerion is

the slightly curved single-edged sabre79 Piotr Ł Grotowski most recently summarised the state of research

and defined the paramerion as a single-edged broadsword 80 According to him the paramerion would be

with the fancy word of the Slavic research the palash ndash a predecessor of the sabre Although it does not

seem proper to name a weapon by an anachronistic term of unknown origin and etymology and the char-

acterisation of obviously contemporaneous types of weaponry by their hypothetical relative typological rela-

tion is also not an indisputable method Grotowski correctly concludes that raquoone must be careful seeing

the paramerion as a sabrelaquo 81 A similar view was expressed by Maria G Parani who was the first to draw

attention to the fact that neither Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo nor the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo or the raquoPraecepta

Militarialaquo mention the curve of the blade 82 Parani also emphasised that no middle Byzantine depiction of

a sword with a curved blade exists 83 Although there are some uncertainties concerning the modern defi-

nition of the sabre one may consider the curve of the blade as a major attribute that distinguishes the sabre

from other single- and double-edged swords The division of swords into three main types according to the

form and construction of the blades is supported by the archaeological material unearthed in the periph-

ery of the Byzantine Empire not only straight double-edged and curved single-edged but also straight sin-

gle-edged weapons are present in the Carpathian Basin (fig 3) and in Bulgaria as well 84 With the excep-

tion of Joacutezsef Hampelrsquos early remarks 85 such swords were regarded as sabres by the Hungarian research

201Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

without recognising their disparity although other hybrid forms were noticed but not studied thoroughly

(fig 4) 86 It seems that no certain archaeological pictorial or written evidence testifies the use of the sabre

i e the curved single-(false)edged sword in 10th-century Byzantium ndash there is only evidence of the other

two of the three basic blade types shortly defined above The importance of the differentiation between

straight single-edged and straight double-edged swords is also further attested by pictorial sources For

instance one may recognise the sword that the third foot soldier in the procession of the Forty Martyrs of

Sebastea holds in his hand on the fresco in the Guumlvercinlik (dovecote) church in Ccedilavuşin (Cappadocia) in

Turkey dated to 963-969 as straight and single-edged in contrast to the double-edged swords of the first

two soldiers on foot 87 The fresco is so detailed that even the fuller or rhombic section of the double-edged

blades is clearly visible The two types of blades differ not only in their points (that determine the number

of their edges) but also in their width the single-edged one is almost half as wide as the double-edged It

seems reasonable to assume that the painter of the scene was well aware of the variations and main char-

acteristics of the different swords and endeavoured to give highly detailed realistic depictions of them If

we are right in identifying the paramerion as a straight single-edged sword it should be noted that it is

closer in its construction and weight and thus in its possible original function to the sabre than to the

202 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 3 Some of the straight single-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 1 Biharkeresztes Vasuacutetaacutellomaacutes (Hajduacute-Bihar countyH) grave 1 ndash 2 Zemianska Olča (Hung NemesoacutecsaKomaacuterno distSK) grave 7 ndash 3 Csongraacuted-Vendelhalom (Csongraacuted countyH) grave41955 ndash 4 Szob-Vendelin (Pest countyH)grave 51 ndash (Drawings L Kovaacutecs digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

straight double-edged sword Since the former is usually interpreted as a special light cavalry weapon and

the latter as a heavy cavalry or heavy infantry weapon one may ask why the Byzantine super-heavy caval-

ry was equipped with a raquolightlaquo sword akin to the sabre The answer is simple neither is the sabre an exclu-

sively light cavalry weapon nor is the straight double-edged sword a typical heavy cavalry weapon Both

arms can be used in other tactical formations as well To sum up an armament type does not solely deter-

mine the tactics and thus the success or defeat of a soldier or an army

Even if we bona fide prescind from the above-mentioned methodological problems inherent in the inter-

pretation of graves and weapon burials in general the archaeological material should show features that

would unambiguously refer to heavily armed mounted fighters Therefore we may expect these Magyar

burials with double-edged swords to be furnished with objects that relate to riding mounted fight and

raquoheavylaquo armament first of all including armour On the other hand we may not overestimate the fact that

no sign of any armour has been recovered from Magyar graves 88 since the appearance of armour chain

mail and helmet is extremely rare not only in 10th-century burials 89 but throughout the Early Middle Ages

The total absence of shield bosses in the 10th- and 11th-century Carpathian Basin is more remarkable 90

compared to the Carolingian and Ottonian case Although they are neither frequent in contemporary West

European archaeological material 91 pictorial evidence and written sources indicate that the shield was a

most basic element in the equipment of Carolingian and Ottonian soldiers 92 Consequently further

research should concentrate on the types and small diversities in the buried riding gear with the intention

of differentiating between various riding techniques 93 This might serve as a basis for distinguishing raquoheavy

cavalry burialslaquo even though I particularly doubt the existence of 10th-century heavy cavalry and even more

its archaeological markers

Let us now turn towards the superiority and mystification of the straight double-edged sword Due to

Bakayrsquos physical analysis 94 which without exception fully persuaded Hungarian scholars the myth of the

sword being a weapon twice as powerful and effective than the sabre spread and became an axiom

However Bakayrsquos calculations concerning the torque (raquoDrehkraftlaquo) of the sabre and the sword are overly

simplified and hardly prove more than the fact that if a smaller and a bigger apple is thrown at you the

bigger one hurts more Actually his point was already lost when he chose the torque and not the mechan-

ic or kinetic energy as the aim of his calculations Not only his physical model (let the weapon fall to the

ground with its point first) fails to model the handling of these weapons in combat but he also simplified

203Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 4 The Szentbeacutekkaacutella hybrid sword ndash (Photo and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

References

Androshchuk 2003 F Androshchuk The raquoLjudota Swordlaquo (AnEpisode of Contacts Between Britain and Scandinavia in the LateViking Age) Ruthenica 2 2003 15-25

Androushchuk 2009 F Androushchuk Vikings and Farmers SomeRemarks on the Social Interpretation of Swords and Long-Distance Contacts during the Viking Age In Holmquist Olaus-son Olausson 2009 93-104

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Parani 2003 M G Parani Reconstructing the Reality of ImagesByzantine Material Culture and Religious Iconography (11th-15th

Centuries) The Medieval Mediterranean ndash Peoples Economiesand Cultures 400-1453 41 (Boston Leiden 2003)

Paulsen 1933 P Paulsen Magyarorszaacutegi viking leletek az eacuteszak- eacutesnyugateuroacutepai kultuacutertoumlrteacutene megvilaacutegiacutetaacutesaacuteban (Wikingerfundeaus Ungarn im Lichte der nord- und westeuropaumlischen Fruumlhge-schichte) Archaeologia Hungarica Acta Archaeologica MuseiNationalis Hungarici 12 (Budapest 1933)

Pedersen 1997a A Pedersen Similar Finds ndash Different MeaningsSome Preliminary Thoughts on the Viking-Age Burials withRiding Equipment in Scandinavia In Jensen Nielsen 1997 171-183

215Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

1997b A Pedersen Weapons and Riding Gear in Burials Evi-dence of Military and Social Rank in 10th Century Denmark InJoslashrgensen Clausen 1997 123-135

2002 A Pedersen Prachtgraumlber des 10 Jahrhunderts in Suumld-skandinavien Tradition und Erneuerung In Henning 2002 81-94

Peirce 2002 I Peirce Swords of the Viking Age (Woodbridge2002)

Petersen 1919 J Petersen De norske vikingesverd En typologisk-kronologiske studie over vikingatidens vaaben Videnskapssels-kapets Skr 2 Hist-fil Kl 19192 (Kristiania 1919)

Piatnitsky et al 2000 Y Piatnitsky O Baddeley Ea Brunner MMundell Mango (eds) Sinai Byzantium Russia Orthodox Artfrom the Sixth to the Twentieth Century (London 2000)

Pinter 1999 Z-K Pinter Spada şi sabia medieval icircn Transilvania şiBanat (secolele IX-XIV) (Reşiţa 1999)

Plavinskij 2009 Н А Плавинский Мечи эпохи бикингов стерритории Беларуси (The Swords of the Viking Age on theTerritory of Belarus) Stratum Plus 5 2005-2009 (2009) 58-70

Polgaacuter 2004 Sz Polgaacuter Kora koumlzeacutepkori (9-12 szaacutezadi) kelet-euroacute-pai fegyverkereskedelemre utaloacute feljegyzeacutesek az iacuterott forraacutesok-ban In L Balogh L Keller (eds) Fegyveres nomaacutedok nomaacutedfegyveresek Magyar Őstoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 21 (Budapest 2004)92-100

Popa 1984 R Popa Knaufkrone eines wikingerzeitlichen Pracht-schwertes von Păcuilul lui Soare Germania 622 1984 425-431

Puhle 2001 M Puhle (ed) Otto der Grosse Magdeburg undEuropa [exhibition cat] (Mainz 2001)

Randsborg 1981a K Randsborg The Viking Age State Formationin Denmark Offa 38 1981 259-276

1981b K Randsborg Burial Succession and Early State Forma-tion in Denmark In R Chapman I Kinnes K Randsborg (eds)The Archaeology of Death New Directions in Archaeology(Cam bridge 1981) 105-121

Restle 1967 M Restle Die byzantinische Wandmalerei in Klein-asien (Recklinghausen 1967)

Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 L Reacuteveacutesz I M Nepper The ArchaeologicalHeritage of the Ancient Hungarians In Fodor et al 1996 37-56

Rohrer 2009 W Rohrer Wikinger oder Slawen Die Interpreta-tionsgeschichte fruumlhpiastischer Bestattungen mit Waffenbei-gabe In A Klammt S Rossignol (eds) Mittelalterliche Elitenund Kulturtransfer oumlstlich der Elbe (Goumlttingen 2009) 27-41

Rudziński 2009 P M Rudziński tarcta we wczesnośredniowiecz-nej Polsce na tle europejskim Od plemienia do państwa (Shieldin Early Medieval Poland on the Background of the EuropeanWarfare From Tribal Times to Early State) Acta Militaria Mediae-valia 5 2009 21-78

Ruttkay 1970 A Ruttkay Korneacutel Bakay Archaumlologische Studienzur Frage der ungarischen Staatsgruumlndung Slovenskaacute Arch182 1970 482-484

1976 A Ruttkay Waffen und Reiterausruumlstung des 9 bis zurersten Haumllfte des 14 Jahrhunderts in der Slowakei (II) SlovenskaacuteArch 242 1976 245-395

Schuldt 1978 E Schuldt Einige bemerkenswerte Einzelfunde ausdem Burgwallgelaumlnde von Groszlig Raden Kreis Sternberg JahrbBodendenkmalpfl Mecklenburg 1977 (1978) 225-245

Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 M Schulze-Doumlrrlamm Das ungarischeKriegergrab von Aspers-legraves-Corps Untersuchungen zu denUngarn einfaumlllen nach Mittel- West- und Suumldeuropa (899-955 nChr) mit einem Exkurs zur Muumlnzchronologie altungarischerGraumlber Jahrb RGZM 31 1984 473-514

Shepard 2005 J Shepard Conversions and Regimes Comparedthe Rusrsquo and the Poles ca 1000 In Curta 2005 254-282

Solberg 1991 B Solberg Weapon Export from the Continent tothe Nordic Countries in the Carolingian Period Stud Sachsen-forsch 7 1991 241-259

Stalsberg 2008a A Stalsberg Herstellung und Verbreitung derVlfberht-Schwertklingen Eine Neubewertung Zeitschr ArchMittelalter 36 2008 89-118

2008b A Stalsberg The Vlfberht Sword Blades Reevaluated(httpjenny-ritaorgannestalsberghtml 1542012)

2010 A Stalsberg Ulfberht Revisited a Classification In JSheehan D Oacute Corraacutein (eds) The Viking Age Ireland and theWest (Dublin 2010) 450-464

Steuer 1987 H Steuer Der Handel in der Wikingerzeit zwischenNord- und Westeuropa aufgrund archaumlologischer Zeugnisse InK Duumlwel H Jankuhn H Siems D Timpe (eds) Untersuchun-gen zu Handel und Verkehr der vor- und fruumlhgeschichtlichen Zeitin Mittel- und Nordeuropa 4 Der Handel der Karolinger- undWikingerzeit Abhandl Akad Wiss Goumlttingen Phil-Hist Kl3156 (Goumlttingen 1987) 113-197

Stoodley 1999 N Stoodley The Spindle and the Spear a CriticalEnquiry into the Construction and Meaning of Gender in theEarly Anglo-Saxon Burial Rite BAR British Ser 288 (Oxford1999)

Strecker 1987 K Strecker (ed) Waltharius Deutsche Uumlbersetzungvon P Vossen (Hildesheim 21987)

Szaboacute 2010 J B Szaboacute A honfoglaloacutektoacutel a huszaacuterokig A koumlzeacutep-kori magyar koumlnnyűlovassaacutegroacutel (From the Hungarian Conquerorsto the Hussars Light Cavalry in Medieval Hungary) (Budapest2010)

Szameit 1992 E Szameit Ein VLFBERHT-Schwert aus der Donaubei Aggsbach Niederoumlsterreich Arch Austriaca 76 1992 215-221

Szőke 1962 B Szőke A honfoglaloacute eacutes kora Aacuterpaacuted-kori magyarsaacutegreacutegeacuteszeti emleacutekei Reacutegeacuteszeti tanulmaacutenyok 1 (Budapest 1962)

Szőllősy 2001 G Szőllősy Mi ceacutelt szolgaacutel a szablya fokeacutele Kiacuteseacuterletimegkoumlzeliacuteteacutesek Wosinsky Moacuter Muacutez Eacutevk 23 2001 275-293

Talbot Sullivan 2005 The History of Leo the Deacon ByzantineMilitary Expansion in the Tenth Century Introduction Transla-tion and Annotations by A-M Talbot and D F Sullivan Dum-barton Oaks Stud 41 (Washington DC 2005)

Toacuteth 1934 Z Toacuteth A huszaacuterok eredeteacuteről Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 3-41934 129-196

Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

Urbańczyk 2005 P Urbańczyk Early State Formation in East Cen-tral Europe In Curta 2005 139-151

Urtan 1961 В А Уртан Древние щиты на территории Латв-ийской ССР Sovetskaja Arch 19611 216-224

Validi 1936 A Z Validi Die Schwerter der Germanen nach arabi-schen Berichten des 9-11 Jahrhunderts Zeitschr Dt Morgen-laumlnd Ges 90 1936 19-37

216 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

Veszpreacutemy 1996 L Veszpreacutemy A nyugat-euroacutepai eacutes bizaacutenci hadvi-seleacutes a honfoglalaacutes eacutes kalandozaacutesok idejeacuten In L Veszpreacutemy(ed) Honfoglaloacute őseink (Budapest 1996) 66-80

2008 L Veszpreacutemy Szent Istvaacuten feloumlvezeacuteseacuteről In VeszpreacutemyLovagvilaacuteg Magyarorszaacutegon (Budapest 2008) 66-77

Vinski 1983 Z Vinski Razmatranja o poslijekarolinškim mačevima10 i 11 stolječa u Jugoslaviji (Betrachtung zu postkarolingischenSchwertern des 10 und 11 Jahrhunderts in Jugoslawien) Sta-rohrvatska Prosvjeta 313 1983 7-64

Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

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Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

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Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 7: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

1 that the sabre was inferior and proved unsuccessful against the heavy armour of West European armies

which resulted in the end of the Magyar incursions and

2 that with the beginning of the state reform of Saint Stephen I the sword and new tactics became dom-

inant in the Carpathian Basin

In the end Kalmaacuterrsquos original idea however indirectly presented the basis which was accepted and repeat-

ed later by following scholars who reiterated Laacuteszloacutersquos reasoning or worse used it as axiom for further the-

ories andor chronological statements Thus it is necessary to recapitulate Laacuteszloacutersquos main arguments here in

order to point out various inherent methodological problems 11

1 According to Laacuteszloacutersquos thesis straight double-edged swords were only used by heavy cavalry (so their pres-

ence in the archaeological record unambiguously indicates the existence of a western-type heavy caval-

ry in 10th-century Carpathian Basin) while sabres were instruments exclusively used in the raquoancient

nomadiclaquo close combat

2 Thus Laacuteszloacute created two artificial archaeological assemblages without any precise definition labelling

them with a simplifying term such as raquoChristianlaquo and raquopaganlaquo to deepen the supposed difference with

which he degraded the multi-layered complex past to a rigid simplified historical narration

3 In his view the raquoancestral nomadiclaquo equipment and fighting method ensured the successes of the

Magyars in the first half of the 10th century while the superior armament and tactics of their enemies

were responsible for the later defeats It is therefore obvious as Laacuteszloacute concludes that the Magyars had

to adopt the military achievements of Christian Europe (i e the Ottonian Empire) which is of course the

heavy cavalry armed with straight double-edged swords This newly organised modern Christian army

which became later the core of the regular army of the Hungarian kingdom was put to use for suppress-

ing pagan tribes who rebelled against the rule of Geacuteza and his successor Saint Stephen I at the end of

the 10th century

As I already mentioned serious methodological problems can be identified in this train of thought Not only

the unconditional linking of certain weapons with certain combat tactics seems to be doubtful 12 but also

the main characteristic of Laacuteszloacutersquos concept is misleading a historical theory is used as a rigid restricted inter-

pretation of the archaeological material which in turn determines the date of swords exclusively to the late

10th century Since the theory was easily explainable within Marxist historical materialism the idea had a

deep effect on the Hungarian historical research as well authorising it thus to spread the belief of a pri-

vate western-style (feudalistic) heavy cavalry in the service of Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I13 At the same time

the lively and rapidly developing historical military debate (starting in the late 1870s) on the possible recon-

struction of the Magyar tactics which otherwise had strong connections to the triumphant noble histori-

cal view of the zeitgeist came to a halt after World War II As a result Laacuteszloacutersquos rough sketch became due

to his determinant role in research a solid base for later investigations 14 Moreover his artistic representa-

tions of the supposed essential difference between the Ottonian and the Hungarian warfare made his

approach very popular also outside academic circles (fig 1) Neither could the following scholars escape

the convincing simplicity of Laacuteszloacutersquos idea 15 while they developed the concept to a universal historical hypo -

thesis using more or less detailed archaeological analyses 16

Korneacutel Bakay one of Laacuteszloacutersquos students was the first to manage an exhaustive archaeological analysis of

straight double-edged swords from the Carpathian Basin 17 but his conclusions and results were guided by

his professorrsquos view on the early state formation process of the Hungarian kingdom Thus as the main con-

cept remained basically historical the arguments and reasons applied often lacked archaeological evidence

or which is worse the archaeological evidence was intentionally treated inferior Bakay himself clearly

chose this approach by stressing that the importance of the supposed social and economical transforma-

tion (i e the state formation process) at the end of the 10th century determines the chronology of the

193Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

swords in question which aspect is superior to their typological and relative chronological relations In his

own words

raquoBereits hier moumlchte ich betonen dass die Chronologie der zweischneidigen Schwerter in erster Linie

eigentlich durch die oben geschilderte wirtschaftlich-gesellschaftliche Umwandlung bestimmt ist Der

typologische Vergleich dient demnach bloszlig als Ergaumlnzunglaquo 18

Furthermore the pioneering thought to compare the efficiency of the sword and the sabre with the aid of

modeling was invented only to prove Laacuteszloacutersquos (and originally Kalmaacuterrsquos) premise i e that the sword was a

more raquosuccessful weaponlaquo than the sabre However Bakayrsquos detailed calculations of the superiority of the

straight double-edged sword when compared to the sabre led to the mystification of the sword as a won-

der weapon (raquoWunderwaffelaquo) in the Hungarian archaeological research Although a more detailed archae-

ological explanation was now presented from those historians who slowly became the most influential his-

torians of the 10th-11th centuries only Gyoumlrgy Gyoumlrffy accepted and integrated the idea of the raquoregular elite

armylaquo consisting of heavy cavalry units organised by Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I into his comprehensive work

on the state formation process 19 Others like Joacutezsef Gerics simply evaded the discussion of the topic 20

while Gyula Kristoacute instead of acknowledging the military revolution as a historical fact treated the end of

the military campaigns in Europe and the battle at the Lech only as an important internal and foreign pol-

icy affair ndash nothing more 21 Kristoacute alone had proposed a short critique from the historianrsquos viewpoint are

archaeology and archaeological material competent to discuss and determine historical theories concern-

ing politico-historical questions 22 However Bakayrsquos work proved to be so overwhelmingly convincing that

not only the leading Hungarian archaeologists 23 but even Slovakian 24 and Romanian scholars acknowl-

edged his main conclusions 25 Radu Robert Heitel even treated the Transylvanian double-edged swords and

sword chapes as evidence that would draw the march route of the army of Saint Stephen I which con-

quered the regnum regis IuliiProkui in the year 1003 according to the Annales Hildesheimenses 26

194 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 1 The nature of the Magyar-Ottonian battle ndash (After Laacuteszloacute 1982 29)

In turn the archaeologist Laacuteszloacute Kovaacutecs took up the challenge to give a more proper archaeological expla-

nation of the historical thesis Although he assembled a whole catalogue on the subject of source-critical

problems of the double-edged swords 27 filtering out many ill-dated artefacts his whole evaluation regret-

tably was never published in its entirety Nevertheless his conception of an all-embracing simplified mili-

tary revolution dating from 955 rapidly became fundamental With his theory in contrast to Bakay Kovaacutecs

returned to the original notion of Laacuteszloacute (and Kalmaacuter) i e the necessary weapon change (raquoWaffen wech -

sellaquo) as a logical result of the raquomilitary shocklaquo generated by the defeats in the European theatre of war 28

However Kovaacutecs failed to give a convincing demonstration since his exclusive and at times subjective con-

clusions were drawn on the basis of a limited amount of numismatic material available 29 A rather new

phenomenon of the late 1990s is the appearance of some historical military papers 30 which mark a new

dawn of interest in the theme after the long silence from the potential third party of the debate Unfor -

tunately this research did not continue the traditions of the former historical military discussion but apart

from its useful practical viewpoint endeavoured only to describe and realise the above-mentioned hypoth-

esis from the viewpoint of the modern military terminology

There has been only one archaeological approach to the double-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpa -

thian Basin which did not originate from Laacuteszloacutersquos school Mechthild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm attempted to analyse

their chronological position apart from the historical approach of the Hungarian research and to fit them

into her absolute chronological system This was based on the chronological diversities and different origins

of the dirham and denar material of the first half of the 10th century Schulze-Doumlrrlammrsquos phase I (896-925)

and phase II (926-95070) comprised the so-called raquoaltmagyarischer Formenkreislaquo group in the former

chronology of Jochen Giesler The two phases were differentiated in their geographical distribution as well

Since the topography of the double-edged swords seemed to resemble that of phase II as Schulze-

Doumlrrlamm concludes the swords belong to the second quarter of the century 31 Although these phases

appear to be overly artificial and moreover their projection or application to the whole of the material is

at least problematic 32 her critical note on Bakayrsquos conception is more than appropriate

raquoDie Uumlbernahme dieser neuen Hiebwaffe und damit zugleich auch einer anderen Kampftechnik durch

die Ungarn hat demnach nichts mit dem rsaquoFuumlrstenheerlsaquo des Fuumlrsten Geza (972-997) zu tun wie es Bakay

vermutete sondern duumlrfte eine Reaktion auf die Erfahrungen bei den Kaumlmpfen in Deutschland und

Italien gewesen seinlaquo 33

However we must be aware that Schulze-Doumlrrlamm did not query the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo itself but only

presented a third option for the historical explanation of the presence of such swords thought to be alien

in the archaeological material of the Magyars As a conclusion of my preliminary thoughts on the histori-

ography concerning the chronological problems and interpretation of 10th-century straight double-edged

swords found in the Carpathian Basin I find the following thoughts of Bernard Sebastian Bachrach aston-

ishingly sound also in light of the situation of the Hungarian research

raquoIn what has amounted to a highly romanticized search for the origins of chivalry scholars have for too

long ignored the balance of the evidence focused upon bits and pieces of inconclusive data and mag-

nified the importance of these to help create a flawed picture of warfare in the early Middle Ageslaquo 34

Methodological problems of the thesis ndash reconsidering swords

While sketching the main points of the former research three major approaches took shape each based

on the idea that the straight double-edged swords are new phenomena in the otherwise homogeneous

raquonomadiclaquo material culture of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin This was clarified by a change in warfare

and military equipment taking place in the second quarter in the middle or in the third quarter of the cen-

195Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

tury either due to the experience of the campaigns in Europe or to the politico-military shock of the battle

at the Lech or thanks to the state formation process These theories all emphasise a crucial difference

between the sabre and the straight double-edged sword which significantly affected or altered the warfare

and tactics of the Magyars during the 10th century Thus we have seen a far-reaching theory changing over

time set off by Kalmaacuter as early as 1936 which explains the origin of the so-called Viking swords the politi-

co-social and military status they were thought to indicate and the historical context they created or in

which they acted When we take a closer look at the main arguments of this chain of thought many will

arouse our interest and hence induce a profound examination since they indicate serious methodological

problems I shall discuss these in the following separated on the basis of the character of their reasoning

be it principally (military) historical or archaeological

Historical arguments and notes

First of all it is worth noting that the concept of the supposed military reform and the creation or presence

of a heavy cavalry in 10th-century Hungary is completely without any written evidence or proof Not a sin-

gle historical information not any contemporary literary account shows any trace of either the establish-

ment or organisation of a new army or of the central distribution of swords or other military equipment to

Hungarian soldiers We do not even have a text that would at least indirectly refer to the army or retinue

of dux Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I such as e g the account of Thietmar of Merseburg on the 300 armoured

but not by all means mounted warriors (trecentis militibus loricatis) possibly serving as part of the person-

al retinue or guard of dux Bolesław I Chrobry (Chronicon Thietmari IV46) before they were given as a pres-

ent to Otto II 35

Our only contemporary source that mentions military affairs is the founding document of the monastery at

Pannonhalma 36 Although the diplomarsquos account on the war between the Germans and Hungarians and

the civil war known in more detail from later sources is almost meaningless and highly ambiguous 37 it was

associated with the supposed German origin of the duces raquoPoznanolaquo raquoCuntiolaquo and raquoOrziolaquo This proved

to be well enough for a theory of a strong Ottonian or German (military) influence in the court of the late

Geacuteza and young raquoWaiclaquoStephen and to attribute these duces a decisive role on the battlefield during

the suppression of the revolt of Koppaacuteny 38 In the later traditions of medieval Hungarian chronicles they

became the personal bodyguards of Saint Stephen I and generals of his army39 and ndash as a consequence in

modern historical research ndash the possible disseminators of heavy cavalry the organisers of the new Christian

regular army 40

Apart from the problematic interpretation of this diploma from the total range of contemporary sources

only five articles in the codes of Saint Stephen I provide useful information by dealing to some extent with

military affairs and by mentioning the sword The first article judges those who draw a sword (raquode evagi-

natione gladiilaquo) with the aim of injury to be killed by the same sword (I16) The second one rules the same

sentence for the case of murder with a sword (II12) the third declares the raquoan eye for an eyelaquo principle

for maiming with a sword (II13) while the fourth determines the fee that should be paid to a victim that

recovers from a wound by a sword (II16) The last article deals with the case of drawing a sword in rage

without wounding (II17) 41 Each article uses the word gladius but does not go into details about the

weapon like e g the famous raquoWalthariuslaquo poem 42 hence it is not possible to correlate the archaeological

material with the written evidence What is interesting however is that Stephenrsquos laws do not mention the

famous missile of the Magyars the bow and arrow ndash although their dominating presence in the burial

material would indicate a high importance 43 In contrast the many articles dealing with the crimes com-

mitted specifically with the sword especially in the second book of Saint Stephen I where they make up

196 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

almost one fifth of the total number of articles may refer to a very common phenomenon in the society

Personal violence must have been a widespread practice for reducing social tensions in a changing society

It is of great importance that this symptom of solving social problems with fighting and after all with vio-

lence and murder became manifest in close combat fought with gladii swords or sabres This as a final

result indirectly but unambiguously speaks of a tradition and preference of experiencing fight and combat

from up close ndash provided that these articles are not artificial adoptions of West European laws

In that way or another none of the quoted written sources serves as a firm base for a theory of a (new)

regular army whose core consists of heavy cavalry Furthermore the theory constructed upon these dubi-

ous sources cannot apply to the dating of archaeological assemblages as a determining fact What we

know for sure is that one of the different strata of the society called milites ndash witnessed in the laws of Saint

Stephen I ndash may be connected with somewhat regular perhaps professional military services 44 Thus I do

not reject the possibility of a more or less regular army at the time of the first Hungarian rex since it is obvi-

ous that a determined political will with a strong military base an army or at least a large retinue is the pre-

condition of state formation 45 I only suggest that in the case of the early Hungarian state formation nei-

ther written sources nor archaeological data as will be seen later provide us with any useful and unam-

biguous information on how that army could have looked like But we must not rely solely on the argu-

mentum ex silentio since this false reasoning was frequently done by the former research

Other contradictions emerge when we take into account the possible existence of a military reform or rev-

olution within the framework of early medieval Europe The concept may have its roots in the 19th- and

early 20th-century European idea that describes and explains military affairs being highly dependent on the

quality of the military equipment However this was a legitimate phenomenon in the world of mass armies

and an unbelievably quick progress in military techniques like artillery Thus the creators of this concept sim-

ply projected the military idea of the time of Delbruumlck and von Clausewitz back to early medieval times

Therefore the idea of a military revolution is mostly anachronistic in 10th-century Europe Nevertheless this

approach was not only prevalent in the Hungarian scholarship of the 20th century ndash the symptom appeared

in the German historical tradition as well One may find Karl Leyserrsquos thoughts on the Saxon military revo-

lution at the time of Henry I (919-936) and Otto I (936-973) closely related to the Hungarian example

Leyser stated that the creation of a heavily armoured cavalry (armati loricati) was the key to the military

and political success of the Ottonian dynasty According to him after 933 the Ottonian heavy cavalry

dominated the battles in the field 46 When Leyser published his theory in its entirety first in 1968 he had

already exploited three years earlier the assumed fundamental differences in the armament of the Magyar

and Ottonian troops in his interpretation of the battle at the Lech in 955 Leyserrsquos main point was to empha-

sise the effectiveness of the Ottonian armament in particular of the raquoheavier swordlaquo over their Magyar

counterparts raquoIn close quarter fighting with spears and especially swords the great majority of the Hun -

garians had no chance against the heavier arms and the much better protective equipment of their oppo-

nentslaquo 47

Leyserrsquos belief that the outcome of the battle is to be explained by the differences in arms and armour and

thus in tactics was so firm that he treated the locus raquoSuperamur scio multitudine sed non virtute sed

non armis Maxima enim ex parte nudos illos armis omnibus penitus cognovimuslaquo of Widukind in his raquoRes

Gestae Saxonicaelaquo (III XLVI) as proof for the decisive disparity 48 According to him the text should be inter-

preted in the following way raquoIn Widukind it was virtus and as shall be seen better weapons which over-

came superior numbers [at the battle of Lechfeld]laquo The latter half of the quotation should be understood

as the Magyars having a shortage of raquooffensive but also defensive weaponslaquo including raquoshields iron hel-

mets and above all hauberkslaquo 49 However we may try to specify the meaning and context of the locus

more precisely Contrary to Leyserrsquos opinion Widukind stated in the former sentence that the Ottonian

197Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

army is inferior to the Magyars ndash not in arms or virtue but in numbers Since the factors and circumstances

that do determine the process and final result of a battle in the field are obviously more than just the pure

number the armament and the virtus of the opposing forces we may see Widukindrsquos first statement of the

comparison rather as a comment that proves the value of the Ottonian army While the latter highly am -

biguous sentence ndash which can be used to determine the Magyar army as light cavalry wearing no armour

ndash may also indicate that the percentage of Magyar warriors equipped with defensive armament was lower

than that of the Ottonian soldiers in general On the other hand a serious methodological problem occurs

when we take a closer look at the whole text First of all it must be noted that the comparison of the two

armies i e the quoted text of Widukind is only a short part of the perhaps fictional encouraging speech

of rex Otto I who addressed his fellow soldiers right before the battle 50 The whole speech consists of typ-

ical phrases concerning general topics that aim at reassuring the soldiers of their strength and of their hope

that they could win the battle These phrases are so simplified that we may suppose without exaggeration

that this speech could have been delivered in every battlefield during the pre-modern period In the con-

text of such a pre-battle speech every statement gains an additional sense of encouragement heroism

past victories danger fictitious or real advantages etc are mentioned in order to strengthen the dubious

and those filled with fear 51 ndash fear of a punishment that will surely follow in the case of flight or deserta-

tion and fear of death in the battle itself 52 Addressing the enemyrsquos armour in a battle speech either in a

positive or a negative way is so trivial and self-evident that it even appears in the famous movie with Kevin

Costner raquoRobin Hood ndash Prince of Thieveslaquo 53 But let us return to Widukind himself and do not reject his

opinion when he clearly states in the continuation of the above-quoted text that raquoet quod maximi est nobis

solatii auxilio Deilaquo 54 thus the main difference between the two armies was the faith in Christ Whether

such a speech could have been given by Otto I or not (due to natural physical communication difficulties)

whether it is an original battle speech or only a fiction of the author 55 ndash it should be concluded that

Widukind does not allow us to draw such exact conclusions as Leyser did on the armament of the entire

opposing forces Consequently it seems that in parallel with the theory of Laacuteszloacute and Bakay the German

research also developed the idea of superiority of the double-edged straight sword ndash in connection with

(what is more important) the supposed dominance of the heavy cavalry on the battlefields

Leyserrsquos main thesis was actually only the application of a former historical notion to the cases of Charles

Martel Pippin and Charlemagne However Bachrachrsquos in-depth studies convincingly proved that neither the

thesis of a Carolingian nor of an Ottonian military revolution is true instead they should rather be treated

as myths 56 He established in many articles that early medieval wars were aimed at the conquest of the

enemyrsquos territory by besieging and controlling fortifications This resulted in the fact that the nature of early

medieval warfare was dominated by sieges and hence infantry fight while raquomounted shock combat was a

minor aspect even in the rare battles in the field that were fought throughout the pre-crusading Europelaquo 57

Instead of performing frontal attacks that usually failed and caused disastrous disorganisation and loss of

battle the early medieval European cavalry in the 9th-11th centuries were to perform multifunctional tasks

with their mostly light weaponry The tactically reasonable use of cavalry consisted of feigned retreats

flanking attacks and leaving them as a (hidden) reverse against a probable encirclement by the enemy They

were often even ordered to dismount and engage in the battle on foot 58

A similar picture is emerging from the battle and duel descriptions of the raquoWalthariuslaquo poem whose author

shows a remarkable interest in weaponry and realistic fighting 59 It seems that the raquoWalthariuslaquo is the only

early medieval narrative source that deals with military affairs to an extent that allows us to draw conclu-

sions regarding battlefield tactics and duel techniques ndash if we take the poem as a more or less authentic

account on European warfare of the late 9th and 10th centuries What is important here is that the battle

description (lines 180-207 especially 182-195) 60 does not mention the presence of heavy cavalry but

198 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

instead gives a carefully detailed picture of opposing troops standing very close a long-lasting missile fight

of throwing spears and some archery and then the clash of the battle lines in the chaos of close combat

It should be made clear that in this description the course of the battle consists of two equal parts the skir-

mish and the close combat Since the opposing troops are only at a raquothrowing spearlaquo distance of approx

30 m max 50 m apart from one another the possibility of a heavy cavalry charge is excluded Though the

author mentions cavalry fight as well it is ambiguous if they were heavily armoured 61 only shields (umbo)

are mentioned The same process is visible in every duel in the raquoWalthariuslaquo the fights start with throwing

spears (archery is only involved in one case) and end up with a close combat using spear-shield or sword-

shield combinations on foot

Even if we are wrong in taking the written sources at face value the main question that lies in the heart

of the investigation proves to be the toughest to answer What kind of cavalry may one call heavy And

what are its major distinctive features It is clear that the term was first invented for and applied to the

mounted knights of the High Middle Ages whose armour slowly developed into sophisticated and spe-

cialised full plate constructions But isnrsquot it wrong to desperately seek and suppose a similar case in the Early

Middle Ages In an attempt to understand early medieval cavalry in its own past reality a more flexible

approach is needed In my opinion the terms raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo are highly relative and work well only

in standard comparisons regarding equipment On the other hand contrary to the armament the assigned

or unintentionally performed operations against certain enemy units during a battle should be seen as the

most important factor that may determine the (momentary) battlefield role i e the tactical classification of

the cavalry unit in question Thus raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo should only be used in clear cases when written

sources permit the scholar to give a detailed picture of the battle In such ideal conditions different caval-

ry raquounitslaquo may be compared to each other or to infantry for reasons of differences in their armament their

assigned tasks and fulfilled operations on the basis of their momentum and results to finally address them

with attributes like raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo Bearing in mind the complicated nature and multi-layered process

of battles in general and the commonly laconic conditions of contemporary written sources one may

assume that only probable but no exact definitions are to be expected However it is not my duty to give

an analysis of early medieval European cavalry here I only point out the problem detailed studies will hope-

fully follow for the 10th-11th centuries as well 62

When looking for a contemporary military unit that might be rightly titled as heavy cavalry one has to turn

to Byzantium According to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (c 950) and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo (c 965) as well

as to later sources the task of the middle Byzantine kataphraktoi was to crush the middle of the enemy

battle lines with a single decisive charge 63 Their position within the general Byzantine battle order denotes

their remarkable importance the offensive part of a full middle Byzantine army was organised around the

kataphraktoi 64 forming a wedge in the Byzantine centre 65 The Byzantines were to achieve victory by this

main charge that began immediately after the skirmish of the prokoursatores 66 The detailed description of

their armament in the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo 67 clearly indicates that not only

the kataphraktos but also his horse was protected by armour (klibanion kremasmata epilorikion etc for

the mounted and the various carapaces for the horse) of the best quality 68 Thus the kataphraktoi fulfil the

major requirements that would make a unit of mounted soldiers heavy cavalry in theory first of all the spe-

cialised battlefield task that was officially attributed to them and secondly their centrally organised supply

with the appropriate armament to successfully perform their duty

Drawing conclusions is at least highly risky in the absence of a complete survey of all relevant texts and for-

mer research concerning the problem of 10th century heavy cavalry In spite of the fact that the rigid efforts

of describing cavalry with abstract definitions of tactical classifications seem to be outdated I have to deal

with the term raquoheavy cavalrylaquo in this paper in order to ascertain the probability of the thesis of the Hun -

199Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

garian military reform In this sense it may not be exaggerated and is reasonable to conclude that heavy

cavalry with a shock-delivering decisive role did not really exist on the battlefields of Western and Central

Europe in the 10th century ndash considering Bachrachrsquos negative opinion on Leyserrsquos Saxon military reform and

heavy cavalry According to this conception the supposed Hungarian military reform of establishing a heavy

cavalry that served as basis for the state formation should also be considered at least preliminary a myth

Archaeological arguments methods and sources

Much should and could be said concerning the absolute chronology of swords and the supposed weapon

change from the archaeologistrsquos point of view In this paper I will only concentrate on the main method-

ological problems of the thesis (fig 2)

Much ink has been spilt over the question of understanding burials in general and the foremost interest

the question of warrior or soldier graves presents similar difficulties in evaluating weapon burials Since the

early 1990s a new approach claims that the interpretation of weapon burials is not independent from

intentional factors that changed and created the burial while paleoanthropological and paleopathological

data are to be reckoned with in particular 69 Gender studies concerning this topic have reached a notable

success in Anglo-Saxon archaeology 70 A clear distinction must be made between weapon burials (raquoWaf -

fen graumlberlaquo) and warrior graves (raquoKriegergraumlberlaquo) identified by anthropological means In the light of recent

research the primary objective is to determine if the men buried with weapons primarily with straight dou-

ble-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpathian Basin were participants in military affairs or not Hope -

fully the planned anthropological research within the ongoing project will result in appropriate information

that can be compared with the archaeological data However now we are forced to only make use of the

archaeological evidence ndash which may prove or negate the thesis we are dealing with

The archaeological identification of pure military matters like tactics army or military organisation is more

problematic in particular when only grave material is at disposal Hence numerous methodological objec-

tions should be made in the case of linking specific fighting methods or tactics with certain weapons In the-

ory it is obvious that throughout human history on every technical level exists an assembly of armour and

weapons which fits best a specific battlefield role However equipping an army with different assemblies

of armaments requires an enormous financial investment a well-balanced economy and armourer industry

and ndash last but not least ndash a sophisticated military science None of that was at the disposal of the 10th-cen-

tury European states and pre-states with the exception of Byzantium On the other hand the concept of

armies divided into troops with unified armaments and different battlefield duties is the idea of the early

modern and modern period and of 19th-cen-

tury military scholarship Such uniformity in

armament and fighting ability may have

been dominant in Byzantium and at least

ten dentious in Europe in the small num ber

of elite troops namely within the small circle

of bodyguards and those who possessed a

high social andor military status Treating

the straight double-edged swords as exclu-

sive markers of heavy cavalry is extremely

challenging especially when one takes into

account that battlefield roles may be accom-

plished with different armaments and are

200 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 2 Main arguments determining the hypothesis ndash (Drawing and digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

therefore only indirectly and idealistically linked to a certain armament type Since the so-called raquostirrup the-

sislaquo which otherwise had a much greater effect on medieval military historiography than the raquosword the-

sislaquo at last proved to be untenable71 it seems more and more obvious that as far as one can judge from

the archaeological evidence and historical records with the aid of physics and simple logic the pure connec-

tion of tactics and military technology in a continental European early medieval context is a paradox

The best contemporary argument for this is the case of the above-mentioned Byzantine kataphraktos who

was armed with two or more close combat weapons a spathion on a baldric a paramerion and several

siderorabdia (iron maces) fastened to the saddle (according to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo)72 The spathion is

identified as a double-edged straight sword while the explanation of the paramerion is more complicated

The term paramerion appeared in general use in the late 9th and early 10th century and means literally

raquo(something held) by the thighlaquo 73 John Haldon assumed that the main difference between the ordinary

sword and the paramerion is the way they were worn the former being carried on a baldric while the lat-

ter hung from a waist-belt 74 However the difference in form is more remarkable the paramerion is usu-

ally regarded as a straight single-edged sword according to the description in Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo and in the

raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 75 Albeit the recent translation of the raquoTacticalaquo is consistent in understanding it as a

dagger 76 a closer look at Leo VIrsquos text helps to specify what kind of weapon one shall understand by the

term The locus raquoπαραμήρια μαχαίρας μεγάλας μονοστόμουςlaquo (raquoTacticalaquo 5 sect217) could be a simple

enumeration without any further logical connection between the parameria and the single-edged great

daggers as the mention of raquoπαραμήρια ήτοι μαχαίραςlaquo (6 sect219) In contrast two other loci (6 sect26167

6 sect30198) clearly indicate that the word was used as an adverb and adjective as well Therefore it is quite

probable that the author attempted to explain the term paramerion when it first appeared in the text (5

sect217) and that the locus should be translated as raquoparameria i e large single-edged daggerslaquo Since the

author of the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo repeatedly uses the term paramerion as well but most importantly con-

firms twice that single-edged swords (monostomon and heterestomon xiphos) were called parameria

(raquoπαραμήρια ξίφη δηλαδὴ ἑτερόστομαlaquo [38 sect518] and raquoμονόστομα ξίφη hellip ἃ δή ϰαί παραμήριαλέγονταιlaquo [39 sect212-13]) 77 and at the same time states in the latter locus that the length of a parameri-

on and a spathion are equal 78 one is surely not facing a dagger here the expression raquogreat daggerlaquo in the

raquoTacticalaquo may rather mean that the paramerion is a dagger-like weapon in its form but bigger From this

one might infer a straight blade contrary to the opinion of Haldon who proposed that the paramerion is

the slightly curved single-edged sabre79 Piotr Ł Grotowski most recently summarised the state of research

and defined the paramerion as a single-edged broadsword 80 According to him the paramerion would be

with the fancy word of the Slavic research the palash ndash a predecessor of the sabre Although it does not

seem proper to name a weapon by an anachronistic term of unknown origin and etymology and the char-

acterisation of obviously contemporaneous types of weaponry by their hypothetical relative typological rela-

tion is also not an indisputable method Grotowski correctly concludes that raquoone must be careful seeing

the paramerion as a sabrelaquo 81 A similar view was expressed by Maria G Parani who was the first to draw

attention to the fact that neither Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo nor the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo or the raquoPraecepta

Militarialaquo mention the curve of the blade 82 Parani also emphasised that no middle Byzantine depiction of

a sword with a curved blade exists 83 Although there are some uncertainties concerning the modern defi-

nition of the sabre one may consider the curve of the blade as a major attribute that distinguishes the sabre

from other single- and double-edged swords The division of swords into three main types according to the

form and construction of the blades is supported by the archaeological material unearthed in the periph-

ery of the Byzantine Empire not only straight double-edged and curved single-edged but also straight sin-

gle-edged weapons are present in the Carpathian Basin (fig 3) and in Bulgaria as well 84 With the excep-

tion of Joacutezsef Hampelrsquos early remarks 85 such swords were regarded as sabres by the Hungarian research

201Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

without recognising their disparity although other hybrid forms were noticed but not studied thoroughly

(fig 4) 86 It seems that no certain archaeological pictorial or written evidence testifies the use of the sabre

i e the curved single-(false)edged sword in 10th-century Byzantium ndash there is only evidence of the other

two of the three basic blade types shortly defined above The importance of the differentiation between

straight single-edged and straight double-edged swords is also further attested by pictorial sources For

instance one may recognise the sword that the third foot soldier in the procession of the Forty Martyrs of

Sebastea holds in his hand on the fresco in the Guumlvercinlik (dovecote) church in Ccedilavuşin (Cappadocia) in

Turkey dated to 963-969 as straight and single-edged in contrast to the double-edged swords of the first

two soldiers on foot 87 The fresco is so detailed that even the fuller or rhombic section of the double-edged

blades is clearly visible The two types of blades differ not only in their points (that determine the number

of their edges) but also in their width the single-edged one is almost half as wide as the double-edged It

seems reasonable to assume that the painter of the scene was well aware of the variations and main char-

acteristics of the different swords and endeavoured to give highly detailed realistic depictions of them If

we are right in identifying the paramerion as a straight single-edged sword it should be noted that it is

closer in its construction and weight and thus in its possible original function to the sabre than to the

202 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 3 Some of the straight single-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 1 Biharkeresztes Vasuacutetaacutellomaacutes (Hajduacute-Bihar countyH) grave 1 ndash 2 Zemianska Olča (Hung NemesoacutecsaKomaacuterno distSK) grave 7 ndash 3 Csongraacuted-Vendelhalom (Csongraacuted countyH) grave41955 ndash 4 Szob-Vendelin (Pest countyH)grave 51 ndash (Drawings L Kovaacutecs digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

straight double-edged sword Since the former is usually interpreted as a special light cavalry weapon and

the latter as a heavy cavalry or heavy infantry weapon one may ask why the Byzantine super-heavy caval-

ry was equipped with a raquolightlaquo sword akin to the sabre The answer is simple neither is the sabre an exclu-

sively light cavalry weapon nor is the straight double-edged sword a typical heavy cavalry weapon Both

arms can be used in other tactical formations as well To sum up an armament type does not solely deter-

mine the tactics and thus the success or defeat of a soldier or an army

Even if we bona fide prescind from the above-mentioned methodological problems inherent in the inter-

pretation of graves and weapon burials in general the archaeological material should show features that

would unambiguously refer to heavily armed mounted fighters Therefore we may expect these Magyar

burials with double-edged swords to be furnished with objects that relate to riding mounted fight and

raquoheavylaquo armament first of all including armour On the other hand we may not overestimate the fact that

no sign of any armour has been recovered from Magyar graves 88 since the appearance of armour chain

mail and helmet is extremely rare not only in 10th-century burials 89 but throughout the Early Middle Ages

The total absence of shield bosses in the 10th- and 11th-century Carpathian Basin is more remarkable 90

compared to the Carolingian and Ottonian case Although they are neither frequent in contemporary West

European archaeological material 91 pictorial evidence and written sources indicate that the shield was a

most basic element in the equipment of Carolingian and Ottonian soldiers 92 Consequently further

research should concentrate on the types and small diversities in the buried riding gear with the intention

of differentiating between various riding techniques 93 This might serve as a basis for distinguishing raquoheavy

cavalry burialslaquo even though I particularly doubt the existence of 10th-century heavy cavalry and even more

its archaeological markers

Let us now turn towards the superiority and mystification of the straight double-edged sword Due to

Bakayrsquos physical analysis 94 which without exception fully persuaded Hungarian scholars the myth of the

sword being a weapon twice as powerful and effective than the sabre spread and became an axiom

However Bakayrsquos calculations concerning the torque (raquoDrehkraftlaquo) of the sabre and the sword are overly

simplified and hardly prove more than the fact that if a smaller and a bigger apple is thrown at you the

bigger one hurts more Actually his point was already lost when he chose the torque and not the mechan-

ic or kinetic energy as the aim of his calculations Not only his physical model (let the weapon fall to the

ground with its point first) fails to model the handling of these weapons in combat but he also simplified

203Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 4 The Szentbeacutekkaacutella hybrid sword ndash (Photo and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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2007b T Dawson Byzantine Infantryman Eastern Roman Em -pire c 900-1204 Osprey MilitaryWarrior Ser 118 (New YorkOxford 2007)

2009a T Dawson Byzantine Cavalryman c 900-1204 OspreyMilitaryWarrior Ser 139 (New York Oxford 2009)

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Dennis 2010 The Taktika of Leo VI Text translation and commen-tary by G Dennis Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 49(Washington DC 2010)

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Engel 2001 P Engel The Realm of St Stephen A History of Me -dieval Hungary 895-1526 (London New York 2001)

Eacuterszegi 1996 G Eacuterszegi Szent Istvaacuten pannonhalmi oklevele (Okle-veacuteltani-filoloacutegiai kommentaacuter) In I Takaacutecs (ed) Mons Sacer 996-1996 Pannonhalma ezer eacuteve 1 (Pannonhalma 1996) 47-89

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1937 N Fettich A honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg feacutemművesseacutege (DieMetallkunst der landnehmenden Ungarn) Archaeologia Hunga-rica Acta Archaeologica Musei Nationalis Hungarici 21 (Buda-pest 1937)

1938 N Fettich A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten-kard reacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacute-taacutesban In J Sereacutedi (ed) Emleacutekkoumlnyv Szent Istvaacuten kiraacutely halaacutelaacute-nak kilencszaacutezadik eacutevforduloacutejaacuten 1 (Budapest 1938) 475-516

Fodor 1981 I Fodor A magyarsaacuteg baltikumi eacutes skandinaacuteviai kapc-solatai a IX-XI szaacutezadban a reacutegeacuteszeti leletek alapjaacuten (Verbindun-gen der Ungarn mit dem Baltikum und Skandinavien zwischendem 9 und 11 Jahrhundert aufgrund der Bodenfunde) SzolnokMegyei Muacutez Eacutevk 1981 85-89

1996 I Fodor Vienna sabre In Fodor et al 1996 67-71

2000 I Fodor A haderő eacutes a fegyverzet aacutetalakulaacutesa az aacutellamala-piacutetaacutes koraacuteban In Aacute Raacutecz (ed) Nagy keacutepes millenniumi hadtoumlr-teacutenet 1000 eacutev a hadak uacutetjaacuten (Budapest 2000) 20 f

2001a I Fodor Laacuteszloacute Gyula a reacutegeacutesz In I Balassa E Laacuteszloacute(eds) Laacuteszloacute Gyula 1910-1998 Emleacutekkoumlnyv (Budapest 2001)147-270

2001b I Fodor Az aacutellamalapiacutetaacutes koraacutenak hadserege In P Hal-maacutegyi (ed) Az aacutellamalapiacutetoacutekroacutel 2000-ben A VII Honveacuted Emleacutek-nap eacutes a Leveacuteltaacuteri Napok makoacutei előadaacutesai A Makoacutei MuacutezeumFuumlzetei 98 (Makoacute 2001) 17-39

Fodor et al 1996 I Fodor L Reacuteveacutesz M Wolf I M Nepper (eds)The Ancient Hungarians [exhibition cat] (Budapest 1996)

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Gaacutell 2007 E Gaacutell Az Erdeacutelyi-medence a Partium eacutes a Baacutensaacuteg X-XIszaacutezadi siacuter- eacutes szoacutervaacuteny-fegyverleleteinek elemzeacutese (An Analysisof the Grave and Stray Weapon Finds of the TranssylvanianBasin the Partium and the Banat from the 10th-11th Centuries)Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 1202 2007 395-474

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2007 J Haldon (ed) Byzantine Warfare (Aldershot Burlington2007)

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Hampel 1897 J Hampel A reacutegibb koumlzeacutepkor (IV-X szaacutezad) emleacutekeiMagyarhonban (Budapest 1897)

1900 J Hampel A honfoglalaacutesi kor hazai emleacutekei In Gy Pau-ler S Szilaacutegyi (eds) A magyar honfoglalaacutes kuacutetfői A honfoglalaacutesezredeacuteves emleacutekeacutere (Budapest 1900) 507-830

1905 J Hampel Alterthuumlmer des fruumlhen Mittelalters in Ungarn(Braunschweig 1905)

1907 J Hampel Ujabb tanulmaacutenyok a honfoglalaacutesi kor emleacutekei-ről (Budapest 1907)

Haumlrke 1989 H Haumlrke Early Saxon Weapon Burials FrequenciesDistributions and Weapon Combinations In S C Hawkes (ed)Weapons and Warfare in Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford 1989)49-61

1990 H Haumlrke raquoWarrior Graveslaquo The Background of theAnglo-Saxon Weapon Burial Rite Past amp Present 126 1990 22-43

1992a H Haumlrke Changing Symbols in a Changing Society theAnglo-Saxon Weapon Burial Rite in the Seventh Century In MO H Carver (ed) The Age of Sutton Hoo the Seventh Centuryin North-Western Europe (Woodbrigde 1992) 149-165

1992b H Haumlrke Angelsaumlchsische Waffengraumlber des 5-7 Jahr-hunderts Zeitschr Arch Mittelalter Beih 6 (Bonn Koumlln 1992)

213Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

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217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 8: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

swords in question which aspect is superior to their typological and relative chronological relations In his

own words

raquoBereits hier moumlchte ich betonen dass die Chronologie der zweischneidigen Schwerter in erster Linie

eigentlich durch die oben geschilderte wirtschaftlich-gesellschaftliche Umwandlung bestimmt ist Der

typologische Vergleich dient demnach bloszlig als Ergaumlnzunglaquo 18

Furthermore the pioneering thought to compare the efficiency of the sword and the sabre with the aid of

modeling was invented only to prove Laacuteszloacutersquos (and originally Kalmaacuterrsquos) premise i e that the sword was a

more raquosuccessful weaponlaquo than the sabre However Bakayrsquos detailed calculations of the superiority of the

straight double-edged sword when compared to the sabre led to the mystification of the sword as a won-

der weapon (raquoWunderwaffelaquo) in the Hungarian archaeological research Although a more detailed archae-

ological explanation was now presented from those historians who slowly became the most influential his-

torians of the 10th-11th centuries only Gyoumlrgy Gyoumlrffy accepted and integrated the idea of the raquoregular elite

armylaquo consisting of heavy cavalry units organised by Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I into his comprehensive work

on the state formation process 19 Others like Joacutezsef Gerics simply evaded the discussion of the topic 20

while Gyula Kristoacute instead of acknowledging the military revolution as a historical fact treated the end of

the military campaigns in Europe and the battle at the Lech only as an important internal and foreign pol-

icy affair ndash nothing more 21 Kristoacute alone had proposed a short critique from the historianrsquos viewpoint are

archaeology and archaeological material competent to discuss and determine historical theories concern-

ing politico-historical questions 22 However Bakayrsquos work proved to be so overwhelmingly convincing that

not only the leading Hungarian archaeologists 23 but even Slovakian 24 and Romanian scholars acknowl-

edged his main conclusions 25 Radu Robert Heitel even treated the Transylvanian double-edged swords and

sword chapes as evidence that would draw the march route of the army of Saint Stephen I which con-

quered the regnum regis IuliiProkui in the year 1003 according to the Annales Hildesheimenses 26

194 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 1 The nature of the Magyar-Ottonian battle ndash (After Laacuteszloacute 1982 29)

In turn the archaeologist Laacuteszloacute Kovaacutecs took up the challenge to give a more proper archaeological expla-

nation of the historical thesis Although he assembled a whole catalogue on the subject of source-critical

problems of the double-edged swords 27 filtering out many ill-dated artefacts his whole evaluation regret-

tably was never published in its entirety Nevertheless his conception of an all-embracing simplified mili-

tary revolution dating from 955 rapidly became fundamental With his theory in contrast to Bakay Kovaacutecs

returned to the original notion of Laacuteszloacute (and Kalmaacuter) i e the necessary weapon change (raquoWaffen wech -

sellaquo) as a logical result of the raquomilitary shocklaquo generated by the defeats in the European theatre of war 28

However Kovaacutecs failed to give a convincing demonstration since his exclusive and at times subjective con-

clusions were drawn on the basis of a limited amount of numismatic material available 29 A rather new

phenomenon of the late 1990s is the appearance of some historical military papers 30 which mark a new

dawn of interest in the theme after the long silence from the potential third party of the debate Unfor -

tunately this research did not continue the traditions of the former historical military discussion but apart

from its useful practical viewpoint endeavoured only to describe and realise the above-mentioned hypoth-

esis from the viewpoint of the modern military terminology

There has been only one archaeological approach to the double-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpa -

thian Basin which did not originate from Laacuteszloacutersquos school Mechthild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm attempted to analyse

their chronological position apart from the historical approach of the Hungarian research and to fit them

into her absolute chronological system This was based on the chronological diversities and different origins

of the dirham and denar material of the first half of the 10th century Schulze-Doumlrrlammrsquos phase I (896-925)

and phase II (926-95070) comprised the so-called raquoaltmagyarischer Formenkreislaquo group in the former

chronology of Jochen Giesler The two phases were differentiated in their geographical distribution as well

Since the topography of the double-edged swords seemed to resemble that of phase II as Schulze-

Doumlrrlamm concludes the swords belong to the second quarter of the century 31 Although these phases

appear to be overly artificial and moreover their projection or application to the whole of the material is

at least problematic 32 her critical note on Bakayrsquos conception is more than appropriate

raquoDie Uumlbernahme dieser neuen Hiebwaffe und damit zugleich auch einer anderen Kampftechnik durch

die Ungarn hat demnach nichts mit dem rsaquoFuumlrstenheerlsaquo des Fuumlrsten Geza (972-997) zu tun wie es Bakay

vermutete sondern duumlrfte eine Reaktion auf die Erfahrungen bei den Kaumlmpfen in Deutschland und

Italien gewesen seinlaquo 33

However we must be aware that Schulze-Doumlrrlamm did not query the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo itself but only

presented a third option for the historical explanation of the presence of such swords thought to be alien

in the archaeological material of the Magyars As a conclusion of my preliminary thoughts on the histori-

ography concerning the chronological problems and interpretation of 10th-century straight double-edged

swords found in the Carpathian Basin I find the following thoughts of Bernard Sebastian Bachrach aston-

ishingly sound also in light of the situation of the Hungarian research

raquoIn what has amounted to a highly romanticized search for the origins of chivalry scholars have for too

long ignored the balance of the evidence focused upon bits and pieces of inconclusive data and mag-

nified the importance of these to help create a flawed picture of warfare in the early Middle Ageslaquo 34

Methodological problems of the thesis ndash reconsidering swords

While sketching the main points of the former research three major approaches took shape each based

on the idea that the straight double-edged swords are new phenomena in the otherwise homogeneous

raquonomadiclaquo material culture of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin This was clarified by a change in warfare

and military equipment taking place in the second quarter in the middle or in the third quarter of the cen-

195Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

tury either due to the experience of the campaigns in Europe or to the politico-military shock of the battle

at the Lech or thanks to the state formation process These theories all emphasise a crucial difference

between the sabre and the straight double-edged sword which significantly affected or altered the warfare

and tactics of the Magyars during the 10th century Thus we have seen a far-reaching theory changing over

time set off by Kalmaacuter as early as 1936 which explains the origin of the so-called Viking swords the politi-

co-social and military status they were thought to indicate and the historical context they created or in

which they acted When we take a closer look at the main arguments of this chain of thought many will

arouse our interest and hence induce a profound examination since they indicate serious methodological

problems I shall discuss these in the following separated on the basis of the character of their reasoning

be it principally (military) historical or archaeological

Historical arguments and notes

First of all it is worth noting that the concept of the supposed military reform and the creation or presence

of a heavy cavalry in 10th-century Hungary is completely without any written evidence or proof Not a sin-

gle historical information not any contemporary literary account shows any trace of either the establish-

ment or organisation of a new army or of the central distribution of swords or other military equipment to

Hungarian soldiers We do not even have a text that would at least indirectly refer to the army or retinue

of dux Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I such as e g the account of Thietmar of Merseburg on the 300 armoured

but not by all means mounted warriors (trecentis militibus loricatis) possibly serving as part of the person-

al retinue or guard of dux Bolesław I Chrobry (Chronicon Thietmari IV46) before they were given as a pres-

ent to Otto II 35

Our only contemporary source that mentions military affairs is the founding document of the monastery at

Pannonhalma 36 Although the diplomarsquos account on the war between the Germans and Hungarians and

the civil war known in more detail from later sources is almost meaningless and highly ambiguous 37 it was

associated with the supposed German origin of the duces raquoPoznanolaquo raquoCuntiolaquo and raquoOrziolaquo This proved

to be well enough for a theory of a strong Ottonian or German (military) influence in the court of the late

Geacuteza and young raquoWaiclaquoStephen and to attribute these duces a decisive role on the battlefield during

the suppression of the revolt of Koppaacuteny 38 In the later traditions of medieval Hungarian chronicles they

became the personal bodyguards of Saint Stephen I and generals of his army39 and ndash as a consequence in

modern historical research ndash the possible disseminators of heavy cavalry the organisers of the new Christian

regular army 40

Apart from the problematic interpretation of this diploma from the total range of contemporary sources

only five articles in the codes of Saint Stephen I provide useful information by dealing to some extent with

military affairs and by mentioning the sword The first article judges those who draw a sword (raquode evagi-

natione gladiilaquo) with the aim of injury to be killed by the same sword (I16) The second one rules the same

sentence for the case of murder with a sword (II12) the third declares the raquoan eye for an eyelaquo principle

for maiming with a sword (II13) while the fourth determines the fee that should be paid to a victim that

recovers from a wound by a sword (II16) The last article deals with the case of drawing a sword in rage

without wounding (II17) 41 Each article uses the word gladius but does not go into details about the

weapon like e g the famous raquoWalthariuslaquo poem 42 hence it is not possible to correlate the archaeological

material with the written evidence What is interesting however is that Stephenrsquos laws do not mention the

famous missile of the Magyars the bow and arrow ndash although their dominating presence in the burial

material would indicate a high importance 43 In contrast the many articles dealing with the crimes com-

mitted specifically with the sword especially in the second book of Saint Stephen I where they make up

196 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

almost one fifth of the total number of articles may refer to a very common phenomenon in the society

Personal violence must have been a widespread practice for reducing social tensions in a changing society

It is of great importance that this symptom of solving social problems with fighting and after all with vio-

lence and murder became manifest in close combat fought with gladii swords or sabres This as a final

result indirectly but unambiguously speaks of a tradition and preference of experiencing fight and combat

from up close ndash provided that these articles are not artificial adoptions of West European laws

In that way or another none of the quoted written sources serves as a firm base for a theory of a (new)

regular army whose core consists of heavy cavalry Furthermore the theory constructed upon these dubi-

ous sources cannot apply to the dating of archaeological assemblages as a determining fact What we

know for sure is that one of the different strata of the society called milites ndash witnessed in the laws of Saint

Stephen I ndash may be connected with somewhat regular perhaps professional military services 44 Thus I do

not reject the possibility of a more or less regular army at the time of the first Hungarian rex since it is obvi-

ous that a determined political will with a strong military base an army or at least a large retinue is the pre-

condition of state formation 45 I only suggest that in the case of the early Hungarian state formation nei-

ther written sources nor archaeological data as will be seen later provide us with any useful and unam-

biguous information on how that army could have looked like But we must not rely solely on the argu-

mentum ex silentio since this false reasoning was frequently done by the former research

Other contradictions emerge when we take into account the possible existence of a military reform or rev-

olution within the framework of early medieval Europe The concept may have its roots in the 19th- and

early 20th-century European idea that describes and explains military affairs being highly dependent on the

quality of the military equipment However this was a legitimate phenomenon in the world of mass armies

and an unbelievably quick progress in military techniques like artillery Thus the creators of this concept sim-

ply projected the military idea of the time of Delbruumlck and von Clausewitz back to early medieval times

Therefore the idea of a military revolution is mostly anachronistic in 10th-century Europe Nevertheless this

approach was not only prevalent in the Hungarian scholarship of the 20th century ndash the symptom appeared

in the German historical tradition as well One may find Karl Leyserrsquos thoughts on the Saxon military revo-

lution at the time of Henry I (919-936) and Otto I (936-973) closely related to the Hungarian example

Leyser stated that the creation of a heavily armoured cavalry (armati loricati) was the key to the military

and political success of the Ottonian dynasty According to him after 933 the Ottonian heavy cavalry

dominated the battles in the field 46 When Leyser published his theory in its entirety first in 1968 he had

already exploited three years earlier the assumed fundamental differences in the armament of the Magyar

and Ottonian troops in his interpretation of the battle at the Lech in 955 Leyserrsquos main point was to empha-

sise the effectiveness of the Ottonian armament in particular of the raquoheavier swordlaquo over their Magyar

counterparts raquoIn close quarter fighting with spears and especially swords the great majority of the Hun -

garians had no chance against the heavier arms and the much better protective equipment of their oppo-

nentslaquo 47

Leyserrsquos belief that the outcome of the battle is to be explained by the differences in arms and armour and

thus in tactics was so firm that he treated the locus raquoSuperamur scio multitudine sed non virtute sed

non armis Maxima enim ex parte nudos illos armis omnibus penitus cognovimuslaquo of Widukind in his raquoRes

Gestae Saxonicaelaquo (III XLVI) as proof for the decisive disparity 48 According to him the text should be inter-

preted in the following way raquoIn Widukind it was virtus and as shall be seen better weapons which over-

came superior numbers [at the battle of Lechfeld]laquo The latter half of the quotation should be understood

as the Magyars having a shortage of raquooffensive but also defensive weaponslaquo including raquoshields iron hel-

mets and above all hauberkslaquo 49 However we may try to specify the meaning and context of the locus

more precisely Contrary to Leyserrsquos opinion Widukind stated in the former sentence that the Ottonian

197Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

army is inferior to the Magyars ndash not in arms or virtue but in numbers Since the factors and circumstances

that do determine the process and final result of a battle in the field are obviously more than just the pure

number the armament and the virtus of the opposing forces we may see Widukindrsquos first statement of the

comparison rather as a comment that proves the value of the Ottonian army While the latter highly am -

biguous sentence ndash which can be used to determine the Magyar army as light cavalry wearing no armour

ndash may also indicate that the percentage of Magyar warriors equipped with defensive armament was lower

than that of the Ottonian soldiers in general On the other hand a serious methodological problem occurs

when we take a closer look at the whole text First of all it must be noted that the comparison of the two

armies i e the quoted text of Widukind is only a short part of the perhaps fictional encouraging speech

of rex Otto I who addressed his fellow soldiers right before the battle 50 The whole speech consists of typ-

ical phrases concerning general topics that aim at reassuring the soldiers of their strength and of their hope

that they could win the battle These phrases are so simplified that we may suppose without exaggeration

that this speech could have been delivered in every battlefield during the pre-modern period In the con-

text of such a pre-battle speech every statement gains an additional sense of encouragement heroism

past victories danger fictitious or real advantages etc are mentioned in order to strengthen the dubious

and those filled with fear 51 ndash fear of a punishment that will surely follow in the case of flight or deserta-

tion and fear of death in the battle itself 52 Addressing the enemyrsquos armour in a battle speech either in a

positive or a negative way is so trivial and self-evident that it even appears in the famous movie with Kevin

Costner raquoRobin Hood ndash Prince of Thieveslaquo 53 But let us return to Widukind himself and do not reject his

opinion when he clearly states in the continuation of the above-quoted text that raquoet quod maximi est nobis

solatii auxilio Deilaquo 54 thus the main difference between the two armies was the faith in Christ Whether

such a speech could have been given by Otto I or not (due to natural physical communication difficulties)

whether it is an original battle speech or only a fiction of the author 55 ndash it should be concluded that

Widukind does not allow us to draw such exact conclusions as Leyser did on the armament of the entire

opposing forces Consequently it seems that in parallel with the theory of Laacuteszloacute and Bakay the German

research also developed the idea of superiority of the double-edged straight sword ndash in connection with

(what is more important) the supposed dominance of the heavy cavalry on the battlefields

Leyserrsquos main thesis was actually only the application of a former historical notion to the cases of Charles

Martel Pippin and Charlemagne However Bachrachrsquos in-depth studies convincingly proved that neither the

thesis of a Carolingian nor of an Ottonian military revolution is true instead they should rather be treated

as myths 56 He established in many articles that early medieval wars were aimed at the conquest of the

enemyrsquos territory by besieging and controlling fortifications This resulted in the fact that the nature of early

medieval warfare was dominated by sieges and hence infantry fight while raquomounted shock combat was a

minor aspect even in the rare battles in the field that were fought throughout the pre-crusading Europelaquo 57

Instead of performing frontal attacks that usually failed and caused disastrous disorganisation and loss of

battle the early medieval European cavalry in the 9th-11th centuries were to perform multifunctional tasks

with their mostly light weaponry The tactically reasonable use of cavalry consisted of feigned retreats

flanking attacks and leaving them as a (hidden) reverse against a probable encirclement by the enemy They

were often even ordered to dismount and engage in the battle on foot 58

A similar picture is emerging from the battle and duel descriptions of the raquoWalthariuslaquo poem whose author

shows a remarkable interest in weaponry and realistic fighting 59 It seems that the raquoWalthariuslaquo is the only

early medieval narrative source that deals with military affairs to an extent that allows us to draw conclu-

sions regarding battlefield tactics and duel techniques ndash if we take the poem as a more or less authentic

account on European warfare of the late 9th and 10th centuries What is important here is that the battle

description (lines 180-207 especially 182-195) 60 does not mention the presence of heavy cavalry but

198 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

instead gives a carefully detailed picture of opposing troops standing very close a long-lasting missile fight

of throwing spears and some archery and then the clash of the battle lines in the chaos of close combat

It should be made clear that in this description the course of the battle consists of two equal parts the skir-

mish and the close combat Since the opposing troops are only at a raquothrowing spearlaquo distance of approx

30 m max 50 m apart from one another the possibility of a heavy cavalry charge is excluded Though the

author mentions cavalry fight as well it is ambiguous if they were heavily armoured 61 only shields (umbo)

are mentioned The same process is visible in every duel in the raquoWalthariuslaquo the fights start with throwing

spears (archery is only involved in one case) and end up with a close combat using spear-shield or sword-

shield combinations on foot

Even if we are wrong in taking the written sources at face value the main question that lies in the heart

of the investigation proves to be the toughest to answer What kind of cavalry may one call heavy And

what are its major distinctive features It is clear that the term was first invented for and applied to the

mounted knights of the High Middle Ages whose armour slowly developed into sophisticated and spe-

cialised full plate constructions But isnrsquot it wrong to desperately seek and suppose a similar case in the Early

Middle Ages In an attempt to understand early medieval cavalry in its own past reality a more flexible

approach is needed In my opinion the terms raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo are highly relative and work well only

in standard comparisons regarding equipment On the other hand contrary to the armament the assigned

or unintentionally performed operations against certain enemy units during a battle should be seen as the

most important factor that may determine the (momentary) battlefield role i e the tactical classification of

the cavalry unit in question Thus raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo should only be used in clear cases when written

sources permit the scholar to give a detailed picture of the battle In such ideal conditions different caval-

ry raquounitslaquo may be compared to each other or to infantry for reasons of differences in their armament their

assigned tasks and fulfilled operations on the basis of their momentum and results to finally address them

with attributes like raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo Bearing in mind the complicated nature and multi-layered process

of battles in general and the commonly laconic conditions of contemporary written sources one may

assume that only probable but no exact definitions are to be expected However it is not my duty to give

an analysis of early medieval European cavalry here I only point out the problem detailed studies will hope-

fully follow for the 10th-11th centuries as well 62

When looking for a contemporary military unit that might be rightly titled as heavy cavalry one has to turn

to Byzantium According to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (c 950) and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo (c 965) as well

as to later sources the task of the middle Byzantine kataphraktoi was to crush the middle of the enemy

battle lines with a single decisive charge 63 Their position within the general Byzantine battle order denotes

their remarkable importance the offensive part of a full middle Byzantine army was organised around the

kataphraktoi 64 forming a wedge in the Byzantine centre 65 The Byzantines were to achieve victory by this

main charge that began immediately after the skirmish of the prokoursatores 66 The detailed description of

their armament in the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo 67 clearly indicates that not only

the kataphraktos but also his horse was protected by armour (klibanion kremasmata epilorikion etc for

the mounted and the various carapaces for the horse) of the best quality 68 Thus the kataphraktoi fulfil the

major requirements that would make a unit of mounted soldiers heavy cavalry in theory first of all the spe-

cialised battlefield task that was officially attributed to them and secondly their centrally organised supply

with the appropriate armament to successfully perform their duty

Drawing conclusions is at least highly risky in the absence of a complete survey of all relevant texts and for-

mer research concerning the problem of 10th century heavy cavalry In spite of the fact that the rigid efforts

of describing cavalry with abstract definitions of tactical classifications seem to be outdated I have to deal

with the term raquoheavy cavalrylaquo in this paper in order to ascertain the probability of the thesis of the Hun -

199Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

garian military reform In this sense it may not be exaggerated and is reasonable to conclude that heavy

cavalry with a shock-delivering decisive role did not really exist on the battlefields of Western and Central

Europe in the 10th century ndash considering Bachrachrsquos negative opinion on Leyserrsquos Saxon military reform and

heavy cavalry According to this conception the supposed Hungarian military reform of establishing a heavy

cavalry that served as basis for the state formation should also be considered at least preliminary a myth

Archaeological arguments methods and sources

Much should and could be said concerning the absolute chronology of swords and the supposed weapon

change from the archaeologistrsquos point of view In this paper I will only concentrate on the main method-

ological problems of the thesis (fig 2)

Much ink has been spilt over the question of understanding burials in general and the foremost interest

the question of warrior or soldier graves presents similar difficulties in evaluating weapon burials Since the

early 1990s a new approach claims that the interpretation of weapon burials is not independent from

intentional factors that changed and created the burial while paleoanthropological and paleopathological

data are to be reckoned with in particular 69 Gender studies concerning this topic have reached a notable

success in Anglo-Saxon archaeology 70 A clear distinction must be made between weapon burials (raquoWaf -

fen graumlberlaquo) and warrior graves (raquoKriegergraumlberlaquo) identified by anthropological means In the light of recent

research the primary objective is to determine if the men buried with weapons primarily with straight dou-

ble-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpathian Basin were participants in military affairs or not Hope -

fully the planned anthropological research within the ongoing project will result in appropriate information

that can be compared with the archaeological data However now we are forced to only make use of the

archaeological evidence ndash which may prove or negate the thesis we are dealing with

The archaeological identification of pure military matters like tactics army or military organisation is more

problematic in particular when only grave material is at disposal Hence numerous methodological objec-

tions should be made in the case of linking specific fighting methods or tactics with certain weapons In the-

ory it is obvious that throughout human history on every technical level exists an assembly of armour and

weapons which fits best a specific battlefield role However equipping an army with different assemblies

of armaments requires an enormous financial investment a well-balanced economy and armourer industry

and ndash last but not least ndash a sophisticated military science None of that was at the disposal of the 10th-cen-

tury European states and pre-states with the exception of Byzantium On the other hand the concept of

armies divided into troops with unified armaments and different battlefield duties is the idea of the early

modern and modern period and of 19th-cen-

tury military scholarship Such uniformity in

armament and fighting ability may have

been dominant in Byzantium and at least

ten dentious in Europe in the small num ber

of elite troops namely within the small circle

of bodyguards and those who possessed a

high social andor military status Treating

the straight double-edged swords as exclu-

sive markers of heavy cavalry is extremely

challenging especially when one takes into

account that battlefield roles may be accom-

plished with different armaments and are

200 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 2 Main arguments determining the hypothesis ndash (Drawing and digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

therefore only indirectly and idealistically linked to a certain armament type Since the so-called raquostirrup the-

sislaquo which otherwise had a much greater effect on medieval military historiography than the raquosword the-

sislaquo at last proved to be untenable71 it seems more and more obvious that as far as one can judge from

the archaeological evidence and historical records with the aid of physics and simple logic the pure connec-

tion of tactics and military technology in a continental European early medieval context is a paradox

The best contemporary argument for this is the case of the above-mentioned Byzantine kataphraktos who

was armed with two or more close combat weapons a spathion on a baldric a paramerion and several

siderorabdia (iron maces) fastened to the saddle (according to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo)72 The spathion is

identified as a double-edged straight sword while the explanation of the paramerion is more complicated

The term paramerion appeared in general use in the late 9th and early 10th century and means literally

raquo(something held) by the thighlaquo 73 John Haldon assumed that the main difference between the ordinary

sword and the paramerion is the way they were worn the former being carried on a baldric while the lat-

ter hung from a waist-belt 74 However the difference in form is more remarkable the paramerion is usu-

ally regarded as a straight single-edged sword according to the description in Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo and in the

raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 75 Albeit the recent translation of the raquoTacticalaquo is consistent in understanding it as a

dagger 76 a closer look at Leo VIrsquos text helps to specify what kind of weapon one shall understand by the

term The locus raquoπαραμήρια μαχαίρας μεγάλας μονοστόμουςlaquo (raquoTacticalaquo 5 sect217) could be a simple

enumeration without any further logical connection between the parameria and the single-edged great

daggers as the mention of raquoπαραμήρια ήτοι μαχαίραςlaquo (6 sect219) In contrast two other loci (6 sect26167

6 sect30198) clearly indicate that the word was used as an adverb and adjective as well Therefore it is quite

probable that the author attempted to explain the term paramerion when it first appeared in the text (5

sect217) and that the locus should be translated as raquoparameria i e large single-edged daggerslaquo Since the

author of the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo repeatedly uses the term paramerion as well but most importantly con-

firms twice that single-edged swords (monostomon and heterestomon xiphos) were called parameria

(raquoπαραμήρια ξίφη δηλαδὴ ἑτερόστομαlaquo [38 sect518] and raquoμονόστομα ξίφη hellip ἃ δή ϰαί παραμήριαλέγονταιlaquo [39 sect212-13]) 77 and at the same time states in the latter locus that the length of a parameri-

on and a spathion are equal 78 one is surely not facing a dagger here the expression raquogreat daggerlaquo in the

raquoTacticalaquo may rather mean that the paramerion is a dagger-like weapon in its form but bigger From this

one might infer a straight blade contrary to the opinion of Haldon who proposed that the paramerion is

the slightly curved single-edged sabre79 Piotr Ł Grotowski most recently summarised the state of research

and defined the paramerion as a single-edged broadsword 80 According to him the paramerion would be

with the fancy word of the Slavic research the palash ndash a predecessor of the sabre Although it does not

seem proper to name a weapon by an anachronistic term of unknown origin and etymology and the char-

acterisation of obviously contemporaneous types of weaponry by their hypothetical relative typological rela-

tion is also not an indisputable method Grotowski correctly concludes that raquoone must be careful seeing

the paramerion as a sabrelaquo 81 A similar view was expressed by Maria G Parani who was the first to draw

attention to the fact that neither Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo nor the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo or the raquoPraecepta

Militarialaquo mention the curve of the blade 82 Parani also emphasised that no middle Byzantine depiction of

a sword with a curved blade exists 83 Although there are some uncertainties concerning the modern defi-

nition of the sabre one may consider the curve of the blade as a major attribute that distinguishes the sabre

from other single- and double-edged swords The division of swords into three main types according to the

form and construction of the blades is supported by the archaeological material unearthed in the periph-

ery of the Byzantine Empire not only straight double-edged and curved single-edged but also straight sin-

gle-edged weapons are present in the Carpathian Basin (fig 3) and in Bulgaria as well 84 With the excep-

tion of Joacutezsef Hampelrsquos early remarks 85 such swords were regarded as sabres by the Hungarian research

201Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

without recognising their disparity although other hybrid forms were noticed but not studied thoroughly

(fig 4) 86 It seems that no certain archaeological pictorial or written evidence testifies the use of the sabre

i e the curved single-(false)edged sword in 10th-century Byzantium ndash there is only evidence of the other

two of the three basic blade types shortly defined above The importance of the differentiation between

straight single-edged and straight double-edged swords is also further attested by pictorial sources For

instance one may recognise the sword that the third foot soldier in the procession of the Forty Martyrs of

Sebastea holds in his hand on the fresco in the Guumlvercinlik (dovecote) church in Ccedilavuşin (Cappadocia) in

Turkey dated to 963-969 as straight and single-edged in contrast to the double-edged swords of the first

two soldiers on foot 87 The fresco is so detailed that even the fuller or rhombic section of the double-edged

blades is clearly visible The two types of blades differ not only in their points (that determine the number

of their edges) but also in their width the single-edged one is almost half as wide as the double-edged It

seems reasonable to assume that the painter of the scene was well aware of the variations and main char-

acteristics of the different swords and endeavoured to give highly detailed realistic depictions of them If

we are right in identifying the paramerion as a straight single-edged sword it should be noted that it is

closer in its construction and weight and thus in its possible original function to the sabre than to the

202 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 3 Some of the straight single-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 1 Biharkeresztes Vasuacutetaacutellomaacutes (Hajduacute-Bihar countyH) grave 1 ndash 2 Zemianska Olča (Hung NemesoacutecsaKomaacuterno distSK) grave 7 ndash 3 Csongraacuted-Vendelhalom (Csongraacuted countyH) grave41955 ndash 4 Szob-Vendelin (Pest countyH)grave 51 ndash (Drawings L Kovaacutecs digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

straight double-edged sword Since the former is usually interpreted as a special light cavalry weapon and

the latter as a heavy cavalry or heavy infantry weapon one may ask why the Byzantine super-heavy caval-

ry was equipped with a raquolightlaquo sword akin to the sabre The answer is simple neither is the sabre an exclu-

sively light cavalry weapon nor is the straight double-edged sword a typical heavy cavalry weapon Both

arms can be used in other tactical formations as well To sum up an armament type does not solely deter-

mine the tactics and thus the success or defeat of a soldier or an army

Even if we bona fide prescind from the above-mentioned methodological problems inherent in the inter-

pretation of graves and weapon burials in general the archaeological material should show features that

would unambiguously refer to heavily armed mounted fighters Therefore we may expect these Magyar

burials with double-edged swords to be furnished with objects that relate to riding mounted fight and

raquoheavylaquo armament first of all including armour On the other hand we may not overestimate the fact that

no sign of any armour has been recovered from Magyar graves 88 since the appearance of armour chain

mail and helmet is extremely rare not only in 10th-century burials 89 but throughout the Early Middle Ages

The total absence of shield bosses in the 10th- and 11th-century Carpathian Basin is more remarkable 90

compared to the Carolingian and Ottonian case Although they are neither frequent in contemporary West

European archaeological material 91 pictorial evidence and written sources indicate that the shield was a

most basic element in the equipment of Carolingian and Ottonian soldiers 92 Consequently further

research should concentrate on the types and small diversities in the buried riding gear with the intention

of differentiating between various riding techniques 93 This might serve as a basis for distinguishing raquoheavy

cavalry burialslaquo even though I particularly doubt the existence of 10th-century heavy cavalry and even more

its archaeological markers

Let us now turn towards the superiority and mystification of the straight double-edged sword Due to

Bakayrsquos physical analysis 94 which without exception fully persuaded Hungarian scholars the myth of the

sword being a weapon twice as powerful and effective than the sabre spread and became an axiom

However Bakayrsquos calculations concerning the torque (raquoDrehkraftlaquo) of the sabre and the sword are overly

simplified and hardly prove more than the fact that if a smaller and a bigger apple is thrown at you the

bigger one hurts more Actually his point was already lost when he chose the torque and not the mechan-

ic or kinetic energy as the aim of his calculations Not only his physical model (let the weapon fall to the

ground with its point first) fails to model the handling of these weapons in combat but he also simplified

203Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 4 The Szentbeacutekkaacutella hybrid sword ndash (Photo and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

References

Androshchuk 2003 F Androshchuk The raquoLjudota Swordlaquo (AnEpisode of Contacts Between Britain and Scandinavia in the LateViking Age) Ruthenica 2 2003 15-25

Androushchuk 2009 F Androushchuk Vikings and Farmers SomeRemarks on the Social Interpretation of Swords and Long-Distance Contacts during the Viking Age In Holmquist Olaus-son Olausson 2009 93-104

Arbman 1937 H Arbman Schweden und das Karolingische ReichStudien zu den Handelsverbindungen des 9 Jahrhunderts KglVitterhets Hist Akad Handlingar 43 (Stockholm 1937)

Arbman Nilsson 1969 H Arbman N-O Nilsson Armes scandi-naves de lrsquoeacutepoque Viking en France Meddel Lund Univ HistMus 1966-1968 (1969) 163-202

Arwidsson 1986 G Arwidsson Schilde In idem (ed) Birka II2 Sys -tematische Analysen der Graumlberfunde (Stockholm 1986) 38-44

Bachrach 1969 B S Bachrach The Origin of Armorican ChivalryTechnology and Culture 10 1969 166-171

1970 B S Bachrach Charles Martel Mounted Shock Combatthe Stirrup and Feudalism Stud Medieval and Renaissance Hist7 1970 49-75

1983 B S Bachrach Charlemagnersquos Cavalry Myth and RealityMilitary Affairs 474 1983 181-187

1988 B S Bachrach Caballus et Caballarius in Medieval War-fare In H Chickering T H Seiler (eds) The Study of ChivalryResources and Approaches (Kalamazoo 1988) 173-211

1993 B S Bachrach Armies and Politics in the Early MedievalWest (Aldershot Brookfield 1993)

1995 B S Bachrach The Milites and the Millennium HaskinsSoc Journal Stud Medieval Hist 3 1992 85-95

2001 B S Bachrach Early Carolingian Warfare Prelude to Em -pire (Philadelphia 2001)

2002 B S Bachrach Warfare and Military Organization in Pre-Crusading Europe (Aldershot Burlington Suffolk 2002)

2006 B S Bachrach Verbruggenrsquos raquoCavalrylaquo and the Lyon-The-sis Journal Medieval Military Hist 4 2006 137-141

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Beatson 1995 P Beatson The raquoViking Shieldlaquo from ArchaeologyVarangian Voice 35 1995 25-35

Beloševič 2007 J Beloševič Osvrt na karolinške mačeve tipa H sašireg područja Dalmatinske Hrvatske (Ruumlckschau auf karolingi-sche Schwerter des Typus H aus dem Groszligraum des dalmati-schen Kroatiens) Prilozi 24 2007 405-418

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Cattaneo 2009 G Cattaneo The Scandinavians in Poland a Re-Evolution of Perceptions of the Vikings Brathair 92 2009 2-14

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2000 I Fodor A haderő eacutes a fegyverzet aacutetalakulaacutesa az aacutellamala-piacutetaacutes koraacuteban In Aacute Raacutecz (ed) Nagy keacutepes millenniumi hadtoumlr-teacutenet 1000 eacutev a hadak uacutetjaacuten (Budapest 2000) 20 f

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2001b I Fodor Az aacutellamalapiacutetaacutes koraacutenak hadserege In P Hal-maacutegyi (ed) Az aacutellamalapiacutetoacutekroacutel 2000-ben A VII Honveacuted Emleacutek-nap eacutes a Leveacuteltaacuteri Napok makoacutei előadaacutesai A Makoacutei MuacutezeumFuumlzetei 98 (Makoacute 2001) 17-39

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Gaacutell 2007 E Gaacutell Az Erdeacutelyi-medence a Partium eacutes a Baacutensaacuteg X-XIszaacutezadi siacuter- eacutes szoacutervaacuteny-fegyverleleteinek elemzeacutese (An Analysisof the Grave and Stray Weapon Finds of the TranssylvanianBasin the Partium and the Banat from the 10th-11th Centuries)Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 1202 2007 395-474

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Gerics 1995 J Gerics Egyhaacutez aacutellam eacutes gondolkodaacutes a Magyarors-zaacutegon a koumlzeacutepkorban Magyar Egyhaacuteztoumlrteacuteneti EnciklopeacutediaMunkakoumlzoumlsseacuteg koumlnyvek 9 (Budapest 1995)

2000 J Gerics Herrschaftszentren und HerrschaftsorganisationIn Wieczorek Hinz 2000 570-573

Gomolka 1968 G Gomolka Die Kleinfunde vom LimeskastellIatrus in Moesia inferior Klio 50 1968 171-249

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Grotowski 2010 P Ł Grotowski Arms and Armour of the WarriorSaints Tradition and Innovation in Byzantine Iconography (843-1261) The Medieval Mediterranean Peoples Economies andCultures 400-1500 87 (Boston Leiden 2010)

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1997b H Haumlrke Early Anglo-Saxon Military Organisation anArchaeological Perspective In Joslashrgensen Clausen 1997 93-101

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Herfert 1978 P Herfert Fruumlhmittelalterliche Schwerter aus demStrelasund und dem Einzugsgebiet der Peene Jahrb Boden-denkmalpfl Mecklenburg 1977 (1978) 247-261

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2004 В Йотов Въопъжениетто и снапяжението от бълга-рското средновековие (VII-XI век) (Varna 2004)

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Kahsnitz 2001 R Kahsnitz Erstes Buch der Makkabaumler In Puhle2001 218-221

Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 J Kalmaacuter Saumlbel und Schwert in Ungarn Zeit -schr Hist Waffen u Kostuumlmkde (Berlin) XIV NF 5 1936 150-155

1942 J Kalmaacuter Peacutecsi sisak a honfoglalaacutes koumlruumlli időből In Peacutecsszabad kiraacutelyi vaacuteros Majorossy Imre Muacutezeumaacutenak Eacutertesiacutetője1942 22-29

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1971 А Н Кирпичников Древнерусское оручжие Бып-ыск третий Доспех комплекс боевых средств АрхеологияСССР Е1-36 (Leningrad 1971)

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1993 L Kovaacutecs Waffenwechsel vom Saumlbel zum Schwert ZurDatierung der ungarischen Graumlber des 10-11 Jahrhunderts mitzweischneidigem Schwert Fasciculi Arch Hist 7 1993 45-60

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2002 L Kovaacutecs A honfoglaloacute magyarok bőrpaacutenceacuteljaacuteroacutel (Aboutthe Leather Armour of the Conquering Hungarians) HadtoumlrtKoumlzl 1152 2002 311-334

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1993 Gy Kristoacute Die Arpaden-Dynastie Die Geschichte Ungarnsvon 895 bis 1301 (Szekszaacuterd 1993)

1995 Gy Kristoacute A magyar aacutellam megszuumlleteacutese Szegedi Koumlzeacutep-kortoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 8 (Szeged 1995)

214 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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Laacuteszloacute 1939 Gy Laacuteszloacute Fettich Naacutendor A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten kardreacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacutetaacutesban (Naacutendor Fettich Lrsquoepeacutee de SaintEtienne du point de vue archeacuteologique) Folia Arch 1-2 1939231-235

1942 Gy Laacuteszloacute Budapest a neacutepvaacutendorlaacutes koraacuteban In KSzendy (ed) Budapest toumlrteacutenete I Budapest az oacutekorban maacuteso-dik reacutesz (Budapest 1942) 781-818

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Piatnitsky et al 2000 Y Piatnitsky O Baddeley Ea Brunner MMundell Mango (eds) Sinai Byzantium Russia Orthodox Artfrom the Sixth to the Twentieth Century (London 2000)

Pinter 1999 Z-K Pinter Spada şi sabia medieval icircn Transilvania şiBanat (secolele IX-XIV) (Reşiţa 1999)

Plavinskij 2009 Н А Плавинский Мечи эпохи бикингов стерритории Беларуси (The Swords of the Viking Age on theTerritory of Belarus) Stratum Plus 5 2005-2009 (2009) 58-70

Polgaacuter 2004 Sz Polgaacuter Kora koumlzeacutepkori (9-12 szaacutezadi) kelet-euroacute-pai fegyverkereskedelemre utaloacute feljegyzeacutesek az iacuterott forraacutesok-ban In L Balogh L Keller (eds) Fegyveres nomaacutedok nomaacutedfegyveresek Magyar Őstoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 21 (Budapest 2004)92-100

Popa 1984 R Popa Knaufkrone eines wikingerzeitlichen Pracht-schwertes von Păcuilul lui Soare Germania 622 1984 425-431

Puhle 2001 M Puhle (ed) Otto der Grosse Magdeburg undEuropa [exhibition cat] (Mainz 2001)

Randsborg 1981a K Randsborg The Viking Age State Formationin Denmark Offa 38 1981 259-276

1981b K Randsborg Burial Succession and Early State Forma-tion in Denmark In R Chapman I Kinnes K Randsborg (eds)The Archaeology of Death New Directions in Archaeology(Cam bridge 1981) 105-121

Restle 1967 M Restle Die byzantinische Wandmalerei in Klein-asien (Recklinghausen 1967)

Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 L Reacuteveacutesz I M Nepper The ArchaeologicalHeritage of the Ancient Hungarians In Fodor et al 1996 37-56

Rohrer 2009 W Rohrer Wikinger oder Slawen Die Interpreta-tionsgeschichte fruumlhpiastischer Bestattungen mit Waffenbei-gabe In A Klammt S Rossignol (eds) Mittelalterliche Elitenund Kulturtransfer oumlstlich der Elbe (Goumlttingen 2009) 27-41

Rudziński 2009 P M Rudziński tarcta we wczesnośredniowiecz-nej Polsce na tle europejskim Od plemienia do państwa (Shieldin Early Medieval Poland on the Background of the EuropeanWarfare From Tribal Times to Early State) Acta Militaria Mediae-valia 5 2009 21-78

Ruttkay 1970 A Ruttkay Korneacutel Bakay Archaumlologische Studienzur Frage der ungarischen Staatsgruumlndung Slovenskaacute Arch182 1970 482-484

1976 A Ruttkay Waffen und Reiterausruumlstung des 9 bis zurersten Haumllfte des 14 Jahrhunderts in der Slowakei (II) SlovenskaacuteArch 242 1976 245-395

Schuldt 1978 E Schuldt Einige bemerkenswerte Einzelfunde ausdem Burgwallgelaumlnde von Groszlig Raden Kreis Sternberg JahrbBodendenkmalpfl Mecklenburg 1977 (1978) 225-245

Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 M Schulze-Doumlrrlamm Das ungarischeKriegergrab von Aspers-legraves-Corps Untersuchungen zu denUngarn einfaumlllen nach Mittel- West- und Suumldeuropa (899-955 nChr) mit einem Exkurs zur Muumlnzchronologie altungarischerGraumlber Jahrb RGZM 31 1984 473-514

Shepard 2005 J Shepard Conversions and Regimes Comparedthe Rusrsquo and the Poles ca 1000 In Curta 2005 254-282

Solberg 1991 B Solberg Weapon Export from the Continent tothe Nordic Countries in the Carolingian Period Stud Sachsen-forsch 7 1991 241-259

Stalsberg 2008a A Stalsberg Herstellung und Verbreitung derVlfberht-Schwertklingen Eine Neubewertung Zeitschr ArchMittelalter 36 2008 89-118

2008b A Stalsberg The Vlfberht Sword Blades Reevaluated(httpjenny-ritaorgannestalsberghtml 1542012)

2010 A Stalsberg Ulfberht Revisited a Classification In JSheehan D Oacute Corraacutein (eds) The Viking Age Ireland and theWest (Dublin 2010) 450-464

Steuer 1987 H Steuer Der Handel in der Wikingerzeit zwischenNord- und Westeuropa aufgrund archaumlologischer Zeugnisse InK Duumlwel H Jankuhn H Siems D Timpe (eds) Untersuchun-gen zu Handel und Verkehr der vor- und fruumlhgeschichtlichen Zeitin Mittel- und Nordeuropa 4 Der Handel der Karolinger- undWikingerzeit Abhandl Akad Wiss Goumlttingen Phil-Hist Kl3156 (Goumlttingen 1987) 113-197

Stoodley 1999 N Stoodley The Spindle and the Spear a CriticalEnquiry into the Construction and Meaning of Gender in theEarly Anglo-Saxon Burial Rite BAR British Ser 288 (Oxford1999)

Strecker 1987 K Strecker (ed) Waltharius Deutsche Uumlbersetzungvon P Vossen (Hildesheim 21987)

Szaboacute 2010 J B Szaboacute A honfoglaloacutektoacutel a huszaacuterokig A koumlzeacutep-kori magyar koumlnnyűlovassaacutegroacutel (From the Hungarian Conquerorsto the Hussars Light Cavalry in Medieval Hungary) (Budapest2010)

Szameit 1992 E Szameit Ein VLFBERHT-Schwert aus der Donaubei Aggsbach Niederoumlsterreich Arch Austriaca 76 1992 215-221

Szőke 1962 B Szőke A honfoglaloacute eacutes kora Aacuterpaacuted-kori magyarsaacutegreacutegeacuteszeti emleacutekei Reacutegeacuteszeti tanulmaacutenyok 1 (Budapest 1962)

Szőllősy 2001 G Szőllősy Mi ceacutelt szolgaacutel a szablya fokeacutele Kiacuteseacuterletimegkoumlzeliacuteteacutesek Wosinsky Moacuter Muacutez Eacutevk 23 2001 275-293

Talbot Sullivan 2005 The History of Leo the Deacon ByzantineMilitary Expansion in the Tenth Century Introduction Transla-tion and Annotations by A-M Talbot and D F Sullivan Dum-barton Oaks Stud 41 (Washington DC 2005)

Toacuteth 1934 Z Toacuteth A huszaacuterok eredeteacuteről Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 3-41934 129-196

Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

Urbańczyk 2005 P Urbańczyk Early State Formation in East Cen-tral Europe In Curta 2005 139-151

Urtan 1961 В А Уртан Древние щиты на территории Латв-ийской ССР Sovetskaja Arch 19611 216-224

Validi 1936 A Z Validi Die Schwerter der Germanen nach arabi-schen Berichten des 9-11 Jahrhunderts Zeitschr Dt Morgen-laumlnd Ges 90 1936 19-37

216 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

Veszpreacutemy 1996 L Veszpreacutemy A nyugat-euroacutepai eacutes bizaacutenci hadvi-seleacutes a honfoglalaacutes eacutes kalandozaacutesok idejeacuten In L Veszpreacutemy(ed) Honfoglaloacute őseink (Budapest 1996) 66-80

2008 L Veszpreacutemy Szent Istvaacuten feloumlvezeacuteseacuteről In VeszpreacutemyLovagvilaacuteg Magyarorszaacutegon (Budapest 2008) 66-77

Vinski 1983 Z Vinski Razmatranja o poslijekarolinškim mačevima10 i 11 stolječa u Jugoslaviji (Betrachtung zu postkarolingischenSchwertern des 10 und 11 Jahrhunderts in Jugoslawien) Sta-rohrvatska Prosvjeta 313 1983 7-64

Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

Walsh 1998 A Walsh A Summary Classification of Viking AgeSwords in Ireland In H B Clarke M N Mhaonaigh ROacute Floinn (eds) Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age(Dublin 1998) 222-235

Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

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Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 9: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

In turn the archaeologist Laacuteszloacute Kovaacutecs took up the challenge to give a more proper archaeological expla-

nation of the historical thesis Although he assembled a whole catalogue on the subject of source-critical

problems of the double-edged swords 27 filtering out many ill-dated artefacts his whole evaluation regret-

tably was never published in its entirety Nevertheless his conception of an all-embracing simplified mili-

tary revolution dating from 955 rapidly became fundamental With his theory in contrast to Bakay Kovaacutecs

returned to the original notion of Laacuteszloacute (and Kalmaacuter) i e the necessary weapon change (raquoWaffen wech -

sellaquo) as a logical result of the raquomilitary shocklaquo generated by the defeats in the European theatre of war 28

However Kovaacutecs failed to give a convincing demonstration since his exclusive and at times subjective con-

clusions were drawn on the basis of a limited amount of numismatic material available 29 A rather new

phenomenon of the late 1990s is the appearance of some historical military papers 30 which mark a new

dawn of interest in the theme after the long silence from the potential third party of the debate Unfor -

tunately this research did not continue the traditions of the former historical military discussion but apart

from its useful practical viewpoint endeavoured only to describe and realise the above-mentioned hypoth-

esis from the viewpoint of the modern military terminology

There has been only one archaeological approach to the double-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpa -

thian Basin which did not originate from Laacuteszloacutersquos school Mechthild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm attempted to analyse

their chronological position apart from the historical approach of the Hungarian research and to fit them

into her absolute chronological system This was based on the chronological diversities and different origins

of the dirham and denar material of the first half of the 10th century Schulze-Doumlrrlammrsquos phase I (896-925)

and phase II (926-95070) comprised the so-called raquoaltmagyarischer Formenkreislaquo group in the former

chronology of Jochen Giesler The two phases were differentiated in their geographical distribution as well

Since the topography of the double-edged swords seemed to resemble that of phase II as Schulze-

Doumlrrlamm concludes the swords belong to the second quarter of the century 31 Although these phases

appear to be overly artificial and moreover their projection or application to the whole of the material is

at least problematic 32 her critical note on Bakayrsquos conception is more than appropriate

raquoDie Uumlbernahme dieser neuen Hiebwaffe und damit zugleich auch einer anderen Kampftechnik durch

die Ungarn hat demnach nichts mit dem rsaquoFuumlrstenheerlsaquo des Fuumlrsten Geza (972-997) zu tun wie es Bakay

vermutete sondern duumlrfte eine Reaktion auf die Erfahrungen bei den Kaumlmpfen in Deutschland und

Italien gewesen seinlaquo 33

However we must be aware that Schulze-Doumlrrlamm did not query the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo itself but only

presented a third option for the historical explanation of the presence of such swords thought to be alien

in the archaeological material of the Magyars As a conclusion of my preliminary thoughts on the histori-

ography concerning the chronological problems and interpretation of 10th-century straight double-edged

swords found in the Carpathian Basin I find the following thoughts of Bernard Sebastian Bachrach aston-

ishingly sound also in light of the situation of the Hungarian research

raquoIn what has amounted to a highly romanticized search for the origins of chivalry scholars have for too

long ignored the balance of the evidence focused upon bits and pieces of inconclusive data and mag-

nified the importance of these to help create a flawed picture of warfare in the early Middle Ageslaquo 34

Methodological problems of the thesis ndash reconsidering swords

While sketching the main points of the former research three major approaches took shape each based

on the idea that the straight double-edged swords are new phenomena in the otherwise homogeneous

raquonomadiclaquo material culture of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin This was clarified by a change in warfare

and military equipment taking place in the second quarter in the middle or in the third quarter of the cen-

195Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

tury either due to the experience of the campaigns in Europe or to the politico-military shock of the battle

at the Lech or thanks to the state formation process These theories all emphasise a crucial difference

between the sabre and the straight double-edged sword which significantly affected or altered the warfare

and tactics of the Magyars during the 10th century Thus we have seen a far-reaching theory changing over

time set off by Kalmaacuter as early as 1936 which explains the origin of the so-called Viking swords the politi-

co-social and military status they were thought to indicate and the historical context they created or in

which they acted When we take a closer look at the main arguments of this chain of thought many will

arouse our interest and hence induce a profound examination since they indicate serious methodological

problems I shall discuss these in the following separated on the basis of the character of their reasoning

be it principally (military) historical or archaeological

Historical arguments and notes

First of all it is worth noting that the concept of the supposed military reform and the creation or presence

of a heavy cavalry in 10th-century Hungary is completely without any written evidence or proof Not a sin-

gle historical information not any contemporary literary account shows any trace of either the establish-

ment or organisation of a new army or of the central distribution of swords or other military equipment to

Hungarian soldiers We do not even have a text that would at least indirectly refer to the army or retinue

of dux Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I such as e g the account of Thietmar of Merseburg on the 300 armoured

but not by all means mounted warriors (trecentis militibus loricatis) possibly serving as part of the person-

al retinue or guard of dux Bolesław I Chrobry (Chronicon Thietmari IV46) before they were given as a pres-

ent to Otto II 35

Our only contemporary source that mentions military affairs is the founding document of the monastery at

Pannonhalma 36 Although the diplomarsquos account on the war between the Germans and Hungarians and

the civil war known in more detail from later sources is almost meaningless and highly ambiguous 37 it was

associated with the supposed German origin of the duces raquoPoznanolaquo raquoCuntiolaquo and raquoOrziolaquo This proved

to be well enough for a theory of a strong Ottonian or German (military) influence in the court of the late

Geacuteza and young raquoWaiclaquoStephen and to attribute these duces a decisive role on the battlefield during

the suppression of the revolt of Koppaacuteny 38 In the later traditions of medieval Hungarian chronicles they

became the personal bodyguards of Saint Stephen I and generals of his army39 and ndash as a consequence in

modern historical research ndash the possible disseminators of heavy cavalry the organisers of the new Christian

regular army 40

Apart from the problematic interpretation of this diploma from the total range of contemporary sources

only five articles in the codes of Saint Stephen I provide useful information by dealing to some extent with

military affairs and by mentioning the sword The first article judges those who draw a sword (raquode evagi-

natione gladiilaquo) with the aim of injury to be killed by the same sword (I16) The second one rules the same

sentence for the case of murder with a sword (II12) the third declares the raquoan eye for an eyelaquo principle

for maiming with a sword (II13) while the fourth determines the fee that should be paid to a victim that

recovers from a wound by a sword (II16) The last article deals with the case of drawing a sword in rage

without wounding (II17) 41 Each article uses the word gladius but does not go into details about the

weapon like e g the famous raquoWalthariuslaquo poem 42 hence it is not possible to correlate the archaeological

material with the written evidence What is interesting however is that Stephenrsquos laws do not mention the

famous missile of the Magyars the bow and arrow ndash although their dominating presence in the burial

material would indicate a high importance 43 In contrast the many articles dealing with the crimes com-

mitted specifically with the sword especially in the second book of Saint Stephen I where they make up

196 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

almost one fifth of the total number of articles may refer to a very common phenomenon in the society

Personal violence must have been a widespread practice for reducing social tensions in a changing society

It is of great importance that this symptom of solving social problems with fighting and after all with vio-

lence and murder became manifest in close combat fought with gladii swords or sabres This as a final

result indirectly but unambiguously speaks of a tradition and preference of experiencing fight and combat

from up close ndash provided that these articles are not artificial adoptions of West European laws

In that way or another none of the quoted written sources serves as a firm base for a theory of a (new)

regular army whose core consists of heavy cavalry Furthermore the theory constructed upon these dubi-

ous sources cannot apply to the dating of archaeological assemblages as a determining fact What we

know for sure is that one of the different strata of the society called milites ndash witnessed in the laws of Saint

Stephen I ndash may be connected with somewhat regular perhaps professional military services 44 Thus I do

not reject the possibility of a more or less regular army at the time of the first Hungarian rex since it is obvi-

ous that a determined political will with a strong military base an army or at least a large retinue is the pre-

condition of state formation 45 I only suggest that in the case of the early Hungarian state formation nei-

ther written sources nor archaeological data as will be seen later provide us with any useful and unam-

biguous information on how that army could have looked like But we must not rely solely on the argu-

mentum ex silentio since this false reasoning was frequently done by the former research

Other contradictions emerge when we take into account the possible existence of a military reform or rev-

olution within the framework of early medieval Europe The concept may have its roots in the 19th- and

early 20th-century European idea that describes and explains military affairs being highly dependent on the

quality of the military equipment However this was a legitimate phenomenon in the world of mass armies

and an unbelievably quick progress in military techniques like artillery Thus the creators of this concept sim-

ply projected the military idea of the time of Delbruumlck and von Clausewitz back to early medieval times

Therefore the idea of a military revolution is mostly anachronistic in 10th-century Europe Nevertheless this

approach was not only prevalent in the Hungarian scholarship of the 20th century ndash the symptom appeared

in the German historical tradition as well One may find Karl Leyserrsquos thoughts on the Saxon military revo-

lution at the time of Henry I (919-936) and Otto I (936-973) closely related to the Hungarian example

Leyser stated that the creation of a heavily armoured cavalry (armati loricati) was the key to the military

and political success of the Ottonian dynasty According to him after 933 the Ottonian heavy cavalry

dominated the battles in the field 46 When Leyser published his theory in its entirety first in 1968 he had

already exploited three years earlier the assumed fundamental differences in the armament of the Magyar

and Ottonian troops in his interpretation of the battle at the Lech in 955 Leyserrsquos main point was to empha-

sise the effectiveness of the Ottonian armament in particular of the raquoheavier swordlaquo over their Magyar

counterparts raquoIn close quarter fighting with spears and especially swords the great majority of the Hun -

garians had no chance against the heavier arms and the much better protective equipment of their oppo-

nentslaquo 47

Leyserrsquos belief that the outcome of the battle is to be explained by the differences in arms and armour and

thus in tactics was so firm that he treated the locus raquoSuperamur scio multitudine sed non virtute sed

non armis Maxima enim ex parte nudos illos armis omnibus penitus cognovimuslaquo of Widukind in his raquoRes

Gestae Saxonicaelaquo (III XLVI) as proof for the decisive disparity 48 According to him the text should be inter-

preted in the following way raquoIn Widukind it was virtus and as shall be seen better weapons which over-

came superior numbers [at the battle of Lechfeld]laquo The latter half of the quotation should be understood

as the Magyars having a shortage of raquooffensive but also defensive weaponslaquo including raquoshields iron hel-

mets and above all hauberkslaquo 49 However we may try to specify the meaning and context of the locus

more precisely Contrary to Leyserrsquos opinion Widukind stated in the former sentence that the Ottonian

197Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

army is inferior to the Magyars ndash not in arms or virtue but in numbers Since the factors and circumstances

that do determine the process and final result of a battle in the field are obviously more than just the pure

number the armament and the virtus of the opposing forces we may see Widukindrsquos first statement of the

comparison rather as a comment that proves the value of the Ottonian army While the latter highly am -

biguous sentence ndash which can be used to determine the Magyar army as light cavalry wearing no armour

ndash may also indicate that the percentage of Magyar warriors equipped with defensive armament was lower

than that of the Ottonian soldiers in general On the other hand a serious methodological problem occurs

when we take a closer look at the whole text First of all it must be noted that the comparison of the two

armies i e the quoted text of Widukind is only a short part of the perhaps fictional encouraging speech

of rex Otto I who addressed his fellow soldiers right before the battle 50 The whole speech consists of typ-

ical phrases concerning general topics that aim at reassuring the soldiers of their strength and of their hope

that they could win the battle These phrases are so simplified that we may suppose without exaggeration

that this speech could have been delivered in every battlefield during the pre-modern period In the con-

text of such a pre-battle speech every statement gains an additional sense of encouragement heroism

past victories danger fictitious or real advantages etc are mentioned in order to strengthen the dubious

and those filled with fear 51 ndash fear of a punishment that will surely follow in the case of flight or deserta-

tion and fear of death in the battle itself 52 Addressing the enemyrsquos armour in a battle speech either in a

positive or a negative way is so trivial and self-evident that it even appears in the famous movie with Kevin

Costner raquoRobin Hood ndash Prince of Thieveslaquo 53 But let us return to Widukind himself and do not reject his

opinion when he clearly states in the continuation of the above-quoted text that raquoet quod maximi est nobis

solatii auxilio Deilaquo 54 thus the main difference between the two armies was the faith in Christ Whether

such a speech could have been given by Otto I or not (due to natural physical communication difficulties)

whether it is an original battle speech or only a fiction of the author 55 ndash it should be concluded that

Widukind does not allow us to draw such exact conclusions as Leyser did on the armament of the entire

opposing forces Consequently it seems that in parallel with the theory of Laacuteszloacute and Bakay the German

research also developed the idea of superiority of the double-edged straight sword ndash in connection with

(what is more important) the supposed dominance of the heavy cavalry on the battlefields

Leyserrsquos main thesis was actually only the application of a former historical notion to the cases of Charles

Martel Pippin and Charlemagne However Bachrachrsquos in-depth studies convincingly proved that neither the

thesis of a Carolingian nor of an Ottonian military revolution is true instead they should rather be treated

as myths 56 He established in many articles that early medieval wars were aimed at the conquest of the

enemyrsquos territory by besieging and controlling fortifications This resulted in the fact that the nature of early

medieval warfare was dominated by sieges and hence infantry fight while raquomounted shock combat was a

minor aspect even in the rare battles in the field that were fought throughout the pre-crusading Europelaquo 57

Instead of performing frontal attacks that usually failed and caused disastrous disorganisation and loss of

battle the early medieval European cavalry in the 9th-11th centuries were to perform multifunctional tasks

with their mostly light weaponry The tactically reasonable use of cavalry consisted of feigned retreats

flanking attacks and leaving them as a (hidden) reverse against a probable encirclement by the enemy They

were often even ordered to dismount and engage in the battle on foot 58

A similar picture is emerging from the battle and duel descriptions of the raquoWalthariuslaquo poem whose author

shows a remarkable interest in weaponry and realistic fighting 59 It seems that the raquoWalthariuslaquo is the only

early medieval narrative source that deals with military affairs to an extent that allows us to draw conclu-

sions regarding battlefield tactics and duel techniques ndash if we take the poem as a more or less authentic

account on European warfare of the late 9th and 10th centuries What is important here is that the battle

description (lines 180-207 especially 182-195) 60 does not mention the presence of heavy cavalry but

198 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

instead gives a carefully detailed picture of opposing troops standing very close a long-lasting missile fight

of throwing spears and some archery and then the clash of the battle lines in the chaos of close combat

It should be made clear that in this description the course of the battle consists of two equal parts the skir-

mish and the close combat Since the opposing troops are only at a raquothrowing spearlaquo distance of approx

30 m max 50 m apart from one another the possibility of a heavy cavalry charge is excluded Though the

author mentions cavalry fight as well it is ambiguous if they were heavily armoured 61 only shields (umbo)

are mentioned The same process is visible in every duel in the raquoWalthariuslaquo the fights start with throwing

spears (archery is only involved in one case) and end up with a close combat using spear-shield or sword-

shield combinations on foot

Even if we are wrong in taking the written sources at face value the main question that lies in the heart

of the investigation proves to be the toughest to answer What kind of cavalry may one call heavy And

what are its major distinctive features It is clear that the term was first invented for and applied to the

mounted knights of the High Middle Ages whose armour slowly developed into sophisticated and spe-

cialised full plate constructions But isnrsquot it wrong to desperately seek and suppose a similar case in the Early

Middle Ages In an attempt to understand early medieval cavalry in its own past reality a more flexible

approach is needed In my opinion the terms raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo are highly relative and work well only

in standard comparisons regarding equipment On the other hand contrary to the armament the assigned

or unintentionally performed operations against certain enemy units during a battle should be seen as the

most important factor that may determine the (momentary) battlefield role i e the tactical classification of

the cavalry unit in question Thus raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo should only be used in clear cases when written

sources permit the scholar to give a detailed picture of the battle In such ideal conditions different caval-

ry raquounitslaquo may be compared to each other or to infantry for reasons of differences in their armament their

assigned tasks and fulfilled operations on the basis of their momentum and results to finally address them

with attributes like raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo Bearing in mind the complicated nature and multi-layered process

of battles in general and the commonly laconic conditions of contemporary written sources one may

assume that only probable but no exact definitions are to be expected However it is not my duty to give

an analysis of early medieval European cavalry here I only point out the problem detailed studies will hope-

fully follow for the 10th-11th centuries as well 62

When looking for a contemporary military unit that might be rightly titled as heavy cavalry one has to turn

to Byzantium According to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (c 950) and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo (c 965) as well

as to later sources the task of the middle Byzantine kataphraktoi was to crush the middle of the enemy

battle lines with a single decisive charge 63 Their position within the general Byzantine battle order denotes

their remarkable importance the offensive part of a full middle Byzantine army was organised around the

kataphraktoi 64 forming a wedge in the Byzantine centre 65 The Byzantines were to achieve victory by this

main charge that began immediately after the skirmish of the prokoursatores 66 The detailed description of

their armament in the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo 67 clearly indicates that not only

the kataphraktos but also his horse was protected by armour (klibanion kremasmata epilorikion etc for

the mounted and the various carapaces for the horse) of the best quality 68 Thus the kataphraktoi fulfil the

major requirements that would make a unit of mounted soldiers heavy cavalry in theory first of all the spe-

cialised battlefield task that was officially attributed to them and secondly their centrally organised supply

with the appropriate armament to successfully perform their duty

Drawing conclusions is at least highly risky in the absence of a complete survey of all relevant texts and for-

mer research concerning the problem of 10th century heavy cavalry In spite of the fact that the rigid efforts

of describing cavalry with abstract definitions of tactical classifications seem to be outdated I have to deal

with the term raquoheavy cavalrylaquo in this paper in order to ascertain the probability of the thesis of the Hun -

199Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

garian military reform In this sense it may not be exaggerated and is reasonable to conclude that heavy

cavalry with a shock-delivering decisive role did not really exist on the battlefields of Western and Central

Europe in the 10th century ndash considering Bachrachrsquos negative opinion on Leyserrsquos Saxon military reform and

heavy cavalry According to this conception the supposed Hungarian military reform of establishing a heavy

cavalry that served as basis for the state formation should also be considered at least preliminary a myth

Archaeological arguments methods and sources

Much should and could be said concerning the absolute chronology of swords and the supposed weapon

change from the archaeologistrsquos point of view In this paper I will only concentrate on the main method-

ological problems of the thesis (fig 2)

Much ink has been spilt over the question of understanding burials in general and the foremost interest

the question of warrior or soldier graves presents similar difficulties in evaluating weapon burials Since the

early 1990s a new approach claims that the interpretation of weapon burials is not independent from

intentional factors that changed and created the burial while paleoanthropological and paleopathological

data are to be reckoned with in particular 69 Gender studies concerning this topic have reached a notable

success in Anglo-Saxon archaeology 70 A clear distinction must be made between weapon burials (raquoWaf -

fen graumlberlaquo) and warrior graves (raquoKriegergraumlberlaquo) identified by anthropological means In the light of recent

research the primary objective is to determine if the men buried with weapons primarily with straight dou-

ble-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpathian Basin were participants in military affairs or not Hope -

fully the planned anthropological research within the ongoing project will result in appropriate information

that can be compared with the archaeological data However now we are forced to only make use of the

archaeological evidence ndash which may prove or negate the thesis we are dealing with

The archaeological identification of pure military matters like tactics army or military organisation is more

problematic in particular when only grave material is at disposal Hence numerous methodological objec-

tions should be made in the case of linking specific fighting methods or tactics with certain weapons In the-

ory it is obvious that throughout human history on every technical level exists an assembly of armour and

weapons which fits best a specific battlefield role However equipping an army with different assemblies

of armaments requires an enormous financial investment a well-balanced economy and armourer industry

and ndash last but not least ndash a sophisticated military science None of that was at the disposal of the 10th-cen-

tury European states and pre-states with the exception of Byzantium On the other hand the concept of

armies divided into troops with unified armaments and different battlefield duties is the idea of the early

modern and modern period and of 19th-cen-

tury military scholarship Such uniformity in

armament and fighting ability may have

been dominant in Byzantium and at least

ten dentious in Europe in the small num ber

of elite troops namely within the small circle

of bodyguards and those who possessed a

high social andor military status Treating

the straight double-edged swords as exclu-

sive markers of heavy cavalry is extremely

challenging especially when one takes into

account that battlefield roles may be accom-

plished with different armaments and are

200 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 2 Main arguments determining the hypothesis ndash (Drawing and digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

therefore only indirectly and idealistically linked to a certain armament type Since the so-called raquostirrup the-

sislaquo which otherwise had a much greater effect on medieval military historiography than the raquosword the-

sislaquo at last proved to be untenable71 it seems more and more obvious that as far as one can judge from

the archaeological evidence and historical records with the aid of physics and simple logic the pure connec-

tion of tactics and military technology in a continental European early medieval context is a paradox

The best contemporary argument for this is the case of the above-mentioned Byzantine kataphraktos who

was armed with two or more close combat weapons a spathion on a baldric a paramerion and several

siderorabdia (iron maces) fastened to the saddle (according to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo)72 The spathion is

identified as a double-edged straight sword while the explanation of the paramerion is more complicated

The term paramerion appeared in general use in the late 9th and early 10th century and means literally

raquo(something held) by the thighlaquo 73 John Haldon assumed that the main difference between the ordinary

sword and the paramerion is the way they were worn the former being carried on a baldric while the lat-

ter hung from a waist-belt 74 However the difference in form is more remarkable the paramerion is usu-

ally regarded as a straight single-edged sword according to the description in Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo and in the

raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 75 Albeit the recent translation of the raquoTacticalaquo is consistent in understanding it as a

dagger 76 a closer look at Leo VIrsquos text helps to specify what kind of weapon one shall understand by the

term The locus raquoπαραμήρια μαχαίρας μεγάλας μονοστόμουςlaquo (raquoTacticalaquo 5 sect217) could be a simple

enumeration without any further logical connection between the parameria and the single-edged great

daggers as the mention of raquoπαραμήρια ήτοι μαχαίραςlaquo (6 sect219) In contrast two other loci (6 sect26167

6 sect30198) clearly indicate that the word was used as an adverb and adjective as well Therefore it is quite

probable that the author attempted to explain the term paramerion when it first appeared in the text (5

sect217) and that the locus should be translated as raquoparameria i e large single-edged daggerslaquo Since the

author of the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo repeatedly uses the term paramerion as well but most importantly con-

firms twice that single-edged swords (monostomon and heterestomon xiphos) were called parameria

(raquoπαραμήρια ξίφη δηλαδὴ ἑτερόστομαlaquo [38 sect518] and raquoμονόστομα ξίφη hellip ἃ δή ϰαί παραμήριαλέγονταιlaquo [39 sect212-13]) 77 and at the same time states in the latter locus that the length of a parameri-

on and a spathion are equal 78 one is surely not facing a dagger here the expression raquogreat daggerlaquo in the

raquoTacticalaquo may rather mean that the paramerion is a dagger-like weapon in its form but bigger From this

one might infer a straight blade contrary to the opinion of Haldon who proposed that the paramerion is

the slightly curved single-edged sabre79 Piotr Ł Grotowski most recently summarised the state of research

and defined the paramerion as a single-edged broadsword 80 According to him the paramerion would be

with the fancy word of the Slavic research the palash ndash a predecessor of the sabre Although it does not

seem proper to name a weapon by an anachronistic term of unknown origin and etymology and the char-

acterisation of obviously contemporaneous types of weaponry by their hypothetical relative typological rela-

tion is also not an indisputable method Grotowski correctly concludes that raquoone must be careful seeing

the paramerion as a sabrelaquo 81 A similar view was expressed by Maria G Parani who was the first to draw

attention to the fact that neither Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo nor the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo or the raquoPraecepta

Militarialaquo mention the curve of the blade 82 Parani also emphasised that no middle Byzantine depiction of

a sword with a curved blade exists 83 Although there are some uncertainties concerning the modern defi-

nition of the sabre one may consider the curve of the blade as a major attribute that distinguishes the sabre

from other single- and double-edged swords The division of swords into three main types according to the

form and construction of the blades is supported by the archaeological material unearthed in the periph-

ery of the Byzantine Empire not only straight double-edged and curved single-edged but also straight sin-

gle-edged weapons are present in the Carpathian Basin (fig 3) and in Bulgaria as well 84 With the excep-

tion of Joacutezsef Hampelrsquos early remarks 85 such swords were regarded as sabres by the Hungarian research

201Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

without recognising their disparity although other hybrid forms were noticed but not studied thoroughly

(fig 4) 86 It seems that no certain archaeological pictorial or written evidence testifies the use of the sabre

i e the curved single-(false)edged sword in 10th-century Byzantium ndash there is only evidence of the other

two of the three basic blade types shortly defined above The importance of the differentiation between

straight single-edged and straight double-edged swords is also further attested by pictorial sources For

instance one may recognise the sword that the third foot soldier in the procession of the Forty Martyrs of

Sebastea holds in his hand on the fresco in the Guumlvercinlik (dovecote) church in Ccedilavuşin (Cappadocia) in

Turkey dated to 963-969 as straight and single-edged in contrast to the double-edged swords of the first

two soldiers on foot 87 The fresco is so detailed that even the fuller or rhombic section of the double-edged

blades is clearly visible The two types of blades differ not only in their points (that determine the number

of their edges) but also in their width the single-edged one is almost half as wide as the double-edged It

seems reasonable to assume that the painter of the scene was well aware of the variations and main char-

acteristics of the different swords and endeavoured to give highly detailed realistic depictions of them If

we are right in identifying the paramerion as a straight single-edged sword it should be noted that it is

closer in its construction and weight and thus in its possible original function to the sabre than to the

202 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 3 Some of the straight single-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 1 Biharkeresztes Vasuacutetaacutellomaacutes (Hajduacute-Bihar countyH) grave 1 ndash 2 Zemianska Olča (Hung NemesoacutecsaKomaacuterno distSK) grave 7 ndash 3 Csongraacuted-Vendelhalom (Csongraacuted countyH) grave41955 ndash 4 Szob-Vendelin (Pest countyH)grave 51 ndash (Drawings L Kovaacutecs digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

straight double-edged sword Since the former is usually interpreted as a special light cavalry weapon and

the latter as a heavy cavalry or heavy infantry weapon one may ask why the Byzantine super-heavy caval-

ry was equipped with a raquolightlaquo sword akin to the sabre The answer is simple neither is the sabre an exclu-

sively light cavalry weapon nor is the straight double-edged sword a typical heavy cavalry weapon Both

arms can be used in other tactical formations as well To sum up an armament type does not solely deter-

mine the tactics and thus the success or defeat of a soldier or an army

Even if we bona fide prescind from the above-mentioned methodological problems inherent in the inter-

pretation of graves and weapon burials in general the archaeological material should show features that

would unambiguously refer to heavily armed mounted fighters Therefore we may expect these Magyar

burials with double-edged swords to be furnished with objects that relate to riding mounted fight and

raquoheavylaquo armament first of all including armour On the other hand we may not overestimate the fact that

no sign of any armour has been recovered from Magyar graves 88 since the appearance of armour chain

mail and helmet is extremely rare not only in 10th-century burials 89 but throughout the Early Middle Ages

The total absence of shield bosses in the 10th- and 11th-century Carpathian Basin is more remarkable 90

compared to the Carolingian and Ottonian case Although they are neither frequent in contemporary West

European archaeological material 91 pictorial evidence and written sources indicate that the shield was a

most basic element in the equipment of Carolingian and Ottonian soldiers 92 Consequently further

research should concentrate on the types and small diversities in the buried riding gear with the intention

of differentiating between various riding techniques 93 This might serve as a basis for distinguishing raquoheavy

cavalry burialslaquo even though I particularly doubt the existence of 10th-century heavy cavalry and even more

its archaeological markers

Let us now turn towards the superiority and mystification of the straight double-edged sword Due to

Bakayrsquos physical analysis 94 which without exception fully persuaded Hungarian scholars the myth of the

sword being a weapon twice as powerful and effective than the sabre spread and became an axiom

However Bakayrsquos calculations concerning the torque (raquoDrehkraftlaquo) of the sabre and the sword are overly

simplified and hardly prove more than the fact that if a smaller and a bigger apple is thrown at you the

bigger one hurts more Actually his point was already lost when he chose the torque and not the mechan-

ic or kinetic energy as the aim of his calculations Not only his physical model (let the weapon fall to the

ground with its point first) fails to model the handling of these weapons in combat but he also simplified

203Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 4 The Szentbeacutekkaacutella hybrid sword ndash (Photo and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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2007b T Dawson Byzantine Infantryman Eastern Roman Em -pire c 900-1204 Osprey MilitaryWarrior Ser 118 (New YorkOxford 2007)

2009a T Dawson Byzantine Cavalryman c 900-1204 OspreyMilitaryWarrior Ser 139 (New York Oxford 2009)

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Fettich 1933 N Fettich A levediai magyarsaacuteg a reacutegeacuteszet megvilaacute-giacutetaacutesaacuteban Szaacutezadok A Magyar Toumlrteacutenelmi Taacutersulat Eacutevk 677-10 1933 251-276 369-399

1937 N Fettich A honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg feacutemművesseacutege (DieMetallkunst der landnehmenden Ungarn) Archaeologia Hunga-rica Acta Archaeologica Musei Nationalis Hungarici 21 (Buda-pest 1937)

1938 N Fettich A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten-kard reacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacute-taacutesban In J Sereacutedi (ed) Emleacutekkoumlnyv Szent Istvaacuten kiraacutely halaacutelaacute-nak kilencszaacutezadik eacutevforduloacutejaacuten 1 (Budapest 1938) 475-516

Fodor 1981 I Fodor A magyarsaacuteg baltikumi eacutes skandinaacuteviai kapc-solatai a IX-XI szaacutezadban a reacutegeacuteszeti leletek alapjaacuten (Verbindun-gen der Ungarn mit dem Baltikum und Skandinavien zwischendem 9 und 11 Jahrhundert aufgrund der Bodenfunde) SzolnokMegyei Muacutez Eacutevk 1981 85-89

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1994-1995 L Kovaacutecs A Kaacuterpaacutet-medence keacuteteacutelű kardjai a 10szaacutezad 2 feleacuteből (Adattaacuter) Commun Arch Hungariae 1994-1995 153-189

1995 L Kovaacutecs Előkelő rusz viteacutez egy szeacutekesfeheacutervaacuteri siacuterban Araacutedioacutetelepi honfoglalaacutes kori A siacuter eacutes kardja (A Noble Knight fromRuss Buried in Szeacutekesfeheacutervaacuter) In L Koszta (ed) Kelet eacutes nyu-gat koumlzoumltt Toumlrteacuteneti tanulmaacutenyok Kristoacute Gyula tiszteleteacutere (Sze-ged 1995)

2002 L Kovaacutecs A honfoglaloacute magyarok bőrpaacutenceacuteljaacuteroacutel (Aboutthe Leather Armour of the Conquering Hungarians) HadtoumlrtKoumlzl 1152 2002 311-334

Kristoacute 1980 Gy Kristoacute Oroszok az Aacuterpaacuted-kori Magyaroroszaacutegon(Russes en Hongrie agrave lrsquoeacutepoque des Aacuterpaacuteds) Acta Univ Szegedi-nensis 67 1980 57-66

1985 Gy Kristoacute Az augsburgi csata Sorsdoumlntő ToumlrteacutenelmiNapok 8 (Budapest 1985)

1986 Gy Kristoacute Az Aacuterpaacuted-kor haacuteboruacutei (Budapest 1986)

1993 Gy Kristoacute Die Arpaden-Dynastie Die Geschichte Ungarnsvon 895 bis 1301 (Szekszaacuterd 1993)

1995 Gy Kristoacute A magyar aacutellam megszuumlleteacutese Szegedi Koumlzeacutep-kortoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 8 (Szeged 1995)

214 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Langoacute 2005 P Langoacute Archaeological Research on the ConqueringHungarians a Review In B G Mende (ed) Research on thePrehistory of the Hungarians a Review Varia ArchaeologicaHungarica 18 (Budapest 2005) 175-340

Last 1972 M Last Die Bewaffnung der Karolingerzeit Nachr Nie -dersachsen Urgesch 41 1972 77-93

Laacuteszloacute 1939 Gy Laacuteszloacute Fettich Naacutendor A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten kardreacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacutetaacutesban (Naacutendor Fettich Lrsquoepeacutee de SaintEtienne du point de vue archeacuteologique) Folia Arch 1-2 1939231-235

1942 Gy Laacuteszloacute Budapest a neacutepvaacutendorlaacutes koraacuteban In KSzendy (ed) Budapest toumlrteacutenete I Budapest az oacutekorban maacuteso-dik reacutesz (Budapest 1942) 781-818

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Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991 J Laszlovszky Cs Sikloacutedi Archaeologi-cal Theory in Hungary since 1960 Theories without TheoreticalArchaeology In I Hodder (ed) Archaeological Theory in Eu -rope The Last Three Decades (London New York 1991) 272-298

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Liwoch 2008 R Liwoch Zachodioukraińske miecze i trzewikipochew mieczowych od X do połowy XIII w (Western UkrainianSwords and Swordrsquos Chapes from the 10th to Mid 13th Centu-ries) Acta Militaria Mediaevalia 4 2008 39-59

Marek 2005 L Marek Early Medieval Swords from Central andEast Europe Dilemmas of an Archaeologist and a Student ofArms Acta Univ Wratislaviensis 2713 (Wrocław 2005)

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Martens 2004 I Martens Indigenous and Imported Viking AgeWeapons in Norway ndash a Problem with European ImplicationsJournal Nordic Arch Scien 14 2004 125-137

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Plavinskij 2009 Н А Плавинский Мечи эпохи бикингов стерритории Беларуси (The Swords of the Viking Age on theTerritory of Belarus) Stratum Plus 5 2005-2009 (2009) 58-70

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Toacuteth 1934 Z Toacuteth A huszaacuterok eredeteacuteről Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 3-41934 129-196

Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

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217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 10: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

tury either due to the experience of the campaigns in Europe or to the politico-military shock of the battle

at the Lech or thanks to the state formation process These theories all emphasise a crucial difference

between the sabre and the straight double-edged sword which significantly affected or altered the warfare

and tactics of the Magyars during the 10th century Thus we have seen a far-reaching theory changing over

time set off by Kalmaacuter as early as 1936 which explains the origin of the so-called Viking swords the politi-

co-social and military status they were thought to indicate and the historical context they created or in

which they acted When we take a closer look at the main arguments of this chain of thought many will

arouse our interest and hence induce a profound examination since they indicate serious methodological

problems I shall discuss these in the following separated on the basis of the character of their reasoning

be it principally (military) historical or archaeological

Historical arguments and notes

First of all it is worth noting that the concept of the supposed military reform and the creation or presence

of a heavy cavalry in 10th-century Hungary is completely without any written evidence or proof Not a sin-

gle historical information not any contemporary literary account shows any trace of either the establish-

ment or organisation of a new army or of the central distribution of swords or other military equipment to

Hungarian soldiers We do not even have a text that would at least indirectly refer to the army or retinue

of dux Geacuteza and Saint Stephen I such as e g the account of Thietmar of Merseburg on the 300 armoured

but not by all means mounted warriors (trecentis militibus loricatis) possibly serving as part of the person-

al retinue or guard of dux Bolesław I Chrobry (Chronicon Thietmari IV46) before they were given as a pres-

ent to Otto II 35

Our only contemporary source that mentions military affairs is the founding document of the monastery at

Pannonhalma 36 Although the diplomarsquos account on the war between the Germans and Hungarians and

the civil war known in more detail from later sources is almost meaningless and highly ambiguous 37 it was

associated with the supposed German origin of the duces raquoPoznanolaquo raquoCuntiolaquo and raquoOrziolaquo This proved

to be well enough for a theory of a strong Ottonian or German (military) influence in the court of the late

Geacuteza and young raquoWaiclaquoStephen and to attribute these duces a decisive role on the battlefield during

the suppression of the revolt of Koppaacuteny 38 In the later traditions of medieval Hungarian chronicles they

became the personal bodyguards of Saint Stephen I and generals of his army39 and ndash as a consequence in

modern historical research ndash the possible disseminators of heavy cavalry the organisers of the new Christian

regular army 40

Apart from the problematic interpretation of this diploma from the total range of contemporary sources

only five articles in the codes of Saint Stephen I provide useful information by dealing to some extent with

military affairs and by mentioning the sword The first article judges those who draw a sword (raquode evagi-

natione gladiilaquo) with the aim of injury to be killed by the same sword (I16) The second one rules the same

sentence for the case of murder with a sword (II12) the third declares the raquoan eye for an eyelaquo principle

for maiming with a sword (II13) while the fourth determines the fee that should be paid to a victim that

recovers from a wound by a sword (II16) The last article deals with the case of drawing a sword in rage

without wounding (II17) 41 Each article uses the word gladius but does not go into details about the

weapon like e g the famous raquoWalthariuslaquo poem 42 hence it is not possible to correlate the archaeological

material with the written evidence What is interesting however is that Stephenrsquos laws do not mention the

famous missile of the Magyars the bow and arrow ndash although their dominating presence in the burial

material would indicate a high importance 43 In contrast the many articles dealing with the crimes com-

mitted specifically with the sword especially in the second book of Saint Stephen I where they make up

196 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

almost one fifth of the total number of articles may refer to a very common phenomenon in the society

Personal violence must have been a widespread practice for reducing social tensions in a changing society

It is of great importance that this symptom of solving social problems with fighting and after all with vio-

lence and murder became manifest in close combat fought with gladii swords or sabres This as a final

result indirectly but unambiguously speaks of a tradition and preference of experiencing fight and combat

from up close ndash provided that these articles are not artificial adoptions of West European laws

In that way or another none of the quoted written sources serves as a firm base for a theory of a (new)

regular army whose core consists of heavy cavalry Furthermore the theory constructed upon these dubi-

ous sources cannot apply to the dating of archaeological assemblages as a determining fact What we

know for sure is that one of the different strata of the society called milites ndash witnessed in the laws of Saint

Stephen I ndash may be connected with somewhat regular perhaps professional military services 44 Thus I do

not reject the possibility of a more or less regular army at the time of the first Hungarian rex since it is obvi-

ous that a determined political will with a strong military base an army or at least a large retinue is the pre-

condition of state formation 45 I only suggest that in the case of the early Hungarian state formation nei-

ther written sources nor archaeological data as will be seen later provide us with any useful and unam-

biguous information on how that army could have looked like But we must not rely solely on the argu-

mentum ex silentio since this false reasoning was frequently done by the former research

Other contradictions emerge when we take into account the possible existence of a military reform or rev-

olution within the framework of early medieval Europe The concept may have its roots in the 19th- and

early 20th-century European idea that describes and explains military affairs being highly dependent on the

quality of the military equipment However this was a legitimate phenomenon in the world of mass armies

and an unbelievably quick progress in military techniques like artillery Thus the creators of this concept sim-

ply projected the military idea of the time of Delbruumlck and von Clausewitz back to early medieval times

Therefore the idea of a military revolution is mostly anachronistic in 10th-century Europe Nevertheless this

approach was not only prevalent in the Hungarian scholarship of the 20th century ndash the symptom appeared

in the German historical tradition as well One may find Karl Leyserrsquos thoughts on the Saxon military revo-

lution at the time of Henry I (919-936) and Otto I (936-973) closely related to the Hungarian example

Leyser stated that the creation of a heavily armoured cavalry (armati loricati) was the key to the military

and political success of the Ottonian dynasty According to him after 933 the Ottonian heavy cavalry

dominated the battles in the field 46 When Leyser published his theory in its entirety first in 1968 he had

already exploited three years earlier the assumed fundamental differences in the armament of the Magyar

and Ottonian troops in his interpretation of the battle at the Lech in 955 Leyserrsquos main point was to empha-

sise the effectiveness of the Ottonian armament in particular of the raquoheavier swordlaquo over their Magyar

counterparts raquoIn close quarter fighting with spears and especially swords the great majority of the Hun -

garians had no chance against the heavier arms and the much better protective equipment of their oppo-

nentslaquo 47

Leyserrsquos belief that the outcome of the battle is to be explained by the differences in arms and armour and

thus in tactics was so firm that he treated the locus raquoSuperamur scio multitudine sed non virtute sed

non armis Maxima enim ex parte nudos illos armis omnibus penitus cognovimuslaquo of Widukind in his raquoRes

Gestae Saxonicaelaquo (III XLVI) as proof for the decisive disparity 48 According to him the text should be inter-

preted in the following way raquoIn Widukind it was virtus and as shall be seen better weapons which over-

came superior numbers [at the battle of Lechfeld]laquo The latter half of the quotation should be understood

as the Magyars having a shortage of raquooffensive but also defensive weaponslaquo including raquoshields iron hel-

mets and above all hauberkslaquo 49 However we may try to specify the meaning and context of the locus

more precisely Contrary to Leyserrsquos opinion Widukind stated in the former sentence that the Ottonian

197Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

army is inferior to the Magyars ndash not in arms or virtue but in numbers Since the factors and circumstances

that do determine the process and final result of a battle in the field are obviously more than just the pure

number the armament and the virtus of the opposing forces we may see Widukindrsquos first statement of the

comparison rather as a comment that proves the value of the Ottonian army While the latter highly am -

biguous sentence ndash which can be used to determine the Magyar army as light cavalry wearing no armour

ndash may also indicate that the percentage of Magyar warriors equipped with defensive armament was lower

than that of the Ottonian soldiers in general On the other hand a serious methodological problem occurs

when we take a closer look at the whole text First of all it must be noted that the comparison of the two

armies i e the quoted text of Widukind is only a short part of the perhaps fictional encouraging speech

of rex Otto I who addressed his fellow soldiers right before the battle 50 The whole speech consists of typ-

ical phrases concerning general topics that aim at reassuring the soldiers of their strength and of their hope

that they could win the battle These phrases are so simplified that we may suppose without exaggeration

that this speech could have been delivered in every battlefield during the pre-modern period In the con-

text of such a pre-battle speech every statement gains an additional sense of encouragement heroism

past victories danger fictitious or real advantages etc are mentioned in order to strengthen the dubious

and those filled with fear 51 ndash fear of a punishment that will surely follow in the case of flight or deserta-

tion and fear of death in the battle itself 52 Addressing the enemyrsquos armour in a battle speech either in a

positive or a negative way is so trivial and self-evident that it even appears in the famous movie with Kevin

Costner raquoRobin Hood ndash Prince of Thieveslaquo 53 But let us return to Widukind himself and do not reject his

opinion when he clearly states in the continuation of the above-quoted text that raquoet quod maximi est nobis

solatii auxilio Deilaquo 54 thus the main difference between the two armies was the faith in Christ Whether

such a speech could have been given by Otto I or not (due to natural physical communication difficulties)

whether it is an original battle speech or only a fiction of the author 55 ndash it should be concluded that

Widukind does not allow us to draw such exact conclusions as Leyser did on the armament of the entire

opposing forces Consequently it seems that in parallel with the theory of Laacuteszloacute and Bakay the German

research also developed the idea of superiority of the double-edged straight sword ndash in connection with

(what is more important) the supposed dominance of the heavy cavalry on the battlefields

Leyserrsquos main thesis was actually only the application of a former historical notion to the cases of Charles

Martel Pippin and Charlemagne However Bachrachrsquos in-depth studies convincingly proved that neither the

thesis of a Carolingian nor of an Ottonian military revolution is true instead they should rather be treated

as myths 56 He established in many articles that early medieval wars were aimed at the conquest of the

enemyrsquos territory by besieging and controlling fortifications This resulted in the fact that the nature of early

medieval warfare was dominated by sieges and hence infantry fight while raquomounted shock combat was a

minor aspect even in the rare battles in the field that were fought throughout the pre-crusading Europelaquo 57

Instead of performing frontal attacks that usually failed and caused disastrous disorganisation and loss of

battle the early medieval European cavalry in the 9th-11th centuries were to perform multifunctional tasks

with their mostly light weaponry The tactically reasonable use of cavalry consisted of feigned retreats

flanking attacks and leaving them as a (hidden) reverse against a probable encirclement by the enemy They

were often even ordered to dismount and engage in the battle on foot 58

A similar picture is emerging from the battle and duel descriptions of the raquoWalthariuslaquo poem whose author

shows a remarkable interest in weaponry and realistic fighting 59 It seems that the raquoWalthariuslaquo is the only

early medieval narrative source that deals with military affairs to an extent that allows us to draw conclu-

sions regarding battlefield tactics and duel techniques ndash if we take the poem as a more or less authentic

account on European warfare of the late 9th and 10th centuries What is important here is that the battle

description (lines 180-207 especially 182-195) 60 does not mention the presence of heavy cavalry but

198 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

instead gives a carefully detailed picture of opposing troops standing very close a long-lasting missile fight

of throwing spears and some archery and then the clash of the battle lines in the chaos of close combat

It should be made clear that in this description the course of the battle consists of two equal parts the skir-

mish and the close combat Since the opposing troops are only at a raquothrowing spearlaquo distance of approx

30 m max 50 m apart from one another the possibility of a heavy cavalry charge is excluded Though the

author mentions cavalry fight as well it is ambiguous if they were heavily armoured 61 only shields (umbo)

are mentioned The same process is visible in every duel in the raquoWalthariuslaquo the fights start with throwing

spears (archery is only involved in one case) and end up with a close combat using spear-shield or sword-

shield combinations on foot

Even if we are wrong in taking the written sources at face value the main question that lies in the heart

of the investigation proves to be the toughest to answer What kind of cavalry may one call heavy And

what are its major distinctive features It is clear that the term was first invented for and applied to the

mounted knights of the High Middle Ages whose armour slowly developed into sophisticated and spe-

cialised full plate constructions But isnrsquot it wrong to desperately seek and suppose a similar case in the Early

Middle Ages In an attempt to understand early medieval cavalry in its own past reality a more flexible

approach is needed In my opinion the terms raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo are highly relative and work well only

in standard comparisons regarding equipment On the other hand contrary to the armament the assigned

or unintentionally performed operations against certain enemy units during a battle should be seen as the

most important factor that may determine the (momentary) battlefield role i e the tactical classification of

the cavalry unit in question Thus raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo should only be used in clear cases when written

sources permit the scholar to give a detailed picture of the battle In such ideal conditions different caval-

ry raquounitslaquo may be compared to each other or to infantry for reasons of differences in their armament their

assigned tasks and fulfilled operations on the basis of their momentum and results to finally address them

with attributes like raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo Bearing in mind the complicated nature and multi-layered process

of battles in general and the commonly laconic conditions of contemporary written sources one may

assume that only probable but no exact definitions are to be expected However it is not my duty to give

an analysis of early medieval European cavalry here I only point out the problem detailed studies will hope-

fully follow for the 10th-11th centuries as well 62

When looking for a contemporary military unit that might be rightly titled as heavy cavalry one has to turn

to Byzantium According to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (c 950) and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo (c 965) as well

as to later sources the task of the middle Byzantine kataphraktoi was to crush the middle of the enemy

battle lines with a single decisive charge 63 Their position within the general Byzantine battle order denotes

their remarkable importance the offensive part of a full middle Byzantine army was organised around the

kataphraktoi 64 forming a wedge in the Byzantine centre 65 The Byzantines were to achieve victory by this

main charge that began immediately after the skirmish of the prokoursatores 66 The detailed description of

their armament in the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo 67 clearly indicates that not only

the kataphraktos but also his horse was protected by armour (klibanion kremasmata epilorikion etc for

the mounted and the various carapaces for the horse) of the best quality 68 Thus the kataphraktoi fulfil the

major requirements that would make a unit of mounted soldiers heavy cavalry in theory first of all the spe-

cialised battlefield task that was officially attributed to them and secondly their centrally organised supply

with the appropriate armament to successfully perform their duty

Drawing conclusions is at least highly risky in the absence of a complete survey of all relevant texts and for-

mer research concerning the problem of 10th century heavy cavalry In spite of the fact that the rigid efforts

of describing cavalry with abstract definitions of tactical classifications seem to be outdated I have to deal

with the term raquoheavy cavalrylaquo in this paper in order to ascertain the probability of the thesis of the Hun -

199Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

garian military reform In this sense it may not be exaggerated and is reasonable to conclude that heavy

cavalry with a shock-delivering decisive role did not really exist on the battlefields of Western and Central

Europe in the 10th century ndash considering Bachrachrsquos negative opinion on Leyserrsquos Saxon military reform and

heavy cavalry According to this conception the supposed Hungarian military reform of establishing a heavy

cavalry that served as basis for the state formation should also be considered at least preliminary a myth

Archaeological arguments methods and sources

Much should and could be said concerning the absolute chronology of swords and the supposed weapon

change from the archaeologistrsquos point of view In this paper I will only concentrate on the main method-

ological problems of the thesis (fig 2)

Much ink has been spilt over the question of understanding burials in general and the foremost interest

the question of warrior or soldier graves presents similar difficulties in evaluating weapon burials Since the

early 1990s a new approach claims that the interpretation of weapon burials is not independent from

intentional factors that changed and created the burial while paleoanthropological and paleopathological

data are to be reckoned with in particular 69 Gender studies concerning this topic have reached a notable

success in Anglo-Saxon archaeology 70 A clear distinction must be made between weapon burials (raquoWaf -

fen graumlberlaquo) and warrior graves (raquoKriegergraumlberlaquo) identified by anthropological means In the light of recent

research the primary objective is to determine if the men buried with weapons primarily with straight dou-

ble-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpathian Basin were participants in military affairs or not Hope -

fully the planned anthropological research within the ongoing project will result in appropriate information

that can be compared with the archaeological data However now we are forced to only make use of the

archaeological evidence ndash which may prove or negate the thesis we are dealing with

The archaeological identification of pure military matters like tactics army or military organisation is more

problematic in particular when only grave material is at disposal Hence numerous methodological objec-

tions should be made in the case of linking specific fighting methods or tactics with certain weapons In the-

ory it is obvious that throughout human history on every technical level exists an assembly of armour and

weapons which fits best a specific battlefield role However equipping an army with different assemblies

of armaments requires an enormous financial investment a well-balanced economy and armourer industry

and ndash last but not least ndash a sophisticated military science None of that was at the disposal of the 10th-cen-

tury European states and pre-states with the exception of Byzantium On the other hand the concept of

armies divided into troops with unified armaments and different battlefield duties is the idea of the early

modern and modern period and of 19th-cen-

tury military scholarship Such uniformity in

armament and fighting ability may have

been dominant in Byzantium and at least

ten dentious in Europe in the small num ber

of elite troops namely within the small circle

of bodyguards and those who possessed a

high social andor military status Treating

the straight double-edged swords as exclu-

sive markers of heavy cavalry is extremely

challenging especially when one takes into

account that battlefield roles may be accom-

plished with different armaments and are

200 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 2 Main arguments determining the hypothesis ndash (Drawing and digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

therefore only indirectly and idealistically linked to a certain armament type Since the so-called raquostirrup the-

sislaquo which otherwise had a much greater effect on medieval military historiography than the raquosword the-

sislaquo at last proved to be untenable71 it seems more and more obvious that as far as one can judge from

the archaeological evidence and historical records with the aid of physics and simple logic the pure connec-

tion of tactics and military technology in a continental European early medieval context is a paradox

The best contemporary argument for this is the case of the above-mentioned Byzantine kataphraktos who

was armed with two or more close combat weapons a spathion on a baldric a paramerion and several

siderorabdia (iron maces) fastened to the saddle (according to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo)72 The spathion is

identified as a double-edged straight sword while the explanation of the paramerion is more complicated

The term paramerion appeared in general use in the late 9th and early 10th century and means literally

raquo(something held) by the thighlaquo 73 John Haldon assumed that the main difference between the ordinary

sword and the paramerion is the way they were worn the former being carried on a baldric while the lat-

ter hung from a waist-belt 74 However the difference in form is more remarkable the paramerion is usu-

ally regarded as a straight single-edged sword according to the description in Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo and in the

raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 75 Albeit the recent translation of the raquoTacticalaquo is consistent in understanding it as a

dagger 76 a closer look at Leo VIrsquos text helps to specify what kind of weapon one shall understand by the

term The locus raquoπαραμήρια μαχαίρας μεγάλας μονοστόμουςlaquo (raquoTacticalaquo 5 sect217) could be a simple

enumeration without any further logical connection between the parameria and the single-edged great

daggers as the mention of raquoπαραμήρια ήτοι μαχαίραςlaquo (6 sect219) In contrast two other loci (6 sect26167

6 sect30198) clearly indicate that the word was used as an adverb and adjective as well Therefore it is quite

probable that the author attempted to explain the term paramerion when it first appeared in the text (5

sect217) and that the locus should be translated as raquoparameria i e large single-edged daggerslaquo Since the

author of the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo repeatedly uses the term paramerion as well but most importantly con-

firms twice that single-edged swords (monostomon and heterestomon xiphos) were called parameria

(raquoπαραμήρια ξίφη δηλαδὴ ἑτερόστομαlaquo [38 sect518] and raquoμονόστομα ξίφη hellip ἃ δή ϰαί παραμήριαλέγονταιlaquo [39 sect212-13]) 77 and at the same time states in the latter locus that the length of a parameri-

on and a spathion are equal 78 one is surely not facing a dagger here the expression raquogreat daggerlaquo in the

raquoTacticalaquo may rather mean that the paramerion is a dagger-like weapon in its form but bigger From this

one might infer a straight blade contrary to the opinion of Haldon who proposed that the paramerion is

the slightly curved single-edged sabre79 Piotr Ł Grotowski most recently summarised the state of research

and defined the paramerion as a single-edged broadsword 80 According to him the paramerion would be

with the fancy word of the Slavic research the palash ndash a predecessor of the sabre Although it does not

seem proper to name a weapon by an anachronistic term of unknown origin and etymology and the char-

acterisation of obviously contemporaneous types of weaponry by their hypothetical relative typological rela-

tion is also not an indisputable method Grotowski correctly concludes that raquoone must be careful seeing

the paramerion as a sabrelaquo 81 A similar view was expressed by Maria G Parani who was the first to draw

attention to the fact that neither Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo nor the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo or the raquoPraecepta

Militarialaquo mention the curve of the blade 82 Parani also emphasised that no middle Byzantine depiction of

a sword with a curved blade exists 83 Although there are some uncertainties concerning the modern defi-

nition of the sabre one may consider the curve of the blade as a major attribute that distinguishes the sabre

from other single- and double-edged swords The division of swords into three main types according to the

form and construction of the blades is supported by the archaeological material unearthed in the periph-

ery of the Byzantine Empire not only straight double-edged and curved single-edged but also straight sin-

gle-edged weapons are present in the Carpathian Basin (fig 3) and in Bulgaria as well 84 With the excep-

tion of Joacutezsef Hampelrsquos early remarks 85 such swords were regarded as sabres by the Hungarian research

201Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

without recognising their disparity although other hybrid forms were noticed but not studied thoroughly

(fig 4) 86 It seems that no certain archaeological pictorial or written evidence testifies the use of the sabre

i e the curved single-(false)edged sword in 10th-century Byzantium ndash there is only evidence of the other

two of the three basic blade types shortly defined above The importance of the differentiation between

straight single-edged and straight double-edged swords is also further attested by pictorial sources For

instance one may recognise the sword that the third foot soldier in the procession of the Forty Martyrs of

Sebastea holds in his hand on the fresco in the Guumlvercinlik (dovecote) church in Ccedilavuşin (Cappadocia) in

Turkey dated to 963-969 as straight and single-edged in contrast to the double-edged swords of the first

two soldiers on foot 87 The fresco is so detailed that even the fuller or rhombic section of the double-edged

blades is clearly visible The two types of blades differ not only in their points (that determine the number

of their edges) but also in their width the single-edged one is almost half as wide as the double-edged It

seems reasonable to assume that the painter of the scene was well aware of the variations and main char-

acteristics of the different swords and endeavoured to give highly detailed realistic depictions of them If

we are right in identifying the paramerion as a straight single-edged sword it should be noted that it is

closer in its construction and weight and thus in its possible original function to the sabre than to the

202 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 3 Some of the straight single-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 1 Biharkeresztes Vasuacutetaacutellomaacutes (Hajduacute-Bihar countyH) grave 1 ndash 2 Zemianska Olča (Hung NemesoacutecsaKomaacuterno distSK) grave 7 ndash 3 Csongraacuted-Vendelhalom (Csongraacuted countyH) grave41955 ndash 4 Szob-Vendelin (Pest countyH)grave 51 ndash (Drawings L Kovaacutecs digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

straight double-edged sword Since the former is usually interpreted as a special light cavalry weapon and

the latter as a heavy cavalry or heavy infantry weapon one may ask why the Byzantine super-heavy caval-

ry was equipped with a raquolightlaquo sword akin to the sabre The answer is simple neither is the sabre an exclu-

sively light cavalry weapon nor is the straight double-edged sword a typical heavy cavalry weapon Both

arms can be used in other tactical formations as well To sum up an armament type does not solely deter-

mine the tactics and thus the success or defeat of a soldier or an army

Even if we bona fide prescind from the above-mentioned methodological problems inherent in the inter-

pretation of graves and weapon burials in general the archaeological material should show features that

would unambiguously refer to heavily armed mounted fighters Therefore we may expect these Magyar

burials with double-edged swords to be furnished with objects that relate to riding mounted fight and

raquoheavylaquo armament first of all including armour On the other hand we may not overestimate the fact that

no sign of any armour has been recovered from Magyar graves 88 since the appearance of armour chain

mail and helmet is extremely rare not only in 10th-century burials 89 but throughout the Early Middle Ages

The total absence of shield bosses in the 10th- and 11th-century Carpathian Basin is more remarkable 90

compared to the Carolingian and Ottonian case Although they are neither frequent in contemporary West

European archaeological material 91 pictorial evidence and written sources indicate that the shield was a

most basic element in the equipment of Carolingian and Ottonian soldiers 92 Consequently further

research should concentrate on the types and small diversities in the buried riding gear with the intention

of differentiating between various riding techniques 93 This might serve as a basis for distinguishing raquoheavy

cavalry burialslaquo even though I particularly doubt the existence of 10th-century heavy cavalry and even more

its archaeological markers

Let us now turn towards the superiority and mystification of the straight double-edged sword Due to

Bakayrsquos physical analysis 94 which without exception fully persuaded Hungarian scholars the myth of the

sword being a weapon twice as powerful and effective than the sabre spread and became an axiom

However Bakayrsquos calculations concerning the torque (raquoDrehkraftlaquo) of the sabre and the sword are overly

simplified and hardly prove more than the fact that if a smaller and a bigger apple is thrown at you the

bigger one hurts more Actually his point was already lost when he chose the torque and not the mechan-

ic or kinetic energy as the aim of his calculations Not only his physical model (let the weapon fall to the

ground with its point first) fails to model the handling of these weapons in combat but he also simplified

203Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 4 The Szentbeacutekkaacutella hybrid sword ndash (Photo and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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Boacutena 2000 I Boacutena Die ungarische Kampftechnik in den Feldzuuml-gen gegen Europa In Wieczorek Hinz 2000 225-230

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Claessen 2006 H J M Claessen War and State Formation Whatis the Connection In T Otto H Thrane H Vandkilde (eds)Warfare and Society Archaeological and Social AnthropologicalPerspectives (Aarhus 2006) 217-226

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Dawson 1998 T Dawson Kremasmata Kabadion Klibanion SomeAspects of Middle Byzantine Military Equipment Recon sideredByzantine and Modern Greek Stud (Birmingham) 22 1998 38-50

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2007b T Dawson Byzantine Infantryman Eastern Roman Em -pire c 900-1204 Osprey MilitaryWarrior Ser 118 (New YorkOxford 2007)

2009a T Dawson Byzantine Cavalryman c 900-1204 OspreyMilitaryWarrior Ser 139 (New York Oxford 2009)

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Dennis 2010 The Taktika of Leo VI Text translation and commen-tary by G Dennis Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 49(Washington DC 2010)

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Engel 2001 P Engel The Realm of St Stephen A History of Me -dieval Hungary 895-1526 (London New York 2001)

Eacuterszegi 1996 G Eacuterszegi Szent Istvaacuten pannonhalmi oklevele (Okle-veacuteltani-filoloacutegiai kommentaacuter) In I Takaacutecs (ed) Mons Sacer 996-1996 Pannonhalma ezer eacuteve 1 (Pannonhalma 1996) 47-89

Fettich 1933 N Fettich A levediai magyarsaacuteg a reacutegeacuteszet megvilaacute-giacutetaacutesaacuteban Szaacutezadok A Magyar Toumlrteacutenelmi Taacutersulat Eacutevk 677-10 1933 251-276 369-399

1937 N Fettich A honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg feacutemművesseacutege (DieMetallkunst der landnehmenden Ungarn) Archaeologia Hunga-rica Acta Archaeologica Musei Nationalis Hungarici 21 (Buda-pest 1937)

1938 N Fettich A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten-kard reacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacute-taacutesban In J Sereacutedi (ed) Emleacutekkoumlnyv Szent Istvaacuten kiraacutely halaacutelaacute-nak kilencszaacutezadik eacutevforduloacutejaacuten 1 (Budapest 1938) 475-516

Fodor 1981 I Fodor A magyarsaacuteg baltikumi eacutes skandinaacuteviai kapc-solatai a IX-XI szaacutezadban a reacutegeacuteszeti leletek alapjaacuten (Verbindun-gen der Ungarn mit dem Baltikum und Skandinavien zwischendem 9 und 11 Jahrhundert aufgrund der Bodenfunde) SzolnokMegyei Muacutez Eacutevk 1981 85-89

1996 I Fodor Vienna sabre In Fodor et al 1996 67-71

2000 I Fodor A haderő eacutes a fegyverzet aacutetalakulaacutesa az aacutellamala-piacutetaacutes koraacuteban In Aacute Raacutecz (ed) Nagy keacutepes millenniumi hadtoumlr-teacutenet 1000 eacutev a hadak uacutetjaacuten (Budapest 2000) 20 f

2001a I Fodor Laacuteszloacute Gyula a reacutegeacutesz In I Balassa E Laacuteszloacute(eds) Laacuteszloacute Gyula 1910-1998 Emleacutekkoumlnyv (Budapest 2001)147-270

2001b I Fodor Az aacutellamalapiacutetaacutes koraacutenak hadserege In P Hal-maacutegyi (ed) Az aacutellamalapiacutetoacutekroacutel 2000-ben A VII Honveacuted Emleacutek-nap eacutes a Leveacuteltaacuteri Napok makoacutei előadaacutesai A Makoacutei MuacutezeumFuumlzetei 98 (Makoacute 2001) 17-39

Fodor et al 1996 I Fodor L Reacuteveacutesz M Wolf I M Nepper (eds)The Ancient Hungarians [exhibition cat] (Budapest 1996)

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Gaacutell 2007 E Gaacutell Az Erdeacutelyi-medence a Partium eacutes a Baacutensaacuteg X-XIszaacutezadi siacuter- eacutes szoacutervaacuteny-fegyverleleteinek elemzeacutese (An Analysisof the Grave and Stray Weapon Finds of the TranssylvanianBasin the Partium and the Banat from the 10th-11th Centuries)Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 1202 2007 395-474

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2007 J Haldon (ed) Byzantine Warfare (Aldershot Burlington2007)

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1900 J Hampel A honfoglalaacutesi kor hazai emleacutekei In Gy Pau-ler S Szilaacutegyi (eds) A magyar honfoglalaacutes kuacutetfői A honfoglalaacutesezredeacuteves emleacutekeacutere (Budapest 1900) 507-830

1905 J Hampel Alterthuumlmer des fruumlhen Mittelalters in Ungarn(Braunschweig 1905)

1907 J Hampel Ujabb tanulmaacutenyok a honfoglalaacutesi kor emleacutekei-ről (Budapest 1907)

Haumlrke 1989 H Haumlrke Early Saxon Weapon Burials FrequenciesDistributions and Weapon Combinations In S C Hawkes (ed)Weapons and Warfare in Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford 1989)49-61

1990 H Haumlrke raquoWarrior Graveslaquo The Background of theAnglo-Saxon Weapon Burial Rite Past amp Present 126 1990 22-43

1992a H Haumlrke Changing Symbols in a Changing Society theAnglo-Saxon Weapon Burial Rite in the Seventh Century In MO H Carver (ed) The Age of Sutton Hoo the Seventh Centuryin North-Western Europe (Woodbrigde 1992) 149-165

1992b H Haumlrke Angelsaumlchsische Waffengraumlber des 5-7 Jahr-hunderts Zeitschr Arch Mittelalter Beih 6 (Bonn Koumlln 1992)

213Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

1997a H Haumlrke Material Culture as Myth Weapons in Anglo-Saxon Graves In Jensen Nielsen 1997 119-127

1997b H Haumlrke Early Anglo-Saxon Military Organisation anArchaeological Perspective In Joslashrgensen Clausen 1997 93-101

Haug Vollmann 1991 W Haug B K Vollmann (eds) Fruumlhe deut -sche Literatur und lateinische Literatur in Deutschland 800-1150(Frankfurt 1991)

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217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 11: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

almost one fifth of the total number of articles may refer to a very common phenomenon in the society

Personal violence must have been a widespread practice for reducing social tensions in a changing society

It is of great importance that this symptom of solving social problems with fighting and after all with vio-

lence and murder became manifest in close combat fought with gladii swords or sabres This as a final

result indirectly but unambiguously speaks of a tradition and preference of experiencing fight and combat

from up close ndash provided that these articles are not artificial adoptions of West European laws

In that way or another none of the quoted written sources serves as a firm base for a theory of a (new)

regular army whose core consists of heavy cavalry Furthermore the theory constructed upon these dubi-

ous sources cannot apply to the dating of archaeological assemblages as a determining fact What we

know for sure is that one of the different strata of the society called milites ndash witnessed in the laws of Saint

Stephen I ndash may be connected with somewhat regular perhaps professional military services 44 Thus I do

not reject the possibility of a more or less regular army at the time of the first Hungarian rex since it is obvi-

ous that a determined political will with a strong military base an army or at least a large retinue is the pre-

condition of state formation 45 I only suggest that in the case of the early Hungarian state formation nei-

ther written sources nor archaeological data as will be seen later provide us with any useful and unam-

biguous information on how that army could have looked like But we must not rely solely on the argu-

mentum ex silentio since this false reasoning was frequently done by the former research

Other contradictions emerge when we take into account the possible existence of a military reform or rev-

olution within the framework of early medieval Europe The concept may have its roots in the 19th- and

early 20th-century European idea that describes and explains military affairs being highly dependent on the

quality of the military equipment However this was a legitimate phenomenon in the world of mass armies

and an unbelievably quick progress in military techniques like artillery Thus the creators of this concept sim-

ply projected the military idea of the time of Delbruumlck and von Clausewitz back to early medieval times

Therefore the idea of a military revolution is mostly anachronistic in 10th-century Europe Nevertheless this

approach was not only prevalent in the Hungarian scholarship of the 20th century ndash the symptom appeared

in the German historical tradition as well One may find Karl Leyserrsquos thoughts on the Saxon military revo-

lution at the time of Henry I (919-936) and Otto I (936-973) closely related to the Hungarian example

Leyser stated that the creation of a heavily armoured cavalry (armati loricati) was the key to the military

and political success of the Ottonian dynasty According to him after 933 the Ottonian heavy cavalry

dominated the battles in the field 46 When Leyser published his theory in its entirety first in 1968 he had

already exploited three years earlier the assumed fundamental differences in the armament of the Magyar

and Ottonian troops in his interpretation of the battle at the Lech in 955 Leyserrsquos main point was to empha-

sise the effectiveness of the Ottonian armament in particular of the raquoheavier swordlaquo over their Magyar

counterparts raquoIn close quarter fighting with spears and especially swords the great majority of the Hun -

garians had no chance against the heavier arms and the much better protective equipment of their oppo-

nentslaquo 47

Leyserrsquos belief that the outcome of the battle is to be explained by the differences in arms and armour and

thus in tactics was so firm that he treated the locus raquoSuperamur scio multitudine sed non virtute sed

non armis Maxima enim ex parte nudos illos armis omnibus penitus cognovimuslaquo of Widukind in his raquoRes

Gestae Saxonicaelaquo (III XLVI) as proof for the decisive disparity 48 According to him the text should be inter-

preted in the following way raquoIn Widukind it was virtus and as shall be seen better weapons which over-

came superior numbers [at the battle of Lechfeld]laquo The latter half of the quotation should be understood

as the Magyars having a shortage of raquooffensive but also defensive weaponslaquo including raquoshields iron hel-

mets and above all hauberkslaquo 49 However we may try to specify the meaning and context of the locus

more precisely Contrary to Leyserrsquos opinion Widukind stated in the former sentence that the Ottonian

197Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

army is inferior to the Magyars ndash not in arms or virtue but in numbers Since the factors and circumstances

that do determine the process and final result of a battle in the field are obviously more than just the pure

number the armament and the virtus of the opposing forces we may see Widukindrsquos first statement of the

comparison rather as a comment that proves the value of the Ottonian army While the latter highly am -

biguous sentence ndash which can be used to determine the Magyar army as light cavalry wearing no armour

ndash may also indicate that the percentage of Magyar warriors equipped with defensive armament was lower

than that of the Ottonian soldiers in general On the other hand a serious methodological problem occurs

when we take a closer look at the whole text First of all it must be noted that the comparison of the two

armies i e the quoted text of Widukind is only a short part of the perhaps fictional encouraging speech

of rex Otto I who addressed his fellow soldiers right before the battle 50 The whole speech consists of typ-

ical phrases concerning general topics that aim at reassuring the soldiers of their strength and of their hope

that they could win the battle These phrases are so simplified that we may suppose without exaggeration

that this speech could have been delivered in every battlefield during the pre-modern period In the con-

text of such a pre-battle speech every statement gains an additional sense of encouragement heroism

past victories danger fictitious or real advantages etc are mentioned in order to strengthen the dubious

and those filled with fear 51 ndash fear of a punishment that will surely follow in the case of flight or deserta-

tion and fear of death in the battle itself 52 Addressing the enemyrsquos armour in a battle speech either in a

positive or a negative way is so trivial and self-evident that it even appears in the famous movie with Kevin

Costner raquoRobin Hood ndash Prince of Thieveslaquo 53 But let us return to Widukind himself and do not reject his

opinion when he clearly states in the continuation of the above-quoted text that raquoet quod maximi est nobis

solatii auxilio Deilaquo 54 thus the main difference between the two armies was the faith in Christ Whether

such a speech could have been given by Otto I or not (due to natural physical communication difficulties)

whether it is an original battle speech or only a fiction of the author 55 ndash it should be concluded that

Widukind does not allow us to draw such exact conclusions as Leyser did on the armament of the entire

opposing forces Consequently it seems that in parallel with the theory of Laacuteszloacute and Bakay the German

research also developed the idea of superiority of the double-edged straight sword ndash in connection with

(what is more important) the supposed dominance of the heavy cavalry on the battlefields

Leyserrsquos main thesis was actually only the application of a former historical notion to the cases of Charles

Martel Pippin and Charlemagne However Bachrachrsquos in-depth studies convincingly proved that neither the

thesis of a Carolingian nor of an Ottonian military revolution is true instead they should rather be treated

as myths 56 He established in many articles that early medieval wars were aimed at the conquest of the

enemyrsquos territory by besieging and controlling fortifications This resulted in the fact that the nature of early

medieval warfare was dominated by sieges and hence infantry fight while raquomounted shock combat was a

minor aspect even in the rare battles in the field that were fought throughout the pre-crusading Europelaquo 57

Instead of performing frontal attacks that usually failed and caused disastrous disorganisation and loss of

battle the early medieval European cavalry in the 9th-11th centuries were to perform multifunctional tasks

with their mostly light weaponry The tactically reasonable use of cavalry consisted of feigned retreats

flanking attacks and leaving them as a (hidden) reverse against a probable encirclement by the enemy They

were often even ordered to dismount and engage in the battle on foot 58

A similar picture is emerging from the battle and duel descriptions of the raquoWalthariuslaquo poem whose author

shows a remarkable interest in weaponry and realistic fighting 59 It seems that the raquoWalthariuslaquo is the only

early medieval narrative source that deals with military affairs to an extent that allows us to draw conclu-

sions regarding battlefield tactics and duel techniques ndash if we take the poem as a more or less authentic

account on European warfare of the late 9th and 10th centuries What is important here is that the battle

description (lines 180-207 especially 182-195) 60 does not mention the presence of heavy cavalry but

198 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

instead gives a carefully detailed picture of opposing troops standing very close a long-lasting missile fight

of throwing spears and some archery and then the clash of the battle lines in the chaos of close combat

It should be made clear that in this description the course of the battle consists of two equal parts the skir-

mish and the close combat Since the opposing troops are only at a raquothrowing spearlaquo distance of approx

30 m max 50 m apart from one another the possibility of a heavy cavalry charge is excluded Though the

author mentions cavalry fight as well it is ambiguous if they were heavily armoured 61 only shields (umbo)

are mentioned The same process is visible in every duel in the raquoWalthariuslaquo the fights start with throwing

spears (archery is only involved in one case) and end up with a close combat using spear-shield or sword-

shield combinations on foot

Even if we are wrong in taking the written sources at face value the main question that lies in the heart

of the investigation proves to be the toughest to answer What kind of cavalry may one call heavy And

what are its major distinctive features It is clear that the term was first invented for and applied to the

mounted knights of the High Middle Ages whose armour slowly developed into sophisticated and spe-

cialised full plate constructions But isnrsquot it wrong to desperately seek and suppose a similar case in the Early

Middle Ages In an attempt to understand early medieval cavalry in its own past reality a more flexible

approach is needed In my opinion the terms raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo are highly relative and work well only

in standard comparisons regarding equipment On the other hand contrary to the armament the assigned

or unintentionally performed operations against certain enemy units during a battle should be seen as the

most important factor that may determine the (momentary) battlefield role i e the tactical classification of

the cavalry unit in question Thus raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo should only be used in clear cases when written

sources permit the scholar to give a detailed picture of the battle In such ideal conditions different caval-

ry raquounitslaquo may be compared to each other or to infantry for reasons of differences in their armament their

assigned tasks and fulfilled operations on the basis of their momentum and results to finally address them

with attributes like raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo Bearing in mind the complicated nature and multi-layered process

of battles in general and the commonly laconic conditions of contemporary written sources one may

assume that only probable but no exact definitions are to be expected However it is not my duty to give

an analysis of early medieval European cavalry here I only point out the problem detailed studies will hope-

fully follow for the 10th-11th centuries as well 62

When looking for a contemporary military unit that might be rightly titled as heavy cavalry one has to turn

to Byzantium According to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (c 950) and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo (c 965) as well

as to later sources the task of the middle Byzantine kataphraktoi was to crush the middle of the enemy

battle lines with a single decisive charge 63 Their position within the general Byzantine battle order denotes

their remarkable importance the offensive part of a full middle Byzantine army was organised around the

kataphraktoi 64 forming a wedge in the Byzantine centre 65 The Byzantines were to achieve victory by this

main charge that began immediately after the skirmish of the prokoursatores 66 The detailed description of

their armament in the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo 67 clearly indicates that not only

the kataphraktos but also his horse was protected by armour (klibanion kremasmata epilorikion etc for

the mounted and the various carapaces for the horse) of the best quality 68 Thus the kataphraktoi fulfil the

major requirements that would make a unit of mounted soldiers heavy cavalry in theory first of all the spe-

cialised battlefield task that was officially attributed to them and secondly their centrally organised supply

with the appropriate armament to successfully perform their duty

Drawing conclusions is at least highly risky in the absence of a complete survey of all relevant texts and for-

mer research concerning the problem of 10th century heavy cavalry In spite of the fact that the rigid efforts

of describing cavalry with abstract definitions of tactical classifications seem to be outdated I have to deal

with the term raquoheavy cavalrylaquo in this paper in order to ascertain the probability of the thesis of the Hun -

199Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

garian military reform In this sense it may not be exaggerated and is reasonable to conclude that heavy

cavalry with a shock-delivering decisive role did not really exist on the battlefields of Western and Central

Europe in the 10th century ndash considering Bachrachrsquos negative opinion on Leyserrsquos Saxon military reform and

heavy cavalry According to this conception the supposed Hungarian military reform of establishing a heavy

cavalry that served as basis for the state formation should also be considered at least preliminary a myth

Archaeological arguments methods and sources

Much should and could be said concerning the absolute chronology of swords and the supposed weapon

change from the archaeologistrsquos point of view In this paper I will only concentrate on the main method-

ological problems of the thesis (fig 2)

Much ink has been spilt over the question of understanding burials in general and the foremost interest

the question of warrior or soldier graves presents similar difficulties in evaluating weapon burials Since the

early 1990s a new approach claims that the interpretation of weapon burials is not independent from

intentional factors that changed and created the burial while paleoanthropological and paleopathological

data are to be reckoned with in particular 69 Gender studies concerning this topic have reached a notable

success in Anglo-Saxon archaeology 70 A clear distinction must be made between weapon burials (raquoWaf -

fen graumlberlaquo) and warrior graves (raquoKriegergraumlberlaquo) identified by anthropological means In the light of recent

research the primary objective is to determine if the men buried with weapons primarily with straight dou-

ble-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpathian Basin were participants in military affairs or not Hope -

fully the planned anthropological research within the ongoing project will result in appropriate information

that can be compared with the archaeological data However now we are forced to only make use of the

archaeological evidence ndash which may prove or negate the thesis we are dealing with

The archaeological identification of pure military matters like tactics army or military organisation is more

problematic in particular when only grave material is at disposal Hence numerous methodological objec-

tions should be made in the case of linking specific fighting methods or tactics with certain weapons In the-

ory it is obvious that throughout human history on every technical level exists an assembly of armour and

weapons which fits best a specific battlefield role However equipping an army with different assemblies

of armaments requires an enormous financial investment a well-balanced economy and armourer industry

and ndash last but not least ndash a sophisticated military science None of that was at the disposal of the 10th-cen-

tury European states and pre-states with the exception of Byzantium On the other hand the concept of

armies divided into troops with unified armaments and different battlefield duties is the idea of the early

modern and modern period and of 19th-cen-

tury military scholarship Such uniformity in

armament and fighting ability may have

been dominant in Byzantium and at least

ten dentious in Europe in the small num ber

of elite troops namely within the small circle

of bodyguards and those who possessed a

high social andor military status Treating

the straight double-edged swords as exclu-

sive markers of heavy cavalry is extremely

challenging especially when one takes into

account that battlefield roles may be accom-

plished with different armaments and are

200 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 2 Main arguments determining the hypothesis ndash (Drawing and digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

therefore only indirectly and idealistically linked to a certain armament type Since the so-called raquostirrup the-

sislaquo which otherwise had a much greater effect on medieval military historiography than the raquosword the-

sislaquo at last proved to be untenable71 it seems more and more obvious that as far as one can judge from

the archaeological evidence and historical records with the aid of physics and simple logic the pure connec-

tion of tactics and military technology in a continental European early medieval context is a paradox

The best contemporary argument for this is the case of the above-mentioned Byzantine kataphraktos who

was armed with two or more close combat weapons a spathion on a baldric a paramerion and several

siderorabdia (iron maces) fastened to the saddle (according to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo)72 The spathion is

identified as a double-edged straight sword while the explanation of the paramerion is more complicated

The term paramerion appeared in general use in the late 9th and early 10th century and means literally

raquo(something held) by the thighlaquo 73 John Haldon assumed that the main difference between the ordinary

sword and the paramerion is the way they were worn the former being carried on a baldric while the lat-

ter hung from a waist-belt 74 However the difference in form is more remarkable the paramerion is usu-

ally regarded as a straight single-edged sword according to the description in Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo and in the

raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 75 Albeit the recent translation of the raquoTacticalaquo is consistent in understanding it as a

dagger 76 a closer look at Leo VIrsquos text helps to specify what kind of weapon one shall understand by the

term The locus raquoπαραμήρια μαχαίρας μεγάλας μονοστόμουςlaquo (raquoTacticalaquo 5 sect217) could be a simple

enumeration without any further logical connection between the parameria and the single-edged great

daggers as the mention of raquoπαραμήρια ήτοι μαχαίραςlaquo (6 sect219) In contrast two other loci (6 sect26167

6 sect30198) clearly indicate that the word was used as an adverb and adjective as well Therefore it is quite

probable that the author attempted to explain the term paramerion when it first appeared in the text (5

sect217) and that the locus should be translated as raquoparameria i e large single-edged daggerslaquo Since the

author of the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo repeatedly uses the term paramerion as well but most importantly con-

firms twice that single-edged swords (monostomon and heterestomon xiphos) were called parameria

(raquoπαραμήρια ξίφη δηλαδὴ ἑτερόστομαlaquo [38 sect518] and raquoμονόστομα ξίφη hellip ἃ δή ϰαί παραμήριαλέγονταιlaquo [39 sect212-13]) 77 and at the same time states in the latter locus that the length of a parameri-

on and a spathion are equal 78 one is surely not facing a dagger here the expression raquogreat daggerlaquo in the

raquoTacticalaquo may rather mean that the paramerion is a dagger-like weapon in its form but bigger From this

one might infer a straight blade contrary to the opinion of Haldon who proposed that the paramerion is

the slightly curved single-edged sabre79 Piotr Ł Grotowski most recently summarised the state of research

and defined the paramerion as a single-edged broadsword 80 According to him the paramerion would be

with the fancy word of the Slavic research the palash ndash a predecessor of the sabre Although it does not

seem proper to name a weapon by an anachronistic term of unknown origin and etymology and the char-

acterisation of obviously contemporaneous types of weaponry by their hypothetical relative typological rela-

tion is also not an indisputable method Grotowski correctly concludes that raquoone must be careful seeing

the paramerion as a sabrelaquo 81 A similar view was expressed by Maria G Parani who was the first to draw

attention to the fact that neither Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo nor the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo or the raquoPraecepta

Militarialaquo mention the curve of the blade 82 Parani also emphasised that no middle Byzantine depiction of

a sword with a curved blade exists 83 Although there are some uncertainties concerning the modern defi-

nition of the sabre one may consider the curve of the blade as a major attribute that distinguishes the sabre

from other single- and double-edged swords The division of swords into three main types according to the

form and construction of the blades is supported by the archaeological material unearthed in the periph-

ery of the Byzantine Empire not only straight double-edged and curved single-edged but also straight sin-

gle-edged weapons are present in the Carpathian Basin (fig 3) and in Bulgaria as well 84 With the excep-

tion of Joacutezsef Hampelrsquos early remarks 85 such swords were regarded as sabres by the Hungarian research

201Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

without recognising their disparity although other hybrid forms were noticed but not studied thoroughly

(fig 4) 86 It seems that no certain archaeological pictorial or written evidence testifies the use of the sabre

i e the curved single-(false)edged sword in 10th-century Byzantium ndash there is only evidence of the other

two of the three basic blade types shortly defined above The importance of the differentiation between

straight single-edged and straight double-edged swords is also further attested by pictorial sources For

instance one may recognise the sword that the third foot soldier in the procession of the Forty Martyrs of

Sebastea holds in his hand on the fresco in the Guumlvercinlik (dovecote) church in Ccedilavuşin (Cappadocia) in

Turkey dated to 963-969 as straight and single-edged in contrast to the double-edged swords of the first

two soldiers on foot 87 The fresco is so detailed that even the fuller or rhombic section of the double-edged

blades is clearly visible The two types of blades differ not only in their points (that determine the number

of their edges) but also in their width the single-edged one is almost half as wide as the double-edged It

seems reasonable to assume that the painter of the scene was well aware of the variations and main char-

acteristics of the different swords and endeavoured to give highly detailed realistic depictions of them If

we are right in identifying the paramerion as a straight single-edged sword it should be noted that it is

closer in its construction and weight and thus in its possible original function to the sabre than to the

202 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 3 Some of the straight single-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 1 Biharkeresztes Vasuacutetaacutellomaacutes (Hajduacute-Bihar countyH) grave 1 ndash 2 Zemianska Olča (Hung NemesoacutecsaKomaacuterno distSK) grave 7 ndash 3 Csongraacuted-Vendelhalom (Csongraacuted countyH) grave41955 ndash 4 Szob-Vendelin (Pest countyH)grave 51 ndash (Drawings L Kovaacutecs digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

straight double-edged sword Since the former is usually interpreted as a special light cavalry weapon and

the latter as a heavy cavalry or heavy infantry weapon one may ask why the Byzantine super-heavy caval-

ry was equipped with a raquolightlaquo sword akin to the sabre The answer is simple neither is the sabre an exclu-

sively light cavalry weapon nor is the straight double-edged sword a typical heavy cavalry weapon Both

arms can be used in other tactical formations as well To sum up an armament type does not solely deter-

mine the tactics and thus the success or defeat of a soldier or an army

Even if we bona fide prescind from the above-mentioned methodological problems inherent in the inter-

pretation of graves and weapon burials in general the archaeological material should show features that

would unambiguously refer to heavily armed mounted fighters Therefore we may expect these Magyar

burials with double-edged swords to be furnished with objects that relate to riding mounted fight and

raquoheavylaquo armament first of all including armour On the other hand we may not overestimate the fact that

no sign of any armour has been recovered from Magyar graves 88 since the appearance of armour chain

mail and helmet is extremely rare not only in 10th-century burials 89 but throughout the Early Middle Ages

The total absence of shield bosses in the 10th- and 11th-century Carpathian Basin is more remarkable 90

compared to the Carolingian and Ottonian case Although they are neither frequent in contemporary West

European archaeological material 91 pictorial evidence and written sources indicate that the shield was a

most basic element in the equipment of Carolingian and Ottonian soldiers 92 Consequently further

research should concentrate on the types and small diversities in the buried riding gear with the intention

of differentiating between various riding techniques 93 This might serve as a basis for distinguishing raquoheavy

cavalry burialslaquo even though I particularly doubt the existence of 10th-century heavy cavalry and even more

its archaeological markers

Let us now turn towards the superiority and mystification of the straight double-edged sword Due to

Bakayrsquos physical analysis 94 which without exception fully persuaded Hungarian scholars the myth of the

sword being a weapon twice as powerful and effective than the sabre spread and became an axiom

However Bakayrsquos calculations concerning the torque (raquoDrehkraftlaquo) of the sabre and the sword are overly

simplified and hardly prove more than the fact that if a smaller and a bigger apple is thrown at you the

bigger one hurts more Actually his point was already lost when he chose the torque and not the mechan-

ic or kinetic energy as the aim of his calculations Not only his physical model (let the weapon fall to the

ground with its point first) fails to model the handling of these weapons in combat but he also simplified

203Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 4 The Szentbeacutekkaacutella hybrid sword ndash (Photo and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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Androushchuk 2009 F Androushchuk Vikings and Farmers SomeRemarks on the Social Interpretation of Swords and Long-Distance Contacts during the Viking Age In Holmquist Olaus-son Olausson 2009 93-104

Arbman 1937 H Arbman Schweden und das Karolingische ReichStudien zu den Handelsverbindungen des 9 Jahrhunderts KglVitterhets Hist Akad Handlingar 43 (Stockholm 1937)

Arbman Nilsson 1969 H Arbman N-O Nilsson Armes scandi-naves de lrsquoeacutepoque Viking en France Meddel Lund Univ HistMus 1966-1968 (1969) 163-202

Arwidsson 1986 G Arwidsson Schilde In idem (ed) Birka II2 Sys -tematische Analysen der Graumlberfunde (Stockholm 1986) 38-44

Bachrach 1969 B S Bachrach The Origin of Armorican ChivalryTechnology and Culture 10 1969 166-171

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1983 B S Bachrach Charlemagnersquos Cavalry Myth and RealityMilitary Affairs 474 1983 181-187

1988 B S Bachrach Caballus et Caballarius in Medieval War-fare In H Chickering T H Seiler (eds) The Study of ChivalryResources and Approaches (Kalamazoo 1988) 173-211

1993 B S Bachrach Armies and Politics in the Early MedievalWest (Aldershot Brookfield 1993)

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2002 B S Bachrach Warfare and Military Organization in Pre-Crusading Europe (Aldershot Burlington Suffolk 2002)

2006 B S Bachrach Verbruggenrsquos raquoCavalrylaquo and the Lyon-The-sis Journal Medieval Military Hist 4 2006 137-141

Bachrach Bachrach 2007 B S Bachrach D Bachrach SaxonMilitary Revolution 912-973 Myth and Reality Early MedievalEurope 152 2007 186-222

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Bauer Rau 1992 Fontes ad historiam aevi Saxonici illustrandamWidukindi Res Gestae Saxonicae Adalberti Continuatio Regino-nis Liudprandi Opera Neu bearbeitet von A Bauer und R RauAusgewaumlhlte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters8 (Darmstadt 41992)

Beatson 1995 P Beatson The raquoViking Shieldlaquo from ArchaeologyVarangian Voice 35 1995 25-35

Beloševič 2007 J Beloševič Osvrt na karolinške mačeve tipa H sašireg područja Dalmatinske Hrvatske (Ruumlckschau auf karolingi-sche Schwerter des Typus H aus dem Groszligraum des dalmati-schen Kroatiens) Prilozi 24 2007 405-418

Bloumlndal Benedikz 1978 S Bloumlndal B S Benedikz The Varangi-ans of Byzantium An Aspect of Byzantine Military History (Cam-bridge 1978)

Boacutena 2000 I Boacutena Die ungarische Kampftechnik in den Feldzuuml-gen gegen Europa In Wieczorek Hinz 2000 225-230

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Bowlus 2006 C R Bowlus The Battle of Lechfeld and its After-math August 955 The End of the Age of Migrations in the LatinWest (Aldershot Burlington 2006)

Buko 2008 A Buko The Archaeology of Early Medieval PolandDiscoveries ndash Hypotheses ndash Interpretations East Central andEastern Europe in the Middle Ages 450-1450 1 (Boston Leiden2008)

Cattaneo 2009 G Cattaneo The Scandinavians in Poland a Re-Evolution of Perceptions of the Vikings Brathair 92 2009 2-14

Claessen 2006 H J M Claessen War and State Formation Whatis the Connection In T Otto H Thrane H Vandkilde (eds)Warfare and Society Archaeological and Social AnthropologicalPerspectives (Aarhus 2006) 217-226

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Coupland 1990 S Coupland Carolingian Arms and Armor in theNinth Century VIATOR Journal Medieval and Renaissance Stud21 1990 29-50

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Davidson 1994 H E Davidson The Sword in Anglo-Saxon Eng-land Its Archaeology and Literature (Woodbrigde 21994)

Dawson 1998 T Dawson Kremasmata Kabadion Klibanion SomeAspects of Middle Byzantine Military Equipment Recon sideredByzantine and Modern Greek Stud (Birmingham) 22 1998 38-50

2002 T Dawson Suntagma Hoplocircn the Equipment of RegularByzantine Troops c 950 to c 1204 In D Nicolle (ed) A Com-panion to Medieval Arms and Armour (Woodbridge 2002) 81-90

2007a T Dawson raquoFit for the Tasklaquo Equipment Sizes and theTransmission of Military Lore Sixth to Tenth Centuries Byzantineand Modern Greek Stud (Birmingham) 31 2007 1-12

2007b T Dawson Byzantine Infantryman Eastern Roman Em -pire c 900-1204 Osprey MilitaryWarrior Ser 118 (New YorkOxford 2007)

2009a T Dawson Byzantine Cavalryman c 900-1204 OspreyMilitaryWarrior Ser 139 (New York Oxford 2009)

2009b T Dawson The Walpurgis Fechtbuch an Inheritance ofConstantinople Arms and Armour Journal of the Royal Armou-ries 61 2009 79-92

Dennis 2010 The Taktika of Leo VI Text translation and commen-tary by G Dennis Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 49(Washington DC 2010)

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Engel 2001 P Engel The Realm of St Stephen A History of Me -dieval Hungary 895-1526 (London New York 2001)

Eacuterszegi 1996 G Eacuterszegi Szent Istvaacuten pannonhalmi oklevele (Okle-veacuteltani-filoloacutegiai kommentaacuter) In I Takaacutecs (ed) Mons Sacer 996-1996 Pannonhalma ezer eacuteve 1 (Pannonhalma 1996) 47-89

Fettich 1933 N Fettich A levediai magyarsaacuteg a reacutegeacuteszet megvilaacute-giacutetaacutesaacuteban Szaacutezadok A Magyar Toumlrteacutenelmi Taacutersulat Eacutevk 677-10 1933 251-276 369-399

1937 N Fettich A honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg feacutemművesseacutege (DieMetallkunst der landnehmenden Ungarn) Archaeologia Hunga-rica Acta Archaeologica Musei Nationalis Hungarici 21 (Buda-pest 1937)

1938 N Fettich A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten-kard reacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacute-taacutesban In J Sereacutedi (ed) Emleacutekkoumlnyv Szent Istvaacuten kiraacutely halaacutelaacute-nak kilencszaacutezadik eacutevforduloacutejaacuten 1 (Budapest 1938) 475-516

Fodor 1981 I Fodor A magyarsaacuteg baltikumi eacutes skandinaacuteviai kapc-solatai a IX-XI szaacutezadban a reacutegeacuteszeti leletek alapjaacuten (Verbindun-gen der Ungarn mit dem Baltikum und Skandinavien zwischendem 9 und 11 Jahrhundert aufgrund der Bodenfunde) SzolnokMegyei Muacutez Eacutevk 1981 85-89

1996 I Fodor Vienna sabre In Fodor et al 1996 67-71

2000 I Fodor A haderő eacutes a fegyverzet aacutetalakulaacutesa az aacutellamala-piacutetaacutes koraacuteban In Aacute Raacutecz (ed) Nagy keacutepes millenniumi hadtoumlr-teacutenet 1000 eacutev a hadak uacutetjaacuten (Budapest 2000) 20 f

2001a I Fodor Laacuteszloacute Gyula a reacutegeacutesz In I Balassa E Laacuteszloacute(eds) Laacuteszloacute Gyula 1910-1998 Emleacutekkoumlnyv (Budapest 2001)147-270

2001b I Fodor Az aacutellamalapiacutetaacutes koraacutenak hadserege In P Hal-maacutegyi (ed) Az aacutellamalapiacutetoacutekroacutel 2000-ben A VII Honveacuted Emleacutek-nap eacutes a Leveacuteltaacuteri Napok makoacutei előadaacutesai A Makoacutei MuacutezeumFuumlzetei 98 (Makoacute 2001) 17-39

Fodor et al 1996 I Fodor L Reacuteveacutesz M Wolf I M Nepper (eds)The Ancient Hungarians [exhibition cat] (Budapest 1996)

Forgeng 2003 J L Forgeng The Medieval Art of SwordsmanshipA Facsimile and Translation of Europersquos Oldest Personal CombatTreatise Royal Armouries MS I33 (Leeds 2003)

France DeVries 2008 J France K DeVries (eds) Warfare in theDark Ages The International Library of Essays on Military History(Aldershot Burlington 2008)

Gaacutell 2007 E Gaacutell Az Erdeacutelyi-medence a Partium eacutes a Baacutensaacuteg X-XIszaacutezadi siacuter- eacutes szoacutervaacuteny-fegyverleleteinek elemzeacutese (An Analysisof the Grave and Stray Weapon Finds of the TranssylvanianBasin the Partium and the Banat from the 10th-11th Centuries)Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 1202 2007 395-474

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Geibig 1991 A Geibig Beitraumlge zur morphologischen Entwick -lung des Schwertes im Mittelalter Eine Analyse des Fundmate -rials vom ausgehenden 8 bis zum 12 Jahrhundert aus Samm-lungen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Offa Buumlcher 71 (Neu-muumlnster 1991)

Gerics 1995 J Gerics Egyhaacutez aacutellam eacutes gondolkodaacutes a Magyarors-zaacutegon a koumlzeacutepkorban Magyar Egyhaacuteztoumlrteacuteneti EnciklopeacutediaMunkakoumlzoumlsseacuteg koumlnyvek 9 (Budapest 1995)

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214 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

2008 J M Ziolkowski Of Arms and the (Ger)man Literary andMaterial Culture in the Waltharius In J R Davis M McCor-mick (eds) The Long Morning of Medieval Europe New Direc-tions in Early Medieval Studies (Aldershot Burlington 2008)193-208

Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 12: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

army is inferior to the Magyars ndash not in arms or virtue but in numbers Since the factors and circumstances

that do determine the process and final result of a battle in the field are obviously more than just the pure

number the armament and the virtus of the opposing forces we may see Widukindrsquos first statement of the

comparison rather as a comment that proves the value of the Ottonian army While the latter highly am -

biguous sentence ndash which can be used to determine the Magyar army as light cavalry wearing no armour

ndash may also indicate that the percentage of Magyar warriors equipped with defensive armament was lower

than that of the Ottonian soldiers in general On the other hand a serious methodological problem occurs

when we take a closer look at the whole text First of all it must be noted that the comparison of the two

armies i e the quoted text of Widukind is only a short part of the perhaps fictional encouraging speech

of rex Otto I who addressed his fellow soldiers right before the battle 50 The whole speech consists of typ-

ical phrases concerning general topics that aim at reassuring the soldiers of their strength and of their hope

that they could win the battle These phrases are so simplified that we may suppose without exaggeration

that this speech could have been delivered in every battlefield during the pre-modern period In the con-

text of such a pre-battle speech every statement gains an additional sense of encouragement heroism

past victories danger fictitious or real advantages etc are mentioned in order to strengthen the dubious

and those filled with fear 51 ndash fear of a punishment that will surely follow in the case of flight or deserta-

tion and fear of death in the battle itself 52 Addressing the enemyrsquos armour in a battle speech either in a

positive or a negative way is so trivial and self-evident that it even appears in the famous movie with Kevin

Costner raquoRobin Hood ndash Prince of Thieveslaquo 53 But let us return to Widukind himself and do not reject his

opinion when he clearly states in the continuation of the above-quoted text that raquoet quod maximi est nobis

solatii auxilio Deilaquo 54 thus the main difference between the two armies was the faith in Christ Whether

such a speech could have been given by Otto I or not (due to natural physical communication difficulties)

whether it is an original battle speech or only a fiction of the author 55 ndash it should be concluded that

Widukind does not allow us to draw such exact conclusions as Leyser did on the armament of the entire

opposing forces Consequently it seems that in parallel with the theory of Laacuteszloacute and Bakay the German

research also developed the idea of superiority of the double-edged straight sword ndash in connection with

(what is more important) the supposed dominance of the heavy cavalry on the battlefields

Leyserrsquos main thesis was actually only the application of a former historical notion to the cases of Charles

Martel Pippin and Charlemagne However Bachrachrsquos in-depth studies convincingly proved that neither the

thesis of a Carolingian nor of an Ottonian military revolution is true instead they should rather be treated

as myths 56 He established in many articles that early medieval wars were aimed at the conquest of the

enemyrsquos territory by besieging and controlling fortifications This resulted in the fact that the nature of early

medieval warfare was dominated by sieges and hence infantry fight while raquomounted shock combat was a

minor aspect even in the rare battles in the field that were fought throughout the pre-crusading Europelaquo 57

Instead of performing frontal attacks that usually failed and caused disastrous disorganisation and loss of

battle the early medieval European cavalry in the 9th-11th centuries were to perform multifunctional tasks

with their mostly light weaponry The tactically reasonable use of cavalry consisted of feigned retreats

flanking attacks and leaving them as a (hidden) reverse against a probable encirclement by the enemy They

were often even ordered to dismount and engage in the battle on foot 58

A similar picture is emerging from the battle and duel descriptions of the raquoWalthariuslaquo poem whose author

shows a remarkable interest in weaponry and realistic fighting 59 It seems that the raquoWalthariuslaquo is the only

early medieval narrative source that deals with military affairs to an extent that allows us to draw conclu-

sions regarding battlefield tactics and duel techniques ndash if we take the poem as a more or less authentic

account on European warfare of the late 9th and 10th centuries What is important here is that the battle

description (lines 180-207 especially 182-195) 60 does not mention the presence of heavy cavalry but

198 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

instead gives a carefully detailed picture of opposing troops standing very close a long-lasting missile fight

of throwing spears and some archery and then the clash of the battle lines in the chaos of close combat

It should be made clear that in this description the course of the battle consists of two equal parts the skir-

mish and the close combat Since the opposing troops are only at a raquothrowing spearlaquo distance of approx

30 m max 50 m apart from one another the possibility of a heavy cavalry charge is excluded Though the

author mentions cavalry fight as well it is ambiguous if they were heavily armoured 61 only shields (umbo)

are mentioned The same process is visible in every duel in the raquoWalthariuslaquo the fights start with throwing

spears (archery is only involved in one case) and end up with a close combat using spear-shield or sword-

shield combinations on foot

Even if we are wrong in taking the written sources at face value the main question that lies in the heart

of the investigation proves to be the toughest to answer What kind of cavalry may one call heavy And

what are its major distinctive features It is clear that the term was first invented for and applied to the

mounted knights of the High Middle Ages whose armour slowly developed into sophisticated and spe-

cialised full plate constructions But isnrsquot it wrong to desperately seek and suppose a similar case in the Early

Middle Ages In an attempt to understand early medieval cavalry in its own past reality a more flexible

approach is needed In my opinion the terms raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo are highly relative and work well only

in standard comparisons regarding equipment On the other hand contrary to the armament the assigned

or unintentionally performed operations against certain enemy units during a battle should be seen as the

most important factor that may determine the (momentary) battlefield role i e the tactical classification of

the cavalry unit in question Thus raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo should only be used in clear cases when written

sources permit the scholar to give a detailed picture of the battle In such ideal conditions different caval-

ry raquounitslaquo may be compared to each other or to infantry for reasons of differences in their armament their

assigned tasks and fulfilled operations on the basis of their momentum and results to finally address them

with attributes like raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo Bearing in mind the complicated nature and multi-layered process

of battles in general and the commonly laconic conditions of contemporary written sources one may

assume that only probable but no exact definitions are to be expected However it is not my duty to give

an analysis of early medieval European cavalry here I only point out the problem detailed studies will hope-

fully follow for the 10th-11th centuries as well 62

When looking for a contemporary military unit that might be rightly titled as heavy cavalry one has to turn

to Byzantium According to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (c 950) and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo (c 965) as well

as to later sources the task of the middle Byzantine kataphraktoi was to crush the middle of the enemy

battle lines with a single decisive charge 63 Their position within the general Byzantine battle order denotes

their remarkable importance the offensive part of a full middle Byzantine army was organised around the

kataphraktoi 64 forming a wedge in the Byzantine centre 65 The Byzantines were to achieve victory by this

main charge that began immediately after the skirmish of the prokoursatores 66 The detailed description of

their armament in the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo 67 clearly indicates that not only

the kataphraktos but also his horse was protected by armour (klibanion kremasmata epilorikion etc for

the mounted and the various carapaces for the horse) of the best quality 68 Thus the kataphraktoi fulfil the

major requirements that would make a unit of mounted soldiers heavy cavalry in theory first of all the spe-

cialised battlefield task that was officially attributed to them and secondly their centrally organised supply

with the appropriate armament to successfully perform their duty

Drawing conclusions is at least highly risky in the absence of a complete survey of all relevant texts and for-

mer research concerning the problem of 10th century heavy cavalry In spite of the fact that the rigid efforts

of describing cavalry with abstract definitions of tactical classifications seem to be outdated I have to deal

with the term raquoheavy cavalrylaquo in this paper in order to ascertain the probability of the thesis of the Hun -

199Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

garian military reform In this sense it may not be exaggerated and is reasonable to conclude that heavy

cavalry with a shock-delivering decisive role did not really exist on the battlefields of Western and Central

Europe in the 10th century ndash considering Bachrachrsquos negative opinion on Leyserrsquos Saxon military reform and

heavy cavalry According to this conception the supposed Hungarian military reform of establishing a heavy

cavalry that served as basis for the state formation should also be considered at least preliminary a myth

Archaeological arguments methods and sources

Much should and could be said concerning the absolute chronology of swords and the supposed weapon

change from the archaeologistrsquos point of view In this paper I will only concentrate on the main method-

ological problems of the thesis (fig 2)

Much ink has been spilt over the question of understanding burials in general and the foremost interest

the question of warrior or soldier graves presents similar difficulties in evaluating weapon burials Since the

early 1990s a new approach claims that the interpretation of weapon burials is not independent from

intentional factors that changed and created the burial while paleoanthropological and paleopathological

data are to be reckoned with in particular 69 Gender studies concerning this topic have reached a notable

success in Anglo-Saxon archaeology 70 A clear distinction must be made between weapon burials (raquoWaf -

fen graumlberlaquo) and warrior graves (raquoKriegergraumlberlaquo) identified by anthropological means In the light of recent

research the primary objective is to determine if the men buried with weapons primarily with straight dou-

ble-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpathian Basin were participants in military affairs or not Hope -

fully the planned anthropological research within the ongoing project will result in appropriate information

that can be compared with the archaeological data However now we are forced to only make use of the

archaeological evidence ndash which may prove or negate the thesis we are dealing with

The archaeological identification of pure military matters like tactics army or military organisation is more

problematic in particular when only grave material is at disposal Hence numerous methodological objec-

tions should be made in the case of linking specific fighting methods or tactics with certain weapons In the-

ory it is obvious that throughout human history on every technical level exists an assembly of armour and

weapons which fits best a specific battlefield role However equipping an army with different assemblies

of armaments requires an enormous financial investment a well-balanced economy and armourer industry

and ndash last but not least ndash a sophisticated military science None of that was at the disposal of the 10th-cen-

tury European states and pre-states with the exception of Byzantium On the other hand the concept of

armies divided into troops with unified armaments and different battlefield duties is the idea of the early

modern and modern period and of 19th-cen-

tury military scholarship Such uniformity in

armament and fighting ability may have

been dominant in Byzantium and at least

ten dentious in Europe in the small num ber

of elite troops namely within the small circle

of bodyguards and those who possessed a

high social andor military status Treating

the straight double-edged swords as exclu-

sive markers of heavy cavalry is extremely

challenging especially when one takes into

account that battlefield roles may be accom-

plished with different armaments and are

200 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 2 Main arguments determining the hypothesis ndash (Drawing and digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

therefore only indirectly and idealistically linked to a certain armament type Since the so-called raquostirrup the-

sislaquo which otherwise had a much greater effect on medieval military historiography than the raquosword the-

sislaquo at last proved to be untenable71 it seems more and more obvious that as far as one can judge from

the archaeological evidence and historical records with the aid of physics and simple logic the pure connec-

tion of tactics and military technology in a continental European early medieval context is a paradox

The best contemporary argument for this is the case of the above-mentioned Byzantine kataphraktos who

was armed with two or more close combat weapons a spathion on a baldric a paramerion and several

siderorabdia (iron maces) fastened to the saddle (according to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo)72 The spathion is

identified as a double-edged straight sword while the explanation of the paramerion is more complicated

The term paramerion appeared in general use in the late 9th and early 10th century and means literally

raquo(something held) by the thighlaquo 73 John Haldon assumed that the main difference between the ordinary

sword and the paramerion is the way they were worn the former being carried on a baldric while the lat-

ter hung from a waist-belt 74 However the difference in form is more remarkable the paramerion is usu-

ally regarded as a straight single-edged sword according to the description in Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo and in the

raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 75 Albeit the recent translation of the raquoTacticalaquo is consistent in understanding it as a

dagger 76 a closer look at Leo VIrsquos text helps to specify what kind of weapon one shall understand by the

term The locus raquoπαραμήρια μαχαίρας μεγάλας μονοστόμουςlaquo (raquoTacticalaquo 5 sect217) could be a simple

enumeration without any further logical connection between the parameria and the single-edged great

daggers as the mention of raquoπαραμήρια ήτοι μαχαίραςlaquo (6 sect219) In contrast two other loci (6 sect26167

6 sect30198) clearly indicate that the word was used as an adverb and adjective as well Therefore it is quite

probable that the author attempted to explain the term paramerion when it first appeared in the text (5

sect217) and that the locus should be translated as raquoparameria i e large single-edged daggerslaquo Since the

author of the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo repeatedly uses the term paramerion as well but most importantly con-

firms twice that single-edged swords (monostomon and heterestomon xiphos) were called parameria

(raquoπαραμήρια ξίφη δηλαδὴ ἑτερόστομαlaquo [38 sect518] and raquoμονόστομα ξίφη hellip ἃ δή ϰαί παραμήριαλέγονταιlaquo [39 sect212-13]) 77 and at the same time states in the latter locus that the length of a parameri-

on and a spathion are equal 78 one is surely not facing a dagger here the expression raquogreat daggerlaquo in the

raquoTacticalaquo may rather mean that the paramerion is a dagger-like weapon in its form but bigger From this

one might infer a straight blade contrary to the opinion of Haldon who proposed that the paramerion is

the slightly curved single-edged sabre79 Piotr Ł Grotowski most recently summarised the state of research

and defined the paramerion as a single-edged broadsword 80 According to him the paramerion would be

with the fancy word of the Slavic research the palash ndash a predecessor of the sabre Although it does not

seem proper to name a weapon by an anachronistic term of unknown origin and etymology and the char-

acterisation of obviously contemporaneous types of weaponry by their hypothetical relative typological rela-

tion is also not an indisputable method Grotowski correctly concludes that raquoone must be careful seeing

the paramerion as a sabrelaquo 81 A similar view was expressed by Maria G Parani who was the first to draw

attention to the fact that neither Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo nor the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo or the raquoPraecepta

Militarialaquo mention the curve of the blade 82 Parani also emphasised that no middle Byzantine depiction of

a sword with a curved blade exists 83 Although there are some uncertainties concerning the modern defi-

nition of the sabre one may consider the curve of the blade as a major attribute that distinguishes the sabre

from other single- and double-edged swords The division of swords into three main types according to the

form and construction of the blades is supported by the archaeological material unearthed in the periph-

ery of the Byzantine Empire not only straight double-edged and curved single-edged but also straight sin-

gle-edged weapons are present in the Carpathian Basin (fig 3) and in Bulgaria as well 84 With the excep-

tion of Joacutezsef Hampelrsquos early remarks 85 such swords were regarded as sabres by the Hungarian research

201Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

without recognising their disparity although other hybrid forms were noticed but not studied thoroughly

(fig 4) 86 It seems that no certain archaeological pictorial or written evidence testifies the use of the sabre

i e the curved single-(false)edged sword in 10th-century Byzantium ndash there is only evidence of the other

two of the three basic blade types shortly defined above The importance of the differentiation between

straight single-edged and straight double-edged swords is also further attested by pictorial sources For

instance one may recognise the sword that the third foot soldier in the procession of the Forty Martyrs of

Sebastea holds in his hand on the fresco in the Guumlvercinlik (dovecote) church in Ccedilavuşin (Cappadocia) in

Turkey dated to 963-969 as straight and single-edged in contrast to the double-edged swords of the first

two soldiers on foot 87 The fresco is so detailed that even the fuller or rhombic section of the double-edged

blades is clearly visible The two types of blades differ not only in their points (that determine the number

of their edges) but also in their width the single-edged one is almost half as wide as the double-edged It

seems reasonable to assume that the painter of the scene was well aware of the variations and main char-

acteristics of the different swords and endeavoured to give highly detailed realistic depictions of them If

we are right in identifying the paramerion as a straight single-edged sword it should be noted that it is

closer in its construction and weight and thus in its possible original function to the sabre than to the

202 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 3 Some of the straight single-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 1 Biharkeresztes Vasuacutetaacutellomaacutes (Hajduacute-Bihar countyH) grave 1 ndash 2 Zemianska Olča (Hung NemesoacutecsaKomaacuterno distSK) grave 7 ndash 3 Csongraacuted-Vendelhalom (Csongraacuted countyH) grave41955 ndash 4 Szob-Vendelin (Pest countyH)grave 51 ndash (Drawings L Kovaacutecs digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

straight double-edged sword Since the former is usually interpreted as a special light cavalry weapon and

the latter as a heavy cavalry or heavy infantry weapon one may ask why the Byzantine super-heavy caval-

ry was equipped with a raquolightlaquo sword akin to the sabre The answer is simple neither is the sabre an exclu-

sively light cavalry weapon nor is the straight double-edged sword a typical heavy cavalry weapon Both

arms can be used in other tactical formations as well To sum up an armament type does not solely deter-

mine the tactics and thus the success or defeat of a soldier or an army

Even if we bona fide prescind from the above-mentioned methodological problems inherent in the inter-

pretation of graves and weapon burials in general the archaeological material should show features that

would unambiguously refer to heavily armed mounted fighters Therefore we may expect these Magyar

burials with double-edged swords to be furnished with objects that relate to riding mounted fight and

raquoheavylaquo armament first of all including armour On the other hand we may not overestimate the fact that

no sign of any armour has been recovered from Magyar graves 88 since the appearance of armour chain

mail and helmet is extremely rare not only in 10th-century burials 89 but throughout the Early Middle Ages

The total absence of shield bosses in the 10th- and 11th-century Carpathian Basin is more remarkable 90

compared to the Carolingian and Ottonian case Although they are neither frequent in contemporary West

European archaeological material 91 pictorial evidence and written sources indicate that the shield was a

most basic element in the equipment of Carolingian and Ottonian soldiers 92 Consequently further

research should concentrate on the types and small diversities in the buried riding gear with the intention

of differentiating between various riding techniques 93 This might serve as a basis for distinguishing raquoheavy

cavalry burialslaquo even though I particularly doubt the existence of 10th-century heavy cavalry and even more

its archaeological markers

Let us now turn towards the superiority and mystification of the straight double-edged sword Due to

Bakayrsquos physical analysis 94 which without exception fully persuaded Hungarian scholars the myth of the

sword being a weapon twice as powerful and effective than the sabre spread and became an axiom

However Bakayrsquos calculations concerning the torque (raquoDrehkraftlaquo) of the sabre and the sword are overly

simplified and hardly prove more than the fact that if a smaller and a bigger apple is thrown at you the

bigger one hurts more Actually his point was already lost when he chose the torque and not the mechan-

ic or kinetic energy as the aim of his calculations Not only his physical model (let the weapon fall to the

ground with its point first) fails to model the handling of these weapons in combat but he also simplified

203Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 4 The Szentbeacutekkaacutella hybrid sword ndash (Photo and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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Arbman Nilsson 1969 H Arbman N-O Nilsson Armes scandi-naves de lrsquoeacutepoque Viking en France Meddel Lund Univ HistMus 1966-1968 (1969) 163-202

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2006 B S Bachrach Verbruggenrsquos raquoCavalrylaquo and the Lyon-The-sis Journal Medieval Military Hist 4 2006 137-141

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Beatson 1995 P Beatson The raquoViking Shieldlaquo from ArchaeologyVarangian Voice 35 1995 25-35

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2007b T Dawson Byzantine Infantryman Eastern Roman Em -pire c 900-1204 Osprey MilitaryWarrior Ser 118 (New YorkOxford 2007)

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Engel 2001 P Engel The Realm of St Stephen A History of Me -dieval Hungary 895-1526 (London New York 2001)

Eacuterszegi 1996 G Eacuterszegi Szent Istvaacuten pannonhalmi oklevele (Okle-veacuteltani-filoloacutegiai kommentaacuter) In I Takaacutecs (ed) Mons Sacer 996-1996 Pannonhalma ezer eacuteve 1 (Pannonhalma 1996) 47-89

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1938 N Fettich A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten-kard reacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacute-taacutesban In J Sereacutedi (ed) Emleacutekkoumlnyv Szent Istvaacuten kiraacutely halaacutelaacute-nak kilencszaacutezadik eacutevforduloacutejaacuten 1 (Budapest 1938) 475-516

Fodor 1981 I Fodor A magyarsaacuteg baltikumi eacutes skandinaacuteviai kapc-solatai a IX-XI szaacutezadban a reacutegeacuteszeti leletek alapjaacuten (Verbindun-gen der Ungarn mit dem Baltikum und Skandinavien zwischendem 9 und 11 Jahrhundert aufgrund der Bodenfunde) SzolnokMegyei Muacutez Eacutevk 1981 85-89

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213Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

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1971 А Н Кирпичников Древнерусское оручжие Бып-ыск третий Доспех комплекс боевых средств АрхеологияСССР Е1-36 (Leningrad 1971)

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214 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 13: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

instead gives a carefully detailed picture of opposing troops standing very close a long-lasting missile fight

of throwing spears and some archery and then the clash of the battle lines in the chaos of close combat

It should be made clear that in this description the course of the battle consists of two equal parts the skir-

mish and the close combat Since the opposing troops are only at a raquothrowing spearlaquo distance of approx

30 m max 50 m apart from one another the possibility of a heavy cavalry charge is excluded Though the

author mentions cavalry fight as well it is ambiguous if they were heavily armoured 61 only shields (umbo)

are mentioned The same process is visible in every duel in the raquoWalthariuslaquo the fights start with throwing

spears (archery is only involved in one case) and end up with a close combat using spear-shield or sword-

shield combinations on foot

Even if we are wrong in taking the written sources at face value the main question that lies in the heart

of the investigation proves to be the toughest to answer What kind of cavalry may one call heavy And

what are its major distinctive features It is clear that the term was first invented for and applied to the

mounted knights of the High Middle Ages whose armour slowly developed into sophisticated and spe-

cialised full plate constructions But isnrsquot it wrong to desperately seek and suppose a similar case in the Early

Middle Ages In an attempt to understand early medieval cavalry in its own past reality a more flexible

approach is needed In my opinion the terms raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo are highly relative and work well only

in standard comparisons regarding equipment On the other hand contrary to the armament the assigned

or unintentionally performed operations against certain enemy units during a battle should be seen as the

most important factor that may determine the (momentary) battlefield role i e the tactical classification of

the cavalry unit in question Thus raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo should only be used in clear cases when written

sources permit the scholar to give a detailed picture of the battle In such ideal conditions different caval-

ry raquounitslaquo may be compared to each other or to infantry for reasons of differences in their armament their

assigned tasks and fulfilled operations on the basis of their momentum and results to finally address them

with attributes like raquolightlaquo and raquoheavylaquo Bearing in mind the complicated nature and multi-layered process

of battles in general and the commonly laconic conditions of contemporary written sources one may

assume that only probable but no exact definitions are to be expected However it is not my duty to give

an analysis of early medieval European cavalry here I only point out the problem detailed studies will hope-

fully follow for the 10th-11th centuries as well 62

When looking for a contemporary military unit that might be rightly titled as heavy cavalry one has to turn

to Byzantium According to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (c 950) and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo (c 965) as well

as to later sources the task of the middle Byzantine kataphraktoi was to crush the middle of the enemy

battle lines with a single decisive charge 63 Their position within the general Byzantine battle order denotes

their remarkable importance the offensive part of a full middle Byzantine army was organised around the

kataphraktoi 64 forming a wedge in the Byzantine centre 65 The Byzantines were to achieve victory by this

main charge that began immediately after the skirmish of the prokoursatores 66 The detailed description of

their armament in the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo and the raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo 67 clearly indicates that not only

the kataphraktos but also his horse was protected by armour (klibanion kremasmata epilorikion etc for

the mounted and the various carapaces for the horse) of the best quality 68 Thus the kataphraktoi fulfil the

major requirements that would make a unit of mounted soldiers heavy cavalry in theory first of all the spe-

cialised battlefield task that was officially attributed to them and secondly their centrally organised supply

with the appropriate armament to successfully perform their duty

Drawing conclusions is at least highly risky in the absence of a complete survey of all relevant texts and for-

mer research concerning the problem of 10th century heavy cavalry In spite of the fact that the rigid efforts

of describing cavalry with abstract definitions of tactical classifications seem to be outdated I have to deal

with the term raquoheavy cavalrylaquo in this paper in order to ascertain the probability of the thesis of the Hun -

199Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

garian military reform In this sense it may not be exaggerated and is reasonable to conclude that heavy

cavalry with a shock-delivering decisive role did not really exist on the battlefields of Western and Central

Europe in the 10th century ndash considering Bachrachrsquos negative opinion on Leyserrsquos Saxon military reform and

heavy cavalry According to this conception the supposed Hungarian military reform of establishing a heavy

cavalry that served as basis for the state formation should also be considered at least preliminary a myth

Archaeological arguments methods and sources

Much should and could be said concerning the absolute chronology of swords and the supposed weapon

change from the archaeologistrsquos point of view In this paper I will only concentrate on the main method-

ological problems of the thesis (fig 2)

Much ink has been spilt over the question of understanding burials in general and the foremost interest

the question of warrior or soldier graves presents similar difficulties in evaluating weapon burials Since the

early 1990s a new approach claims that the interpretation of weapon burials is not independent from

intentional factors that changed and created the burial while paleoanthropological and paleopathological

data are to be reckoned with in particular 69 Gender studies concerning this topic have reached a notable

success in Anglo-Saxon archaeology 70 A clear distinction must be made between weapon burials (raquoWaf -

fen graumlberlaquo) and warrior graves (raquoKriegergraumlberlaquo) identified by anthropological means In the light of recent

research the primary objective is to determine if the men buried with weapons primarily with straight dou-

ble-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpathian Basin were participants in military affairs or not Hope -

fully the planned anthropological research within the ongoing project will result in appropriate information

that can be compared with the archaeological data However now we are forced to only make use of the

archaeological evidence ndash which may prove or negate the thesis we are dealing with

The archaeological identification of pure military matters like tactics army or military organisation is more

problematic in particular when only grave material is at disposal Hence numerous methodological objec-

tions should be made in the case of linking specific fighting methods or tactics with certain weapons In the-

ory it is obvious that throughout human history on every technical level exists an assembly of armour and

weapons which fits best a specific battlefield role However equipping an army with different assemblies

of armaments requires an enormous financial investment a well-balanced economy and armourer industry

and ndash last but not least ndash a sophisticated military science None of that was at the disposal of the 10th-cen-

tury European states and pre-states with the exception of Byzantium On the other hand the concept of

armies divided into troops with unified armaments and different battlefield duties is the idea of the early

modern and modern period and of 19th-cen-

tury military scholarship Such uniformity in

armament and fighting ability may have

been dominant in Byzantium and at least

ten dentious in Europe in the small num ber

of elite troops namely within the small circle

of bodyguards and those who possessed a

high social andor military status Treating

the straight double-edged swords as exclu-

sive markers of heavy cavalry is extremely

challenging especially when one takes into

account that battlefield roles may be accom-

plished with different armaments and are

200 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 2 Main arguments determining the hypothesis ndash (Drawing and digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

therefore only indirectly and idealistically linked to a certain armament type Since the so-called raquostirrup the-

sislaquo which otherwise had a much greater effect on medieval military historiography than the raquosword the-

sislaquo at last proved to be untenable71 it seems more and more obvious that as far as one can judge from

the archaeological evidence and historical records with the aid of physics and simple logic the pure connec-

tion of tactics and military technology in a continental European early medieval context is a paradox

The best contemporary argument for this is the case of the above-mentioned Byzantine kataphraktos who

was armed with two or more close combat weapons a spathion on a baldric a paramerion and several

siderorabdia (iron maces) fastened to the saddle (according to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo)72 The spathion is

identified as a double-edged straight sword while the explanation of the paramerion is more complicated

The term paramerion appeared in general use in the late 9th and early 10th century and means literally

raquo(something held) by the thighlaquo 73 John Haldon assumed that the main difference between the ordinary

sword and the paramerion is the way they were worn the former being carried on a baldric while the lat-

ter hung from a waist-belt 74 However the difference in form is more remarkable the paramerion is usu-

ally regarded as a straight single-edged sword according to the description in Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo and in the

raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 75 Albeit the recent translation of the raquoTacticalaquo is consistent in understanding it as a

dagger 76 a closer look at Leo VIrsquos text helps to specify what kind of weapon one shall understand by the

term The locus raquoπαραμήρια μαχαίρας μεγάλας μονοστόμουςlaquo (raquoTacticalaquo 5 sect217) could be a simple

enumeration without any further logical connection between the parameria and the single-edged great

daggers as the mention of raquoπαραμήρια ήτοι μαχαίραςlaquo (6 sect219) In contrast two other loci (6 sect26167

6 sect30198) clearly indicate that the word was used as an adverb and adjective as well Therefore it is quite

probable that the author attempted to explain the term paramerion when it first appeared in the text (5

sect217) and that the locus should be translated as raquoparameria i e large single-edged daggerslaquo Since the

author of the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo repeatedly uses the term paramerion as well but most importantly con-

firms twice that single-edged swords (monostomon and heterestomon xiphos) were called parameria

(raquoπαραμήρια ξίφη δηλαδὴ ἑτερόστομαlaquo [38 sect518] and raquoμονόστομα ξίφη hellip ἃ δή ϰαί παραμήριαλέγονταιlaquo [39 sect212-13]) 77 and at the same time states in the latter locus that the length of a parameri-

on and a spathion are equal 78 one is surely not facing a dagger here the expression raquogreat daggerlaquo in the

raquoTacticalaquo may rather mean that the paramerion is a dagger-like weapon in its form but bigger From this

one might infer a straight blade contrary to the opinion of Haldon who proposed that the paramerion is

the slightly curved single-edged sabre79 Piotr Ł Grotowski most recently summarised the state of research

and defined the paramerion as a single-edged broadsword 80 According to him the paramerion would be

with the fancy word of the Slavic research the palash ndash a predecessor of the sabre Although it does not

seem proper to name a weapon by an anachronistic term of unknown origin and etymology and the char-

acterisation of obviously contemporaneous types of weaponry by their hypothetical relative typological rela-

tion is also not an indisputable method Grotowski correctly concludes that raquoone must be careful seeing

the paramerion as a sabrelaquo 81 A similar view was expressed by Maria G Parani who was the first to draw

attention to the fact that neither Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo nor the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo or the raquoPraecepta

Militarialaquo mention the curve of the blade 82 Parani also emphasised that no middle Byzantine depiction of

a sword with a curved blade exists 83 Although there are some uncertainties concerning the modern defi-

nition of the sabre one may consider the curve of the blade as a major attribute that distinguishes the sabre

from other single- and double-edged swords The division of swords into three main types according to the

form and construction of the blades is supported by the archaeological material unearthed in the periph-

ery of the Byzantine Empire not only straight double-edged and curved single-edged but also straight sin-

gle-edged weapons are present in the Carpathian Basin (fig 3) and in Bulgaria as well 84 With the excep-

tion of Joacutezsef Hampelrsquos early remarks 85 such swords were regarded as sabres by the Hungarian research

201Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

without recognising their disparity although other hybrid forms were noticed but not studied thoroughly

(fig 4) 86 It seems that no certain archaeological pictorial or written evidence testifies the use of the sabre

i e the curved single-(false)edged sword in 10th-century Byzantium ndash there is only evidence of the other

two of the three basic blade types shortly defined above The importance of the differentiation between

straight single-edged and straight double-edged swords is also further attested by pictorial sources For

instance one may recognise the sword that the third foot soldier in the procession of the Forty Martyrs of

Sebastea holds in his hand on the fresco in the Guumlvercinlik (dovecote) church in Ccedilavuşin (Cappadocia) in

Turkey dated to 963-969 as straight and single-edged in contrast to the double-edged swords of the first

two soldiers on foot 87 The fresco is so detailed that even the fuller or rhombic section of the double-edged

blades is clearly visible The two types of blades differ not only in their points (that determine the number

of their edges) but also in their width the single-edged one is almost half as wide as the double-edged It

seems reasonable to assume that the painter of the scene was well aware of the variations and main char-

acteristics of the different swords and endeavoured to give highly detailed realistic depictions of them If

we are right in identifying the paramerion as a straight single-edged sword it should be noted that it is

closer in its construction and weight and thus in its possible original function to the sabre than to the

202 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 3 Some of the straight single-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 1 Biharkeresztes Vasuacutetaacutellomaacutes (Hajduacute-Bihar countyH) grave 1 ndash 2 Zemianska Olča (Hung NemesoacutecsaKomaacuterno distSK) grave 7 ndash 3 Csongraacuted-Vendelhalom (Csongraacuted countyH) grave41955 ndash 4 Szob-Vendelin (Pest countyH)grave 51 ndash (Drawings L Kovaacutecs digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

straight double-edged sword Since the former is usually interpreted as a special light cavalry weapon and

the latter as a heavy cavalry or heavy infantry weapon one may ask why the Byzantine super-heavy caval-

ry was equipped with a raquolightlaquo sword akin to the sabre The answer is simple neither is the sabre an exclu-

sively light cavalry weapon nor is the straight double-edged sword a typical heavy cavalry weapon Both

arms can be used in other tactical formations as well To sum up an armament type does not solely deter-

mine the tactics and thus the success or defeat of a soldier or an army

Even if we bona fide prescind from the above-mentioned methodological problems inherent in the inter-

pretation of graves and weapon burials in general the archaeological material should show features that

would unambiguously refer to heavily armed mounted fighters Therefore we may expect these Magyar

burials with double-edged swords to be furnished with objects that relate to riding mounted fight and

raquoheavylaquo armament first of all including armour On the other hand we may not overestimate the fact that

no sign of any armour has been recovered from Magyar graves 88 since the appearance of armour chain

mail and helmet is extremely rare not only in 10th-century burials 89 but throughout the Early Middle Ages

The total absence of shield bosses in the 10th- and 11th-century Carpathian Basin is more remarkable 90

compared to the Carolingian and Ottonian case Although they are neither frequent in contemporary West

European archaeological material 91 pictorial evidence and written sources indicate that the shield was a

most basic element in the equipment of Carolingian and Ottonian soldiers 92 Consequently further

research should concentrate on the types and small diversities in the buried riding gear with the intention

of differentiating between various riding techniques 93 This might serve as a basis for distinguishing raquoheavy

cavalry burialslaquo even though I particularly doubt the existence of 10th-century heavy cavalry and even more

its archaeological markers

Let us now turn towards the superiority and mystification of the straight double-edged sword Due to

Bakayrsquos physical analysis 94 which without exception fully persuaded Hungarian scholars the myth of the

sword being a weapon twice as powerful and effective than the sabre spread and became an axiom

However Bakayrsquos calculations concerning the torque (raquoDrehkraftlaquo) of the sabre and the sword are overly

simplified and hardly prove more than the fact that if a smaller and a bigger apple is thrown at you the

bigger one hurts more Actually his point was already lost when he chose the torque and not the mechan-

ic or kinetic energy as the aim of his calculations Not only his physical model (let the weapon fall to the

ground with its point first) fails to model the handling of these weapons in combat but he also simplified

203Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 4 The Szentbeacutekkaacutella hybrid sword ndash (Photo and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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2007b T Dawson Byzantine Infantryman Eastern Roman Em -pire c 900-1204 Osprey MilitaryWarrior Ser 118 (New YorkOxford 2007)

2009a T Dawson Byzantine Cavalryman c 900-1204 OspreyMilitaryWarrior Ser 139 (New York Oxford 2009)

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Fettich 1933 N Fettich A levediai magyarsaacuteg a reacutegeacuteszet megvilaacute-giacutetaacutesaacuteban Szaacutezadok A Magyar Toumlrteacutenelmi Taacutersulat Eacutevk 677-10 1933 251-276 369-399

1937 N Fettich A honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg feacutemművesseacutege (DieMetallkunst der landnehmenden Ungarn) Archaeologia Hunga-rica Acta Archaeologica Musei Nationalis Hungarici 21 (Buda-pest 1937)

1938 N Fettich A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten-kard reacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacute-taacutesban In J Sereacutedi (ed) Emleacutekkoumlnyv Szent Istvaacuten kiraacutely halaacutelaacute-nak kilencszaacutezadik eacutevforduloacutejaacuten 1 (Budapest 1938) 475-516

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Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 14: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

garian military reform In this sense it may not be exaggerated and is reasonable to conclude that heavy

cavalry with a shock-delivering decisive role did not really exist on the battlefields of Western and Central

Europe in the 10th century ndash considering Bachrachrsquos negative opinion on Leyserrsquos Saxon military reform and

heavy cavalry According to this conception the supposed Hungarian military reform of establishing a heavy

cavalry that served as basis for the state formation should also be considered at least preliminary a myth

Archaeological arguments methods and sources

Much should and could be said concerning the absolute chronology of swords and the supposed weapon

change from the archaeologistrsquos point of view In this paper I will only concentrate on the main method-

ological problems of the thesis (fig 2)

Much ink has been spilt over the question of understanding burials in general and the foremost interest

the question of warrior or soldier graves presents similar difficulties in evaluating weapon burials Since the

early 1990s a new approach claims that the interpretation of weapon burials is not independent from

intentional factors that changed and created the burial while paleoanthropological and paleopathological

data are to be reckoned with in particular 69 Gender studies concerning this topic have reached a notable

success in Anglo-Saxon archaeology 70 A clear distinction must be made between weapon burials (raquoWaf -

fen graumlberlaquo) and warrior graves (raquoKriegergraumlberlaquo) identified by anthropological means In the light of recent

research the primary objective is to determine if the men buried with weapons primarily with straight dou-

ble-edged swords in the 10th-century Carpathian Basin were participants in military affairs or not Hope -

fully the planned anthropological research within the ongoing project will result in appropriate information

that can be compared with the archaeological data However now we are forced to only make use of the

archaeological evidence ndash which may prove or negate the thesis we are dealing with

The archaeological identification of pure military matters like tactics army or military organisation is more

problematic in particular when only grave material is at disposal Hence numerous methodological objec-

tions should be made in the case of linking specific fighting methods or tactics with certain weapons In the-

ory it is obvious that throughout human history on every technical level exists an assembly of armour and

weapons which fits best a specific battlefield role However equipping an army with different assemblies

of armaments requires an enormous financial investment a well-balanced economy and armourer industry

and ndash last but not least ndash a sophisticated military science None of that was at the disposal of the 10th-cen-

tury European states and pre-states with the exception of Byzantium On the other hand the concept of

armies divided into troops with unified armaments and different battlefield duties is the idea of the early

modern and modern period and of 19th-cen-

tury military scholarship Such uniformity in

armament and fighting ability may have

been dominant in Byzantium and at least

ten dentious in Europe in the small num ber

of elite troops namely within the small circle

of bodyguards and those who possessed a

high social andor military status Treating

the straight double-edged swords as exclu-

sive markers of heavy cavalry is extremely

challenging especially when one takes into

account that battlefield roles may be accom-

plished with different armaments and are

200 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 2 Main arguments determining the hypothesis ndash (Drawing and digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

therefore only indirectly and idealistically linked to a certain armament type Since the so-called raquostirrup the-

sislaquo which otherwise had a much greater effect on medieval military historiography than the raquosword the-

sislaquo at last proved to be untenable71 it seems more and more obvious that as far as one can judge from

the archaeological evidence and historical records with the aid of physics and simple logic the pure connec-

tion of tactics and military technology in a continental European early medieval context is a paradox

The best contemporary argument for this is the case of the above-mentioned Byzantine kataphraktos who

was armed with two or more close combat weapons a spathion on a baldric a paramerion and several

siderorabdia (iron maces) fastened to the saddle (according to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo)72 The spathion is

identified as a double-edged straight sword while the explanation of the paramerion is more complicated

The term paramerion appeared in general use in the late 9th and early 10th century and means literally

raquo(something held) by the thighlaquo 73 John Haldon assumed that the main difference between the ordinary

sword and the paramerion is the way they were worn the former being carried on a baldric while the lat-

ter hung from a waist-belt 74 However the difference in form is more remarkable the paramerion is usu-

ally regarded as a straight single-edged sword according to the description in Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo and in the

raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 75 Albeit the recent translation of the raquoTacticalaquo is consistent in understanding it as a

dagger 76 a closer look at Leo VIrsquos text helps to specify what kind of weapon one shall understand by the

term The locus raquoπαραμήρια μαχαίρας μεγάλας μονοστόμουςlaquo (raquoTacticalaquo 5 sect217) could be a simple

enumeration without any further logical connection between the parameria and the single-edged great

daggers as the mention of raquoπαραμήρια ήτοι μαχαίραςlaquo (6 sect219) In contrast two other loci (6 sect26167

6 sect30198) clearly indicate that the word was used as an adverb and adjective as well Therefore it is quite

probable that the author attempted to explain the term paramerion when it first appeared in the text (5

sect217) and that the locus should be translated as raquoparameria i e large single-edged daggerslaquo Since the

author of the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo repeatedly uses the term paramerion as well but most importantly con-

firms twice that single-edged swords (monostomon and heterestomon xiphos) were called parameria

(raquoπαραμήρια ξίφη δηλαδὴ ἑτερόστομαlaquo [38 sect518] and raquoμονόστομα ξίφη hellip ἃ δή ϰαί παραμήριαλέγονταιlaquo [39 sect212-13]) 77 and at the same time states in the latter locus that the length of a parameri-

on and a spathion are equal 78 one is surely not facing a dagger here the expression raquogreat daggerlaquo in the

raquoTacticalaquo may rather mean that the paramerion is a dagger-like weapon in its form but bigger From this

one might infer a straight blade contrary to the opinion of Haldon who proposed that the paramerion is

the slightly curved single-edged sabre79 Piotr Ł Grotowski most recently summarised the state of research

and defined the paramerion as a single-edged broadsword 80 According to him the paramerion would be

with the fancy word of the Slavic research the palash ndash a predecessor of the sabre Although it does not

seem proper to name a weapon by an anachronistic term of unknown origin and etymology and the char-

acterisation of obviously contemporaneous types of weaponry by their hypothetical relative typological rela-

tion is also not an indisputable method Grotowski correctly concludes that raquoone must be careful seeing

the paramerion as a sabrelaquo 81 A similar view was expressed by Maria G Parani who was the first to draw

attention to the fact that neither Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo nor the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo or the raquoPraecepta

Militarialaquo mention the curve of the blade 82 Parani also emphasised that no middle Byzantine depiction of

a sword with a curved blade exists 83 Although there are some uncertainties concerning the modern defi-

nition of the sabre one may consider the curve of the blade as a major attribute that distinguishes the sabre

from other single- and double-edged swords The division of swords into three main types according to the

form and construction of the blades is supported by the archaeological material unearthed in the periph-

ery of the Byzantine Empire not only straight double-edged and curved single-edged but also straight sin-

gle-edged weapons are present in the Carpathian Basin (fig 3) and in Bulgaria as well 84 With the excep-

tion of Joacutezsef Hampelrsquos early remarks 85 such swords were regarded as sabres by the Hungarian research

201Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

without recognising their disparity although other hybrid forms were noticed but not studied thoroughly

(fig 4) 86 It seems that no certain archaeological pictorial or written evidence testifies the use of the sabre

i e the curved single-(false)edged sword in 10th-century Byzantium ndash there is only evidence of the other

two of the three basic blade types shortly defined above The importance of the differentiation between

straight single-edged and straight double-edged swords is also further attested by pictorial sources For

instance one may recognise the sword that the third foot soldier in the procession of the Forty Martyrs of

Sebastea holds in his hand on the fresco in the Guumlvercinlik (dovecote) church in Ccedilavuşin (Cappadocia) in

Turkey dated to 963-969 as straight and single-edged in contrast to the double-edged swords of the first

two soldiers on foot 87 The fresco is so detailed that even the fuller or rhombic section of the double-edged

blades is clearly visible The two types of blades differ not only in their points (that determine the number

of their edges) but also in their width the single-edged one is almost half as wide as the double-edged It

seems reasonable to assume that the painter of the scene was well aware of the variations and main char-

acteristics of the different swords and endeavoured to give highly detailed realistic depictions of them If

we are right in identifying the paramerion as a straight single-edged sword it should be noted that it is

closer in its construction and weight and thus in its possible original function to the sabre than to the

202 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 3 Some of the straight single-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 1 Biharkeresztes Vasuacutetaacutellomaacutes (Hajduacute-Bihar countyH) grave 1 ndash 2 Zemianska Olča (Hung NemesoacutecsaKomaacuterno distSK) grave 7 ndash 3 Csongraacuted-Vendelhalom (Csongraacuted countyH) grave41955 ndash 4 Szob-Vendelin (Pest countyH)grave 51 ndash (Drawings L Kovaacutecs digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

straight double-edged sword Since the former is usually interpreted as a special light cavalry weapon and

the latter as a heavy cavalry or heavy infantry weapon one may ask why the Byzantine super-heavy caval-

ry was equipped with a raquolightlaquo sword akin to the sabre The answer is simple neither is the sabre an exclu-

sively light cavalry weapon nor is the straight double-edged sword a typical heavy cavalry weapon Both

arms can be used in other tactical formations as well To sum up an armament type does not solely deter-

mine the tactics and thus the success or defeat of a soldier or an army

Even if we bona fide prescind from the above-mentioned methodological problems inherent in the inter-

pretation of graves and weapon burials in general the archaeological material should show features that

would unambiguously refer to heavily armed mounted fighters Therefore we may expect these Magyar

burials with double-edged swords to be furnished with objects that relate to riding mounted fight and

raquoheavylaquo armament first of all including armour On the other hand we may not overestimate the fact that

no sign of any armour has been recovered from Magyar graves 88 since the appearance of armour chain

mail and helmet is extremely rare not only in 10th-century burials 89 but throughout the Early Middle Ages

The total absence of shield bosses in the 10th- and 11th-century Carpathian Basin is more remarkable 90

compared to the Carolingian and Ottonian case Although they are neither frequent in contemporary West

European archaeological material 91 pictorial evidence and written sources indicate that the shield was a

most basic element in the equipment of Carolingian and Ottonian soldiers 92 Consequently further

research should concentrate on the types and small diversities in the buried riding gear with the intention

of differentiating between various riding techniques 93 This might serve as a basis for distinguishing raquoheavy

cavalry burialslaquo even though I particularly doubt the existence of 10th-century heavy cavalry and even more

its archaeological markers

Let us now turn towards the superiority and mystification of the straight double-edged sword Due to

Bakayrsquos physical analysis 94 which without exception fully persuaded Hungarian scholars the myth of the

sword being a weapon twice as powerful and effective than the sabre spread and became an axiom

However Bakayrsquos calculations concerning the torque (raquoDrehkraftlaquo) of the sabre and the sword are overly

simplified and hardly prove more than the fact that if a smaller and a bigger apple is thrown at you the

bigger one hurts more Actually his point was already lost when he chose the torque and not the mechan-

ic or kinetic energy as the aim of his calculations Not only his physical model (let the weapon fall to the

ground with its point first) fails to model the handling of these weapons in combat but he also simplified

203Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 4 The Szentbeacutekkaacutella hybrid sword ndash (Photo and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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1937 N Fettich A honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg feacutemművesseacutege (DieMetallkunst der landnehmenden Ungarn) Archaeologia Hunga-rica Acta Archaeologica Musei Nationalis Hungarici 21 (Buda-pest 1937)

1938 N Fettich A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten-kard reacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacute-taacutesban In J Sereacutedi (ed) Emleacutekkoumlnyv Szent Istvaacuten kiraacutely halaacutelaacute-nak kilencszaacutezadik eacutevforduloacutejaacuten 1 (Budapest 1938) 475-516

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Liwoch 2008 R Liwoch Zachodioukraińske miecze i trzewikipochew mieczowych od X do połowy XIII w (Western UkrainianSwords and Swordrsquos Chapes from the 10th to Mid 13th Centu-ries) Acta Militaria Mediaevalia 4 2008 39-59

Marek 2005 L Marek Early Medieval Swords from Central andEast Europe Dilemmas of an Archaeologist and a Student ofArms Acta Univ Wratislaviensis 2713 (Wrocław 2005)

Marosi 1938 A Marosi Levediai vonatkozaacutesok a szeacutekesfeheacutervaacuterimuacutezeum anyagaacuteban eacutes a raacutedioacutetelepi kard Szeacutekesfeheacutervaacuteri Szem -le 3-4 1938 49-55

Martens 2004 I Martens Indigenous and Imported Viking AgeWeapons in Norway ndash a Problem with European ImplicationsJournal Nordic Arch Scien 14 2004 125-137

McGeer 1995 E McGeer Sowing the Dragonrsquos Teeth ByzantineWarfare in the Tenth Century Dumbarton Oaks Stud 33 (Was-hington DC 1995)

MGH 1868 G H Pertz (ed) Monumenta Germaniae HistoricaScriptorum XX (Hannover 1868)

Miller 2008 R F Miller In Words and Deeds Battle Speeches inHistory (Hanover u a 2008)

Mishin 1996 D Mishin Ibrahim Ibn-Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquos Accountof the Slavs from the Middle of the Tenth Century Annu Medie-val Stud CEU 1994-1995 (1996) 184-199

Mitchell 2008 R Mitchell Light Cavalry Heavy Cavalry Horse Ar -chers Oh My What Abstract Definitions Donrsquot Tell Us about 1205Adrianople Journal Medieval Military Hist 6 2008 95-118

Molnaacuter 1943 E Molnaacuter [L Szentmikloacutesy] Az Aacuterpaacutedkori taacutersada-lom A feleacutepiacutetmeacuteny (Budapest 1943)

1945 E Molnaacuter Szent Istvaacuten (Budapest 1945)

Morillo 1999 S Morillo The raquoAge of Cavalrylaquo Revisited In D JKagay L J A Villalon (eds) The Circle of War in the MiddleAges (Woodbridge 1999) 45-58

von zur Muumlhlen 1975 B von zur Muumlhlen Die Kultur der Wikingerin Ostpreussen Bonner H Vorgesch 9 (Bonn 1975)

Muumlller-Wille 1973 M Muumlller-Wille Zwei wikingerzeitliche Pracht-schwerter aus der Umgebung von Haithabu In K Schietzel (ed)Das archaumlologische Fundmaterial der Ausgrabung Haithabu IIBerichte uumlber die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu 6 (Neumuumlnster1973) 47-89

1976 M Muumlller-Wille Das Bootkammergrab von HaithabuBerichte uumlber die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu 8 (Neumuumlnster1976)

1978 M Muumlller-Wille Das Schiffsgrab von der Ile de Groix (Bre-tagne) Ein Exkurs zum raquoBootkammergrab von Haithabulaquo In KSchietzel (ed) Das archaumlologische Fundmaterial der Ausgra-bung Haithabu III Berichte uumlber die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu12 (Neumuumlnster 1978) 48-84

1982 M Muumlller-Wille Zwei karolingische Schwerter aus Mittel-norwegen Stud Sachsenforsch 3 1982 101-154

Neacutegyesi 1996 L Neacutegyesi Haderőreform a 10-11 szaacutezadban (Hee-resreform im 10-11 Jahrhundert) Savaria 223 1992-1995(1996) 219-222

2000 L Neacutegyesi Gondolatok a lovassaacuteg csapatnemeiről a koumln-nyű- eacutes neheacutezlovassaacuteg problematikaacuteja (Gedanken uumlber die Trup-pengattungen der Reiterei die Problematik der leichten undschweren Reiterei) In L Bende G Lőrinczy Cs Szalontai (eds)Hadak uacutetjaacuten A neacutepvaacutendorlaacutes kor fiatal kutatoacuteinak 10 konferen-ciaacuteja (Szeged 2000) 375-378

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Parani 2003 M G Parani Reconstructing the Reality of ImagesByzantine Material Culture and Religious Iconography (11th-15th

Centuries) The Medieval Mediterranean ndash Peoples Economiesand Cultures 400-1453 41 (Boston Leiden 2003)

Paulsen 1933 P Paulsen Magyarorszaacutegi viking leletek az eacuteszak- eacutesnyugateuroacutepai kultuacutertoumlrteacutene megvilaacutegiacutetaacutesaacuteban (Wikingerfundeaus Ungarn im Lichte der nord- und westeuropaumlischen Fruumlhge-schichte) Archaeologia Hungarica Acta Archaeologica MuseiNationalis Hungarici 12 (Budapest 1933)

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215Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

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Peirce 2002 I Peirce Swords of the Viking Age (Woodbridge2002)

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Pinter 1999 Z-K Pinter Spada şi sabia medieval icircn Transilvania şiBanat (secolele IX-XIV) (Reşiţa 1999)

Plavinskij 2009 Н А Плавинский Мечи эпохи бикингов стерритории Беларуси (The Swords of the Viking Age on theTerritory of Belarus) Stratum Plus 5 2005-2009 (2009) 58-70

Polgaacuter 2004 Sz Polgaacuter Kora koumlzeacutepkori (9-12 szaacutezadi) kelet-euroacute-pai fegyverkereskedelemre utaloacute feljegyzeacutesek az iacuterott forraacutesok-ban In L Balogh L Keller (eds) Fegyveres nomaacutedok nomaacutedfegyveresek Magyar Őstoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 21 (Budapest 2004)92-100

Popa 1984 R Popa Knaufkrone eines wikingerzeitlichen Pracht-schwertes von Păcuilul lui Soare Germania 622 1984 425-431

Puhle 2001 M Puhle (ed) Otto der Grosse Magdeburg undEuropa [exhibition cat] (Mainz 2001)

Randsborg 1981a K Randsborg The Viking Age State Formationin Denmark Offa 38 1981 259-276

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Rudziński 2009 P M Rudziński tarcta we wczesnośredniowiecz-nej Polsce na tle europejskim Od plemienia do państwa (Shieldin Early Medieval Poland on the Background of the EuropeanWarfare From Tribal Times to Early State) Acta Militaria Mediae-valia 5 2009 21-78

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1976 A Ruttkay Waffen und Reiterausruumlstung des 9 bis zurersten Haumllfte des 14 Jahrhunderts in der Slowakei (II) SlovenskaacuteArch 242 1976 245-395

Schuldt 1978 E Schuldt Einige bemerkenswerte Einzelfunde ausdem Burgwallgelaumlnde von Groszlig Raden Kreis Sternberg JahrbBodendenkmalpfl Mecklenburg 1977 (1978) 225-245

Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 M Schulze-Doumlrrlamm Das ungarischeKriegergrab von Aspers-legraves-Corps Untersuchungen zu denUngarn einfaumlllen nach Mittel- West- und Suumldeuropa (899-955 nChr) mit einem Exkurs zur Muumlnzchronologie altungarischerGraumlber Jahrb RGZM 31 1984 473-514

Shepard 2005 J Shepard Conversions and Regimes Comparedthe Rusrsquo and the Poles ca 1000 In Curta 2005 254-282

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Stalsberg 2008a A Stalsberg Herstellung und Verbreitung derVlfberht-Schwertklingen Eine Neubewertung Zeitschr ArchMittelalter 36 2008 89-118

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Stoodley 1999 N Stoodley The Spindle and the Spear a CriticalEnquiry into the Construction and Meaning of Gender in theEarly Anglo-Saxon Burial Rite BAR British Ser 288 (Oxford1999)

Strecker 1987 K Strecker (ed) Waltharius Deutsche Uumlbersetzungvon P Vossen (Hildesheim 21987)

Szaboacute 2010 J B Szaboacute A honfoglaloacutektoacutel a huszaacuterokig A koumlzeacutep-kori magyar koumlnnyűlovassaacutegroacutel (From the Hungarian Conquerorsto the Hussars Light Cavalry in Medieval Hungary) (Budapest2010)

Szameit 1992 E Szameit Ein VLFBERHT-Schwert aus der Donaubei Aggsbach Niederoumlsterreich Arch Austriaca 76 1992 215-221

Szőke 1962 B Szőke A honfoglaloacute eacutes kora Aacuterpaacuted-kori magyarsaacutegreacutegeacuteszeti emleacutekei Reacutegeacuteszeti tanulmaacutenyok 1 (Budapest 1962)

Szőllősy 2001 G Szőllősy Mi ceacutelt szolgaacutel a szablya fokeacutele Kiacuteseacuterletimegkoumlzeliacuteteacutesek Wosinsky Moacuter Muacutez Eacutevk 23 2001 275-293

Talbot Sullivan 2005 The History of Leo the Deacon ByzantineMilitary Expansion in the Tenth Century Introduction Transla-tion and Annotations by A-M Talbot and D F Sullivan Dum-barton Oaks Stud 41 (Washington DC 2005)

Toacuteth 1934 Z Toacuteth A huszaacuterok eredeteacuteről Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 3-41934 129-196

Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

Urbańczyk 2005 P Urbańczyk Early State Formation in East Cen-tral Europe In Curta 2005 139-151

Urtan 1961 В А Уртан Древние щиты на территории Латв-ийской ССР Sovetskaja Arch 19611 216-224

Validi 1936 A Z Validi Die Schwerter der Germanen nach arabi-schen Berichten des 9-11 Jahrhunderts Zeitschr Dt Morgen-laumlnd Ges 90 1936 19-37

216 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

Veszpreacutemy 1996 L Veszpreacutemy A nyugat-euroacutepai eacutes bizaacutenci hadvi-seleacutes a honfoglalaacutes eacutes kalandozaacutesok idejeacuten In L Veszpreacutemy(ed) Honfoglaloacute őseink (Budapest 1996) 66-80

2008 L Veszpreacutemy Szent Istvaacuten feloumlvezeacuteseacuteről In VeszpreacutemyLovagvilaacuteg Magyarorszaacutegon (Budapest 2008) 66-77

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Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

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Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

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Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

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Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

2008 J M Ziolkowski Of Arms and the (Ger)man Literary andMaterial Culture in the Waltharius In J R Davis M McCor-mick (eds) The Long Morning of Medieval Europe New Direc-tions in Early Medieval Studies (Aldershot Burlington 2008)193-208

Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 15: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

therefore only indirectly and idealistically linked to a certain armament type Since the so-called raquostirrup the-

sislaquo which otherwise had a much greater effect on medieval military historiography than the raquosword the-

sislaquo at last proved to be untenable71 it seems more and more obvious that as far as one can judge from

the archaeological evidence and historical records with the aid of physics and simple logic the pure connec-

tion of tactics and military technology in a continental European early medieval context is a paradox

The best contemporary argument for this is the case of the above-mentioned Byzantine kataphraktos who

was armed with two or more close combat weapons a spathion on a baldric a paramerion and several

siderorabdia (iron maces) fastened to the saddle (according to the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo)72 The spathion is

identified as a double-edged straight sword while the explanation of the paramerion is more complicated

The term paramerion appeared in general use in the late 9th and early 10th century and means literally

raquo(something held) by the thighlaquo 73 John Haldon assumed that the main difference between the ordinary

sword and the paramerion is the way they were worn the former being carried on a baldric while the lat-

ter hung from a waist-belt 74 However the difference in form is more remarkable the paramerion is usu-

ally regarded as a straight single-edged sword according to the description in Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo and in the

raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 75 Albeit the recent translation of the raquoTacticalaquo is consistent in understanding it as a

dagger 76 a closer look at Leo VIrsquos text helps to specify what kind of weapon one shall understand by the

term The locus raquoπαραμήρια μαχαίρας μεγάλας μονοστόμουςlaquo (raquoTacticalaquo 5 sect217) could be a simple

enumeration without any further logical connection between the parameria and the single-edged great

daggers as the mention of raquoπαραμήρια ήτοι μαχαίραςlaquo (6 sect219) In contrast two other loci (6 sect26167

6 sect30198) clearly indicate that the word was used as an adverb and adjective as well Therefore it is quite

probable that the author attempted to explain the term paramerion when it first appeared in the text (5

sect217) and that the locus should be translated as raquoparameria i e large single-edged daggerslaquo Since the

author of the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo repeatedly uses the term paramerion as well but most importantly con-

firms twice that single-edged swords (monostomon and heterestomon xiphos) were called parameria

(raquoπαραμήρια ξίφη δηλαδὴ ἑτερόστομαlaquo [38 sect518] and raquoμονόστομα ξίφη hellip ἃ δή ϰαί παραμήριαλέγονταιlaquo [39 sect212-13]) 77 and at the same time states in the latter locus that the length of a parameri-

on and a spathion are equal 78 one is surely not facing a dagger here the expression raquogreat daggerlaquo in the

raquoTacticalaquo may rather mean that the paramerion is a dagger-like weapon in its form but bigger From this

one might infer a straight blade contrary to the opinion of Haldon who proposed that the paramerion is

the slightly curved single-edged sabre79 Piotr Ł Grotowski most recently summarised the state of research

and defined the paramerion as a single-edged broadsword 80 According to him the paramerion would be

with the fancy word of the Slavic research the palash ndash a predecessor of the sabre Although it does not

seem proper to name a weapon by an anachronistic term of unknown origin and etymology and the char-

acterisation of obviously contemporaneous types of weaponry by their hypothetical relative typological rela-

tion is also not an indisputable method Grotowski correctly concludes that raquoone must be careful seeing

the paramerion as a sabrelaquo 81 A similar view was expressed by Maria G Parani who was the first to draw

attention to the fact that neither Leo VIrsquos raquoTacticalaquo nor the raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo or the raquoPraecepta

Militarialaquo mention the curve of the blade 82 Parani also emphasised that no middle Byzantine depiction of

a sword with a curved blade exists 83 Although there are some uncertainties concerning the modern defi-

nition of the sabre one may consider the curve of the blade as a major attribute that distinguishes the sabre

from other single- and double-edged swords The division of swords into three main types according to the

form and construction of the blades is supported by the archaeological material unearthed in the periph-

ery of the Byzantine Empire not only straight double-edged and curved single-edged but also straight sin-

gle-edged weapons are present in the Carpathian Basin (fig 3) and in Bulgaria as well 84 With the excep-

tion of Joacutezsef Hampelrsquos early remarks 85 such swords were regarded as sabres by the Hungarian research

201Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

without recognising their disparity although other hybrid forms were noticed but not studied thoroughly

(fig 4) 86 It seems that no certain archaeological pictorial or written evidence testifies the use of the sabre

i e the curved single-(false)edged sword in 10th-century Byzantium ndash there is only evidence of the other

two of the three basic blade types shortly defined above The importance of the differentiation between

straight single-edged and straight double-edged swords is also further attested by pictorial sources For

instance one may recognise the sword that the third foot soldier in the procession of the Forty Martyrs of

Sebastea holds in his hand on the fresco in the Guumlvercinlik (dovecote) church in Ccedilavuşin (Cappadocia) in

Turkey dated to 963-969 as straight and single-edged in contrast to the double-edged swords of the first

two soldiers on foot 87 The fresco is so detailed that even the fuller or rhombic section of the double-edged

blades is clearly visible The two types of blades differ not only in their points (that determine the number

of their edges) but also in their width the single-edged one is almost half as wide as the double-edged It

seems reasonable to assume that the painter of the scene was well aware of the variations and main char-

acteristics of the different swords and endeavoured to give highly detailed realistic depictions of them If

we are right in identifying the paramerion as a straight single-edged sword it should be noted that it is

closer in its construction and weight and thus in its possible original function to the sabre than to the

202 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 3 Some of the straight single-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 1 Biharkeresztes Vasuacutetaacutellomaacutes (Hajduacute-Bihar countyH) grave 1 ndash 2 Zemianska Olča (Hung NemesoacutecsaKomaacuterno distSK) grave 7 ndash 3 Csongraacuted-Vendelhalom (Csongraacuted countyH) grave41955 ndash 4 Szob-Vendelin (Pest countyH)grave 51 ndash (Drawings L Kovaacutecs digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

straight double-edged sword Since the former is usually interpreted as a special light cavalry weapon and

the latter as a heavy cavalry or heavy infantry weapon one may ask why the Byzantine super-heavy caval-

ry was equipped with a raquolightlaquo sword akin to the sabre The answer is simple neither is the sabre an exclu-

sively light cavalry weapon nor is the straight double-edged sword a typical heavy cavalry weapon Both

arms can be used in other tactical formations as well To sum up an armament type does not solely deter-

mine the tactics and thus the success or defeat of a soldier or an army

Even if we bona fide prescind from the above-mentioned methodological problems inherent in the inter-

pretation of graves and weapon burials in general the archaeological material should show features that

would unambiguously refer to heavily armed mounted fighters Therefore we may expect these Magyar

burials with double-edged swords to be furnished with objects that relate to riding mounted fight and

raquoheavylaquo armament first of all including armour On the other hand we may not overestimate the fact that

no sign of any armour has been recovered from Magyar graves 88 since the appearance of armour chain

mail and helmet is extremely rare not only in 10th-century burials 89 but throughout the Early Middle Ages

The total absence of shield bosses in the 10th- and 11th-century Carpathian Basin is more remarkable 90

compared to the Carolingian and Ottonian case Although they are neither frequent in contemporary West

European archaeological material 91 pictorial evidence and written sources indicate that the shield was a

most basic element in the equipment of Carolingian and Ottonian soldiers 92 Consequently further

research should concentrate on the types and small diversities in the buried riding gear with the intention

of differentiating between various riding techniques 93 This might serve as a basis for distinguishing raquoheavy

cavalry burialslaquo even though I particularly doubt the existence of 10th-century heavy cavalry and even more

its archaeological markers

Let us now turn towards the superiority and mystification of the straight double-edged sword Due to

Bakayrsquos physical analysis 94 which without exception fully persuaded Hungarian scholars the myth of the

sword being a weapon twice as powerful and effective than the sabre spread and became an axiom

However Bakayrsquos calculations concerning the torque (raquoDrehkraftlaquo) of the sabre and the sword are overly

simplified and hardly prove more than the fact that if a smaller and a bigger apple is thrown at you the

bigger one hurts more Actually his point was already lost when he chose the torque and not the mechan-

ic or kinetic energy as the aim of his calculations Not only his physical model (let the weapon fall to the

ground with its point first) fails to model the handling of these weapons in combat but he also simplified

203Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 4 The Szentbeacutekkaacutella hybrid sword ndash (Photo and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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Androshchuk 2003 F Androshchuk The raquoLjudota Swordlaquo (AnEpisode of Contacts Between Britain and Scandinavia in the LateViking Age) Ruthenica 2 2003 15-25

Androushchuk 2009 F Androushchuk Vikings and Farmers SomeRemarks on the Social Interpretation of Swords and Long-Distance Contacts during the Viking Age In Holmquist Olaus-son Olausson 2009 93-104

Arbman 1937 H Arbman Schweden und das Karolingische ReichStudien zu den Handelsverbindungen des 9 Jahrhunderts KglVitterhets Hist Akad Handlingar 43 (Stockholm 1937)

Arbman Nilsson 1969 H Arbman N-O Nilsson Armes scandi-naves de lrsquoeacutepoque Viking en France Meddel Lund Univ HistMus 1966-1968 (1969) 163-202

Arwidsson 1986 G Arwidsson Schilde In idem (ed) Birka II2 Sys -tematische Analysen der Graumlberfunde (Stockholm 1986) 38-44

Bachrach 1969 B S Bachrach The Origin of Armorican ChivalryTechnology and Culture 10 1969 166-171

1970 B S Bachrach Charles Martel Mounted Shock Combatthe Stirrup and Feudalism Stud Medieval and Renaissance Hist7 1970 49-75

1983 B S Bachrach Charlemagnersquos Cavalry Myth and RealityMilitary Affairs 474 1983 181-187

1988 B S Bachrach Caballus et Caballarius in Medieval War-fare In H Chickering T H Seiler (eds) The Study of ChivalryResources and Approaches (Kalamazoo 1988) 173-211

1993 B S Bachrach Armies and Politics in the Early MedievalWest (Aldershot Brookfield 1993)

1995 B S Bachrach The Milites and the Millennium HaskinsSoc Journal Stud Medieval Hist 3 1992 85-95

2001 B S Bachrach Early Carolingian Warfare Prelude to Em -pire (Philadelphia 2001)

2002 B S Bachrach Warfare and Military Organization in Pre-Crusading Europe (Aldershot Burlington Suffolk 2002)

2006 B S Bachrach Verbruggenrsquos raquoCavalrylaquo and the Lyon-The-sis Journal Medieval Military Hist 4 2006 137-141

Bachrach Bachrach 2007 B S Bachrach D Bachrach SaxonMilitary Revolution 912-973 Myth and Reality Early MedievalEurope 152 2007 186-222

Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 The Laws of the Medieval Kingdom ofHungary 1 1000-1301 Translated and edited by J M Bak GyBoacutenis and J R Sweeney (Bakersfield 1989)

Bakay 1967 K Bakay Archaumlologische Studien zur Frage der unga-rischen Staatsgruumlndung Angaben zur Organisierung des fuumlrst-lichen Heeres Acta Arch Acad Scien Hungaricae 19 1967105-173

Bauer Rau 1992 Fontes ad historiam aevi Saxonici illustrandamWidukindi Res Gestae Saxonicae Adalberti Continuatio Regino-nis Liudprandi Opera Neu bearbeitet von A Bauer und R RauAusgewaumlhlte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters8 (Darmstadt 41992)

Beatson 1995 P Beatson The raquoViking Shieldlaquo from ArchaeologyVarangian Voice 35 1995 25-35

Beloševič 2007 J Beloševič Osvrt na karolinške mačeve tipa H sašireg područja Dalmatinske Hrvatske (Ruumlckschau auf karolingi-sche Schwerter des Typus H aus dem Groszligraum des dalmati-schen Kroatiens) Prilozi 24 2007 405-418

Bloumlndal Benedikz 1978 S Bloumlndal B S Benedikz The Varangi-ans of Byzantium An Aspect of Byzantine Military History (Cam-bridge 1978)

Boacutena 2000 I Boacutena Die ungarische Kampftechnik in den Feldzuuml-gen gegen Europa In Wieczorek Hinz 2000 225-230

Borosy 1962 A Borosy A XI-XIV szaacutezadi magyar lovassaacutegroacutel (Onthe Hungarian Cavalry in the 11-14th Centuries) Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl92 1962 119-174

Bowlus 2006 C R Bowlus The Battle of Lechfeld and its After-math August 955 The End of the Age of Migrations in the LatinWest (Aldershot Burlington 2006)

Buko 2008 A Buko The Archaeology of Early Medieval PolandDiscoveries ndash Hypotheses ndash Interpretations East Central andEastern Europe in the Middle Ages 450-1450 1 (Boston Leiden2008)

Cattaneo 2009 G Cattaneo The Scandinavians in Poland a Re-Evolution of Perceptions of the Vikings Brathair 92 2009 2-14

Claessen 2006 H J M Claessen War and State Formation Whatis the Connection In T Otto H Thrane H Vandkilde (eds)Warfare and Society Archaeological and Social AnthropologicalPerspectives (Aarhus 2006) 217-226

Connor 1998 C L Connor The Color of Ivory Polychromy onByzantine Ivories (Princeton 1998)

Coupland 1990 S Coupland Carolingian Arms and Armor in theNinth Century VIATOR Journal Medieval and Renaissance Stud21 1990 29-50

Curta 2005 F Curta (ed) East Central and Eastern Europe in theEarly Middle Ages (Ann Arbor 2005)

DrsquoAmato 2010 R DrsquoAmato The Varangian Guard 988-1453 Os -prey MilitaryMen-at-Arms Ser 459 (New York Oxford 2010)

Dain 1938 Sylloge Tacticorum quae olim raquoInedita Leonis Tacticalaquodicebatur in lucem prolata curis Alphonsi Dain (Paris 1938)

Davidson 1994 H E Davidson The Sword in Anglo-Saxon Eng-land Its Archaeology and Literature (Woodbrigde 21994)

Dawson 1998 T Dawson Kremasmata Kabadion Klibanion SomeAspects of Middle Byzantine Military Equipment Recon sideredByzantine and Modern Greek Stud (Birmingham) 22 1998 38-50

2002 T Dawson Suntagma Hoplocircn the Equipment of RegularByzantine Troops c 950 to c 1204 In D Nicolle (ed) A Com-panion to Medieval Arms and Armour (Woodbridge 2002) 81-90

2007a T Dawson raquoFit for the Tasklaquo Equipment Sizes and theTransmission of Military Lore Sixth to Tenth Centuries Byzantineand Modern Greek Stud (Birmingham) 31 2007 1-12

2007b T Dawson Byzantine Infantryman Eastern Roman Em -pire c 900-1204 Osprey MilitaryWarrior Ser 118 (New YorkOxford 2007)

2009a T Dawson Byzantine Cavalryman c 900-1204 OspreyMilitaryWarrior Ser 139 (New York Oxford 2009)

2009b T Dawson The Walpurgis Fechtbuch an Inheritance ofConstantinople Arms and Armour Journal of the Royal Armou-ries 61 2009 79-92

Dennis 2010 The Taktika of Leo VI Text translation and commen-tary by G Dennis Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 49(Washington DC 2010)

Dienes 1972 I Dienes Die Ungarn um die Zeit der Landnahme(Budapest 1972)

Engel 2001 P Engel The Realm of St Stephen A History of Me -dieval Hungary 895-1526 (London New York 2001)

Eacuterszegi 1996 G Eacuterszegi Szent Istvaacuten pannonhalmi oklevele (Okle-veacuteltani-filoloacutegiai kommentaacuter) In I Takaacutecs (ed) Mons Sacer 996-1996 Pannonhalma ezer eacuteve 1 (Pannonhalma 1996) 47-89

Fettich 1933 N Fettich A levediai magyarsaacuteg a reacutegeacuteszet megvilaacute-giacutetaacutesaacuteban Szaacutezadok A Magyar Toumlrteacutenelmi Taacutersulat Eacutevk 677-10 1933 251-276 369-399

1937 N Fettich A honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg feacutemművesseacutege (DieMetallkunst der landnehmenden Ungarn) Archaeologia Hunga-rica Acta Archaeologica Musei Nationalis Hungarici 21 (Buda-pest 1937)

1938 N Fettich A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten-kard reacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacute-taacutesban In J Sereacutedi (ed) Emleacutekkoumlnyv Szent Istvaacuten kiraacutely halaacutelaacute-nak kilencszaacutezadik eacutevforduloacutejaacuten 1 (Budapest 1938) 475-516

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Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

Urbańczyk 2005 P Urbańczyk Early State Formation in East Cen-tral Europe In Curta 2005 139-151

Urtan 1961 В А Уртан Древние щиты на территории Латв-ийской ССР Sovetskaja Arch 19611 216-224

Validi 1936 A Z Validi Die Schwerter der Germanen nach arabi-schen Berichten des 9-11 Jahrhunderts Zeitschr Dt Morgen-laumlnd Ges 90 1936 19-37

216 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

Veszpreacutemy 1996 L Veszpreacutemy A nyugat-euroacutepai eacutes bizaacutenci hadvi-seleacutes a honfoglalaacutes eacutes kalandozaacutesok idejeacuten In L Veszpreacutemy(ed) Honfoglaloacute őseink (Budapest 1996) 66-80

2008 L Veszpreacutemy Szent Istvaacuten feloumlvezeacuteseacuteről In VeszpreacutemyLovagvilaacuteg Magyarorszaacutegon (Budapest 2008) 66-77

Vinski 1983 Z Vinski Razmatranja o poslijekarolinškim mačevima10 i 11 stolječa u Jugoslaviji (Betrachtung zu postkarolingischenSchwertern des 10 und 11 Jahrhunderts in Jugoslawien) Sta-rohrvatska Prosvjeta 313 1983 7-64

Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

Walsh 1998 A Walsh A Summary Classification of Viking AgeSwords in Ireland In H B Clarke M N Mhaonaigh ROacute Floinn (eds) Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age(Dublin 1998) 222-235

Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

2008 J M Ziolkowski Of Arms and the (Ger)man Literary andMaterial Culture in the Waltharius In J R Davis M McCor-mick (eds) The Long Morning of Medieval Europe New Direc-tions in Early Medieval Studies (Aldershot Burlington 2008)193-208

Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 16: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

without recognising their disparity although other hybrid forms were noticed but not studied thoroughly

(fig 4) 86 It seems that no certain archaeological pictorial or written evidence testifies the use of the sabre

i e the curved single-(false)edged sword in 10th-century Byzantium ndash there is only evidence of the other

two of the three basic blade types shortly defined above The importance of the differentiation between

straight single-edged and straight double-edged swords is also further attested by pictorial sources For

instance one may recognise the sword that the third foot soldier in the procession of the Forty Martyrs of

Sebastea holds in his hand on the fresco in the Guumlvercinlik (dovecote) church in Ccedilavuşin (Cappadocia) in

Turkey dated to 963-969 as straight and single-edged in contrast to the double-edged swords of the first

two soldiers on foot 87 The fresco is so detailed that even the fuller or rhombic section of the double-edged

blades is clearly visible The two types of blades differ not only in their points (that determine the number

of their edges) but also in their width the single-edged one is almost half as wide as the double-edged It

seems reasonable to assume that the painter of the scene was well aware of the variations and main char-

acteristics of the different swords and endeavoured to give highly detailed realistic depictions of them If

we are right in identifying the paramerion as a straight single-edged sword it should be noted that it is

closer in its construction and weight and thus in its possible original function to the sabre than to the

202 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig 3 Some of the straight single-edged swords in the Carpathian Basin 1 Biharkeresztes Vasuacutetaacutellomaacutes (Hajduacute-Bihar countyH) grave 1 ndash 2 Zemianska Olča (Hung NemesoacutecsaKomaacuterno distSK) grave 7 ndash 3 Csongraacuted-Vendelhalom (Csongraacuted countyH) grave41955 ndash 4 Szob-Vendelin (Pest countyH)grave 51 ndash (Drawings L Kovaacutecs digitalprocessing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

straight double-edged sword Since the former is usually interpreted as a special light cavalry weapon and

the latter as a heavy cavalry or heavy infantry weapon one may ask why the Byzantine super-heavy caval-

ry was equipped with a raquolightlaquo sword akin to the sabre The answer is simple neither is the sabre an exclu-

sively light cavalry weapon nor is the straight double-edged sword a typical heavy cavalry weapon Both

arms can be used in other tactical formations as well To sum up an armament type does not solely deter-

mine the tactics and thus the success or defeat of a soldier or an army

Even if we bona fide prescind from the above-mentioned methodological problems inherent in the inter-

pretation of graves and weapon burials in general the archaeological material should show features that

would unambiguously refer to heavily armed mounted fighters Therefore we may expect these Magyar

burials with double-edged swords to be furnished with objects that relate to riding mounted fight and

raquoheavylaquo armament first of all including armour On the other hand we may not overestimate the fact that

no sign of any armour has been recovered from Magyar graves 88 since the appearance of armour chain

mail and helmet is extremely rare not only in 10th-century burials 89 but throughout the Early Middle Ages

The total absence of shield bosses in the 10th- and 11th-century Carpathian Basin is more remarkable 90

compared to the Carolingian and Ottonian case Although they are neither frequent in contemporary West

European archaeological material 91 pictorial evidence and written sources indicate that the shield was a

most basic element in the equipment of Carolingian and Ottonian soldiers 92 Consequently further

research should concentrate on the types and small diversities in the buried riding gear with the intention

of differentiating between various riding techniques 93 This might serve as a basis for distinguishing raquoheavy

cavalry burialslaquo even though I particularly doubt the existence of 10th-century heavy cavalry and even more

its archaeological markers

Let us now turn towards the superiority and mystification of the straight double-edged sword Due to

Bakayrsquos physical analysis 94 which without exception fully persuaded Hungarian scholars the myth of the

sword being a weapon twice as powerful and effective than the sabre spread and became an axiom

However Bakayrsquos calculations concerning the torque (raquoDrehkraftlaquo) of the sabre and the sword are overly

simplified and hardly prove more than the fact that if a smaller and a bigger apple is thrown at you the

bigger one hurts more Actually his point was already lost when he chose the torque and not the mechan-

ic or kinetic energy as the aim of his calculations Not only his physical model (let the weapon fall to the

ground with its point first) fails to model the handling of these weapons in combat but he also simplified

203Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 4 The Szentbeacutekkaacutella hybrid sword ndash (Photo and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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1937 N Fettich A honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg feacutemművesseacutege (DieMetallkunst der landnehmenden Ungarn) Archaeologia Hunga-rica Acta Archaeologica Musei Nationalis Hungarici 21 (Buda-pest 1937)

1938 N Fettich A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten-kard reacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacute-taacutesban In J Sereacutedi (ed) Emleacutekkoumlnyv Szent Istvaacuten kiraacutely halaacutelaacute-nak kilencszaacutezadik eacutevforduloacutejaacuten 1 (Budapest 1938) 475-516

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Marek 2005 L Marek Early Medieval Swords from Central andEast Europe Dilemmas of an Archaeologist and a Student ofArms Acta Univ Wratislaviensis 2713 (Wrocław 2005)

Marosi 1938 A Marosi Levediai vonatkozaacutesok a szeacutekesfeheacutervaacuterimuacutezeum anyagaacuteban eacutes a raacutedioacutetelepi kard Szeacutekesfeheacutervaacuteri Szem -le 3-4 1938 49-55

Martens 2004 I Martens Indigenous and Imported Viking AgeWeapons in Norway ndash a Problem with European ImplicationsJournal Nordic Arch Scien 14 2004 125-137

McGeer 1995 E McGeer Sowing the Dragonrsquos Teeth ByzantineWarfare in the Tenth Century Dumbarton Oaks Stud 33 (Was-hington DC 1995)

MGH 1868 G H Pertz (ed) Monumenta Germaniae HistoricaScriptorum XX (Hannover 1868)

Miller 2008 R F Miller In Words and Deeds Battle Speeches inHistory (Hanover u a 2008)

Mishin 1996 D Mishin Ibrahim Ibn-Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquos Accountof the Slavs from the Middle of the Tenth Century Annu Medie-val Stud CEU 1994-1995 (1996) 184-199

Mitchell 2008 R Mitchell Light Cavalry Heavy Cavalry Horse Ar -chers Oh My What Abstract Definitions Donrsquot Tell Us about 1205Adrianople Journal Medieval Military Hist 6 2008 95-118

Molnaacuter 1943 E Molnaacuter [L Szentmikloacutesy] Az Aacuterpaacutedkori taacutersada-lom A feleacutepiacutetmeacuteny (Budapest 1943)

1945 E Molnaacuter Szent Istvaacuten (Budapest 1945)

Morillo 1999 S Morillo The raquoAge of Cavalrylaquo Revisited In D JKagay L J A Villalon (eds) The Circle of War in the MiddleAges (Woodbridge 1999) 45-58

von zur Muumlhlen 1975 B von zur Muumlhlen Die Kultur der Wikingerin Ostpreussen Bonner H Vorgesch 9 (Bonn 1975)

Muumlller-Wille 1973 M Muumlller-Wille Zwei wikingerzeitliche Pracht-schwerter aus der Umgebung von Haithabu In K Schietzel (ed)Das archaumlologische Fundmaterial der Ausgrabung Haithabu IIBerichte uumlber die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu 6 (Neumuumlnster1973) 47-89

1976 M Muumlller-Wille Das Bootkammergrab von HaithabuBerichte uumlber die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu 8 (Neumuumlnster1976)

1978 M Muumlller-Wille Das Schiffsgrab von der Ile de Groix (Bre-tagne) Ein Exkurs zum raquoBootkammergrab von Haithabulaquo In KSchietzel (ed) Das archaumlologische Fundmaterial der Ausgra-bung Haithabu III Berichte uumlber die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu12 (Neumuumlnster 1978) 48-84

1982 M Muumlller-Wille Zwei karolingische Schwerter aus Mittel-norwegen Stud Sachsenforsch 3 1982 101-154

Neacutegyesi 1996 L Neacutegyesi Haderőreform a 10-11 szaacutezadban (Hee-resreform im 10-11 Jahrhundert) Savaria 223 1992-1995(1996) 219-222

2000 L Neacutegyesi Gondolatok a lovassaacuteg csapatnemeiről a koumln-nyű- eacutes neheacutezlovassaacuteg problematikaacuteja (Gedanken uumlber die Trup-pengattungen der Reiterei die Problematik der leichten undschweren Reiterei) In L Bende G Lőrinczy Cs Szalontai (eds)Hadak uacutetjaacuten A neacutepvaacutendorlaacutes kor fiatal kutatoacuteinak 10 konferen-ciaacuteja (Szeged 2000) 375-378

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Parani 2003 M G Parani Reconstructing the Reality of ImagesByzantine Material Culture and Religious Iconography (11th-15th

Centuries) The Medieval Mediterranean ndash Peoples Economiesand Cultures 400-1453 41 (Boston Leiden 2003)

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215Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

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Pinter 1999 Z-K Pinter Spada şi sabia medieval icircn Transilvania şiBanat (secolele IX-XIV) (Reşiţa 1999)

Plavinskij 2009 Н А Плавинский Мечи эпохи бикингов стерритории Беларуси (The Swords of the Viking Age on theTerritory of Belarus) Stratum Plus 5 2005-2009 (2009) 58-70

Polgaacuter 2004 Sz Polgaacuter Kora koumlzeacutepkori (9-12 szaacutezadi) kelet-euroacute-pai fegyverkereskedelemre utaloacute feljegyzeacutesek az iacuterott forraacutesok-ban In L Balogh L Keller (eds) Fegyveres nomaacutedok nomaacutedfegyveresek Magyar Őstoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 21 (Budapest 2004)92-100

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Randsborg 1981a K Randsborg The Viking Age State Formationin Denmark Offa 38 1981 259-276

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Rudziński 2009 P M Rudziński tarcta we wczesnośredniowiecz-nej Polsce na tle europejskim Od plemienia do państwa (Shieldin Early Medieval Poland on the Background of the EuropeanWarfare From Tribal Times to Early State) Acta Militaria Mediae-valia 5 2009 21-78

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1976 A Ruttkay Waffen und Reiterausruumlstung des 9 bis zurersten Haumllfte des 14 Jahrhunderts in der Slowakei (II) SlovenskaacuteArch 242 1976 245-395

Schuldt 1978 E Schuldt Einige bemerkenswerte Einzelfunde ausdem Burgwallgelaumlnde von Groszlig Raden Kreis Sternberg JahrbBodendenkmalpfl Mecklenburg 1977 (1978) 225-245

Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 M Schulze-Doumlrrlamm Das ungarischeKriegergrab von Aspers-legraves-Corps Untersuchungen zu denUngarn einfaumlllen nach Mittel- West- und Suumldeuropa (899-955 nChr) mit einem Exkurs zur Muumlnzchronologie altungarischerGraumlber Jahrb RGZM 31 1984 473-514

Shepard 2005 J Shepard Conversions and Regimes Comparedthe Rusrsquo and the Poles ca 1000 In Curta 2005 254-282

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Stalsberg 2008a A Stalsberg Herstellung und Verbreitung derVlfberht-Schwertklingen Eine Neubewertung Zeitschr ArchMittelalter 36 2008 89-118

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Stoodley 1999 N Stoodley The Spindle and the Spear a CriticalEnquiry into the Construction and Meaning of Gender in theEarly Anglo-Saxon Burial Rite BAR British Ser 288 (Oxford1999)

Strecker 1987 K Strecker (ed) Waltharius Deutsche Uumlbersetzungvon P Vossen (Hildesheim 21987)

Szaboacute 2010 J B Szaboacute A honfoglaloacutektoacutel a huszaacuterokig A koumlzeacutep-kori magyar koumlnnyűlovassaacutegroacutel (From the Hungarian Conquerorsto the Hussars Light Cavalry in Medieval Hungary) (Budapest2010)

Szameit 1992 E Szameit Ein VLFBERHT-Schwert aus der Donaubei Aggsbach Niederoumlsterreich Arch Austriaca 76 1992 215-221

Szőke 1962 B Szőke A honfoglaloacute eacutes kora Aacuterpaacuted-kori magyarsaacutegreacutegeacuteszeti emleacutekei Reacutegeacuteszeti tanulmaacutenyok 1 (Budapest 1962)

Szőllősy 2001 G Szőllősy Mi ceacutelt szolgaacutel a szablya fokeacutele Kiacuteseacuterletimegkoumlzeliacuteteacutesek Wosinsky Moacuter Muacutez Eacutevk 23 2001 275-293

Talbot Sullivan 2005 The History of Leo the Deacon ByzantineMilitary Expansion in the Tenth Century Introduction Transla-tion and Annotations by A-M Talbot and D F Sullivan Dum-barton Oaks Stud 41 (Washington DC 2005)

Toacuteth 1934 Z Toacuteth A huszaacuterok eredeteacuteről Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 3-41934 129-196

Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

Urbańczyk 2005 P Urbańczyk Early State Formation in East Cen-tral Europe In Curta 2005 139-151

Urtan 1961 В А Уртан Древние щиты на территории Латв-ийской ССР Sovetskaja Arch 19611 216-224

Validi 1936 A Z Validi Die Schwerter der Germanen nach arabi-schen Berichten des 9-11 Jahrhunderts Zeitschr Dt Morgen-laumlnd Ges 90 1936 19-37

216 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

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Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

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Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

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Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

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217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

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Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 17: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

straight double-edged sword Since the former is usually interpreted as a special light cavalry weapon and

the latter as a heavy cavalry or heavy infantry weapon one may ask why the Byzantine super-heavy caval-

ry was equipped with a raquolightlaquo sword akin to the sabre The answer is simple neither is the sabre an exclu-

sively light cavalry weapon nor is the straight double-edged sword a typical heavy cavalry weapon Both

arms can be used in other tactical formations as well To sum up an armament type does not solely deter-

mine the tactics and thus the success or defeat of a soldier or an army

Even if we bona fide prescind from the above-mentioned methodological problems inherent in the inter-

pretation of graves and weapon burials in general the archaeological material should show features that

would unambiguously refer to heavily armed mounted fighters Therefore we may expect these Magyar

burials with double-edged swords to be furnished with objects that relate to riding mounted fight and

raquoheavylaquo armament first of all including armour On the other hand we may not overestimate the fact that

no sign of any armour has been recovered from Magyar graves 88 since the appearance of armour chain

mail and helmet is extremely rare not only in 10th-century burials 89 but throughout the Early Middle Ages

The total absence of shield bosses in the 10th- and 11th-century Carpathian Basin is more remarkable 90

compared to the Carolingian and Ottonian case Although they are neither frequent in contemporary West

European archaeological material 91 pictorial evidence and written sources indicate that the shield was a

most basic element in the equipment of Carolingian and Ottonian soldiers 92 Consequently further

research should concentrate on the types and small diversities in the buried riding gear with the intention

of differentiating between various riding techniques 93 This might serve as a basis for distinguishing raquoheavy

cavalry burialslaquo even though I particularly doubt the existence of 10th-century heavy cavalry and even more

its archaeological markers

Let us now turn towards the superiority and mystification of the straight double-edged sword Due to

Bakayrsquos physical analysis 94 which without exception fully persuaded Hungarian scholars the myth of the

sword being a weapon twice as powerful and effective than the sabre spread and became an axiom

However Bakayrsquos calculations concerning the torque (raquoDrehkraftlaquo) of the sabre and the sword are overly

simplified and hardly prove more than the fact that if a smaller and a bigger apple is thrown at you the

bigger one hurts more Actually his point was already lost when he chose the torque and not the mechan-

ic or kinetic energy as the aim of his calculations Not only his physical model (let the weapon fall to the

ground with its point first) fails to model the handling of these weapons in combat but he also simplified

203Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 4 The Szentbeacutekkaacutella hybrid sword ndash (Photo and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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Dawson 1998 T Dawson Kremasmata Kabadion Klibanion SomeAspects of Middle Byzantine Military Equipment Recon sideredByzantine and Modern Greek Stud (Birmingham) 22 1998 38-50

2002 T Dawson Suntagma Hoplocircn the Equipment of RegularByzantine Troops c 950 to c 1204 In D Nicolle (ed) A Com-panion to Medieval Arms and Armour (Woodbridge 2002) 81-90

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2007b T Dawson Byzantine Infantryman Eastern Roman Em -pire c 900-1204 Osprey MilitaryWarrior Ser 118 (New YorkOxford 2007)

2009a T Dawson Byzantine Cavalryman c 900-1204 OspreyMilitaryWarrior Ser 139 (New York Oxford 2009)

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Dennis 2010 The Taktika of Leo VI Text translation and commen-tary by G Dennis Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 49(Washington DC 2010)

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Engel 2001 P Engel The Realm of St Stephen A History of Me -dieval Hungary 895-1526 (London New York 2001)

Eacuterszegi 1996 G Eacuterszegi Szent Istvaacuten pannonhalmi oklevele (Okle-veacuteltani-filoloacutegiai kommentaacuter) In I Takaacutecs (ed) Mons Sacer 996-1996 Pannonhalma ezer eacuteve 1 (Pannonhalma 1996) 47-89

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1937 N Fettich A honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg feacutemművesseacutege (DieMetallkunst der landnehmenden Ungarn) Archaeologia Hunga-rica Acta Archaeologica Musei Nationalis Hungarici 21 (Buda-pest 1937)

1938 N Fettich A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten-kard reacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacute-taacutesban In J Sereacutedi (ed) Emleacutekkoumlnyv Szent Istvaacuten kiraacutely halaacutelaacute-nak kilencszaacutezadik eacutevforduloacutejaacuten 1 (Budapest 1938) 475-516

Fodor 1981 I Fodor A magyarsaacuteg baltikumi eacutes skandinaacuteviai kapc-solatai a IX-XI szaacutezadban a reacutegeacuteszeti leletek alapjaacuten (Verbindun-gen der Ungarn mit dem Baltikum und Skandinavien zwischendem 9 und 11 Jahrhundert aufgrund der Bodenfunde) SzolnokMegyei Muacutez Eacutevk 1981 85-89

1996 I Fodor Vienna sabre In Fodor et al 1996 67-71

2000 I Fodor A haderő eacutes a fegyverzet aacutetalakulaacutesa az aacutellamala-piacutetaacutes koraacuteban In Aacute Raacutecz (ed) Nagy keacutepes millenniumi hadtoumlr-teacutenet 1000 eacutev a hadak uacutetjaacuten (Budapest 2000) 20 f

2001a I Fodor Laacuteszloacute Gyula a reacutegeacutesz In I Balassa E Laacuteszloacute(eds) Laacuteszloacute Gyula 1910-1998 Emleacutekkoumlnyv (Budapest 2001)147-270

2001b I Fodor Az aacutellamalapiacutetaacutes koraacutenak hadserege In P Hal-maacutegyi (ed) Az aacutellamalapiacutetoacutekroacutel 2000-ben A VII Honveacuted Emleacutek-nap eacutes a Leveacuteltaacuteri Napok makoacutei előadaacutesai A Makoacutei MuacutezeumFuumlzetei 98 (Makoacute 2001) 17-39

Fodor et al 1996 I Fodor L Reacuteveacutesz M Wolf I M Nepper (eds)The Ancient Hungarians [exhibition cat] (Budapest 1996)

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Gaacutell 2007 E Gaacutell Az Erdeacutelyi-medence a Partium eacutes a Baacutensaacuteg X-XIszaacutezadi siacuter- eacutes szoacutervaacuteny-fegyverleleteinek elemzeacutese (An Analysisof the Grave and Stray Weapon Finds of the TranssylvanianBasin the Partium and the Banat from the 10th-11th Centuries)Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 1202 2007 395-474

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2007 J Haldon (ed) Byzantine Warfare (Aldershot Burlington2007)

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1900 J Hampel A honfoglalaacutesi kor hazai emleacutekei In Gy Pau-ler S Szilaacutegyi (eds) A magyar honfoglalaacutes kuacutetfői A honfoglalaacutesezredeacuteves emleacutekeacutere (Budapest 1900) 507-830

1905 J Hampel Alterthuumlmer des fruumlhen Mittelalters in Ungarn(Braunschweig 1905)

1907 J Hampel Ujabb tanulmaacutenyok a honfoglalaacutesi kor emleacutekei-ről (Budapest 1907)

Haumlrke 1989 H Haumlrke Early Saxon Weapon Burials FrequenciesDistributions and Weapon Combinations In S C Hawkes (ed)Weapons and Warfare in Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford 1989)49-61

1990 H Haumlrke raquoWarrior Graveslaquo The Background of theAnglo-Saxon Weapon Burial Rite Past amp Present 126 1990 22-43

1992a H Haumlrke Changing Symbols in a Changing Society theAnglo-Saxon Weapon Burial Rite in the Seventh Century In MO H Carver (ed) The Age of Sutton Hoo the Seventh Centuryin North-Western Europe (Woodbrigde 1992) 149-165

1992b H Haumlrke Angelsaumlchsische Waffengraumlber des 5-7 Jahr-hunderts Zeitschr Arch Mittelalter Beih 6 (Bonn Koumlln 1992)

213Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

1997a H Haumlrke Material Culture as Myth Weapons in Anglo-Saxon Graves In Jensen Nielsen 1997 119-127

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217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 18: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

204 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Fig

5Ba

kayrsquo

s ve

ctor

ial d

epic

tion

of t

he m

odel

and

the

cor

rect

ed v

ersi

ons

usi

ng t

he s

ame

sim

plifi

catio

ns

1-2

The

orig

inal

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n (f

or a

bbre

viat

ions

see

Bak

ay 1

967

143

) ndash

3G

ene-

ral d

epic

tion

of t

he v

ecto

r pr

oduc

t of

the

for

ce v

ecto

r (F

) and

the

leve

r ar

m v

ecto

r (r

) eq

ual t

o th

e to

rque

(T)

ndash 4-

5C

orre

cted

vec

toria

l dep

ictio

n of

the

Bak

ay-m

odel

for

the

sab

re (4

) and

the

sw

ord

(5)

acco

rdin

g to

Fig

53

whe

n raquoh

laquo is

the

hilt

raquorlaquo

is t

he b

lade

raquoPlaquo

is t

he p

oint

of

the

blad

e re

achi

ng t

he raquo

grou

ndlaquo

at raquo

Slaquo d

ue t

o th

e fo

rce

raquoFlaquo

i e

gra

vity

in t

he B

akay

-mod

el (t

he v

ecto

rs o

f th

eto

rque

are

not

illu

stra

ted

sin

ce t

hey

are

perp

endi

cula

r to

bot

h of

the

vec

tors

) ndash

(1-2

aft

er B

akay

196

7 1

43 f

ig 1

6 1

-2

3-5

draw

ing

and

digi

tal p

roce

ssin

g B

Biacuteroacute

)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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Androshchuk 2003 F Androshchuk The raquoLjudota Swordlaquo (AnEpisode of Contacts Between Britain and Scandinavia in the LateViking Age) Ruthenica 2 2003 15-25

Androushchuk 2009 F Androushchuk Vikings and Farmers SomeRemarks on the Social Interpretation of Swords and Long-Distance Contacts during the Viking Age In Holmquist Olaus-son Olausson 2009 93-104

Arbman 1937 H Arbman Schweden und das Karolingische ReichStudien zu den Handelsverbindungen des 9 Jahrhunderts KglVitterhets Hist Akad Handlingar 43 (Stockholm 1937)

Arbman Nilsson 1969 H Arbman N-O Nilsson Armes scandi-naves de lrsquoeacutepoque Viking en France Meddel Lund Univ HistMus 1966-1968 (1969) 163-202

Arwidsson 1986 G Arwidsson Schilde In idem (ed) Birka II2 Sys -tematische Analysen der Graumlberfunde (Stockholm 1986) 38-44

Bachrach 1969 B S Bachrach The Origin of Armorican ChivalryTechnology and Culture 10 1969 166-171

1970 B S Bachrach Charles Martel Mounted Shock Combatthe Stirrup and Feudalism Stud Medieval and Renaissance Hist7 1970 49-75

1983 B S Bachrach Charlemagnersquos Cavalry Myth and RealityMilitary Affairs 474 1983 181-187

1988 B S Bachrach Caballus et Caballarius in Medieval War-fare In H Chickering T H Seiler (eds) The Study of ChivalryResources and Approaches (Kalamazoo 1988) 173-211

1993 B S Bachrach Armies and Politics in the Early MedievalWest (Aldershot Brookfield 1993)

1995 B S Bachrach The Milites and the Millennium HaskinsSoc Journal Stud Medieval Hist 3 1992 85-95

2001 B S Bachrach Early Carolingian Warfare Prelude to Em -pire (Philadelphia 2001)

2002 B S Bachrach Warfare and Military Organization in Pre-Crusading Europe (Aldershot Burlington Suffolk 2002)

2006 B S Bachrach Verbruggenrsquos raquoCavalrylaquo and the Lyon-The-sis Journal Medieval Military Hist 4 2006 137-141

Bachrach Bachrach 2007 B S Bachrach D Bachrach SaxonMilitary Revolution 912-973 Myth and Reality Early MedievalEurope 152 2007 186-222

Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 The Laws of the Medieval Kingdom ofHungary 1 1000-1301 Translated and edited by J M Bak GyBoacutenis and J R Sweeney (Bakersfield 1989)

Bakay 1967 K Bakay Archaumlologische Studien zur Frage der unga-rischen Staatsgruumlndung Angaben zur Organisierung des fuumlrst-lichen Heeres Acta Arch Acad Scien Hungaricae 19 1967105-173

Bauer Rau 1992 Fontes ad historiam aevi Saxonici illustrandamWidukindi Res Gestae Saxonicae Adalberti Continuatio Regino-nis Liudprandi Opera Neu bearbeitet von A Bauer und R RauAusgewaumlhlte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters8 (Darmstadt 41992)

Beatson 1995 P Beatson The raquoViking Shieldlaquo from ArchaeologyVarangian Voice 35 1995 25-35

Beloševič 2007 J Beloševič Osvrt na karolinške mačeve tipa H sašireg područja Dalmatinske Hrvatske (Ruumlckschau auf karolingi-sche Schwerter des Typus H aus dem Groszligraum des dalmati-schen Kroatiens) Prilozi 24 2007 405-418

Bloumlndal Benedikz 1978 S Bloumlndal B S Benedikz The Varangi-ans of Byzantium An Aspect of Byzantine Military History (Cam-bridge 1978)

Boacutena 2000 I Boacutena Die ungarische Kampftechnik in den Feldzuuml-gen gegen Europa In Wieczorek Hinz 2000 225-230

Borosy 1962 A Borosy A XI-XIV szaacutezadi magyar lovassaacutegroacutel (Onthe Hungarian Cavalry in the 11-14th Centuries) Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl92 1962 119-174

Bowlus 2006 C R Bowlus The Battle of Lechfeld and its After-math August 955 The End of the Age of Migrations in the LatinWest (Aldershot Burlington 2006)

Buko 2008 A Buko The Archaeology of Early Medieval PolandDiscoveries ndash Hypotheses ndash Interpretations East Central andEastern Europe in the Middle Ages 450-1450 1 (Boston Leiden2008)

Cattaneo 2009 G Cattaneo The Scandinavians in Poland a Re-Evolution of Perceptions of the Vikings Brathair 92 2009 2-14

Claessen 2006 H J M Claessen War and State Formation Whatis the Connection In T Otto H Thrane H Vandkilde (eds)Warfare and Society Archaeological and Social AnthropologicalPerspectives (Aarhus 2006) 217-226

Connor 1998 C L Connor The Color of Ivory Polychromy onByzantine Ivories (Princeton 1998)

Coupland 1990 S Coupland Carolingian Arms and Armor in theNinth Century VIATOR Journal Medieval and Renaissance Stud21 1990 29-50

Curta 2005 F Curta (ed) East Central and Eastern Europe in theEarly Middle Ages (Ann Arbor 2005)

DrsquoAmato 2010 R DrsquoAmato The Varangian Guard 988-1453 Os -prey MilitaryMen-at-Arms Ser 459 (New York Oxford 2010)

Dain 1938 Sylloge Tacticorum quae olim raquoInedita Leonis Tacticalaquodicebatur in lucem prolata curis Alphonsi Dain (Paris 1938)

Davidson 1994 H E Davidson The Sword in Anglo-Saxon Eng-land Its Archaeology and Literature (Woodbrigde 21994)

Dawson 1998 T Dawson Kremasmata Kabadion Klibanion SomeAspects of Middle Byzantine Military Equipment Recon sideredByzantine and Modern Greek Stud (Birmingham) 22 1998 38-50

2002 T Dawson Suntagma Hoplocircn the Equipment of RegularByzantine Troops c 950 to c 1204 In D Nicolle (ed) A Com-panion to Medieval Arms and Armour (Woodbridge 2002) 81-90

2007a T Dawson raquoFit for the Tasklaquo Equipment Sizes and theTransmission of Military Lore Sixth to Tenth Centuries Byzantineand Modern Greek Stud (Birmingham) 31 2007 1-12

2007b T Dawson Byzantine Infantryman Eastern Roman Em -pire c 900-1204 Osprey MilitaryWarrior Ser 118 (New YorkOxford 2007)

2009a T Dawson Byzantine Cavalryman c 900-1204 OspreyMilitaryWarrior Ser 139 (New York Oxford 2009)

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Steuer 1987 H Steuer Der Handel in der Wikingerzeit zwischenNord- und Westeuropa aufgrund archaumlologischer Zeugnisse InK Duumlwel H Jankuhn H Siems D Timpe (eds) Untersuchun-gen zu Handel und Verkehr der vor- und fruumlhgeschichtlichen Zeitin Mittel- und Nordeuropa 4 Der Handel der Karolinger- undWikingerzeit Abhandl Akad Wiss Goumlttingen Phil-Hist Kl3156 (Goumlttingen 1987) 113-197

Stoodley 1999 N Stoodley The Spindle and the Spear a CriticalEnquiry into the Construction and Meaning of Gender in theEarly Anglo-Saxon Burial Rite BAR British Ser 288 (Oxford1999)

Strecker 1987 K Strecker (ed) Waltharius Deutsche Uumlbersetzungvon P Vossen (Hildesheim 21987)

Szaboacute 2010 J B Szaboacute A honfoglaloacutektoacutel a huszaacuterokig A koumlzeacutep-kori magyar koumlnnyűlovassaacutegroacutel (From the Hungarian Conquerorsto the Hussars Light Cavalry in Medieval Hungary) (Budapest2010)

Szameit 1992 E Szameit Ein VLFBERHT-Schwert aus der Donaubei Aggsbach Niederoumlsterreich Arch Austriaca 76 1992 215-221

Szőke 1962 B Szőke A honfoglaloacute eacutes kora Aacuterpaacuted-kori magyarsaacutegreacutegeacuteszeti emleacutekei Reacutegeacuteszeti tanulmaacutenyok 1 (Budapest 1962)

Szőllősy 2001 G Szőllősy Mi ceacutelt szolgaacutel a szablya fokeacutele Kiacuteseacuterletimegkoumlzeliacuteteacutesek Wosinsky Moacuter Muacutez Eacutevk 23 2001 275-293

Talbot Sullivan 2005 The History of Leo the Deacon ByzantineMilitary Expansion in the Tenth Century Introduction Transla-tion and Annotations by A-M Talbot and D F Sullivan Dum-barton Oaks Stud 41 (Washington DC 2005)

Toacuteth 1934 Z Toacuteth A huszaacuterok eredeteacuteről Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 3-41934 129-196

Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

Urbańczyk 2005 P Urbańczyk Early State Formation in East Cen-tral Europe In Curta 2005 139-151

Urtan 1961 В А Уртан Древние щиты на территории Латв-ийской ССР Sovetskaja Arch 19611 216-224

Validi 1936 A Z Validi Die Schwerter der Germanen nach arabi-schen Berichten des 9-11 Jahrhunderts Zeitschr Dt Morgen-laumlnd Ges 90 1936 19-37

216 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

Veszpreacutemy 1996 L Veszpreacutemy A nyugat-euroacutepai eacutes bizaacutenci hadvi-seleacutes a honfoglalaacutes eacutes kalandozaacutesok idejeacuten In L Veszpreacutemy(ed) Honfoglaloacute őseink (Budapest 1996) 66-80

2008 L Veszpreacutemy Szent Istvaacuten feloumlvezeacuteseacuteről In VeszpreacutemyLovagvilaacuteg Magyarorszaacutegon (Budapest 2008) 66-77

Vinski 1983 Z Vinski Razmatranja o poslijekarolinškim mačevima10 i 11 stolječa u Jugoslaviji (Betrachtung zu postkarolingischenSchwertern des 10 und 11 Jahrhunderts in Jugoslawien) Sta-rohrvatska Prosvjeta 313 1983 7-64

Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

Walsh 1998 A Walsh A Summary Classification of Viking AgeSwords in Ireland In H B Clarke M N Mhaonaigh ROacute Floinn (eds) Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age(Dublin 1998) 222-235

Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

2008 J M Ziolkowski Of Arms and the (Ger)man Literary andMaterial Culture in the Waltharius In J R Davis M McCor-mick (eds) The Long Morning of Medieval Europe New Direc-tions in Early Medieval Studies (Aldershot Burlington 2008)193-208

Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 19: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

the characteristics of the two weapons to the highest degree and used false data like the weight of the

sabre etc Furthermore besides applying a simplified physical formula and making smaller algebraic mis-

takes Bakayrsquos vectorial depiction of the physical model 95 is as deficient and confused as his calculations are

inaccurate (fig 5) 96 The fact that yet no attempt has been made to recalculate his calculations and that

his results and the concept of a miraculous weapon of the 10th century were easily accepted clearly shows

the isolation of Magyar studies and the deficiency of the Hungarian research in archaeological theory and

methodology 97 It is interesting that the superiority of the double-edged sword to the sabre also occurred

in the international research in a short description of a picture Nicolle stated that the Magyar sabre was

raquoessentially a light cavalry weapon unlike the heavier armour-breaking swords of western Europe 98laquo

However it is obvious that neither the sabre nor the double-edged sword is a raquobetterlaquo or raquomore power-

fullaquo and raquoeffectivelaquo weapon or more capable of breaking armour than the other What kind of armour

penetration etc are we talking about anyway Such questions of efficiency and possible function of cer-

tain weapon types are not to be answered without a thorough experimental archaeological research and

even then we would still only be dealing with idealistic clear measurable situations not corresponding to

real combat situations 99 On the other hand one main difference between the two weapons might be

declared one may suppose that the sword is as good as an infantry weapon as for cavalry purposes while

the sabre is in all probability especially designed for cavalry combat due to its slightly curved blade and to

the so-called elman (double-edged point or false edge) which allows an easier stabbing 100 Of course this

does not mean that it is an inferior weapon to the sword in any combat situation or when facing an oppo-

nent with raquoheavierlaquo armour in the heat and chaos of a battle The entirety of the military equipment is only

one of the many factors that together form the course of the battle Using only one piece of the armament

for calculations and treating the raquoresultlaquo as an absolute determinant reason is highly misleading It is con-

ceivable that duels and small-scale fights were quite another matter 101 where personal abilities skills and

differences in weaponry and armour of the opposers could have decided between life and death In such

a context various types of arms might be seen as inferior or superior ndash but only for the moment and in a

relative sense We actually do not even know what a duel was like in the 10th century There are only faint

traces of a highly sophisticated fencing that was present in Byzantium 102 but it is not clear whether it was

used in real combat situations or only in simple duels Otherwise this knowledge must have been restrict-

ed to Byzantium (and perhaps to the Muslim world) in the 10th century while its spread to Europe may have

only started with the first crusades

The last argument of the Hungarian hypothesis on the military reform is the supposed exclusive western

origin of straight double-edged swords Taking a quick look at the distribution maps of raquoViking swordslaquo in

the 10th-11th centuries we find that they are not surprisingly spread all over Europe Such swords are

present on the British Isles in Scandinavia the Baltic France the Netherlands Germany Poland Austria

Bohemia Slovakia Romania Ukraine Belarus Russia and eventually on the North Balkan Peninsula 103 It

has been recently established that raquoViking typelaquo scabbard chapes and straight double-edged swords were

current in contemporary Bulgaria as well 104 Due to the long-lasting absence of middle Byzantine archaeo-

logical evidence concerning military equipment in the territory of Byzantium the question of the presence

of swords of the so-called Viking Norman Carolingian Ottonian etc type in Byzantium before the organ-

isation of the Varangian Guard could be only linked to the involvement of the Rusrsquo in Byzantine military

operations and service 105 The argument behind this idea is that such swords are usually considered ethni-

cal markers of warriors of Scandinavian origin or from the Rusrsquo and thus vice versa the presence of such

mercenaries should indicate the usage of Viking swords 106 On the other hand the thesis of a 9th- and 10th-

century trade with swords (raquoSchwerthandellaquo) founded at the beginning of the past century points towards

another explanation 107 Contemporary Muslim written sources confirm that the Muslim world was well

205Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

References

Androshchuk 2003 F Androshchuk The raquoLjudota Swordlaquo (AnEpisode of Contacts Between Britain and Scandinavia in the LateViking Age) Ruthenica 2 2003 15-25

Androushchuk 2009 F Androushchuk Vikings and Farmers SomeRemarks on the Social Interpretation of Swords and Long-Distance Contacts during the Viking Age In Holmquist Olaus-son Olausson 2009 93-104

Arbman 1937 H Arbman Schweden und das Karolingische ReichStudien zu den Handelsverbindungen des 9 Jahrhunderts KglVitterhets Hist Akad Handlingar 43 (Stockholm 1937)

Arbman Nilsson 1969 H Arbman N-O Nilsson Armes scandi-naves de lrsquoeacutepoque Viking en France Meddel Lund Univ HistMus 1966-1968 (1969) 163-202

Arwidsson 1986 G Arwidsson Schilde In idem (ed) Birka II2 Sys -tematische Analysen der Graumlberfunde (Stockholm 1986) 38-44

Bachrach 1969 B S Bachrach The Origin of Armorican ChivalryTechnology and Culture 10 1969 166-171

1970 B S Bachrach Charles Martel Mounted Shock Combatthe Stirrup and Feudalism Stud Medieval and Renaissance Hist7 1970 49-75

1983 B S Bachrach Charlemagnersquos Cavalry Myth and RealityMilitary Affairs 474 1983 181-187

1988 B S Bachrach Caballus et Caballarius in Medieval War-fare In H Chickering T H Seiler (eds) The Study of ChivalryResources and Approaches (Kalamazoo 1988) 173-211

1993 B S Bachrach Armies and Politics in the Early MedievalWest (Aldershot Brookfield 1993)

1995 B S Bachrach The Milites and the Millennium HaskinsSoc Journal Stud Medieval Hist 3 1992 85-95

2001 B S Bachrach Early Carolingian Warfare Prelude to Em -pire (Philadelphia 2001)

2002 B S Bachrach Warfare and Military Organization in Pre-Crusading Europe (Aldershot Burlington Suffolk 2002)

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2000 I Fodor A haderő eacutes a fegyverzet aacutetalakulaacutesa az aacutellamala-piacutetaacutes koraacuteban In Aacute Raacutecz (ed) Nagy keacutepes millenniumi hadtoumlr-teacutenet 1000 eacutev a hadak uacutetjaacuten (Budapest 2000) 20 f

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2001b I Fodor Az aacutellamalapiacutetaacutes koraacutenak hadserege In P Hal-maacutegyi (ed) Az aacutellamalapiacutetoacutekroacutel 2000-ben A VII Honveacuted Emleacutek-nap eacutes a Leveacuteltaacuteri Napok makoacutei előadaacutesai A Makoacutei MuacutezeumFuumlzetei 98 (Makoacute 2001) 17-39

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Gaacutell 2007 E Gaacutell Az Erdeacutelyi-medence a Partium eacutes a Baacutensaacuteg X-XIszaacutezadi siacuter- eacutes szoacutervaacuteny-fegyverleleteinek elemzeacutese (An Analysisof the Grave and Stray Weapon Finds of the TranssylvanianBasin the Partium and the Banat from the 10th-11th Centuries)Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 1202 2007 395-474

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Gerics 1995 J Gerics Egyhaacutez aacutellam eacutes gondolkodaacutes a Magyarors-zaacutegon a koumlzeacutepkorban Magyar Egyhaacuteztoumlrteacuteneti EnciklopeacutediaMunkakoumlzoumlsseacuteg koumlnyvek 9 (Budapest 1995)

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Gomolka 1968 G Gomolka Die Kleinfunde vom LimeskastellIatrus in Moesia inferior Klio 50 1968 171-249

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2004 В Йотов Въопъжениетто и снапяжението от бълга-рското средновековие (VII-XI век) (Varna 2004)

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Kahsnitz 2001 R Kahsnitz Erstes Buch der Makkabaumler In Puhle2001 218-221

Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 J Kalmaacuter Saumlbel und Schwert in Ungarn Zeit -schr Hist Waffen u Kostuumlmkde (Berlin) XIV NF 5 1936 150-155

1942 J Kalmaacuter Peacutecsi sisak a honfoglalaacutes koumlruumlli időből In Peacutecsszabad kiraacutelyi vaacuteros Majorossy Imre Muacutezeumaacutenak Eacutertesiacutetője1942 22-29

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1971 А Н Кирпичников Древнерусское оручжие Бып-ыск третий Доспех комплекс боевых средств АрхеологияСССР Е1-36 (Leningrad 1971)

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1993 L Kovaacutecs Waffenwechsel vom Saumlbel zum Schwert ZurDatierung der ungarischen Graumlber des 10-11 Jahrhunderts mitzweischneidigem Schwert Fasciculi Arch Hist 7 1993 45-60

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1993 Gy Kristoacute Die Arpaden-Dynastie Die Geschichte Ungarnsvon 895 bis 1301 (Szekszaacuterd 1993)

1995 Gy Kristoacute A magyar aacutellam megszuumlleteacutese Szegedi Koumlzeacutep-kortoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 8 (Szeged 1995)

214 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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Laacuteszloacute 1939 Gy Laacuteszloacute Fettich Naacutendor A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten kardreacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacutetaacutesban (Naacutendor Fettich Lrsquoepeacutee de SaintEtienne du point de vue archeacuteologique) Folia Arch 1-2 1939231-235

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Petersen 1919 J Petersen De norske vikingesverd En typologisk-kronologiske studie over vikingatidens vaaben Videnskapssels-kapets Skr 2 Hist-fil Kl 19192 (Kristiania 1919)

Piatnitsky et al 2000 Y Piatnitsky O Baddeley Ea Brunner MMundell Mango (eds) Sinai Byzantium Russia Orthodox Artfrom the Sixth to the Twentieth Century (London 2000)

Pinter 1999 Z-K Pinter Spada şi sabia medieval icircn Transilvania şiBanat (secolele IX-XIV) (Reşiţa 1999)

Plavinskij 2009 Н А Плавинский Мечи эпохи бикингов стерритории Беларуси (The Swords of the Viking Age on theTerritory of Belarus) Stratum Plus 5 2005-2009 (2009) 58-70

Polgaacuter 2004 Sz Polgaacuter Kora koumlzeacutepkori (9-12 szaacutezadi) kelet-euroacute-pai fegyverkereskedelemre utaloacute feljegyzeacutesek az iacuterott forraacutesok-ban In L Balogh L Keller (eds) Fegyveres nomaacutedok nomaacutedfegyveresek Magyar Őstoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 21 (Budapest 2004)92-100

Popa 1984 R Popa Knaufkrone eines wikingerzeitlichen Pracht-schwertes von Păcuilul lui Soare Germania 622 1984 425-431

Puhle 2001 M Puhle (ed) Otto der Grosse Magdeburg undEuropa [exhibition cat] (Mainz 2001)

Randsborg 1981a K Randsborg The Viking Age State Formationin Denmark Offa 38 1981 259-276

1981b K Randsborg Burial Succession and Early State Forma-tion in Denmark In R Chapman I Kinnes K Randsborg (eds)The Archaeology of Death New Directions in Archaeology(Cam bridge 1981) 105-121

Restle 1967 M Restle Die byzantinische Wandmalerei in Klein-asien (Recklinghausen 1967)

Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 L Reacuteveacutesz I M Nepper The ArchaeologicalHeritage of the Ancient Hungarians In Fodor et al 1996 37-56

Rohrer 2009 W Rohrer Wikinger oder Slawen Die Interpreta-tionsgeschichte fruumlhpiastischer Bestattungen mit Waffenbei-gabe In A Klammt S Rossignol (eds) Mittelalterliche Elitenund Kulturtransfer oumlstlich der Elbe (Goumlttingen 2009) 27-41

Rudziński 2009 P M Rudziński tarcta we wczesnośredniowiecz-nej Polsce na tle europejskim Od plemienia do państwa (Shieldin Early Medieval Poland on the Background of the EuropeanWarfare From Tribal Times to Early State) Acta Militaria Mediae-valia 5 2009 21-78

Ruttkay 1970 A Ruttkay Korneacutel Bakay Archaumlologische Studienzur Frage der ungarischen Staatsgruumlndung Slovenskaacute Arch182 1970 482-484

1976 A Ruttkay Waffen und Reiterausruumlstung des 9 bis zurersten Haumllfte des 14 Jahrhunderts in der Slowakei (II) SlovenskaacuteArch 242 1976 245-395

Schuldt 1978 E Schuldt Einige bemerkenswerte Einzelfunde ausdem Burgwallgelaumlnde von Groszlig Raden Kreis Sternberg JahrbBodendenkmalpfl Mecklenburg 1977 (1978) 225-245

Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 M Schulze-Doumlrrlamm Das ungarischeKriegergrab von Aspers-legraves-Corps Untersuchungen zu denUngarn einfaumlllen nach Mittel- West- und Suumldeuropa (899-955 nChr) mit einem Exkurs zur Muumlnzchronologie altungarischerGraumlber Jahrb RGZM 31 1984 473-514

Shepard 2005 J Shepard Conversions and Regimes Comparedthe Rusrsquo and the Poles ca 1000 In Curta 2005 254-282

Solberg 1991 B Solberg Weapon Export from the Continent tothe Nordic Countries in the Carolingian Period Stud Sachsen-forsch 7 1991 241-259

Stalsberg 2008a A Stalsberg Herstellung und Verbreitung derVlfberht-Schwertklingen Eine Neubewertung Zeitschr ArchMittelalter 36 2008 89-118

2008b A Stalsberg The Vlfberht Sword Blades Reevaluated(httpjenny-ritaorgannestalsberghtml 1542012)

2010 A Stalsberg Ulfberht Revisited a Classification In JSheehan D Oacute Corraacutein (eds) The Viking Age Ireland and theWest (Dublin 2010) 450-464

Steuer 1987 H Steuer Der Handel in der Wikingerzeit zwischenNord- und Westeuropa aufgrund archaumlologischer Zeugnisse InK Duumlwel H Jankuhn H Siems D Timpe (eds) Untersuchun-gen zu Handel und Verkehr der vor- und fruumlhgeschichtlichen Zeitin Mittel- und Nordeuropa 4 Der Handel der Karolinger- undWikingerzeit Abhandl Akad Wiss Goumlttingen Phil-Hist Kl3156 (Goumlttingen 1987) 113-197

Stoodley 1999 N Stoodley The Spindle and the Spear a CriticalEnquiry into the Construction and Meaning of Gender in theEarly Anglo-Saxon Burial Rite BAR British Ser 288 (Oxford1999)

Strecker 1987 K Strecker (ed) Waltharius Deutsche Uumlbersetzungvon P Vossen (Hildesheim 21987)

Szaboacute 2010 J B Szaboacute A honfoglaloacutektoacutel a huszaacuterokig A koumlzeacutep-kori magyar koumlnnyűlovassaacutegroacutel (From the Hungarian Conquerorsto the Hussars Light Cavalry in Medieval Hungary) (Budapest2010)

Szameit 1992 E Szameit Ein VLFBERHT-Schwert aus der Donaubei Aggsbach Niederoumlsterreich Arch Austriaca 76 1992 215-221

Szőke 1962 B Szőke A honfoglaloacute eacutes kora Aacuterpaacuted-kori magyarsaacutegreacutegeacuteszeti emleacutekei Reacutegeacuteszeti tanulmaacutenyok 1 (Budapest 1962)

Szőllősy 2001 G Szőllősy Mi ceacutelt szolgaacutel a szablya fokeacutele Kiacuteseacuterletimegkoumlzeliacuteteacutesek Wosinsky Moacuter Muacutez Eacutevk 23 2001 275-293

Talbot Sullivan 2005 The History of Leo the Deacon ByzantineMilitary Expansion in the Tenth Century Introduction Transla-tion and Annotations by A-M Talbot and D F Sullivan Dum-barton Oaks Stud 41 (Washington DC 2005)

Toacuteth 1934 Z Toacuteth A huszaacuterok eredeteacuteről Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 3-41934 129-196

Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

Urbańczyk 2005 P Urbańczyk Early State Formation in East Cen-tral Europe In Curta 2005 139-151

Urtan 1961 В А Уртан Древние щиты на территории Латв-ийской ССР Sovetskaja Arch 19611 216-224

Validi 1936 A Z Validi Die Schwerter der Germanen nach arabi-schen Berichten des 9-11 Jahrhunderts Zeitschr Dt Morgen-laumlnd Ges 90 1936 19-37

216 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

Veszpreacutemy 1996 L Veszpreacutemy A nyugat-euroacutepai eacutes bizaacutenci hadvi-seleacutes a honfoglalaacutes eacutes kalandozaacutesok idejeacuten In L Veszpreacutemy(ed) Honfoglaloacute őseink (Budapest 1996) 66-80

2008 L Veszpreacutemy Szent Istvaacuten feloumlvezeacuteseacuteről In VeszpreacutemyLovagvilaacuteg Magyarorszaacutegon (Budapest 2008) 66-77

Vinski 1983 Z Vinski Razmatranja o poslijekarolinškim mačevima10 i 11 stolječa u Jugoslaviji (Betrachtung zu postkarolingischenSchwertern des 10 und 11 Jahrhunderts in Jugoslawien) Sta-rohrvatska Prosvjeta 313 1983 7-64

Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

Walsh 1998 A Walsh A Summary Classification of Viking AgeSwords in Ireland In H B Clarke M N Mhaonaigh ROacute Floinn (eds) Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age(Dublin 1998) 222-235

Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

2008 J M Ziolkowski Of Arms and the (Ger)man Literary andMaterial Culture in the Waltharius In J R Davis M McCor-mick (eds) The Long Morning of Medieval Europe New Direc-tions in Early Medieval Studies (Aldershot Burlington 2008)193-208

Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 20: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

aware of the European swords and their quality and point to an extremely extended trade ndash across the Rusrsquo

and Volga Bulgaria the appreciated western swords also reached the Arab world 108 Ada Bruhn Hoffmeyer

even assumed that Constantinople and Byzantium must have played an important mediator role in this

trade providing both production and a consumer market 109 As opposed to the written evidence the

archaeological testimony of the early medieval weapon trade is rather doubtful and modern studies con-

centrate on local products inscriptions and pattern-welded blades 110 instead of on the former tradition of

mainly evaluating distribution maps 111 since comparative metallurgical research is still scarce 112 In short

commerce cannot be excluded as a possible reason for the wide distribution of raquoViking swordslaquo Either

way an unusually realistic and detailed depiction sheds some light on the popularity of raquoViking swordslaquo in

Byzantium On the wing panels of the late 10th-early 11th-century Forty Martyrs triptych in the Hermitage

Museum in St Peters burg among others eight saints are represented 113 Three saints carry swords in their

hands one of whom St Theodore Stratelates on the right wing panel holds a sheathed straight double-

edged sword The hilt of the sword is precisely identical with type Petersen H 114 even the circumvolution

of the tang with wires a characteristic of raquoViking swordslaquo is clearly visible In addition the recent discov-

ery of a type Petersen M straight double-edged sword 115 found in an early 11th-century Byzantine house in

Yumuktepe (CiliciaTR) 116 does not only denote the first solid archaeological evidence indicating raquoViking

swordslaquo in Byzantium 117 but the location of the site clearly shows how far such weapons could have trav-

elled by trade ndash provided that it is not a late 11th-century crusader sword

The wide-spread occurrence and the possibility of a weapon trade thus makes it possible to show the ori-

gin of 10th-11th-century straight double-edged (Viking) swords found in the Carpathian Basin from each

points of the compass from the West (Christian Europe) the North (Poland Scandinavia) the East (Kievan

Rusrsquo) and from the South (Bulgaria and Byzantium) 118

CLOSING REMARKS

Fortunately we have the opportunity to compare the archaeological part of the Hungarian thesis with other

European arguments concerning the material evidence of military affairs Among the many state formation

processes that took place in the 9th-11th centuries in North Central and East Europe on the periphery of

the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire the Polish and Danish issues show similarities with the Hungarian

idea In 10th-century Denmark a new burial rite emerged marked by the presence of riding gear and

weapons in the graves On the basis of their special geographical distribution and chronological limitation

Klaus Randsborg proposed that these raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo situated within a semicircle with a radius of

ca 100-120km around the royal centre of Jelling (VejleDK) relate to the state formation process The men

buried according to this rite must have been vassals representing the early establishment of raquofeudalismlaquo

raquoThe weapons of the deceased in the traditional society were simply passed to the next generation and our

10th century cavalerist must therefore have owed his position not to the local society but to the king and

Statelaquo119

Therefore the raquoheavy cavalry graveslaquo fit well into the picture drawn by the Trelleborg type fortresses large

magnate farms carriage burials of women of high status urban development and new types of succession

known from rune stones 120 In contrast to this plain and overall explanation Anne Pedersen emphasised

that the nature of the Danish burial rite is more complicated than to settle its interpretation so easily Her

detailed analysis of the graves containing riding equipment andor weapons resulted in the recognition of

chronological and regional variations in the burial custom and that the small range of types occurring in

these burials indicates intentional selection Pedersen proposed that this selection of grave goods might

206 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

References

Androshchuk 2003 F Androshchuk The raquoLjudota Swordlaquo (AnEpisode of Contacts Between Britain and Scandinavia in the LateViking Age) Ruthenica 2 2003 15-25

Androushchuk 2009 F Androushchuk Vikings and Farmers SomeRemarks on the Social Interpretation of Swords and Long-Distance Contacts during the Viking Age In Holmquist Olaus-son Olausson 2009 93-104

Arbman 1937 H Arbman Schweden und das Karolingische ReichStudien zu den Handelsverbindungen des 9 Jahrhunderts KglVitterhets Hist Akad Handlingar 43 (Stockholm 1937)

Arbman Nilsson 1969 H Arbman N-O Nilsson Armes scandi-naves de lrsquoeacutepoque Viking en France Meddel Lund Univ HistMus 1966-1968 (1969) 163-202

Arwidsson 1986 G Arwidsson Schilde In idem (ed) Birka II2 Sys -tematische Analysen der Graumlberfunde (Stockholm 1986) 38-44

Bachrach 1969 B S Bachrach The Origin of Armorican ChivalryTechnology and Culture 10 1969 166-171

1970 B S Bachrach Charles Martel Mounted Shock Combatthe Stirrup and Feudalism Stud Medieval and Renaissance Hist7 1970 49-75

1983 B S Bachrach Charlemagnersquos Cavalry Myth and RealityMilitary Affairs 474 1983 181-187

1988 B S Bachrach Caballus et Caballarius in Medieval War-fare In H Chickering T H Seiler (eds) The Study of ChivalryResources and Approaches (Kalamazoo 1988) 173-211

1993 B S Bachrach Armies and Politics in the Early MedievalWest (Aldershot Brookfield 1993)

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Beatson 1995 P Beatson The raquoViking Shieldlaquo from ArchaeologyVarangian Voice 35 1995 25-35

Beloševič 2007 J Beloševič Osvrt na karolinške mačeve tipa H sašireg područja Dalmatinske Hrvatske (Ruumlckschau auf karolingi-sche Schwerter des Typus H aus dem Groszligraum des dalmati-schen Kroatiens) Prilozi 24 2007 405-418

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2000 I Fodor A haderő eacutes a fegyverzet aacutetalakulaacutesa az aacutellamala-piacutetaacutes koraacuteban In Aacute Raacutecz (ed) Nagy keacutepes millenniumi hadtoumlr-teacutenet 1000 eacutev a hadak uacutetjaacuten (Budapest 2000) 20 f

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2001b I Fodor Az aacutellamalapiacutetaacutes koraacutenak hadserege In P Hal-maacutegyi (ed) Az aacutellamalapiacutetoacutekroacutel 2000-ben A VII Honveacuted Emleacutek-nap eacutes a Leveacuteltaacuteri Napok makoacutei előadaacutesai A Makoacutei MuacutezeumFuumlzetei 98 (Makoacute 2001) 17-39

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Gaacutell 2007 E Gaacutell Az Erdeacutelyi-medence a Partium eacutes a Baacutensaacuteg X-XIszaacutezadi siacuter- eacutes szoacutervaacuteny-fegyverleleteinek elemzeacutese (An Analysisof the Grave and Stray Weapon Finds of the TranssylvanianBasin the Partium and the Banat from the 10th-11th Centuries)Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 1202 2007 395-474

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Gerics 1995 J Gerics Egyhaacutez aacutellam eacutes gondolkodaacutes a Magyarors-zaacutegon a koumlzeacutepkorban Magyar Egyhaacuteztoumlrteacuteneti EnciklopeacutediaMunkakoumlzoumlsseacuteg koumlnyvek 9 (Budapest 1995)

2000 J Gerics Herrschaftszentren und HerrschaftsorganisationIn Wieczorek Hinz 2000 570-573

Gomolka 1968 G Gomolka Die Kleinfunde vom LimeskastellIatrus in Moesia inferior Klio 50 1968 171-249

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2004 В Йотов Въопъжениетто и снапяжението от бълга-рското средновековие (VII-XI век) (Varna 2004)

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1942 J Kalmaacuter Peacutecsi sisak a honfoglalaacutes koumlruumlli időből In Peacutecsszabad kiraacutelyi vaacuteros Majorossy Imre Muacutezeumaacutenak Eacutertesiacutetője1942 22-29

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1971 А Н Кирпичников Древнерусское оручжие Бып-ыск третий Доспех комплекс боевых средств АрхеологияСССР Е1-36 (Leningrad 1971)

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Kristoacute 1980 Gy Kristoacute Oroszok az Aacuterpaacuted-kori Magyaroroszaacutegon(Russes en Hongrie agrave lrsquoeacutepoque des Aacuterpaacuteds) Acta Univ Szegedi-nensis 67 1980 57-66

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1993 Gy Kristoacute Die Arpaden-Dynastie Die Geschichte Ungarnsvon 895 bis 1301 (Szekszaacuterd 1993)

1995 Gy Kristoacute A magyar aacutellam megszuumlleteacutese Szegedi Koumlzeacutep-kortoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 8 (Szeged 1995)

214 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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Laacuteszloacute 1939 Gy Laacuteszloacute Fettich Naacutendor A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten kardreacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacutetaacutesban (Naacutendor Fettich Lrsquoepeacutee de SaintEtienne du point de vue archeacuteologique) Folia Arch 1-2 1939231-235

1942 Gy Laacuteszloacute Budapest a neacutepvaacutendorlaacutes koraacuteban In KSzendy (ed) Budapest toumlrteacutenete I Budapest az oacutekorban maacuteso-dik reacutesz (Budapest 1942) 781-818

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2002 A Pedersen Prachtgraumlber des 10 Jahrhunderts in Suumld-skandinavien Tradition und Erneuerung In Henning 2002 81-94

Peirce 2002 I Peirce Swords of the Viking Age (Woodbridge2002)

Petersen 1919 J Petersen De norske vikingesverd En typologisk-kronologiske studie over vikingatidens vaaben Videnskapssels-kapets Skr 2 Hist-fil Kl 19192 (Kristiania 1919)

Piatnitsky et al 2000 Y Piatnitsky O Baddeley Ea Brunner MMundell Mango (eds) Sinai Byzantium Russia Orthodox Artfrom the Sixth to the Twentieth Century (London 2000)

Pinter 1999 Z-K Pinter Spada şi sabia medieval icircn Transilvania şiBanat (secolele IX-XIV) (Reşiţa 1999)

Plavinskij 2009 Н А Плавинский Мечи эпохи бикингов стерритории Беларуси (The Swords of the Viking Age on theTerritory of Belarus) Stratum Plus 5 2005-2009 (2009) 58-70

Polgaacuter 2004 Sz Polgaacuter Kora koumlzeacutepkori (9-12 szaacutezadi) kelet-euroacute-pai fegyverkereskedelemre utaloacute feljegyzeacutesek az iacuterott forraacutesok-ban In L Balogh L Keller (eds) Fegyveres nomaacutedok nomaacutedfegyveresek Magyar Őstoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 21 (Budapest 2004)92-100

Popa 1984 R Popa Knaufkrone eines wikingerzeitlichen Pracht-schwertes von Păcuilul lui Soare Germania 622 1984 425-431

Puhle 2001 M Puhle (ed) Otto der Grosse Magdeburg undEuropa [exhibition cat] (Mainz 2001)

Randsborg 1981a K Randsborg The Viking Age State Formationin Denmark Offa 38 1981 259-276

1981b K Randsborg Burial Succession and Early State Forma-tion in Denmark In R Chapman I Kinnes K Randsborg (eds)The Archaeology of Death New Directions in Archaeology(Cam bridge 1981) 105-121

Restle 1967 M Restle Die byzantinische Wandmalerei in Klein-asien (Recklinghausen 1967)

Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 L Reacuteveacutesz I M Nepper The ArchaeologicalHeritage of the Ancient Hungarians In Fodor et al 1996 37-56

Rohrer 2009 W Rohrer Wikinger oder Slawen Die Interpreta-tionsgeschichte fruumlhpiastischer Bestattungen mit Waffenbei-gabe In A Klammt S Rossignol (eds) Mittelalterliche Elitenund Kulturtransfer oumlstlich der Elbe (Goumlttingen 2009) 27-41

Rudziński 2009 P M Rudziński tarcta we wczesnośredniowiecz-nej Polsce na tle europejskim Od plemienia do państwa (Shieldin Early Medieval Poland on the Background of the EuropeanWarfare From Tribal Times to Early State) Acta Militaria Mediae-valia 5 2009 21-78

Ruttkay 1970 A Ruttkay Korneacutel Bakay Archaumlologische Studienzur Frage der ungarischen Staatsgruumlndung Slovenskaacute Arch182 1970 482-484

1976 A Ruttkay Waffen und Reiterausruumlstung des 9 bis zurersten Haumllfte des 14 Jahrhunderts in der Slowakei (II) SlovenskaacuteArch 242 1976 245-395

Schuldt 1978 E Schuldt Einige bemerkenswerte Einzelfunde ausdem Burgwallgelaumlnde von Groszlig Raden Kreis Sternberg JahrbBodendenkmalpfl Mecklenburg 1977 (1978) 225-245

Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 M Schulze-Doumlrrlamm Das ungarischeKriegergrab von Aspers-legraves-Corps Untersuchungen zu denUngarn einfaumlllen nach Mittel- West- und Suumldeuropa (899-955 nChr) mit einem Exkurs zur Muumlnzchronologie altungarischerGraumlber Jahrb RGZM 31 1984 473-514

Shepard 2005 J Shepard Conversions and Regimes Comparedthe Rusrsquo and the Poles ca 1000 In Curta 2005 254-282

Solberg 1991 B Solberg Weapon Export from the Continent tothe Nordic Countries in the Carolingian Period Stud Sachsen-forsch 7 1991 241-259

Stalsberg 2008a A Stalsberg Herstellung und Verbreitung derVlfberht-Schwertklingen Eine Neubewertung Zeitschr ArchMittelalter 36 2008 89-118

2008b A Stalsberg The Vlfberht Sword Blades Reevaluated(httpjenny-ritaorgannestalsberghtml 1542012)

2010 A Stalsberg Ulfberht Revisited a Classification In JSheehan D Oacute Corraacutein (eds) The Viking Age Ireland and theWest (Dublin 2010) 450-464

Steuer 1987 H Steuer Der Handel in der Wikingerzeit zwischenNord- und Westeuropa aufgrund archaumlologischer Zeugnisse InK Duumlwel H Jankuhn H Siems D Timpe (eds) Untersuchun-gen zu Handel und Verkehr der vor- und fruumlhgeschichtlichen Zeitin Mittel- und Nordeuropa 4 Der Handel der Karolinger- undWikingerzeit Abhandl Akad Wiss Goumlttingen Phil-Hist Kl3156 (Goumlttingen 1987) 113-197

Stoodley 1999 N Stoodley The Spindle and the Spear a CriticalEnquiry into the Construction and Meaning of Gender in theEarly Anglo-Saxon Burial Rite BAR British Ser 288 (Oxford1999)

Strecker 1987 K Strecker (ed) Waltharius Deutsche Uumlbersetzungvon P Vossen (Hildesheim 21987)

Szaboacute 2010 J B Szaboacute A honfoglaloacutektoacutel a huszaacuterokig A koumlzeacutep-kori magyar koumlnnyűlovassaacutegroacutel (From the Hungarian Conquerorsto the Hussars Light Cavalry in Medieval Hungary) (Budapest2010)

Szameit 1992 E Szameit Ein VLFBERHT-Schwert aus der Donaubei Aggsbach Niederoumlsterreich Arch Austriaca 76 1992 215-221

Szőke 1962 B Szőke A honfoglaloacute eacutes kora Aacuterpaacuted-kori magyarsaacutegreacutegeacuteszeti emleacutekei Reacutegeacuteszeti tanulmaacutenyok 1 (Budapest 1962)

Szőllősy 2001 G Szőllősy Mi ceacutelt szolgaacutel a szablya fokeacutele Kiacuteseacuterletimegkoumlzeliacuteteacutesek Wosinsky Moacuter Muacutez Eacutevk 23 2001 275-293

Talbot Sullivan 2005 The History of Leo the Deacon ByzantineMilitary Expansion in the Tenth Century Introduction Transla-tion and Annotations by A-M Talbot and D F Sullivan Dum-barton Oaks Stud 41 (Washington DC 2005)

Toacuteth 1934 Z Toacuteth A huszaacuterok eredeteacuteről Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 3-41934 129-196

Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

Urbańczyk 2005 P Urbańczyk Early State Formation in East Cen-tral Europe In Curta 2005 139-151

Urtan 1961 В А Уртан Древние щиты на территории Латв-ийской ССР Sovetskaja Arch 19611 216-224

Validi 1936 A Z Validi Die Schwerter der Germanen nach arabi-schen Berichten des 9-11 Jahrhunderts Zeitschr Dt Morgen-laumlnd Ges 90 1936 19-37

216 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

Veszpreacutemy 1996 L Veszpreacutemy A nyugat-euroacutepai eacutes bizaacutenci hadvi-seleacutes a honfoglalaacutes eacutes kalandozaacutesok idejeacuten In L Veszpreacutemy(ed) Honfoglaloacute őseink (Budapest 1996) 66-80

2008 L Veszpreacutemy Szent Istvaacuten feloumlvezeacuteseacuteről In VeszpreacutemyLovagvilaacuteg Magyarorszaacutegon (Budapest 2008) 66-77

Vinski 1983 Z Vinski Razmatranja o poslijekarolinškim mačevima10 i 11 stolječa u Jugoslaviji (Betrachtung zu postkarolingischenSchwertern des 10 und 11 Jahrhunderts in Jugoslawien) Sta-rohrvatska Prosvjeta 313 1983 7-64

Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

Walsh 1998 A Walsh A Summary Classification of Viking AgeSwords in Ireland In H B Clarke M N Mhaonaigh ROacute Floinn (eds) Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age(Dublin 1998) 222-235

Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

2008 J M Ziolkowski Of Arms and the (Ger)man Literary andMaterial Culture in the Waltharius In J R Davis M McCor-mick (eds) The Long Morning of Medieval Europe New Direc-tions in Early Medieval Studies (Aldershot Burlington 2008)193-208

Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 21: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

have represented the politico-social status of the deceased (as symbols of power rank and wealth) and

moreover the military organisation but also practical or religious considerations at the funeral and differ-

ent ways of using and access to riding equipment Variations in the burial custom suggest however the

possibility of many different intentions and meanings behind the display and means of visual communica-

tion at the funeral 121

Now turning to Poland it is to be noted in the first place that the systematic research on medieval and early

medieval weaponry has a long Polish tradition with a strong interest in pure archaeological issues like

chronology chorology and typology122 Although this approach proved to be fruitful in many cases some

fundamental interpretational questions and problems of Viking Age swords remained unanswered123 How -

ever the controversy concerning the nature of the early Piastsrsquo retinue seems to be settled for the moment

graves containing luxurious military equipment are usually attributed to Scandinavian warriors124 contrary

to the former negating opinion of Jan Żak125 Nevertheless it is important to note that the majority of these

graves and the cemeteries had been destroyed before any adequate archaeological excavation could have

taken place Due to the incomplete and uncertain nature of this material the presence of Scandinavian mil-

itary personnel in Poland is supported mainly by the Nordic origin of objects (their type and decoration) that

were rescued after the sites had been encountered and damaged (Żydowo Łubowo Luboń etc) In addi-

tion to this argument the unique collection of weapons and armour discovered in lake Lednica (Wiel -

kopolskaPL) was connected to the Scandinavian retinue on the basis of the sitersquos geographical position126

the castle Ostroacutew Lednicki is located between two ducal residences and in the proximity of the supposedly

Scandinavian (military) cemetery at Łubowo127 An obligatory identification of ethnicity is nevertheless the

most difficult task of archaeology especially since a conclusive survey of the Polish military retinue is still

lacking128 It is not surprising that even the better documented entourage (raquoGefolgschaftlaquo) in Scandinavia

poses fundamental problems when it comes to the identification of their archaeological remains129 The

idea that some of the graves in the Carpathian Basin containing straight double-edged swords should be

understood as burials of Scandinavian or probably RusrsquoRhos warriors is also present in the Hungarian

research130 but due to the overwhelming dominance of the theory of weapon change it had no chance to

develop entirely However it is sure that Scandinavian mercenaries and merchants traveling all over Europe

often became retainers of foreign lords but the interpretation of archaeological material of Scandinavian or

supposed Scandinavian origin cannot be solely based on assumed ethnical markers

To conclude the Danish and Polish interpretations of 10th-11th-century weapon burials (raquoWaffengraumlberlaquo)

have provided important analogies to the Hungarian hypothesis in question The basic idea behind both

conceptions and the Hungarian thesis is the treatment of weapon burials as warrior burials (raquoKrieger -

graumlberlaquo) which makes up the retinue or army of the state formation policy Without adequate demonstra-

tion Randsborg linked these with heavy cavalry tactics and a military unit that formed the basis of the early

Danish kingrsquos power ndash which is exactly the

same train of thought that has dominated the

interpretation of the Hungarian material On

the other hand such burials in Poland were

not explicitly connected to heavy cavalry but

interpreted ethnically assuming that these

graves hold the remains of the Piastsrsquo military

retinue By means of these three examples we

have seen the major possibilities of interpreting

the archaeological material professional army

or retinue heavy cavalry or Scandinavian mer-

207Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Fig 6 Possible interpretations of weapon burials concerning 10th-cen-tury retinue ndash (Drawing and digital processing Aacute Biacuteroacute)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

References

Androshchuk 2003 F Androshchuk The raquoLjudota Swordlaquo (AnEpisode of Contacts Between Britain and Scandinavia in the LateViking Age) Ruthenica 2 2003 15-25

Androushchuk 2009 F Androushchuk Vikings and Farmers SomeRemarks on the Social Interpretation of Swords and Long-Distance Contacts during the Viking Age In Holmquist Olaus-son Olausson 2009 93-104

Arbman 1937 H Arbman Schweden und das Karolingische ReichStudien zu den Handelsverbindungen des 9 Jahrhunderts KglVitterhets Hist Akad Handlingar 43 (Stockholm 1937)

Arbman Nilsson 1969 H Arbman N-O Nilsson Armes scandi-naves de lrsquoeacutepoque Viking en France Meddel Lund Univ HistMus 1966-1968 (1969) 163-202

Arwidsson 1986 G Arwidsson Schilde In idem (ed) Birka II2 Sys -tematische Analysen der Graumlberfunde (Stockholm 1986) 38-44

Bachrach 1969 B S Bachrach The Origin of Armorican ChivalryTechnology and Culture 10 1969 166-171

1970 B S Bachrach Charles Martel Mounted Shock Combatthe Stirrup and Feudalism Stud Medieval and Renaissance Hist7 1970 49-75

1983 B S Bachrach Charlemagnersquos Cavalry Myth and RealityMilitary Affairs 474 1983 181-187

1988 B S Bachrach Caballus et Caballarius in Medieval War-fare In H Chickering T H Seiler (eds) The Study of ChivalryResources and Approaches (Kalamazoo 1988) 173-211

1993 B S Bachrach Armies and Politics in the Early MedievalWest (Aldershot Brookfield 1993)

1995 B S Bachrach The Milites and the Millennium HaskinsSoc Journal Stud Medieval Hist 3 1992 85-95

2001 B S Bachrach Early Carolingian Warfare Prelude to Em -pire (Philadelphia 2001)

2002 B S Bachrach Warfare and Military Organization in Pre-Crusading Europe (Aldershot Burlington Suffolk 2002)

2006 B S Bachrach Verbruggenrsquos raquoCavalrylaquo and the Lyon-The-sis Journal Medieval Military Hist 4 2006 137-141

Bachrach Bachrach 2007 B S Bachrach D Bachrach SaxonMilitary Revolution 912-973 Myth and Reality Early MedievalEurope 152 2007 186-222

Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 The Laws of the Medieval Kingdom ofHungary 1 1000-1301 Translated and edited by J M Bak GyBoacutenis and J R Sweeney (Bakersfield 1989)

Bakay 1967 K Bakay Archaumlologische Studien zur Frage der unga-rischen Staatsgruumlndung Angaben zur Organisierung des fuumlrst-lichen Heeres Acta Arch Acad Scien Hungaricae 19 1967105-173

Bauer Rau 1992 Fontes ad historiam aevi Saxonici illustrandamWidukindi Res Gestae Saxonicae Adalberti Continuatio Regino-nis Liudprandi Opera Neu bearbeitet von A Bauer und R RauAusgewaumlhlte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters8 (Darmstadt 41992)

Beatson 1995 P Beatson The raquoViking Shieldlaquo from ArchaeologyVarangian Voice 35 1995 25-35

Beloševič 2007 J Beloševič Osvrt na karolinške mačeve tipa H sašireg područja Dalmatinske Hrvatske (Ruumlckschau auf karolingi-sche Schwerter des Typus H aus dem Groszligraum des dalmati-schen Kroatiens) Prilozi 24 2007 405-418

Bloumlndal Benedikz 1978 S Bloumlndal B S Benedikz The Varangi-ans of Byzantium An Aspect of Byzantine Military History (Cam-bridge 1978)

Boacutena 2000 I Boacutena Die ungarische Kampftechnik in den Feldzuuml-gen gegen Europa In Wieczorek Hinz 2000 225-230

Borosy 1962 A Borosy A XI-XIV szaacutezadi magyar lovassaacutegroacutel (Onthe Hungarian Cavalry in the 11-14th Centuries) Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl92 1962 119-174

Bowlus 2006 C R Bowlus The Battle of Lechfeld and its After-math August 955 The End of the Age of Migrations in the LatinWest (Aldershot Burlington 2006)

Buko 2008 A Buko The Archaeology of Early Medieval PolandDiscoveries ndash Hypotheses ndash Interpretations East Central andEastern Europe in the Middle Ages 450-1450 1 (Boston Leiden2008)

Cattaneo 2009 G Cattaneo The Scandinavians in Poland a Re-Evolution of Perceptions of the Vikings Brathair 92 2009 2-14

Claessen 2006 H J M Claessen War and State Formation Whatis the Connection In T Otto H Thrane H Vandkilde (eds)Warfare and Society Archaeological and Social AnthropologicalPerspectives (Aarhus 2006) 217-226

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2001b I Fodor Az aacutellamalapiacutetaacutes koraacutenak hadserege In P Hal-maacutegyi (ed) Az aacutellamalapiacutetoacutekroacutel 2000-ben A VII Honveacuted Emleacutek-nap eacutes a Leveacuteltaacuteri Napok makoacutei előadaacutesai A Makoacutei MuacutezeumFuumlzetei 98 (Makoacute 2001) 17-39

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Gaacutell 2007 E Gaacutell Az Erdeacutelyi-medence a Partium eacutes a Baacutensaacuteg X-XIszaacutezadi siacuter- eacutes szoacutervaacuteny-fegyverleleteinek elemzeacutese (An Analysisof the Grave and Stray Weapon Finds of the TranssylvanianBasin the Partium and the Banat from the 10th-11th Centuries)Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 1202 2007 395-474

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Kahsnitz 2001 R Kahsnitz Erstes Buch der Makkabaumler In Puhle2001 218-221

Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 J Kalmaacuter Saumlbel und Schwert in Ungarn Zeit -schr Hist Waffen u Kostuumlmkde (Berlin) XIV NF 5 1936 150-155

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1971 А Н Кирпичников Древнерусское оручжие Бып-ыск третий Доспех комплекс боевых средств АрхеологияСССР Е1-36 (Leningrad 1971)

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214 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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Ruttkay 1970 A Ruttkay Korneacutel Bakay Archaumlologische Studienzur Frage der ungarischen Staatsgruumlndung Slovenskaacute Arch182 1970 482-484

1976 A Ruttkay Waffen und Reiterausruumlstung des 9 bis zurersten Haumllfte des 14 Jahrhunderts in der Slowakei (II) SlovenskaacuteArch 242 1976 245-395

Schuldt 1978 E Schuldt Einige bemerkenswerte Einzelfunde ausdem Burgwallgelaumlnde von Groszlig Raden Kreis Sternberg JahrbBodendenkmalpfl Mecklenburg 1977 (1978) 225-245

Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 M Schulze-Doumlrrlamm Das ungarischeKriegergrab von Aspers-legraves-Corps Untersuchungen zu denUngarn einfaumlllen nach Mittel- West- und Suumldeuropa (899-955 nChr) mit einem Exkurs zur Muumlnzchronologie altungarischerGraumlber Jahrb RGZM 31 1984 473-514

Shepard 2005 J Shepard Conversions and Regimes Comparedthe Rusrsquo and the Poles ca 1000 In Curta 2005 254-282

Solberg 1991 B Solberg Weapon Export from the Continent tothe Nordic Countries in the Carolingian Period Stud Sachsen-forsch 7 1991 241-259

Stalsberg 2008a A Stalsberg Herstellung und Verbreitung derVlfberht-Schwertklingen Eine Neubewertung Zeitschr ArchMittelalter 36 2008 89-118

2008b A Stalsberg The Vlfberht Sword Blades Reevaluated(httpjenny-ritaorgannestalsberghtml 1542012)

2010 A Stalsberg Ulfberht Revisited a Classification In JSheehan D Oacute Corraacutein (eds) The Viking Age Ireland and theWest (Dublin 2010) 450-464

Steuer 1987 H Steuer Der Handel in der Wikingerzeit zwischenNord- und Westeuropa aufgrund archaumlologischer Zeugnisse InK Duumlwel H Jankuhn H Siems D Timpe (eds) Untersuchun-gen zu Handel und Verkehr der vor- und fruumlhgeschichtlichen Zeitin Mittel- und Nordeuropa 4 Der Handel der Karolinger- undWikingerzeit Abhandl Akad Wiss Goumlttingen Phil-Hist Kl3156 (Goumlttingen 1987) 113-197

Stoodley 1999 N Stoodley The Spindle and the Spear a CriticalEnquiry into the Construction and Meaning of Gender in theEarly Anglo-Saxon Burial Rite BAR British Ser 288 (Oxford1999)

Strecker 1987 K Strecker (ed) Waltharius Deutsche Uumlbersetzungvon P Vossen (Hildesheim 21987)

Szaboacute 2010 J B Szaboacute A honfoglaloacutektoacutel a huszaacuterokig A koumlzeacutep-kori magyar koumlnnyűlovassaacutegroacutel (From the Hungarian Conquerorsto the Hussars Light Cavalry in Medieval Hungary) (Budapest2010)

Szameit 1992 E Szameit Ein VLFBERHT-Schwert aus der Donaubei Aggsbach Niederoumlsterreich Arch Austriaca 76 1992 215-221

Szőke 1962 B Szőke A honfoglaloacute eacutes kora Aacuterpaacuted-kori magyarsaacutegreacutegeacuteszeti emleacutekei Reacutegeacuteszeti tanulmaacutenyok 1 (Budapest 1962)

Szőllősy 2001 G Szőllősy Mi ceacutelt szolgaacutel a szablya fokeacutele Kiacuteseacuterletimegkoumlzeliacuteteacutesek Wosinsky Moacuter Muacutez Eacutevk 23 2001 275-293

Talbot Sullivan 2005 The History of Leo the Deacon ByzantineMilitary Expansion in the Tenth Century Introduction Transla-tion and Annotations by A-M Talbot and D F Sullivan Dum-barton Oaks Stud 41 (Washington DC 2005)

Toacuteth 1934 Z Toacuteth A huszaacuterok eredeteacuteről Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 3-41934 129-196

Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

Urbańczyk 2005 P Urbańczyk Early State Formation in East Cen-tral Europe In Curta 2005 139-151

Urtan 1961 В А Уртан Древние щиты на территории Латв-ийской ССР Sovetskaja Arch 19611 216-224

Validi 1936 A Z Validi Die Schwerter der Germanen nach arabi-schen Berichten des 9-11 Jahrhunderts Zeitschr Dt Morgen-laumlnd Ges 90 1936 19-37

216 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

Veszpreacutemy 1996 L Veszpreacutemy A nyugat-euroacutepai eacutes bizaacutenci hadvi-seleacutes a honfoglalaacutes eacutes kalandozaacutesok idejeacuten In L Veszpreacutemy(ed) Honfoglaloacute őseink (Budapest 1996) 66-80

2008 L Veszpreacutemy Szent Istvaacuten feloumlvezeacuteseacuteről In VeszpreacutemyLovagvilaacuteg Magyarorszaacutegon (Budapest 2008) 66-77

Vinski 1983 Z Vinski Razmatranja o poslijekarolinškim mačevima10 i 11 stolječa u Jugoslaviji (Betrachtung zu postkarolingischenSchwertern des 10 und 11 Jahrhunderts in Jugoslawien) Sta-rohrvatska Prosvjeta 313 1983 7-64

Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

Walsh 1998 A Walsh A Summary Classification of Viking AgeSwords in Ireland In H B Clarke M N Mhaonaigh ROacute Floinn (eds) Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age(Dublin 1998) 222-235

Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

2008 J M Ziolkowski Of Arms and the (Ger)man Literary andMaterial Culture in the Waltharius In J R Davis M McCor-mick (eds) The Long Morning of Medieval Europe New Direc-tions in Early Medieval Studies (Aldershot Burlington 2008)193-208

Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

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Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

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Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 22: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

cenaries (fig 6) All explanations implicate serious methodological problems that must be dealt with before

any conclusions can be drawn The sudden appearance of burials furnished with riding equipment and

(sometimes luxurious) weapons thought to be of foreign origin is observable throughout Europe where

Christian burials are not exclusively dominant Are these objects and phenomena truly alien or do they rep-

resent a common material (and possibly mental) culture of the 10th-century elite irrespective of military

matters and state formation Thus the so-called raquoViking swordslaquo might have been part of an internation-

al style a rather wealthy way of living that had strong connections to the warrior image and was expressed

inter alia by the possession of luxurious weapons 131

Notes

208 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

1) Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae III XLVI (see Bauer Rau1992 156 f)

2) For a comprehensive summary on the state of research in Eng -lish see Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 43-47 esp 46 f

3) I shall not deal with the various aspects of the earlier receptionof double-edged swords and sabres (the works of Ferenc Sala-mon Geacuteza Nagy Joacutezsef Hampel Arnold Marosi Naacutendor Fet-tich and Peter Paulsen respectively) because they did not con-tribute to the later prevailing theory discussed here

4) The archaeological dating of swords and sabres are in closeconnection with the problem of the continuity or discontinu-ity of light cavalry and its tactics and equipment during the11th-15th centuries which was intensively debated by manyscholars in the 1920s-40s The issue was recently reopenedand discussed in detail by Jaacutenos B Szaboacute (Szaboacute 2010)

5) Toacuteth 1934 133 f raquothe reconstructing initiative of Saint Ste-phen was revolutionary in a military respect as well while heoverthrew those Magyars who represented the ancestral tac-tics The face of the Hungarian military class by all means hadbeen changed All of a sudden the sabre which had been thetypical light cavalry weapon of the conquering Hungariansdisappeared from the [archaeological] material and was re -placed with the double-edged and definitely western-typeswordlaquo (translated by the author)

6) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 esp 151 153

7) For the Vienna sabre see Fodor 1996 for the Prague sword seeWieczorek Hinz 2000 535

8) Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 153

9) Laacuteszloacute 1939 a bit later Laacuteszloacute reasserted his conception in hisanalysis of the commercial routes of the 10th century (Laacuteszloacute1942 806 f)

10) Fettich 1938

11) I shall omit here the further discussion of Kalmaacuterrsquos studybecause it influenced the Hungarian research only indirectly ndashthrough the transcription of Laacuteszloacute

12) This belief had already been a topic in historical and archaeo-logical military research well before Kalmaacuterrsquos and Laacuteszloacutersquos arti-cles see e g Toacuteth 1934 133 f Hampel 18972 44 f 1900754 Fettich 1933 394 esp 396 f 1937 52 1938 506

13) Molnaacuter 1943 5-10 1945 5-9

14) For the impact of Laacuteszloacute and the so-called Laacuteszloacute school on thearchaeological and historical research of the Hungarian Con-quest Period generated by his long lasting leading role in the

archaeological education see Fodor 2001a 268 f Langoacute2005 218 f

15) Dienes 1972 55 f although Beacutela Szőke rejected to date theswords to the late 10th century he agreed with Laacuteszloacute that theswords are infallible indicators of the heavy cavalry (Szőke1962 83)

16) See e g Fodor 2000 2001b

17) Bakay 1967

18) Ibidem 164

19) Gyoumlrffy 1977 105-108 119 313 f (with a short remark aboutthe pre-state knowledge and usage of swords due to the cam-paigns in Europe at 108) in German see Gyoumlrffy 1988 91 99-101

20) See e g Gerics 2000 and the paper raquoThe state founder andlegislator St Stephenlaquo in Gerics 1995 51-61

21) Kristoacute 1985 103-111 1986 44-58 he also wisely avoided tointerpret the military role of the possibly German dignitaries atStephenrsquos court e g in Kristoacute 1993 60 f

22) Kristoacute 1995 171-173 in spite of this he could not disregardthe idea of the heavy cavalry (Kristoacute 1995 325)

23) e g Boacutena 2000 230

24) See the review by Alexander Ruttkay (Ruttkay 1970) and hiswork on medieval weapons in the territory of present-day Slo-vakia (Ruttkay 1976 245-252 264-272) without any critiqueof the theory

25) Kurt Horedt approached the question from another point byconsidering these swords as ethnical markers but he alsoagreed with the overall late 10th-century dating of the swordssee Horedt 1968 427 f The same idea appeared in the al readycited review of Ruttkay as well (Ruttkay 1970 484) For themost recent revival of the interpretation of Slav warriors asbearers of Viking Age swords in the Carpathian Basin see Gaacutell2007 430-433

26) Heitel 1994-1995 429 437

27) Kovaacutecs 1994-1995

28) Kovaacutecs 1993

29) Ibidem 45-48

30) See e g Neacutegyesi 1996 2000 In the period between the endof World War II and the late 1990s the rarely published histo-rical military papers usually agreed with the thesis of the heavycavalry see Borosy 1962 139 f Veszpreacutemy 1996 75-78

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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Androushchuk 2009 F Androushchuk Vikings and Farmers SomeRemarks on the Social Interpretation of Swords and Long-Distance Contacts during the Viking Age In Holmquist Olaus-son Olausson 2009 93-104

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Arbman Nilsson 1969 H Arbman N-O Nilsson Armes scandi-naves de lrsquoeacutepoque Viking en France Meddel Lund Univ HistMus 1966-1968 (1969) 163-202

Arwidsson 1986 G Arwidsson Schilde In idem (ed) Birka II2 Sys -tematische Analysen der Graumlberfunde (Stockholm 1986) 38-44

Bachrach 1969 B S Bachrach The Origin of Armorican ChivalryTechnology and Culture 10 1969 166-171

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1983 B S Bachrach Charlemagnersquos Cavalry Myth and RealityMilitary Affairs 474 1983 181-187

1988 B S Bachrach Caballus et Caballarius in Medieval War-fare In H Chickering T H Seiler (eds) The Study of ChivalryResources and Approaches (Kalamazoo 1988) 173-211

1993 B S Bachrach Armies and Politics in the Early MedievalWest (Aldershot Brookfield 1993)

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2002 B S Bachrach Warfare and Military Organization in Pre-Crusading Europe (Aldershot Burlington Suffolk 2002)

2006 B S Bachrach Verbruggenrsquos raquoCavalrylaquo and the Lyon-The-sis Journal Medieval Military Hist 4 2006 137-141

Bachrach Bachrach 2007 B S Bachrach D Bachrach SaxonMilitary Revolution 912-973 Myth and Reality Early MedievalEurope 152 2007 186-222

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Bakay 1967 K Bakay Archaumlologische Studien zur Frage der unga-rischen Staatsgruumlndung Angaben zur Organisierung des fuumlrst-lichen Heeres Acta Arch Acad Scien Hungaricae 19 1967105-173

Bauer Rau 1992 Fontes ad historiam aevi Saxonici illustrandamWidukindi Res Gestae Saxonicae Adalberti Continuatio Regino-nis Liudprandi Opera Neu bearbeitet von A Bauer und R RauAusgewaumlhlte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters8 (Darmstadt 41992)

Beatson 1995 P Beatson The raquoViking Shieldlaquo from ArchaeologyVarangian Voice 35 1995 25-35

Beloševič 2007 J Beloševič Osvrt na karolinške mačeve tipa H sašireg područja Dalmatinske Hrvatske (Ruumlckschau auf karolingi-sche Schwerter des Typus H aus dem Groszligraum des dalmati-schen Kroatiens) Prilozi 24 2007 405-418

Bloumlndal Benedikz 1978 S Bloumlndal B S Benedikz The Varangi-ans of Byzantium An Aspect of Byzantine Military History (Cam-bridge 1978)

Boacutena 2000 I Boacutena Die ungarische Kampftechnik in den Feldzuuml-gen gegen Europa In Wieczorek Hinz 2000 225-230

Borosy 1962 A Borosy A XI-XIV szaacutezadi magyar lovassaacutegroacutel (Onthe Hungarian Cavalry in the 11-14th Centuries) Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl92 1962 119-174

Bowlus 2006 C R Bowlus The Battle of Lechfeld and its After-math August 955 The End of the Age of Migrations in the LatinWest (Aldershot Burlington 2006)

Buko 2008 A Buko The Archaeology of Early Medieval PolandDiscoveries ndash Hypotheses ndash Interpretations East Central andEastern Europe in the Middle Ages 450-1450 1 (Boston Leiden2008)

Cattaneo 2009 G Cattaneo The Scandinavians in Poland a Re-Evolution of Perceptions of the Vikings Brathair 92 2009 2-14

Claessen 2006 H J M Claessen War and State Formation Whatis the Connection In T Otto H Thrane H Vandkilde (eds)Warfare and Society Archaeological and Social AnthropologicalPerspectives (Aarhus 2006) 217-226

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Coupland 1990 S Coupland Carolingian Arms and Armor in theNinth Century VIATOR Journal Medieval and Renaissance Stud21 1990 29-50

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DrsquoAmato 2010 R DrsquoAmato The Varangian Guard 988-1453 Os -prey MilitaryMen-at-Arms Ser 459 (New York Oxford 2010)

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Davidson 1994 H E Davidson The Sword in Anglo-Saxon Eng-land Its Archaeology and Literature (Woodbrigde 21994)

Dawson 1998 T Dawson Kremasmata Kabadion Klibanion SomeAspects of Middle Byzantine Military Equipment Recon sideredByzantine and Modern Greek Stud (Birmingham) 22 1998 38-50

2002 T Dawson Suntagma Hoplocircn the Equipment of RegularByzantine Troops c 950 to c 1204 In D Nicolle (ed) A Com-panion to Medieval Arms and Armour (Woodbridge 2002) 81-90

2007a T Dawson raquoFit for the Tasklaquo Equipment Sizes and theTransmission of Military Lore Sixth to Tenth Centuries Byzantineand Modern Greek Stud (Birmingham) 31 2007 1-12

2007b T Dawson Byzantine Infantryman Eastern Roman Em -pire c 900-1204 Osprey MilitaryWarrior Ser 118 (New YorkOxford 2007)

2009a T Dawson Byzantine Cavalryman c 900-1204 OspreyMilitaryWarrior Ser 139 (New York Oxford 2009)

2009b T Dawson The Walpurgis Fechtbuch an Inheritance ofConstantinople Arms and Armour Journal of the Royal Armou-ries 61 2009 79-92

Dennis 2010 The Taktika of Leo VI Text translation and commen-tary by G Dennis Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 49(Washington DC 2010)

Dienes 1972 I Dienes Die Ungarn um die Zeit der Landnahme(Budapest 1972)

Engel 2001 P Engel The Realm of St Stephen A History of Me -dieval Hungary 895-1526 (London New York 2001)

Eacuterszegi 1996 G Eacuterszegi Szent Istvaacuten pannonhalmi oklevele (Okle-veacuteltani-filoloacutegiai kommentaacuter) In I Takaacutecs (ed) Mons Sacer 996-1996 Pannonhalma ezer eacuteve 1 (Pannonhalma 1996) 47-89

Fettich 1933 N Fettich A levediai magyarsaacuteg a reacutegeacuteszet megvilaacute-giacutetaacutesaacuteban Szaacutezadok A Magyar Toumlrteacutenelmi Taacutersulat Eacutevk 677-10 1933 251-276 369-399

1937 N Fettich A honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg feacutemművesseacutege (DieMetallkunst der landnehmenden Ungarn) Archaeologia Hunga-rica Acta Archaeologica Musei Nationalis Hungarici 21 (Buda-pest 1937)

1938 N Fettich A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten-kard reacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacute-taacutesban In J Sereacutedi (ed) Emleacutekkoumlnyv Szent Istvaacuten kiraacutely halaacutelaacute-nak kilencszaacutezadik eacutevforduloacutejaacuten 1 (Budapest 1938) 475-516

Fodor 1981 I Fodor A magyarsaacuteg baltikumi eacutes skandinaacuteviai kapc-solatai a IX-XI szaacutezadban a reacutegeacuteszeti leletek alapjaacuten (Verbindun-gen der Ungarn mit dem Baltikum und Skandinavien zwischendem 9 und 11 Jahrhundert aufgrund der Bodenfunde) SzolnokMegyei Muacutez Eacutevk 1981 85-89

1996 I Fodor Vienna sabre In Fodor et al 1996 67-71

2000 I Fodor A haderő eacutes a fegyverzet aacutetalakulaacutesa az aacutellamala-piacutetaacutes koraacuteban In Aacute Raacutecz (ed) Nagy keacutepes millenniumi hadtoumlr-teacutenet 1000 eacutev a hadak uacutetjaacuten (Budapest 2000) 20 f

2001a I Fodor Laacuteszloacute Gyula a reacutegeacutesz In I Balassa E Laacuteszloacute(eds) Laacuteszloacute Gyula 1910-1998 Emleacutekkoumlnyv (Budapest 2001)147-270

2001b I Fodor Az aacutellamalapiacutetaacutes koraacutenak hadserege In P Hal-maacutegyi (ed) Az aacutellamalapiacutetoacutekroacutel 2000-ben A VII Honveacuted Emleacutek-nap eacutes a Leveacuteltaacuteri Napok makoacutei előadaacutesai A Makoacutei MuacutezeumFuumlzetei 98 (Makoacute 2001) 17-39

Fodor et al 1996 I Fodor L Reacuteveacutesz M Wolf I M Nepper (eds)The Ancient Hungarians [exhibition cat] (Budapest 1996)

Forgeng 2003 J L Forgeng The Medieval Art of SwordsmanshipA Facsimile and Translation of Europersquos Oldest Personal CombatTreatise Royal Armouries MS I33 (Leeds 2003)

France DeVries 2008 J France K DeVries (eds) Warfare in theDark Ages The International Library of Essays on Military History(Aldershot Burlington 2008)

Gaacutell 2007 E Gaacutell Az Erdeacutelyi-medence a Partium eacutes a Baacutensaacuteg X-XIszaacutezadi siacuter- eacutes szoacutervaacuteny-fegyverleleteinek elemzeacutese (An Analysisof the Grave and Stray Weapon Finds of the TranssylvanianBasin the Partium and the Banat from the 10th-11th Centuries)Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 1202 2007 395-474

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Geibig 1991 A Geibig Beitraumlge zur morphologischen Entwick -lung des Schwertes im Mittelalter Eine Analyse des Fundmate -rials vom ausgehenden 8 bis zum 12 Jahrhundert aus Samm-lungen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Offa Buumlcher 71 (Neu-muumlnster 1991)

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214 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

2008 J M Ziolkowski Of Arms and the (Ger)man Literary andMaterial Culture in the Waltharius In J R Davis M McCor-mick (eds) The Long Morning of Medieval Europe New Direc-tions in Early Medieval Studies (Aldershot Burlington 2008)193-208

Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 23: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

31) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 504 f 478 fig 5 504 fig 32

32) Kovaacutecs 1988 168-172 esp 169 f

33) Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 505 note 129

34) Bachrach 1983 10 ff (reprinted with the same pagination inBachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries 2008221-247)

35) Trillmich 1992 162 f in English see Warner 2001 184 thePolish research usually refers to them as mounted and ar -moured warriors (raquoPanzerreiterlaquo) e g see Goacuterecki 2001 44it is tempting to recognise Ibrahim Ibn Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquosdetailed description of the army of Mieszko I as a reasonablemodel for 10th-century military retinues though it seems thatthe author himself never paid a visit to Poland and got hisinformation in this respect from secondary sources (Mishin1996 199 for an English translation of the account see ibi-dem 187)

36) Gyoumlrffy 1992 39-41 unfortunately the diploma had beensubject to alterations and interpolations in the 12th and 13th

centuries thus comprising different texts but it is highly pro-bable that the excerpts which tell the tale using singular andplural verbs like a narrator or the king himself go back toearly 11th or late 10th century sources (Eacuterszegi 1996)

37) For the two opposing interpretations of the loci raquoIngruentenamque bellorum tempestate qua inter Theotonicos et Unga-ros seditio maxima excreverat precipueque cum civilis bellaruina urgererlaquo see e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 184 f Engel 2001 39Eacuterszegi 1996 51

38) Most influentially Gyoumlrffy 1971 182 1977 116-119 1988 91

39) Laacuteszloacute Veszpreacutemy has proved that the later medieval chroniclesand modern historians (e g Gyoumlrffy 1971 192 f) are bothmistaken in crediting them with the adorning of Stephen witha sword (raquoSchwertleitelaquo or raquoadoubementlaquo see Veszpreacutemy2008)

40) Borosy 1962 139 Bakay 1967 154

41) Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 5 10 f

42) Lines 336-338 of the poem describe Waltherrsquos two differentraquoswordslaquo one which is double-edged and another thatwounds with only one edge (raquoet laevum femur ancipiti prae-cinxerat ense atque alio dextrum pro ritu Pannoniarum istamen ex una tantum dat vulnera partelaquo for a German trans-lation see Strecker 1987 42 f) Since it has not been reassu-ringly clarified whether the author of the poem describes con-temporary or much earlier weaponry this account may refer toearlier traditions of weapon kits (e g spatha and sax) and the-refore should not be used in a reasoning concerning 10th-cen-tury circumstances (see Haug Vollmann 1991 1196 com-mentary) I would rather argue for a practical explanation ofthe account (i e preparing for all emergencies) which is alsoobvious in the case of the Byzantine kataphraktos who wasprepared for the possible loss of his main weapon On thisraquoarming of the warriorlaquo-type scene in the raquoWalthariuslaquo seeZiolkowski 2008 195-197

43) Note deleted

44) For the most detailed discussions see Kristoacute 1986 186-1891995 294 f a more thorough examination of the milites ofthe early Hungarian state should take place in the future inorder to answer basic questions like what kind of militaryobligations did they have to meet etc cf Bachrachrsquos studyon the milites of Flandria Occidentalis at the millennium (Bach-rach 1995 reprinted with the same pagination in Bachrach2002 as paper X)

45) See Urbańczyk 2005 esp 149f for a reasonable approach ofthe main factors and characteristics of early state formationsin East and Central Europe The relationship of war army andthe early state is rather a theoretical question in pre- and pro-tohistorical societies (for a general discussion see most recentlyClaessen 2006) like in various early medieval contexts whereprecise and concrete evidence usually lacks for a proper defi-nition of these concepts

46) Leyser 1968 3-6

47) Leyser 1965 19

48) Bauer Rau 1992 156 f

49) Leyser 1965 16 19

50) On the speech see Bowlus 2006 119 f with further literatureon the possible biblical and antique inspirations for the text

51) On pre-battle speeches in general see Miller 2008 187-230

52) For a realistic model of battle narrative see Keegan 1978 35-77 for a proper critique on the exaggerations of the raquoFace ofBattlelaquo school see E L Wheeler 2001 esp 169-174

53) raquoTheyrsquove got armour so Even this boy can be taught to findthe chinks in every suit of armourlaquo

54) Bauer Rau 1992 156 (Widukind Res Gestae Saxonicae IIIXLVI)

55) Cf Miller 2008 12-20

56) Bachrach 1970 (reprinted with the same pagination in Bach-rach 1993 as paper XII) 1983 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 1993 as paper XIV and in France DeVries2008 221-247) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 Bachrachrsquos con-ceptions generated a fruitful ongoing controversy betweenleading scholars Jan Frans Verbruggen attempted to defendthe dominance of medieval (heavy) cavalry in the debate (Ver-bruggen 2005 63f) for Bachrachrsquos reply see Bachrach 2006

57) Bachrach Bachrach 2007 190

58) Bachrach 1988 186-192 197 (reprinted with the same pagi-nation in Bachrach 2002 as paper II) on the javelin hurlingBreton cavalry see Bachrach 1969 (reprinted with the samepagination in Bachrach 1993 as paper V) on the feignedretreat see in detail Bachrach 2001 125-130

59) His highly intensive narrations of extremely short duels whichinclude only a limited number of fighting raquomoveslaquo and usuallya brutal finish suggest that he was familiar with sword fightand might have had personal fightingtraining experience(sword fight and training was not unfamiliar among monks inthe Middle Ages the earliest known Fechtbuch [Ms I33]dated to the late 13th century depicts monks exercising seeForgeng 2003) Since these raquomoveslaquo are all executable ndash apartfrom the heroic exaggerations that originate in the supernatu-ral strength and toughness of Walther ndash I would argue con-trary to the opinion of Jan M Ziolkowksi (Ziolkowski 2001)that these accounts are realistic descriptions of early medievalduels where play and fun gain ground only in the wordplayand the bombastic ending but not in the actual course of thefights themselves

60) Strecker 1987 32-35

61) According to Haug Vollmann 1991 1193 commentary theraquopectoribus equorumlaquo (line 194) would indicate armouredhorses

62) A reasonable example of a thorough battle survey from thispoint of view is the analysis by Russel Mitchell of the battle ofAdrianople (Mitchell 2008)

209Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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2007b T Dawson Byzantine Infantryman Eastern Roman Em -pire c 900-1204 Osprey MilitaryWarrior Ser 118 (New YorkOxford 2007)

2009a T Dawson Byzantine Cavalryman c 900-1204 OspreyMilitaryWarrior Ser 139 (New York Oxford 2009)

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Fettich 1933 N Fettich A levediai magyarsaacuteg a reacutegeacuteszet megvilaacute-giacutetaacutesaacuteban Szaacutezadok A Magyar Toumlrteacutenelmi Taacutersulat Eacutevk 677-10 1933 251-276 369-399

1937 N Fettich A honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg feacutemművesseacutege (DieMetallkunst der landnehmenden Ungarn) Archaeologia Hunga-rica Acta Archaeologica Musei Nationalis Hungarici 21 (Buda-pest 1937)

1938 N Fettich A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten-kard reacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacute-taacutesban In J Sereacutedi (ed) Emleacutekkoumlnyv Szent Istvaacuten kiraacutely halaacutelaacute-nak kilencszaacutezadik eacutevforduloacutejaacuten 1 (Budapest 1938) 475-516

Fodor 1981 I Fodor A magyarsaacuteg baltikumi eacutes skandinaacuteviai kapc-solatai a IX-XI szaacutezadban a reacutegeacuteszeti leletek alapjaacuten (Verbindun-gen der Ungarn mit dem Baltikum und Skandinavien zwischendem 9 und 11 Jahrhundert aufgrund der Bodenfunde) SzolnokMegyei Muacutez Eacutevk 1981 85-89

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1994-1995 L Kovaacutecs A Kaacuterpaacutet-medence keacuteteacutelű kardjai a 10szaacutezad 2 feleacuteből (Adattaacuter) Commun Arch Hungariae 1994-1995 153-189

1995 L Kovaacutecs Előkelő rusz viteacutez egy szeacutekesfeheacutervaacuteri siacuterban Araacutedioacutetelepi honfoglalaacutes kori A siacuter eacutes kardja (A Noble Knight fromRuss Buried in Szeacutekesfeheacutervaacuter) In L Koszta (ed) Kelet eacutes nyu-gat koumlzoumltt Toumlrteacuteneti tanulmaacutenyok Kristoacute Gyula tiszteleteacutere (Sze-ged 1995)

2002 L Kovaacutecs A honfoglaloacute magyarok bőrpaacutenceacuteljaacuteroacutel (Aboutthe Leather Armour of the Conquering Hungarians) HadtoumlrtKoumlzl 1152 2002 311-334

Kristoacute 1980 Gy Kristoacute Oroszok az Aacuterpaacuted-kori Magyaroroszaacutegon(Russes en Hongrie agrave lrsquoeacutepoque des Aacuterpaacuteds) Acta Univ Szegedi-nensis 67 1980 57-66

1985 Gy Kristoacute Az augsburgi csata Sorsdoumlntő ToumlrteacutenelmiNapok 8 (Budapest 1985)

1986 Gy Kristoacute Az Aacuterpaacuted-kor haacuteboruacutei (Budapest 1986)

1993 Gy Kristoacute Die Arpaden-Dynastie Die Geschichte Ungarnsvon 895 bis 1301 (Szekszaacuterd 1993)

1995 Gy Kristoacute A magyar aacutellam megszuumlleteacutese Szegedi Koumlzeacutep-kortoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 8 (Szeged 1995)

214 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Langoacute 2005 P Langoacute Archaeological Research on the ConqueringHungarians a Review In B G Mende (ed) Research on thePrehistory of the Hungarians a Review Varia ArchaeologicaHungarica 18 (Budapest 2005) 175-340

Last 1972 M Last Die Bewaffnung der Karolingerzeit Nachr Nie -dersachsen Urgesch 41 1972 77-93

Laacuteszloacute 1939 Gy Laacuteszloacute Fettich Naacutendor A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten kardreacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacutetaacutesban (Naacutendor Fettich Lrsquoepeacutee de SaintEtienne du point de vue archeacuteologique) Folia Arch 1-2 1939231-235

1942 Gy Laacuteszloacute Budapest a neacutepvaacutendorlaacutes koraacuteban In KSzendy (ed) Budapest toumlrteacutenete I Budapest az oacutekorban maacuteso-dik reacutesz (Budapest 1942) 781-818

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Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991 J Laszlovszky Cs Sikloacutedi Archaeologi-cal Theory in Hungary since 1960 Theories without TheoreticalArchaeology In I Hodder (ed) Archaeological Theory in Eu -rope The Last Three Decades (London New York 1991) 272-298

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Liwoch 2008 R Liwoch Zachodioukraińske miecze i trzewikipochew mieczowych od X do połowy XIII w (Western UkrainianSwords and Swordrsquos Chapes from the 10th to Mid 13th Centu-ries) Acta Militaria Mediaevalia 4 2008 39-59

Marek 2005 L Marek Early Medieval Swords from Central andEast Europe Dilemmas of an Archaeologist and a Student ofArms Acta Univ Wratislaviensis 2713 (Wrocław 2005)

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Martens 2004 I Martens Indigenous and Imported Viking AgeWeapons in Norway ndash a Problem with European ImplicationsJournal Nordic Arch Scien 14 2004 125-137

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Plavinskij 2009 Н А Плавинский Мечи эпохи бикингов стерритории Беларуси (The Swords of the Viking Age on theTerritory of Belarus) Stratum Plus 5 2005-2009 (2009) 58-70

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Toacuteth 1934 Z Toacuteth A huszaacuterok eredeteacuteről Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 3-41934 129-196

Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

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217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 24: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

210 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

63) McGeer 1995 280 288 f 301-312

64) For the reconstruction of the middle Byzantine battle array seeMcGeer 1995 282 fig 19 Haldon 1999 221 fig 6 3

65) For the formation of the kataphraktoi see McGeer 1995 286287 fig 20

66) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo IV10-13 and raquoTakticalaquo (by NikephorosOuranos) 6110-13 see McGeer 1995 44-47 124-129

67) On the armour of the kataphraktoi raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 391(Dain 1938 61) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III4 (McGeer 1995 34-37) on the carapaces raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 396 (Dain 193862) raquoPraecepta Militarialaquo III5 (McGeer 1995 36 f)

68) McGeer 1995 214-216 Dawson 1998 2002 84 f (reprintedin Haldon 2007 379-388) 2009a 37-42

69) First of all the works of Heinrich Haumlrke the pioneer of thisapproach are to be noticed (Haumlrke 1989 esp 1990 1992a1992b 179-224 1997a-b) See Kjellstroumlm 2009 with furtherliterature for a current synthesis on paleopathological indica-tors of participants of combat

70) See e g Stoodley 1999

71) Morillo 1999 with further references

72) raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo 392 (see Dain 1938 61) the raquoPrae-cepta Militarialaquo III7 (McGeer 1995 36 f) on the other handconsiders siderorabdion and spathion as main arms and para-merion as a secondary optional weapon (see McGeer 1995216 f)

73) The term with the meaning raquoswordlaquo was already known in6th-century Byzantium (see Kolias 1988 41 note 34)

74) Haldon 1975 31

75) Parani 2003 131 Taxiarchis G Kolias likes to think that raquomitπαραμήριον keine konkrete Blankwaffe gemeint sind diesich von den SpathaiSpathia unterschiedenlaquo although heproposed earlier in his text that the paramerion is an raquoein-schneidiges Streitmesserlaquo (Kolias 1988 137 f)

76) Dennis 2010 77 83

77) Dain 1938 59 61

78) The issue of middle Byzantine military equipment sizes is dis -cussed in Dawson 2007a (for the length of swords see page 6)

79) Haldon 1975 31 2002 73 (reprinted in Haldon 2007 363-377) McGeer 1995 71 217 Dawson 2007b 25 59

80) Grotowski 2010 344 357-360 he is wrong by stating thatthe raquoSylloge Tacticorumlaquo (385) would mention raquoa double-edged variant with a smooth bladelaquo (ibidem 357 f) see thetranslation of the locus above

81) Ibidem 359

82) In contrast Parani thinks that the undoubtedly curved akou-phion described at the murder of Nikephoros Phokas in thelate 10th-century raquoHistorylaquo of Leo the Deacon might havebeen the Byzantine term applied to the sabre (Parani 2003131) The word akouphion occurs only in this text (Leonis dia-coni Caloeumlnsis Historia V8) therefore the identification with a certain weapon is highly problematic Kolias thought of a special axe a raquoschnabelfoumlrmige[r] Hakenhammerlaquo (see Kolias1988 172 with a German translation of Leorsquos account for anEnglish translation of the text see TalbotSullivan 2005 139)

83) Parani 2003 131f

84) For Bulgarian straight single-edged swords see Jotov 200461-65 where they are also referred to as sabres

85) Hampel 1900 750-751 19051 197-205 1907 29-34

86) The most exciting hybrid sword is from Szentbeacutekkaacutella (Vesz-preacutem countyH) it has a straight single-edged blade construc-tion with an isosceles section and a fuller at the back of theblade At the length of 33cm measured from the crossguardthe blade changes into a slightly curved double-edged con-struction up to the lacking point with the same fuller which isnow positioned in the middle of the blade (Hungarian Natio-nal Museum inv no 111905)

87) Restle 19673 fig 325 the Ccedilavuşin wall paintings were alre-ady utilised by David Nicolle working on middle Byzantine mili-tary equipment (Nicolle 1995a 230-233 reprinted with thesame pagination in Nicolle 2002 as paper III)

88) Kovaacutecs 2002 the only piece of armour from the 10th-11th cen-turies in the Carpatian Basin is a stray find a conical helmet(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 340 f Kalmaacuter 1942)

89) Gjermundbu in Norway is the only 10th-century weapon burialin North West and Central Europe that contained a more orless complete chain mail damaged but preserved in a relati-vely good condition along with fragments of a helmet andseveral shield bosses (Grieg 1947 for its construction seePuhle 2001 259 photo) Another complete 10th-century chainmail attributed to Saint Wenceslaus I is known from Prague(Wieczorek Hinz 2000 528) for complete chain mails andfragments from the territory of the Kievan Rusrsquo see Kirpičnikov1971 9 81f tables

90) According to a short remark in the early 11th-century Chroni-con Eberspergense after the battle at the Lech Magyar chiefsnotably Sur rex and Leli dux were captured and raquoEberhardusprimitias tollens [hellip] crucemque argenteam quae in scutoregis infixa fuit et aliud argentum ad ecclesiastica ornamentadeditlaquo (MGH 1868 Suppl VII 12) As a result shields are tobe expected in the Magyar armament as well at least concer-ning the elite

91) Apart from the boat grave at Icircle de Groix (Muumlller-Wille 1978)10th-century metal shield bosses are almost exclusively knownfrom Scandinavia the Baltic and the Kievan Rusrsquo (Beatson1995 in general for Birka and Haithabu Arwidsson 1986 Muumll-ler-Wille 1976 50-52 78-80 for the Baltic region Urtan 1961for the Rusrsquo Kirpičnikov 1971 86 f table) while the few metalumbos found in West Slavic territories might be Scandinavianor German imports (Kempke 1991 40) however the woodenshield from Groszlig Raden (Schuldt 1978 236-239) indicatesthat shields made completely of organic material could haveplayed an important role in Slavic warfare ndash see especially therecent overview by Paweł M Rudziński on the shields of theSlavic world with further reasoning (Rudziński 2009)

92) Here I only quote the illuminated manuscript of the Liber IMachabaeorum dated to ca 925 (Universiteitsbibliotheek Lei-den Codex PER F 17 for the codex see Kahsnitz 2001) whereshields are depicted in large numbers The famous 11th-cen-tury Bayeux Tapestry also points to the importance and com-mon use of shields (Lewis 2005 48 54 f) for a survey of theCarolingian written sources see Last 1972 Coupland 199035-38 (reprinted in FranceDeVries 2008 249-270)

93) Though the overall picture of the distribution of the archaeo-logical record marks a clear difference between Ottonian andMagyar riding equipment of the 10th century with the majordisparity of the usage of spurs (Kind 2002) we may expectmore specific variations in the Magyar material as well like thegradual extension of the shank of spurs which was associatedwith changes in the positioning of the legs of the heavy caval-ryman (ibidem 292)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

References

Androshchuk 2003 F Androshchuk The raquoLjudota Swordlaquo (AnEpisode of Contacts Between Britain and Scandinavia in the LateViking Age) Ruthenica 2 2003 15-25

Androushchuk 2009 F Androushchuk Vikings and Farmers SomeRemarks on the Social Interpretation of Swords and Long-Distance Contacts during the Viking Age In Holmquist Olaus-son Olausson 2009 93-104

Arbman 1937 H Arbman Schweden und das Karolingische ReichStudien zu den Handelsverbindungen des 9 Jahrhunderts KglVitterhets Hist Akad Handlingar 43 (Stockholm 1937)

Arbman Nilsson 1969 H Arbman N-O Nilsson Armes scandi-naves de lrsquoeacutepoque Viking en France Meddel Lund Univ HistMus 1966-1968 (1969) 163-202

Arwidsson 1986 G Arwidsson Schilde In idem (ed) Birka II2 Sys -tematische Analysen der Graumlberfunde (Stockholm 1986) 38-44

Bachrach 1969 B S Bachrach The Origin of Armorican ChivalryTechnology and Culture 10 1969 166-171

1970 B S Bachrach Charles Martel Mounted Shock Combatthe Stirrup and Feudalism Stud Medieval and Renaissance Hist7 1970 49-75

1983 B S Bachrach Charlemagnersquos Cavalry Myth and RealityMilitary Affairs 474 1983 181-187

1988 B S Bachrach Caballus et Caballarius in Medieval War-fare In H Chickering T H Seiler (eds) The Study of ChivalryResources and Approaches (Kalamazoo 1988) 173-211

1993 B S Bachrach Armies and Politics in the Early MedievalWest (Aldershot Brookfield 1993)

1995 B S Bachrach The Milites and the Millennium HaskinsSoc Journal Stud Medieval Hist 3 1992 85-95

2001 B S Bachrach Early Carolingian Warfare Prelude to Em -pire (Philadelphia 2001)

2002 B S Bachrach Warfare and Military Organization in Pre-Crusading Europe (Aldershot Burlington Suffolk 2002)

2006 B S Bachrach Verbruggenrsquos raquoCavalrylaquo and the Lyon-The-sis Journal Medieval Military Hist 4 2006 137-141

Bachrach Bachrach 2007 B S Bachrach D Bachrach SaxonMilitary Revolution 912-973 Myth and Reality Early MedievalEurope 152 2007 186-222

Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 The Laws of the Medieval Kingdom ofHungary 1 1000-1301 Translated and edited by J M Bak GyBoacutenis and J R Sweeney (Bakersfield 1989)

Bakay 1967 K Bakay Archaumlologische Studien zur Frage der unga-rischen Staatsgruumlndung Angaben zur Organisierung des fuumlrst-lichen Heeres Acta Arch Acad Scien Hungaricae 19 1967105-173

Bauer Rau 1992 Fontes ad historiam aevi Saxonici illustrandamWidukindi Res Gestae Saxonicae Adalberti Continuatio Regino-nis Liudprandi Opera Neu bearbeitet von A Bauer und R RauAusgewaumlhlte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters8 (Darmstadt 41992)

Beatson 1995 P Beatson The raquoViking Shieldlaquo from ArchaeologyVarangian Voice 35 1995 25-35

Beloševič 2007 J Beloševič Osvrt na karolinške mačeve tipa H sašireg područja Dalmatinske Hrvatske (Ruumlckschau auf karolingi-sche Schwerter des Typus H aus dem Groszligraum des dalmati-schen Kroatiens) Prilozi 24 2007 405-418

Bloumlndal Benedikz 1978 S Bloumlndal B S Benedikz The Varangi-ans of Byzantium An Aspect of Byzantine Military History (Cam-bridge 1978)

Boacutena 2000 I Boacutena Die ungarische Kampftechnik in den Feldzuuml-gen gegen Europa In Wieczorek Hinz 2000 225-230

Borosy 1962 A Borosy A XI-XIV szaacutezadi magyar lovassaacutegroacutel (Onthe Hungarian Cavalry in the 11-14th Centuries) Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl92 1962 119-174

Bowlus 2006 C R Bowlus The Battle of Lechfeld and its After-math August 955 The End of the Age of Migrations in the LatinWest (Aldershot Burlington 2006)

Buko 2008 A Buko The Archaeology of Early Medieval PolandDiscoveries ndash Hypotheses ndash Interpretations East Central andEastern Europe in the Middle Ages 450-1450 1 (Boston Leiden2008)

Cattaneo 2009 G Cattaneo The Scandinavians in Poland a Re-Evolution of Perceptions of the Vikings Brathair 92 2009 2-14

Claessen 2006 H J M Claessen War and State Formation Whatis the Connection In T Otto H Thrane H Vandkilde (eds)Warfare and Society Archaeological and Social AnthropologicalPerspectives (Aarhus 2006) 217-226

Connor 1998 C L Connor The Color of Ivory Polychromy onByzantine Ivories (Princeton 1998)

Coupland 1990 S Coupland Carolingian Arms and Armor in theNinth Century VIATOR Journal Medieval and Renaissance Stud21 1990 29-50

Curta 2005 F Curta (ed) East Central and Eastern Europe in theEarly Middle Ages (Ann Arbor 2005)

DrsquoAmato 2010 R DrsquoAmato The Varangian Guard 988-1453 Os -prey MilitaryMen-at-Arms Ser 459 (New York Oxford 2010)

Dain 1938 Sylloge Tacticorum quae olim raquoInedita Leonis Tacticalaquodicebatur in lucem prolata curis Alphonsi Dain (Paris 1938)

Davidson 1994 H E Davidson The Sword in Anglo-Saxon Eng-land Its Archaeology and Literature (Woodbrigde 21994)

Dawson 1998 T Dawson Kremasmata Kabadion Klibanion SomeAspects of Middle Byzantine Military Equipment Recon sideredByzantine and Modern Greek Stud (Birmingham) 22 1998 38-50

2002 T Dawson Suntagma Hoplocircn the Equipment of RegularByzantine Troops c 950 to c 1204 In D Nicolle (ed) A Com-panion to Medieval Arms and Armour (Woodbridge 2002) 81-90

2007a T Dawson raquoFit for the Tasklaquo Equipment Sizes and theTransmission of Military Lore Sixth to Tenth Centuries Byzantineand Modern Greek Stud (Birmingham) 31 2007 1-12

2007b T Dawson Byzantine Infantryman Eastern Roman Em -pire c 900-1204 Osprey MilitaryWarrior Ser 118 (New YorkOxford 2007)

2009a T Dawson Byzantine Cavalryman c 900-1204 OspreyMilitaryWarrior Ser 139 (New York Oxford 2009)

2009b T Dawson The Walpurgis Fechtbuch an Inheritance ofConstantinople Arms and Armour Journal of the Royal Armou-ries 61 2009 79-92

Dennis 2010 The Taktika of Leo VI Text translation and commen-tary by G Dennis Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 49(Washington DC 2010)

Dienes 1972 I Dienes Die Ungarn um die Zeit der Landnahme(Budapest 1972)

Engel 2001 P Engel The Realm of St Stephen A History of Me -dieval Hungary 895-1526 (London New York 2001)

Eacuterszegi 1996 G Eacuterszegi Szent Istvaacuten pannonhalmi oklevele (Okle-veacuteltani-filoloacutegiai kommentaacuter) In I Takaacutecs (ed) Mons Sacer 996-1996 Pannonhalma ezer eacuteve 1 (Pannonhalma 1996) 47-89

Fettich 1933 N Fettich A levediai magyarsaacuteg a reacutegeacuteszet megvilaacute-giacutetaacutesaacuteban Szaacutezadok A Magyar Toumlrteacutenelmi Taacutersulat Eacutevk 677-10 1933 251-276 369-399

1937 N Fettich A honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg feacutemművesseacutege (DieMetallkunst der landnehmenden Ungarn) Archaeologia Hunga-rica Acta Archaeologica Musei Nationalis Hungarici 21 (Buda-pest 1937)

1938 N Fettich A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten-kard reacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacute-taacutesban In J Sereacutedi (ed) Emleacutekkoumlnyv Szent Istvaacuten kiraacutely halaacutelaacute-nak kilencszaacutezadik eacutevforduloacutejaacuten 1 (Budapest 1938) 475-516

Fodor 1981 I Fodor A magyarsaacuteg baltikumi eacutes skandinaacuteviai kapc-solatai a IX-XI szaacutezadban a reacutegeacuteszeti leletek alapjaacuten (Verbindun-gen der Ungarn mit dem Baltikum und Skandinavien zwischendem 9 und 11 Jahrhundert aufgrund der Bodenfunde) SzolnokMegyei Muacutez Eacutevk 1981 85-89

1996 I Fodor Vienna sabre In Fodor et al 1996 67-71

2000 I Fodor A haderő eacutes a fegyverzet aacutetalakulaacutesa az aacutellamala-piacutetaacutes koraacuteban In Aacute Raacutecz (ed) Nagy keacutepes millenniumi hadtoumlr-teacutenet 1000 eacutev a hadak uacutetjaacuten (Budapest 2000) 20 f

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2001b I Fodor Az aacutellamalapiacutetaacutes koraacutenak hadserege In P Hal-maacutegyi (ed) Az aacutellamalapiacutetoacutekroacutel 2000-ben A VII Honveacuted Emleacutek-nap eacutes a Leveacuteltaacuteri Napok makoacutei előadaacutesai A Makoacutei MuacutezeumFuumlzetei 98 (Makoacute 2001) 17-39

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214 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

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Validi 1936 A Z Validi Die Schwerter der Germanen nach arabi-schen Berichten des 9-11 Jahrhunderts Zeitschr Dt Morgen-laumlnd Ges 90 1936 19-37

216 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

Veszpreacutemy 1996 L Veszpreacutemy A nyugat-euroacutepai eacutes bizaacutenci hadvi-seleacutes a honfoglalaacutes eacutes kalandozaacutesok idejeacuten In L Veszpreacutemy(ed) Honfoglaloacute őseink (Budapest 1996) 66-80

2008 L Veszpreacutemy Szent Istvaacuten feloumlvezeacuteseacuteről In VeszpreacutemyLovagvilaacuteg Magyarorszaacutegon (Budapest 2008) 66-77

Vinski 1983 Z Vinski Razmatranja o poslijekarolinškim mačevima10 i 11 stolječa u Jugoslaviji (Betrachtung zu postkarolingischenSchwertern des 10 und 11 Jahrhunderts in Jugoslawien) Sta-rohrvatska Prosvjeta 313 1983 7-64

Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

Walsh 1998 A Walsh A Summary Classification of Viking AgeSwords in Ireland In H B Clarke M N Mhaonaigh ROacute Floinn (eds) Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age(Dublin 1998) 222-235

Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

2008 J M Ziolkowski Of Arms and the (Ger)man Literary andMaterial Culture in the Waltharius In J R Davis M McCor-mick (eds) The Long Morning of Medieval Europe New Direc-tions in Early Medieval Studies (Aldershot Burlington 2008)193-208

Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 25: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

94) Bakay 1967 141-144

95) Ibidem 143 fig 16 1-2

96) Most importantly gravitation does not act at the points ofthe blades but in the centre of mass Apart from this whenapplying the same simplifications and the (otherwise false)data given by Bakay (i e the length of the blades 08m and09m the weight 05kg and 1kg and a 20deg angle that thelines of the hilt and blade of the sabre share) to the formulaτ = r times m times g times sinθ (with θ = 70deg see fig 5 4) the resultsare 368Nm for the sabre and 883Nm for the sword ndash con-trary to Bakayrsquos false results (269Nm and 639Nm respecti-vely)

97) Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991

98) Nicolle 1995b 83 a similar approach though recently recon-sidered with good reason was dominant in the artificialinterpretation of the comparison of the efficiency of theraquocrannoglaquo type pre-Viking and Viking swords of Ireland(Halpin 2010 124 f)

99) Cf general calculations in Lazarov 2003 40-48

100) Hampel 1907 28 Szőllősy 2001

101) By duel I understand every situation where only two fightersare engaged which of course also could happen during abattle

102) Dawson 2009b

103) Wheeler 1927 33 fig 14 Wilson 1965 Żabiński 2007 Walsh1998 Petersen 1919 Leppaumlaho 1964 Peirce 2002 Arb-mann Nilsson 1969 Muumlller-Wille 1973 79-85 72 fig 201978 75-79 72 fig 11 73 fig 12 Ypey 1984 221f 220fig 4 Volkmann 2008 437 map 1 Herfert 1978 257 fig 5von zur Muumlhlen 1975 100-103 Geibig 1991 159-179 160fig 42 Marek 2005 116-149 152-157 maps Szameit 1992220 note 1 Košta 2005 Kliskyacute 1964 114-116 113 fig 2Pinter 1999 89-157 Liwoch 2008 Plavinskij 2009 67 f 66fig 9 Kirpičnikov 1966 74-91 23 fig 2 Vinski 1983

104) Gomolka 1968 237-239 Popa 1984 Jotov 2003 2006 Raf-faele DrsquoAmato has recently published several photographs ofBulgarian Viking swords inter alia newly discovered finds(DrsquoAmato 2010 19 21 37 f)

105) On such events in the 10th century see Bloumlndal Benedikz1978 32-46 recently DrsquoAmato 2010 4 6 f

106) Kolias 1988 136

107) First comprehensively by Arbman 1937 215-235 esp 230-232 235 (with further references)

108) Validi 1936 Davidson 1994 114-118 Polgaacuter 2004

109) Hoffmeyer 1966 93 f 101 most recently Grotowski 2010349

110) Martens 2004 Stalsberg 2008a 2008b 2010 458f on pos-sible criteria indicating a weapon export see Solberg 1991241f a detailed analysis of the classification and chorology(like Geibig 1991 159-177) might contribute to such effortsthe unique sword from Foščevataja (Ukraine) provides anexceptional example for the most probable establishment ofprovenience on the basis of a stylistic analysis (Androshchuk2003)

111) See e g Muumlller-Wille 1982 149 f Steuer 1987 151-156

112) For the first thematic study Williams 2009

113) Piatnitsky et al 2000 74-76 Connor 1998 pl 12

114) On the type Petersen 1919 89-101 recently Beloševič 2007

115) On the type Petersen 1919 117-121 the Yumuktepe hiltmight be related to types Petersen Q or P as well since thetop of the hilt is lacking in the published picture

116) Koumlruğlu 2010 84 fig 126

117) The fuller of the blade visible on the photo provides evidencethat we are not facing a Mediterranean type of sword herein comparison see the sword without fuller from a privatecollection from Al-Andalus (Garciacutea 2001) on Mediterraneanswords see Aacute Biacuteroacute Middle Byzantine Swords an Archaeolo-gical Investigation [unpubl manuscript 2009]

118) Prior to the hypothesis of military reform and weaponchange Viking swords were thought to have reached theCarpathian Basin from Polish territories (Paulsen 1933 44 f)from East Europe (Fettich 1933 258 1937 52-54 Marosi1938 50 f) and from West Europe and Byzantium at thesame time (Hampel 1900 756)

119) Randsborg 1981a 269

120) Randsborg 1981a-b

121) Pedersen 1997a-b 2002

122) See e g Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008

123) The main concerns of the newest comprehensive monographon early medieval swords in Poland were the classificationand the inscriptions (Marek 2005)

124) Shepard 2005 270 Buko 2008 404-411 Cattaneo 2009for a critical historiography of the hypothesis with furtherliterature Rohrer 2009

125) Żak 1957

126) Wilke 1999 50-56

127) Goacuterecki 2001 65 f

128) Helena Zoll-Adamikova presents a careful method for identi-fying Scandinavian populace in the archaeological material ofthe South Baltic region that might be a useful starting point(Zoll-Adamikova 1997)

129) See e g on the problems of gold rings Wendt 2007-2008and recently Androushchuk 2009 on the swords

130) Kovaacutecs 1995 304 Fodor 1981 86 on the differentiation ofthe Hungarian dux Ruizorum and the dux exercitus regis attes ted in the written sources of the early 11th century Kristoacute 1980

131) I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Andraacutes Patay-Horvaacuteth PhD for the enormous help he provided concerningthe translation and interpretation of Greek and Latin texts to Prof Csanaacuted Baacutelint who read an early draft of this paperand finally to my father Baacutelint Biacuteroacute who drew figure 5 andhelped me in understanding the physical modeling of the tor-que of the sabre and the sword

211Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

References

Androshchuk 2003 F Androshchuk The raquoLjudota Swordlaquo (AnEpisode of Contacts Between Britain and Scandinavia in the LateViking Age) Ruthenica 2 2003 15-25

Androushchuk 2009 F Androushchuk Vikings and Farmers SomeRemarks on the Social Interpretation of Swords and Long-Distance Contacts during the Viking Age In Holmquist Olaus-son Olausson 2009 93-104

Arbman 1937 H Arbman Schweden und das Karolingische ReichStudien zu den Handelsverbindungen des 9 Jahrhunderts KglVitterhets Hist Akad Handlingar 43 (Stockholm 1937)

Arbman Nilsson 1969 H Arbman N-O Nilsson Armes scandi-naves de lrsquoeacutepoque Viking en France Meddel Lund Univ HistMus 1966-1968 (1969) 163-202

Arwidsson 1986 G Arwidsson Schilde In idem (ed) Birka II2 Sys -tematische Analysen der Graumlberfunde (Stockholm 1986) 38-44

Bachrach 1969 B S Bachrach The Origin of Armorican ChivalryTechnology and Culture 10 1969 166-171

1970 B S Bachrach Charles Martel Mounted Shock Combatthe Stirrup and Feudalism Stud Medieval and Renaissance Hist7 1970 49-75

1983 B S Bachrach Charlemagnersquos Cavalry Myth and RealityMilitary Affairs 474 1983 181-187

1988 B S Bachrach Caballus et Caballarius in Medieval War-fare In H Chickering T H Seiler (eds) The Study of ChivalryResources and Approaches (Kalamazoo 1988) 173-211

1993 B S Bachrach Armies and Politics in the Early MedievalWest (Aldershot Brookfield 1993)

1995 B S Bachrach The Milites and the Millennium HaskinsSoc Journal Stud Medieval Hist 3 1992 85-95

2001 B S Bachrach Early Carolingian Warfare Prelude to Em -pire (Philadelphia 2001)

2002 B S Bachrach Warfare and Military Organization in Pre-Crusading Europe (Aldershot Burlington Suffolk 2002)

2006 B S Bachrach Verbruggenrsquos raquoCavalrylaquo and the Lyon-The-sis Journal Medieval Military Hist 4 2006 137-141

Bachrach Bachrach 2007 B S Bachrach D Bachrach SaxonMilitary Revolution 912-973 Myth and Reality Early MedievalEurope 152 2007 186-222

Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 The Laws of the Medieval Kingdom ofHungary 1 1000-1301 Translated and edited by J M Bak GyBoacutenis and J R Sweeney (Bakersfield 1989)

Bakay 1967 K Bakay Archaumlologische Studien zur Frage der unga-rischen Staatsgruumlndung Angaben zur Organisierung des fuumlrst-lichen Heeres Acta Arch Acad Scien Hungaricae 19 1967105-173

Bauer Rau 1992 Fontes ad historiam aevi Saxonici illustrandamWidukindi Res Gestae Saxonicae Adalberti Continuatio Regino-nis Liudprandi Opera Neu bearbeitet von A Bauer und R RauAusgewaumlhlte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters8 (Darmstadt 41992)

Beatson 1995 P Beatson The raquoViking Shieldlaquo from ArchaeologyVarangian Voice 35 1995 25-35

Beloševič 2007 J Beloševič Osvrt na karolinške mačeve tipa H sašireg područja Dalmatinske Hrvatske (Ruumlckschau auf karolingi-sche Schwerter des Typus H aus dem Groszligraum des dalmati-schen Kroatiens) Prilozi 24 2007 405-418

Bloumlndal Benedikz 1978 S Bloumlndal B S Benedikz The Varangi-ans of Byzantium An Aspect of Byzantine Military History (Cam-bridge 1978)

Boacutena 2000 I Boacutena Die ungarische Kampftechnik in den Feldzuuml-gen gegen Europa In Wieczorek Hinz 2000 225-230

Borosy 1962 A Borosy A XI-XIV szaacutezadi magyar lovassaacutegroacutel (Onthe Hungarian Cavalry in the 11-14th Centuries) Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl92 1962 119-174

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1971 А Н Кирпичников Древнерусское оручжие Бып-ыск третий Доспех комплекс боевых средств АрхеологияСССР Е1-36 (Leningrad 1971)

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Rohrer 2009 W Rohrer Wikinger oder Slawen Die Interpreta-tionsgeschichte fruumlhpiastischer Bestattungen mit Waffenbei-gabe In A Klammt S Rossignol (eds) Mittelalterliche Elitenund Kulturtransfer oumlstlich der Elbe (Goumlttingen 2009) 27-41

Rudziński 2009 P M Rudziński tarcta we wczesnośredniowiecz-nej Polsce na tle europejskim Od plemienia do państwa (Shieldin Early Medieval Poland on the Background of the EuropeanWarfare From Tribal Times to Early State) Acta Militaria Mediae-valia 5 2009 21-78

Ruttkay 1970 A Ruttkay Korneacutel Bakay Archaumlologische Studienzur Frage der ungarischen Staatsgruumlndung Slovenskaacute Arch182 1970 482-484

1976 A Ruttkay Waffen und Reiterausruumlstung des 9 bis zurersten Haumllfte des 14 Jahrhunderts in der Slowakei (II) SlovenskaacuteArch 242 1976 245-395

Schuldt 1978 E Schuldt Einige bemerkenswerte Einzelfunde ausdem Burgwallgelaumlnde von Groszlig Raden Kreis Sternberg JahrbBodendenkmalpfl Mecklenburg 1977 (1978) 225-245

Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 M Schulze-Doumlrrlamm Das ungarischeKriegergrab von Aspers-legraves-Corps Untersuchungen zu denUngarn einfaumlllen nach Mittel- West- und Suumldeuropa (899-955 nChr) mit einem Exkurs zur Muumlnzchronologie altungarischerGraumlber Jahrb RGZM 31 1984 473-514

Shepard 2005 J Shepard Conversions and Regimes Comparedthe Rusrsquo and the Poles ca 1000 In Curta 2005 254-282

Solberg 1991 B Solberg Weapon Export from the Continent tothe Nordic Countries in the Carolingian Period Stud Sachsen-forsch 7 1991 241-259

Stalsberg 2008a A Stalsberg Herstellung und Verbreitung derVlfberht-Schwertklingen Eine Neubewertung Zeitschr ArchMittelalter 36 2008 89-118

2008b A Stalsberg The Vlfberht Sword Blades Reevaluated(httpjenny-ritaorgannestalsberghtml 1542012)

2010 A Stalsberg Ulfberht Revisited a Classification In JSheehan D Oacute Corraacutein (eds) The Viking Age Ireland and theWest (Dublin 2010) 450-464

Steuer 1987 H Steuer Der Handel in der Wikingerzeit zwischenNord- und Westeuropa aufgrund archaumlologischer Zeugnisse InK Duumlwel H Jankuhn H Siems D Timpe (eds) Untersuchun-gen zu Handel und Verkehr der vor- und fruumlhgeschichtlichen Zeitin Mittel- und Nordeuropa 4 Der Handel der Karolinger- undWikingerzeit Abhandl Akad Wiss Goumlttingen Phil-Hist Kl3156 (Goumlttingen 1987) 113-197

Stoodley 1999 N Stoodley The Spindle and the Spear a CriticalEnquiry into the Construction and Meaning of Gender in theEarly Anglo-Saxon Burial Rite BAR British Ser 288 (Oxford1999)

Strecker 1987 K Strecker (ed) Waltharius Deutsche Uumlbersetzungvon P Vossen (Hildesheim 21987)

Szaboacute 2010 J B Szaboacute A honfoglaloacutektoacutel a huszaacuterokig A koumlzeacutep-kori magyar koumlnnyűlovassaacutegroacutel (From the Hungarian Conquerorsto the Hussars Light Cavalry in Medieval Hungary) (Budapest2010)

Szameit 1992 E Szameit Ein VLFBERHT-Schwert aus der Donaubei Aggsbach Niederoumlsterreich Arch Austriaca 76 1992 215-221

Szőke 1962 B Szőke A honfoglaloacute eacutes kora Aacuterpaacuted-kori magyarsaacutegreacutegeacuteszeti emleacutekei Reacutegeacuteszeti tanulmaacutenyok 1 (Budapest 1962)

Szőllősy 2001 G Szőllősy Mi ceacutelt szolgaacutel a szablya fokeacutele Kiacuteseacuterletimegkoumlzeliacuteteacutesek Wosinsky Moacuter Muacutez Eacutevk 23 2001 275-293

Talbot Sullivan 2005 The History of Leo the Deacon ByzantineMilitary Expansion in the Tenth Century Introduction Transla-tion and Annotations by A-M Talbot and D F Sullivan Dum-barton Oaks Stud 41 (Washington DC 2005)

Toacuteth 1934 Z Toacuteth A huszaacuterok eredeteacuteről Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 3-41934 129-196

Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

Urbańczyk 2005 P Urbańczyk Early State Formation in East Cen-tral Europe In Curta 2005 139-151

Urtan 1961 В А Уртан Древние щиты на территории Латв-ийской ССР Sovetskaja Arch 19611 216-224

Validi 1936 A Z Validi Die Schwerter der Germanen nach arabi-schen Berichten des 9-11 Jahrhunderts Zeitschr Dt Morgen-laumlnd Ges 90 1936 19-37

216 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

Veszpreacutemy 1996 L Veszpreacutemy A nyugat-euroacutepai eacutes bizaacutenci hadvi-seleacutes a honfoglalaacutes eacutes kalandozaacutesok idejeacuten In L Veszpreacutemy(ed) Honfoglaloacute őseink (Budapest 1996) 66-80

2008 L Veszpreacutemy Szent Istvaacuten feloumlvezeacuteseacuteről In VeszpreacutemyLovagvilaacuteg Magyarorszaacutegon (Budapest 2008) 66-77

Vinski 1983 Z Vinski Razmatranja o poslijekarolinškim mačevima10 i 11 stolječa u Jugoslaviji (Betrachtung zu postkarolingischenSchwertern des 10 und 11 Jahrhunderts in Jugoslawien) Sta-rohrvatska Prosvjeta 313 1983 7-64

Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

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Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

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Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 26: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

212 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

References

Androshchuk 2003 F Androshchuk The raquoLjudota Swordlaquo (AnEpisode of Contacts Between Britain and Scandinavia in the LateViking Age) Ruthenica 2 2003 15-25

Androushchuk 2009 F Androushchuk Vikings and Farmers SomeRemarks on the Social Interpretation of Swords and Long-Distance Contacts during the Viking Age In Holmquist Olaus-son Olausson 2009 93-104

Arbman 1937 H Arbman Schweden und das Karolingische ReichStudien zu den Handelsverbindungen des 9 Jahrhunderts KglVitterhets Hist Akad Handlingar 43 (Stockholm 1937)

Arbman Nilsson 1969 H Arbman N-O Nilsson Armes scandi-naves de lrsquoeacutepoque Viking en France Meddel Lund Univ HistMus 1966-1968 (1969) 163-202

Arwidsson 1986 G Arwidsson Schilde In idem (ed) Birka II2 Sys -tematische Analysen der Graumlberfunde (Stockholm 1986) 38-44

Bachrach 1969 B S Bachrach The Origin of Armorican ChivalryTechnology and Culture 10 1969 166-171

1970 B S Bachrach Charles Martel Mounted Shock Combatthe Stirrup and Feudalism Stud Medieval and Renaissance Hist7 1970 49-75

1983 B S Bachrach Charlemagnersquos Cavalry Myth and RealityMilitary Affairs 474 1983 181-187

1988 B S Bachrach Caballus et Caballarius in Medieval War-fare In H Chickering T H Seiler (eds) The Study of ChivalryResources and Approaches (Kalamazoo 1988) 173-211

1993 B S Bachrach Armies and Politics in the Early MedievalWest (Aldershot Brookfield 1993)

1995 B S Bachrach The Milites and the Millennium HaskinsSoc Journal Stud Medieval Hist 3 1992 85-95

2001 B S Bachrach Early Carolingian Warfare Prelude to Em -pire (Philadelphia 2001)

2002 B S Bachrach Warfare and Military Organization in Pre-Crusading Europe (Aldershot Burlington Suffolk 2002)

2006 B S Bachrach Verbruggenrsquos raquoCavalrylaquo and the Lyon-The-sis Journal Medieval Military Hist 4 2006 137-141

Bachrach Bachrach 2007 B S Bachrach D Bachrach SaxonMilitary Revolution 912-973 Myth and Reality Early MedievalEurope 152 2007 186-222

Bak Boacutenis Sweeney 1989 The Laws of the Medieval Kingdom ofHungary 1 1000-1301 Translated and edited by J M Bak GyBoacutenis and J R Sweeney (Bakersfield 1989)

Bakay 1967 K Bakay Archaumlologische Studien zur Frage der unga-rischen Staatsgruumlndung Angaben zur Organisierung des fuumlrst-lichen Heeres Acta Arch Acad Scien Hungaricae 19 1967105-173

Bauer Rau 1992 Fontes ad historiam aevi Saxonici illustrandamWidukindi Res Gestae Saxonicae Adalberti Continuatio Regino-nis Liudprandi Opera Neu bearbeitet von A Bauer und R RauAusgewaumlhlte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters8 (Darmstadt 41992)

Beatson 1995 P Beatson The raquoViking Shieldlaquo from ArchaeologyVarangian Voice 35 1995 25-35

Beloševič 2007 J Beloševič Osvrt na karolinške mačeve tipa H sašireg područja Dalmatinske Hrvatske (Ruumlckschau auf karolingi-sche Schwerter des Typus H aus dem Groszligraum des dalmati-schen Kroatiens) Prilozi 24 2007 405-418

Bloumlndal Benedikz 1978 S Bloumlndal B S Benedikz The Varangi-ans of Byzantium An Aspect of Byzantine Military History (Cam-bridge 1978)

Boacutena 2000 I Boacutena Die ungarische Kampftechnik in den Feldzuuml-gen gegen Europa In Wieczorek Hinz 2000 225-230

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1971 А Н Кирпичников Древнерусское оручжие Бып-ыск третий Доспех комплекс боевых средств АрхеологияСССР Е1-36 (Leningrad 1971)

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Rohrer 2009 W Rohrer Wikinger oder Slawen Die Interpreta-tionsgeschichte fruumlhpiastischer Bestattungen mit Waffenbei-gabe In A Klammt S Rossignol (eds) Mittelalterliche Elitenund Kulturtransfer oumlstlich der Elbe (Goumlttingen 2009) 27-41

Rudziński 2009 P M Rudziński tarcta we wczesnośredniowiecz-nej Polsce na tle europejskim Od plemienia do państwa (Shieldin Early Medieval Poland on the Background of the EuropeanWarfare From Tribal Times to Early State) Acta Militaria Mediae-valia 5 2009 21-78

Ruttkay 1970 A Ruttkay Korneacutel Bakay Archaumlologische Studienzur Frage der ungarischen Staatsgruumlndung Slovenskaacute Arch182 1970 482-484

1976 A Ruttkay Waffen und Reiterausruumlstung des 9 bis zurersten Haumllfte des 14 Jahrhunderts in der Slowakei (II) SlovenskaacuteArch 242 1976 245-395

Schuldt 1978 E Schuldt Einige bemerkenswerte Einzelfunde ausdem Burgwallgelaumlnde von Groszlig Raden Kreis Sternberg JahrbBodendenkmalpfl Mecklenburg 1977 (1978) 225-245

Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 M Schulze-Doumlrrlamm Das ungarischeKriegergrab von Aspers-legraves-Corps Untersuchungen zu denUngarn einfaumlllen nach Mittel- West- und Suumldeuropa (899-955 nChr) mit einem Exkurs zur Muumlnzchronologie altungarischerGraumlber Jahrb RGZM 31 1984 473-514

Shepard 2005 J Shepard Conversions and Regimes Comparedthe Rusrsquo and the Poles ca 1000 In Curta 2005 254-282

Solberg 1991 B Solberg Weapon Export from the Continent tothe Nordic Countries in the Carolingian Period Stud Sachsen-forsch 7 1991 241-259

Stalsberg 2008a A Stalsberg Herstellung und Verbreitung derVlfberht-Schwertklingen Eine Neubewertung Zeitschr ArchMittelalter 36 2008 89-118

2008b A Stalsberg The Vlfberht Sword Blades Reevaluated(httpjenny-ritaorgannestalsberghtml 1542012)

2010 A Stalsberg Ulfberht Revisited a Classification In JSheehan D Oacute Corraacutein (eds) The Viking Age Ireland and theWest (Dublin 2010) 450-464

Steuer 1987 H Steuer Der Handel in der Wikingerzeit zwischenNord- und Westeuropa aufgrund archaumlologischer Zeugnisse InK Duumlwel H Jankuhn H Siems D Timpe (eds) Untersuchun-gen zu Handel und Verkehr der vor- und fruumlhgeschichtlichen Zeitin Mittel- und Nordeuropa 4 Der Handel der Karolinger- undWikingerzeit Abhandl Akad Wiss Goumlttingen Phil-Hist Kl3156 (Goumlttingen 1987) 113-197

Stoodley 1999 N Stoodley The Spindle and the Spear a CriticalEnquiry into the Construction and Meaning of Gender in theEarly Anglo-Saxon Burial Rite BAR British Ser 288 (Oxford1999)

Strecker 1987 K Strecker (ed) Waltharius Deutsche Uumlbersetzungvon P Vossen (Hildesheim 21987)

Szaboacute 2010 J B Szaboacute A honfoglaloacutektoacutel a huszaacuterokig A koumlzeacutep-kori magyar koumlnnyűlovassaacutegroacutel (From the Hungarian Conquerorsto the Hussars Light Cavalry in Medieval Hungary) (Budapest2010)

Szameit 1992 E Szameit Ein VLFBERHT-Schwert aus der Donaubei Aggsbach Niederoumlsterreich Arch Austriaca 76 1992 215-221

Szőke 1962 B Szőke A honfoglaloacute eacutes kora Aacuterpaacuted-kori magyarsaacutegreacutegeacuteszeti emleacutekei Reacutegeacuteszeti tanulmaacutenyok 1 (Budapest 1962)

Szőllősy 2001 G Szőllősy Mi ceacutelt szolgaacutel a szablya fokeacutele Kiacuteseacuterletimegkoumlzeliacuteteacutesek Wosinsky Moacuter Muacutez Eacutevk 23 2001 275-293

Talbot Sullivan 2005 The History of Leo the Deacon ByzantineMilitary Expansion in the Tenth Century Introduction Transla-tion and Annotations by A-M Talbot and D F Sullivan Dum-barton Oaks Stud 41 (Washington DC 2005)

Toacuteth 1934 Z Toacuteth A huszaacuterok eredeteacuteről Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 3-41934 129-196

Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

Urbańczyk 2005 P Urbańczyk Early State Formation in East Cen-tral Europe In Curta 2005 139-151

Urtan 1961 В А Уртан Древние щиты на территории Латв-ийской ССР Sovetskaja Arch 19611 216-224

Validi 1936 A Z Validi Die Schwerter der Germanen nach arabi-schen Berichten des 9-11 Jahrhunderts Zeitschr Dt Morgen-laumlnd Ges 90 1936 19-37

216 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

Veszpreacutemy 1996 L Veszpreacutemy A nyugat-euroacutepai eacutes bizaacutenci hadvi-seleacutes a honfoglalaacutes eacutes kalandozaacutesok idejeacuten In L Veszpreacutemy(ed) Honfoglaloacute őseink (Budapest 1996) 66-80

2008 L Veszpreacutemy Szent Istvaacuten feloumlvezeacuteseacuteről In VeszpreacutemyLovagvilaacuteg Magyarorszaacutegon (Budapest 2008) 66-77

Vinski 1983 Z Vinski Razmatranja o poslijekarolinškim mačevima10 i 11 stolječa u Jugoslaviji (Betrachtung zu postkarolingischenSchwertern des 10 und 11 Jahrhunderts in Jugoslawien) Sta-rohrvatska Prosvjeta 313 1983 7-64

Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

Walsh 1998 A Walsh A Summary Classification of Viking AgeSwords in Ireland In H B Clarke M N Mhaonaigh ROacute Floinn (eds) Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age(Dublin 1998) 222-235

Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

2008 J M Ziolkowski Of Arms and the (Ger)man Literary andMaterial Culture in the Waltharius In J R Davis M McCor-mick (eds) The Long Morning of Medieval Europe New Direc-tions in Early Medieval Studies (Aldershot Burlington 2008)193-208

Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 27: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

Dennis 2010 The Taktika of Leo VI Text translation and commen-tary by G Dennis Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 49(Washington DC 2010)

Dienes 1972 I Dienes Die Ungarn um die Zeit der Landnahme(Budapest 1972)

Engel 2001 P Engel The Realm of St Stephen A History of Me -dieval Hungary 895-1526 (London New York 2001)

Eacuterszegi 1996 G Eacuterszegi Szent Istvaacuten pannonhalmi oklevele (Okle-veacuteltani-filoloacutegiai kommentaacuter) In I Takaacutecs (ed) Mons Sacer 996-1996 Pannonhalma ezer eacuteve 1 (Pannonhalma 1996) 47-89

Fettich 1933 N Fettich A levediai magyarsaacuteg a reacutegeacuteszet megvilaacute-giacutetaacutesaacuteban Szaacutezadok A Magyar Toumlrteacutenelmi Taacutersulat Eacutevk 677-10 1933 251-276 369-399

1937 N Fettich A honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg feacutemművesseacutege (DieMetallkunst der landnehmenden Ungarn) Archaeologia Hunga-rica Acta Archaeologica Musei Nationalis Hungarici 21 (Buda-pest 1937)

1938 N Fettich A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten-kard reacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacute-taacutesban In J Sereacutedi (ed) Emleacutekkoumlnyv Szent Istvaacuten kiraacutely halaacutelaacute-nak kilencszaacutezadik eacutevforduloacutejaacuten 1 (Budapest 1938) 475-516

Fodor 1981 I Fodor A magyarsaacuteg baltikumi eacutes skandinaacuteviai kapc-solatai a IX-XI szaacutezadban a reacutegeacuteszeti leletek alapjaacuten (Verbindun-gen der Ungarn mit dem Baltikum und Skandinavien zwischendem 9 und 11 Jahrhundert aufgrund der Bodenfunde) SzolnokMegyei Muacutez Eacutevk 1981 85-89

1996 I Fodor Vienna sabre In Fodor et al 1996 67-71

2000 I Fodor A haderő eacutes a fegyverzet aacutetalakulaacutesa az aacutellamala-piacutetaacutes koraacuteban In Aacute Raacutecz (ed) Nagy keacutepes millenniumi hadtoumlr-teacutenet 1000 eacutev a hadak uacutetjaacuten (Budapest 2000) 20 f

2001a I Fodor Laacuteszloacute Gyula a reacutegeacutesz In I Balassa E Laacuteszloacute(eds) Laacuteszloacute Gyula 1910-1998 Emleacutekkoumlnyv (Budapest 2001)147-270

2001b I Fodor Az aacutellamalapiacutetaacutes koraacutenak hadserege In P Hal-maacutegyi (ed) Az aacutellamalapiacutetoacutekroacutel 2000-ben A VII Honveacuted Emleacutek-nap eacutes a Leveacuteltaacuteri Napok makoacutei előadaacutesai A Makoacutei MuacutezeumFuumlzetei 98 (Makoacute 2001) 17-39

Fodor et al 1996 I Fodor L Reacuteveacutesz M Wolf I M Nepper (eds)The Ancient Hungarians [exhibition cat] (Budapest 1996)

Forgeng 2003 J L Forgeng The Medieval Art of SwordsmanshipA Facsimile and Translation of Europersquos Oldest Personal CombatTreatise Royal Armouries MS I33 (Leeds 2003)

France DeVries 2008 J France K DeVries (eds) Warfare in theDark Ages The International Library of Essays on Military History(Aldershot Burlington 2008)

Gaacutell 2007 E Gaacutell Az Erdeacutelyi-medence a Partium eacutes a Baacutensaacuteg X-XIszaacutezadi siacuter- eacutes szoacutervaacuteny-fegyverleleteinek elemzeacutese (An Analysisof the Grave and Stray Weapon Finds of the TranssylvanianBasin the Partium and the Banat from the 10th-11th Centuries)Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 1202 2007 395-474

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Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

Walsh 1998 A Walsh A Summary Classification of Viking AgeSwords in Ireland In H B Clarke M N Mhaonaigh ROacute Floinn (eds) Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age(Dublin 1998) 222-235

Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

2008 J M Ziolkowski Of Arms and the (Ger)man Literary andMaterial Culture in the Waltharius In J R Davis M McCor-mick (eds) The Long Morning of Medieval Europe New Direc-tions in Early Medieval Studies (Aldershot Burlington 2008)193-208

Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 28: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

1997a H Haumlrke Material Culture as Myth Weapons in Anglo-Saxon Graves In Jensen Nielsen 1997 119-127

1997b H Haumlrke Early Anglo-Saxon Military Organisation anArchaeological Perspective In Joslashrgensen Clausen 1997 93-101

Haug Vollmann 1991 W Haug B K Vollmann (eds) Fruumlhe deut -sche Literatur und lateinische Literatur in Deutschland 800-1150(Frankfurt 1991)

Heitel 1994-1995 R R Heitel Die Archaumlologie der ersten undzweiten Phase des Eindringens der Ungarn in das innenkarpati-sche Transsilvanien Dacia 38-39 1994-1995 389-439

Henning 2002 J Henning (ed) Europa im 10 Jahrhundert Archaumlo -logie einer Aufbruchszeit (Mainz 2002)

Herfert 1978 P Herfert Fruumlhmittelalterliche Schwerter aus demStrelasund und dem Einzugsgebiet der Peene Jahrb Boden-denkmalpfl Mecklenburg 1977 (1978) 247-261

Hoffmeyer 1966 A B Hoffmeyer Military Equipment in the Byzan-tine Manuscript of Scylitzes in the Bibliotheca Nacional inMadrid Gladius 5 1966 1-160

Holmquist Olausson Olausson 2009 L Holmquist Olausson MOlausson (eds) The Martial Society Aspects of Warriors Fortifi-cations and Social Change in Scandinavia Theses and Papers inArchaeology B11 (Stockholm 2009)

Horedt 1968 K Horedt Interpretări arheologice (ArchaumlologischeDeutungen) Acta Mus Napocensis 5 1968 419-428

Jensen Nielsen 1997 C K Jensen K H Nielsen (eds) Burial andSociety The Chronological and Social Analysis of ArchaeologicalBurial Data (Aarhus 1997)

Joslashrgensen Clausen 1997 A N Joslashrgensen B L Clausen (eds)Military Aspects of Scandinavian Society in a European Perspec-tive AD 1-1300 Publications Nat Mus Stud Arch and Hist 2(Copenhagen 1997)

Jotov 2003 В Йотов Викингите на Балканите (The Vikings onthe Balkans) (Varna 2003)

2004 В Йотов Въопъжениетто и снапяжението от бълга-рското средновековие (VII-XI век) (Varna 2004)

2006 V Jotov Les Vikings dans la Peacuteninsule Balkanique In MCullin-Mingaud M Doncheva C Landes C Huguenot (eds)Des Thraces aux Ottomans La Bulgarie agrave travers les collectionsdes museacutees de Varna (Lattes Saint Germain-en-Laye 2006) 209-212

Kahsnitz 2001 R Kahsnitz Erstes Buch der Makkabaumler In Puhle2001 218-221

Kalmaacuter 1935-1936 J Kalmaacuter Saumlbel und Schwert in Ungarn Zeit -schr Hist Waffen u Kostuumlmkde (Berlin) XIV NF 5 1936 150-155

1942 J Kalmaacuter Peacutecsi sisak a honfoglalaacutes koumlruumlli időből In Peacutecsszabad kiraacutelyi vaacuteros Majorossy Imre Muacutezeumaacutenak Eacutertesiacutetője1942 22-29

Keegan 1978 J Keegan The Face of Battle (London 1978)

Kempke 1991 T Kempke Starigard Oldenburg Hauptburg derSlawen in Wagrien III Die Waffen des 8-13 Jahrhunderts OffaBuumlcher 73 (Neumuumlnster 1991)

Kind 2002 Th Kind Archaumlologische Funde von Teilen der Reiter-ausruumlstung aus Europa und ihr Beitrag zur Kultur- und Sozialge-schichte der Ottonenzeit In Henning 2002 283-299

Kirpičnikov 1966 А Н Кирпичников Древнерусское оруч-жие Быпыск первый Мечи и сабли IX-XIII вв АрхеологияСССР Е1-36 (Leningrad Moskva 1966)

1971 А Н Кирпичников Древнерусское оручжие Бып-ыск третий Доспех комплекс боевых средств АрхеологияСССР Е1-36 (Leningrad 1971)

Kjellstroumlm 2009 A Kjellstroumlm Type Specific Features and Identifi-cation of War Graves the Physical Remains as Source Materialafter Battle In Holmquist Olausson Olausson 2009 179-190

Kliskyacute 1964 M Kliskyacute Uacutezemneacute rozšiacuterenie a chronoloacutegia karoliacutens-kych mečov (Territoriale Verbreitung und Chronologie der karo-lingischen Schwerter) Štud Zvesti Arch Uacutestavu 14 1964 105-122

Kolias 1988 T G Kolias Byzantinische Waffen Ein Beitrag zurbyzantinischen Waffenkunde von den Anfaumlngen bis zur lateini-schen Eroberung Byzantina Vindobonensia 17 (Wien 1988)

Koumlruğlu 2010 G Koumlruğlu Yumuktepe in the Middle Ages In ICaneva G Koumlruğlu (eds) Yumuktepe A Journey Through NineTousand Years (İstanbul 2010) 79-104

Košta 2005 J Košta Kollektion fruumlhmittelalterlicher Schwerter ausdem groszligmaumlhrischen Zentrum in Mikulčice In P Kouřil (ed)Die fruumlhmittelalterliche Elite bei den Voumllkern des oumlstlichenMittel europas mit einem speziellen Blick auf die groszligmaumlhrischeProblematik Spisy Arch Uacutestavu AV ČR Brno 25 (Brno 2005)157-191

Kotowicz Michalak 2007-2008 P N Kotowicz A Michalak Sta-tus of Research on Early Medieval Armament in MałopolskaRemarks Regarding the Monograph Study by Piotr Strzyż ActaArch Carpathica 42-43 2007-2008 371-417

Kovaacutecs 1988 L Kovaacutecs A magyar honfoglalaacutes kori peacutenzleletek kel-tező eacuterteacutekeacuteről (Uumlber den datierenden Wert der ungarischenlandnahmezeitlichen Muumlnzfunde) Herman Ottoacute Muacutez Eacutevk 25-26 1988 161-175

1993 L Kovaacutecs Waffenwechsel vom Saumlbel zum Schwert ZurDatierung der ungarischen Graumlber des 10-11 Jahrhunderts mitzweischneidigem Schwert Fasciculi Arch Hist 7 1993 45-60

1994-1995 L Kovaacutecs A Kaacuterpaacutet-medence keacuteteacutelű kardjai a 10szaacutezad 2 feleacuteből (Adattaacuter) Commun Arch Hungariae 1994-1995 153-189

1995 L Kovaacutecs Előkelő rusz viteacutez egy szeacutekesfeheacutervaacuteri siacuterban Araacutedioacutetelepi honfoglalaacutes kori A siacuter eacutes kardja (A Noble Knight fromRuss Buried in Szeacutekesfeheacutervaacuter) In L Koszta (ed) Kelet eacutes nyu-gat koumlzoumltt Toumlrteacuteneti tanulmaacutenyok Kristoacute Gyula tiszteleteacutere (Sze-ged 1995)

2002 L Kovaacutecs A honfoglaloacute magyarok bőrpaacutenceacuteljaacuteroacutel (Aboutthe Leather Armour of the Conquering Hungarians) HadtoumlrtKoumlzl 1152 2002 311-334

Kristoacute 1980 Gy Kristoacute Oroszok az Aacuterpaacuted-kori Magyaroroszaacutegon(Russes en Hongrie agrave lrsquoeacutepoque des Aacuterpaacuteds) Acta Univ Szegedi-nensis 67 1980 57-66

1985 Gy Kristoacute Az augsburgi csata Sorsdoumlntő ToumlrteacutenelmiNapok 8 (Budapest 1985)

1986 Gy Kristoacute Az Aacuterpaacuted-kor haacuteboruacutei (Budapest 1986)

1993 Gy Kristoacute Die Arpaden-Dynastie Die Geschichte Ungarnsvon 895 bis 1301 (Szekszaacuterd 1993)

1995 Gy Kristoacute A magyar aacutellam megszuumlleteacutese Szegedi Koumlzeacutep-kortoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 8 (Szeged 1995)

214 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Langoacute 2005 P Langoacute Archaeological Research on the ConqueringHungarians a Review In B G Mende (ed) Research on thePrehistory of the Hungarians a Review Varia ArchaeologicaHungarica 18 (Budapest 2005) 175-340

Last 1972 M Last Die Bewaffnung der Karolingerzeit Nachr Nie -dersachsen Urgesch 41 1972 77-93

Laacuteszloacute 1939 Gy Laacuteszloacute Fettich Naacutendor A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten kardreacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacutetaacutesban (Naacutendor Fettich Lrsquoepeacutee de SaintEtienne du point de vue archeacuteologique) Folia Arch 1-2 1939231-235

1942 Gy Laacuteszloacute Budapest a neacutepvaacutendorlaacutes koraacuteban In KSzendy (ed) Budapest toumlrteacutenete I Budapest az oacutekorban maacuteso-dik reacutesz (Budapest 1942) 781-818

1982 Gy Laacuteszloacute 50 rajz a honfoglaloacutekroacutel (50 Drawings on theAncient Hungarians) (Budapest 1982)

Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991 J Laszlovszky Cs Sikloacutedi Archaeologi-cal Theory in Hungary since 1960 Theories without TheoreticalArchaeology In I Hodder (ed) Archaeological Theory in Eu -rope The Last Three Decades (London New York 1991) 272-298

Lazarov 2003 И Лазаров Мечи и сабя Оръжия на паннитеномади (V-VII в) (Veliko Tărnovo 2003)

Leppaumlaho 1964 J Leppaumlaho Spaumlteisenzeitliche Waffen aus Finn-land Schwertinschriften und Waffenverzierungen des 9-12Jahrhunderts Suomen Muinaismuistoyhdistyksen Aikakauskirja61 (Helsinki 1964)

Lewis 2005 M J Lewis The Archaeological Authority of the Ba -yeux Tapestry BAR British Ser 404 (Oxford 2005)

Leyser 1965 K Leyser The Battle at the Lech 955 A Study inTenth-Century Warfare History Journal Hist Assoc 50 19651-25 (reprinted in Leyser 1982 43-67 France DeVries 2008393-417)

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Liwoch 2008 R Liwoch Zachodioukraińske miecze i trzewikipochew mieczowych od X do połowy XIII w (Western UkrainianSwords and Swordrsquos Chapes from the 10th to Mid 13th Centu-ries) Acta Militaria Mediaevalia 4 2008 39-59

Marek 2005 L Marek Early Medieval Swords from Central andEast Europe Dilemmas of an Archaeologist and a Student ofArms Acta Univ Wratislaviensis 2713 (Wrocław 2005)

Marosi 1938 A Marosi Levediai vonatkozaacutesok a szeacutekesfeheacutervaacuterimuacutezeum anyagaacuteban eacutes a raacutedioacutetelepi kard Szeacutekesfeheacutervaacuteri Szem -le 3-4 1938 49-55

Martens 2004 I Martens Indigenous and Imported Viking AgeWeapons in Norway ndash a Problem with European ImplicationsJournal Nordic Arch Scien 14 2004 125-137

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Molnaacuter 1943 E Molnaacuter [L Szentmikloacutesy] Az Aacuterpaacutedkori taacutersada-lom A feleacutepiacutetmeacuteny (Budapest 1943)

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Morillo 1999 S Morillo The raquoAge of Cavalrylaquo Revisited In D JKagay L J A Villalon (eds) The Circle of War in the MiddleAges (Woodbridge 1999) 45-58

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1976 M Muumlller-Wille Das Bootkammergrab von HaithabuBerichte uumlber die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu 8 (Neumuumlnster1976)

1978 M Muumlller-Wille Das Schiffsgrab von der Ile de Groix (Bre-tagne) Ein Exkurs zum raquoBootkammergrab von Haithabulaquo In KSchietzel (ed) Das archaumlologische Fundmaterial der Ausgra-bung Haithabu III Berichte uumlber die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu12 (Neumuumlnster 1978) 48-84

1982 M Muumlller-Wille Zwei karolingische Schwerter aus Mittel-norwegen Stud Sachsenforsch 3 1982 101-154

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2000 L Neacutegyesi Gondolatok a lovassaacuteg csapatnemeiről a koumln-nyű- eacutes neheacutezlovassaacuteg problematikaacuteja (Gedanken uumlber die Trup-pengattungen der Reiterei die Problematik der leichten undschweren Reiterei) In L Bende G Lőrinczy Cs Szalontai (eds)Hadak uacutetjaacuten A neacutepvaacutendorlaacutes kor fiatal kutatoacuteinak 10 konferen-ciaacuteja (Szeged 2000) 375-378

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Parani 2003 M G Parani Reconstructing the Reality of ImagesByzantine Material Culture and Religious Iconography (11th-15th

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215Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

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Pinter 1999 Z-K Pinter Spada şi sabia medieval icircn Transilvania şiBanat (secolele IX-XIV) (Reşiţa 1999)

Plavinskij 2009 Н А Плавинский Мечи эпохи бикингов стерритории Беларуси (The Swords of the Viking Age on theTerritory of Belarus) Stratum Plus 5 2005-2009 (2009) 58-70

Polgaacuter 2004 Sz Polgaacuter Kora koumlzeacutepkori (9-12 szaacutezadi) kelet-euroacute-pai fegyverkereskedelemre utaloacute feljegyzeacutesek az iacuterott forraacutesok-ban In L Balogh L Keller (eds) Fegyveres nomaacutedok nomaacutedfegyveresek Magyar Őstoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 21 (Budapest 2004)92-100

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Randsborg 1981a K Randsborg The Viking Age State Formationin Denmark Offa 38 1981 259-276

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Rudziński 2009 P M Rudziński tarcta we wczesnośredniowiecz-nej Polsce na tle europejskim Od plemienia do państwa (Shieldin Early Medieval Poland on the Background of the EuropeanWarfare From Tribal Times to Early State) Acta Militaria Mediae-valia 5 2009 21-78

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1976 A Ruttkay Waffen und Reiterausruumlstung des 9 bis zurersten Haumllfte des 14 Jahrhunderts in der Slowakei (II) SlovenskaacuteArch 242 1976 245-395

Schuldt 1978 E Schuldt Einige bemerkenswerte Einzelfunde ausdem Burgwallgelaumlnde von Groszlig Raden Kreis Sternberg JahrbBodendenkmalpfl Mecklenburg 1977 (1978) 225-245

Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 M Schulze-Doumlrrlamm Das ungarischeKriegergrab von Aspers-legraves-Corps Untersuchungen zu denUngarn einfaumlllen nach Mittel- West- und Suumldeuropa (899-955 nChr) mit einem Exkurs zur Muumlnzchronologie altungarischerGraumlber Jahrb RGZM 31 1984 473-514

Shepard 2005 J Shepard Conversions and Regimes Comparedthe Rusrsquo and the Poles ca 1000 In Curta 2005 254-282

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Stoodley 1999 N Stoodley The Spindle and the Spear a CriticalEnquiry into the Construction and Meaning of Gender in theEarly Anglo-Saxon Burial Rite BAR British Ser 288 (Oxford1999)

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Szameit 1992 E Szameit Ein VLFBERHT-Schwert aus der Donaubei Aggsbach Niederoumlsterreich Arch Austriaca 76 1992 215-221

Szőke 1962 B Szőke A honfoglaloacute eacutes kora Aacuterpaacuted-kori magyarsaacutegreacutegeacuteszeti emleacutekei Reacutegeacuteszeti tanulmaacutenyok 1 (Budapest 1962)

Szőllősy 2001 G Szőllősy Mi ceacutelt szolgaacutel a szablya fokeacutele Kiacuteseacuterletimegkoumlzeliacuteteacutesek Wosinsky Moacuter Muacutez Eacutevk 23 2001 275-293

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Toacuteth 1934 Z Toacuteth A huszaacuterok eredeteacuteről Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 3-41934 129-196

Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

Urbańczyk 2005 P Urbańczyk Early State Formation in East Cen-tral Europe In Curta 2005 139-151

Urtan 1961 В А Уртан Древние щиты на территории Латв-ийской ССР Sovetskaja Arch 19611 216-224

Validi 1936 A Z Validi Die Schwerter der Germanen nach arabi-schen Berichten des 9-11 Jahrhunderts Zeitschr Dt Morgen-laumlnd Ges 90 1936 19-37

216 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

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E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

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Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

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Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

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Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 29: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

Langoacute 2005 P Langoacute Archaeological Research on the ConqueringHungarians a Review In B G Mende (ed) Research on thePrehistory of the Hungarians a Review Varia ArchaeologicaHungarica 18 (Budapest 2005) 175-340

Last 1972 M Last Die Bewaffnung der Karolingerzeit Nachr Nie -dersachsen Urgesch 41 1972 77-93

Laacuteszloacute 1939 Gy Laacuteszloacute Fettich Naacutendor A praacutegai Szent Istvaacuten kardreacutegeacuteszeti megvilaacutegiacutetaacutesban (Naacutendor Fettich Lrsquoepeacutee de SaintEtienne du point de vue archeacuteologique) Folia Arch 1-2 1939231-235

1942 Gy Laacuteszloacute Budapest a neacutepvaacutendorlaacutes koraacuteban In KSzendy (ed) Budapest toumlrteacutenete I Budapest az oacutekorban maacuteso-dik reacutesz (Budapest 1942) 781-818

1982 Gy Laacuteszloacute 50 rajz a honfoglaloacutekroacutel (50 Drawings on theAncient Hungarians) (Budapest 1982)

Laszlovszky Sikloacutedi 1991 J Laszlovszky Cs Sikloacutedi Archaeologi-cal Theory in Hungary since 1960 Theories without TheoreticalArchaeology In I Hodder (ed) Archaeological Theory in Eu -rope The Last Three Decades (London New York 1991) 272-298

Lazarov 2003 И Лазаров Мечи и сабя Оръжия на паннитеномади (V-VII в) (Veliko Tărnovo 2003)

Leppaumlaho 1964 J Leppaumlaho Spaumlteisenzeitliche Waffen aus Finn-land Schwertinschriften und Waffenverzierungen des 9-12Jahrhunderts Suomen Muinaismuistoyhdistyksen Aikakauskirja61 (Helsinki 1964)

Lewis 2005 M J Lewis The Archaeological Authority of the Ba -yeux Tapestry BAR British Ser 404 (Oxford 2005)

Leyser 1965 K Leyser The Battle at the Lech 955 A Study inTenth-Century Warfare History Journal Hist Assoc 50 19651-25 (reprinted in Leyser 1982 43-67 France DeVries 2008393-417)

1968 K Leyser Henry I and the Beginnings of the Saxon EmpireEnglish Hist Review 83326 1968 1-32 (reprinted in Leyser1982 11-42)

1982 K Leyser Medieval Germany and its Neighbours 900-1250 Hist Ser 12 (London 1982)

Liwoch 2008 R Liwoch Zachodioukraińske miecze i trzewikipochew mieczowych od X do połowy XIII w (Western UkrainianSwords and Swordrsquos Chapes from the 10th to Mid 13th Centu-ries) Acta Militaria Mediaevalia 4 2008 39-59

Marek 2005 L Marek Early Medieval Swords from Central andEast Europe Dilemmas of an Archaeologist and a Student ofArms Acta Univ Wratislaviensis 2713 (Wrocław 2005)

Marosi 1938 A Marosi Levediai vonatkozaacutesok a szeacutekesfeheacutervaacuterimuacutezeum anyagaacuteban eacutes a raacutedioacutetelepi kard Szeacutekesfeheacutervaacuteri Szem -le 3-4 1938 49-55

Martens 2004 I Martens Indigenous and Imported Viking AgeWeapons in Norway ndash a Problem with European ImplicationsJournal Nordic Arch Scien 14 2004 125-137

McGeer 1995 E McGeer Sowing the Dragonrsquos Teeth ByzantineWarfare in the Tenth Century Dumbarton Oaks Stud 33 (Was-hington DC 1995)

MGH 1868 G H Pertz (ed) Monumenta Germaniae HistoricaScriptorum XX (Hannover 1868)

Miller 2008 R F Miller In Words and Deeds Battle Speeches inHistory (Hanover u a 2008)

Mishin 1996 D Mishin Ibrahim Ibn-Yarsquoqub At-Turtushirsquos Accountof the Slavs from the Middle of the Tenth Century Annu Medie-val Stud CEU 1994-1995 (1996) 184-199

Mitchell 2008 R Mitchell Light Cavalry Heavy Cavalry Horse Ar -chers Oh My What Abstract Definitions Donrsquot Tell Us about 1205Adrianople Journal Medieval Military Hist 6 2008 95-118

Molnaacuter 1943 E Molnaacuter [L Szentmikloacutesy] Az Aacuterpaacutedkori taacutersada-lom A feleacutepiacutetmeacuteny (Budapest 1943)

1945 E Molnaacuter Szent Istvaacuten (Budapest 1945)

Morillo 1999 S Morillo The raquoAge of Cavalrylaquo Revisited In D JKagay L J A Villalon (eds) The Circle of War in the MiddleAges (Woodbridge 1999) 45-58

von zur Muumlhlen 1975 B von zur Muumlhlen Die Kultur der Wikingerin Ostpreussen Bonner H Vorgesch 9 (Bonn 1975)

Muumlller-Wille 1973 M Muumlller-Wille Zwei wikingerzeitliche Pracht-schwerter aus der Umgebung von Haithabu In K Schietzel (ed)Das archaumlologische Fundmaterial der Ausgrabung Haithabu IIBerichte uumlber die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu 6 (Neumuumlnster1973) 47-89

1976 M Muumlller-Wille Das Bootkammergrab von HaithabuBerichte uumlber die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu 8 (Neumuumlnster1976)

1978 M Muumlller-Wille Das Schiffsgrab von der Ile de Groix (Bre-tagne) Ein Exkurs zum raquoBootkammergrab von Haithabulaquo In KSchietzel (ed) Das archaumlologische Fundmaterial der Ausgra-bung Haithabu III Berichte uumlber die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu12 (Neumuumlnster 1978) 48-84

1982 M Muumlller-Wille Zwei karolingische Schwerter aus Mittel-norwegen Stud Sachsenforsch 3 1982 101-154

Neacutegyesi 1996 L Neacutegyesi Haderőreform a 10-11 szaacutezadban (Hee-resreform im 10-11 Jahrhundert) Savaria 223 1992-1995(1996) 219-222

2000 L Neacutegyesi Gondolatok a lovassaacuteg csapatnemeiről a koumln-nyű- eacutes neheacutezlovassaacuteg problematikaacuteja (Gedanken uumlber die Trup-pengattungen der Reiterei die Problematik der leichten undschweren Reiterei) In L Bende G Lőrinczy Cs Szalontai (eds)Hadak uacutetjaacuten A neacutepvaacutendorlaacutes kor fiatal kutatoacuteinak 10 konferen-ciaacuteja (Szeged 2000) 375-378

Nicolle 1995a D Nicolle No Way Overland Evidence for Byzan-tine Arms and Armour on the 10th-11th Century Taurus FrontierGraeco-Arabica 6 1995 226-245

1995b D Nicolle Medieval Warfare Source Book 1 Warfare inWestern Christendom (London 1995)

2002 D Nicolle Warriors and their Weapons around the Timeof the Crusades Relationships between Byzantium the Westand the Islamic World (Aldershot Burlington 2002)

Parani 2003 M G Parani Reconstructing the Reality of ImagesByzantine Material Culture and Religious Iconography (11th-15th

Centuries) The Medieval Mediterranean ndash Peoples Economiesand Cultures 400-1453 41 (Boston Leiden 2003)

Paulsen 1933 P Paulsen Magyarorszaacutegi viking leletek az eacuteszak- eacutesnyugateuroacutepai kultuacutertoumlrteacutene megvilaacutegiacutetaacutesaacuteban (Wikingerfundeaus Ungarn im Lichte der nord- und westeuropaumlischen Fruumlhge-schichte) Archaeologia Hungarica Acta Archaeologica MuseiNationalis Hungarici 12 (Budapest 1933)

Pedersen 1997a A Pedersen Similar Finds ndash Different MeaningsSome Preliminary Thoughts on the Viking-Age Burials withRiding Equipment in Scandinavia In Jensen Nielsen 1997 171-183

215Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

1997b A Pedersen Weapons and Riding Gear in Burials Evi-dence of Military and Social Rank in 10th Century Denmark InJoslashrgensen Clausen 1997 123-135

2002 A Pedersen Prachtgraumlber des 10 Jahrhunderts in Suumld-skandinavien Tradition und Erneuerung In Henning 2002 81-94

Peirce 2002 I Peirce Swords of the Viking Age (Woodbridge2002)

Petersen 1919 J Petersen De norske vikingesverd En typologisk-kronologiske studie over vikingatidens vaaben Videnskapssels-kapets Skr 2 Hist-fil Kl 19192 (Kristiania 1919)

Piatnitsky et al 2000 Y Piatnitsky O Baddeley Ea Brunner MMundell Mango (eds) Sinai Byzantium Russia Orthodox Artfrom the Sixth to the Twentieth Century (London 2000)

Pinter 1999 Z-K Pinter Spada şi sabia medieval icircn Transilvania şiBanat (secolele IX-XIV) (Reşiţa 1999)

Plavinskij 2009 Н А Плавинский Мечи эпохи бикингов стерритории Беларуси (The Swords of the Viking Age on theTerritory of Belarus) Stratum Plus 5 2005-2009 (2009) 58-70

Polgaacuter 2004 Sz Polgaacuter Kora koumlzeacutepkori (9-12 szaacutezadi) kelet-euroacute-pai fegyverkereskedelemre utaloacute feljegyzeacutesek az iacuterott forraacutesok-ban In L Balogh L Keller (eds) Fegyveres nomaacutedok nomaacutedfegyveresek Magyar Őstoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 21 (Budapest 2004)92-100

Popa 1984 R Popa Knaufkrone eines wikingerzeitlichen Pracht-schwertes von Păcuilul lui Soare Germania 622 1984 425-431

Puhle 2001 M Puhle (ed) Otto der Grosse Magdeburg undEuropa [exhibition cat] (Mainz 2001)

Randsborg 1981a K Randsborg The Viking Age State Formationin Denmark Offa 38 1981 259-276

1981b K Randsborg Burial Succession and Early State Forma-tion in Denmark In R Chapman I Kinnes K Randsborg (eds)The Archaeology of Death New Directions in Archaeology(Cam bridge 1981) 105-121

Restle 1967 M Restle Die byzantinische Wandmalerei in Klein-asien (Recklinghausen 1967)

Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 L Reacuteveacutesz I M Nepper The ArchaeologicalHeritage of the Ancient Hungarians In Fodor et al 1996 37-56

Rohrer 2009 W Rohrer Wikinger oder Slawen Die Interpreta-tionsgeschichte fruumlhpiastischer Bestattungen mit Waffenbei-gabe In A Klammt S Rossignol (eds) Mittelalterliche Elitenund Kulturtransfer oumlstlich der Elbe (Goumlttingen 2009) 27-41

Rudziński 2009 P M Rudziński tarcta we wczesnośredniowiecz-nej Polsce na tle europejskim Od plemienia do państwa (Shieldin Early Medieval Poland on the Background of the EuropeanWarfare From Tribal Times to Early State) Acta Militaria Mediae-valia 5 2009 21-78

Ruttkay 1970 A Ruttkay Korneacutel Bakay Archaumlologische Studienzur Frage der ungarischen Staatsgruumlndung Slovenskaacute Arch182 1970 482-484

1976 A Ruttkay Waffen und Reiterausruumlstung des 9 bis zurersten Haumllfte des 14 Jahrhunderts in der Slowakei (II) SlovenskaacuteArch 242 1976 245-395

Schuldt 1978 E Schuldt Einige bemerkenswerte Einzelfunde ausdem Burgwallgelaumlnde von Groszlig Raden Kreis Sternberg JahrbBodendenkmalpfl Mecklenburg 1977 (1978) 225-245

Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 M Schulze-Doumlrrlamm Das ungarischeKriegergrab von Aspers-legraves-Corps Untersuchungen zu denUngarn einfaumlllen nach Mittel- West- und Suumldeuropa (899-955 nChr) mit einem Exkurs zur Muumlnzchronologie altungarischerGraumlber Jahrb RGZM 31 1984 473-514

Shepard 2005 J Shepard Conversions and Regimes Comparedthe Rusrsquo and the Poles ca 1000 In Curta 2005 254-282

Solberg 1991 B Solberg Weapon Export from the Continent tothe Nordic Countries in the Carolingian Period Stud Sachsen-forsch 7 1991 241-259

Stalsberg 2008a A Stalsberg Herstellung und Verbreitung derVlfberht-Schwertklingen Eine Neubewertung Zeitschr ArchMittelalter 36 2008 89-118

2008b A Stalsberg The Vlfberht Sword Blades Reevaluated(httpjenny-ritaorgannestalsberghtml 1542012)

2010 A Stalsberg Ulfberht Revisited a Classification In JSheehan D Oacute Corraacutein (eds) The Viking Age Ireland and theWest (Dublin 2010) 450-464

Steuer 1987 H Steuer Der Handel in der Wikingerzeit zwischenNord- und Westeuropa aufgrund archaumlologischer Zeugnisse InK Duumlwel H Jankuhn H Siems D Timpe (eds) Untersuchun-gen zu Handel und Verkehr der vor- und fruumlhgeschichtlichen Zeitin Mittel- und Nordeuropa 4 Der Handel der Karolinger- undWikingerzeit Abhandl Akad Wiss Goumlttingen Phil-Hist Kl3156 (Goumlttingen 1987) 113-197

Stoodley 1999 N Stoodley The Spindle and the Spear a CriticalEnquiry into the Construction and Meaning of Gender in theEarly Anglo-Saxon Burial Rite BAR British Ser 288 (Oxford1999)

Strecker 1987 K Strecker (ed) Waltharius Deutsche Uumlbersetzungvon P Vossen (Hildesheim 21987)

Szaboacute 2010 J B Szaboacute A honfoglaloacutektoacutel a huszaacuterokig A koumlzeacutep-kori magyar koumlnnyűlovassaacutegroacutel (From the Hungarian Conquerorsto the Hussars Light Cavalry in Medieval Hungary) (Budapest2010)

Szameit 1992 E Szameit Ein VLFBERHT-Schwert aus der Donaubei Aggsbach Niederoumlsterreich Arch Austriaca 76 1992 215-221

Szőke 1962 B Szőke A honfoglaloacute eacutes kora Aacuterpaacuted-kori magyarsaacutegreacutegeacuteszeti emleacutekei Reacutegeacuteszeti tanulmaacutenyok 1 (Budapest 1962)

Szőllősy 2001 G Szőllősy Mi ceacutelt szolgaacutel a szablya fokeacutele Kiacuteseacuterletimegkoumlzeliacuteteacutesek Wosinsky Moacuter Muacutez Eacutevk 23 2001 275-293

Talbot Sullivan 2005 The History of Leo the Deacon ByzantineMilitary Expansion in the Tenth Century Introduction Transla-tion and Annotations by A-M Talbot and D F Sullivan Dum-barton Oaks Stud 41 (Washington DC 2005)

Toacuteth 1934 Z Toacuteth A huszaacuterok eredeteacuteről Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 3-41934 129-196

Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

Urbańczyk 2005 P Urbańczyk Early State Formation in East Cen-tral Europe In Curta 2005 139-151

Urtan 1961 В А Уртан Древние щиты на территории Латв-ийской ССР Sovetskaja Arch 19611 216-224

Validi 1936 A Z Validi Die Schwerter der Germanen nach arabi-schen Berichten des 9-11 Jahrhunderts Zeitschr Dt Morgen-laumlnd Ges 90 1936 19-37

216 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

Veszpreacutemy 1996 L Veszpreacutemy A nyugat-euroacutepai eacutes bizaacutenci hadvi-seleacutes a honfoglalaacutes eacutes kalandozaacutesok idejeacuten In L Veszpreacutemy(ed) Honfoglaloacute őseink (Budapest 1996) 66-80

2008 L Veszpreacutemy Szent Istvaacuten feloumlvezeacuteseacuteről In VeszpreacutemyLovagvilaacuteg Magyarorszaacutegon (Budapest 2008) 66-77

Vinski 1983 Z Vinski Razmatranja o poslijekarolinškim mačevima10 i 11 stolječa u Jugoslaviji (Betrachtung zu postkarolingischenSchwertern des 10 und 11 Jahrhunderts in Jugoslawien) Sta-rohrvatska Prosvjeta 313 1983 7-64

Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

Walsh 1998 A Walsh A Summary Classification of Viking AgeSwords in Ireland In H B Clarke M N Mhaonaigh ROacute Floinn (eds) Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age(Dublin 1998) 222-235

Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

2008 J M Ziolkowski Of Arms and the (Ger)man Literary andMaterial Culture in the Waltharius In J R Davis M McCor-mick (eds) The Long Morning of Medieval Europe New Direc-tions in Early Medieval Studies (Aldershot Burlington 2008)193-208

Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 30: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

1997b A Pedersen Weapons and Riding Gear in Burials Evi-dence of Military and Social Rank in 10th Century Denmark InJoslashrgensen Clausen 1997 123-135

2002 A Pedersen Prachtgraumlber des 10 Jahrhunderts in Suumld-skandinavien Tradition und Erneuerung In Henning 2002 81-94

Peirce 2002 I Peirce Swords of the Viking Age (Woodbridge2002)

Petersen 1919 J Petersen De norske vikingesverd En typologisk-kronologiske studie over vikingatidens vaaben Videnskapssels-kapets Skr 2 Hist-fil Kl 19192 (Kristiania 1919)

Piatnitsky et al 2000 Y Piatnitsky O Baddeley Ea Brunner MMundell Mango (eds) Sinai Byzantium Russia Orthodox Artfrom the Sixth to the Twentieth Century (London 2000)

Pinter 1999 Z-K Pinter Spada şi sabia medieval icircn Transilvania şiBanat (secolele IX-XIV) (Reşiţa 1999)

Plavinskij 2009 Н А Плавинский Мечи эпохи бикингов стерритории Беларуси (The Swords of the Viking Age on theTerritory of Belarus) Stratum Plus 5 2005-2009 (2009) 58-70

Polgaacuter 2004 Sz Polgaacuter Kora koumlzeacutepkori (9-12 szaacutezadi) kelet-euroacute-pai fegyverkereskedelemre utaloacute feljegyzeacutesek az iacuterott forraacutesok-ban In L Balogh L Keller (eds) Fegyveres nomaacutedok nomaacutedfegyveresek Magyar Őstoumlrteacuteneti Koumlnyvtaacuter 21 (Budapest 2004)92-100

Popa 1984 R Popa Knaufkrone eines wikingerzeitlichen Pracht-schwertes von Păcuilul lui Soare Germania 622 1984 425-431

Puhle 2001 M Puhle (ed) Otto der Grosse Magdeburg undEuropa [exhibition cat] (Mainz 2001)

Randsborg 1981a K Randsborg The Viking Age State Formationin Denmark Offa 38 1981 259-276

1981b K Randsborg Burial Succession and Early State Forma-tion in Denmark In R Chapman I Kinnes K Randsborg (eds)The Archaeology of Death New Directions in Archaeology(Cam bridge 1981) 105-121

Restle 1967 M Restle Die byzantinische Wandmalerei in Klein-asien (Recklinghausen 1967)

Reacuteveacutesz Nepper 1996 L Reacuteveacutesz I M Nepper The ArchaeologicalHeritage of the Ancient Hungarians In Fodor et al 1996 37-56

Rohrer 2009 W Rohrer Wikinger oder Slawen Die Interpreta-tionsgeschichte fruumlhpiastischer Bestattungen mit Waffenbei-gabe In A Klammt S Rossignol (eds) Mittelalterliche Elitenund Kulturtransfer oumlstlich der Elbe (Goumlttingen 2009) 27-41

Rudziński 2009 P M Rudziński tarcta we wczesnośredniowiecz-nej Polsce na tle europejskim Od plemienia do państwa (Shieldin Early Medieval Poland on the Background of the EuropeanWarfare From Tribal Times to Early State) Acta Militaria Mediae-valia 5 2009 21-78

Ruttkay 1970 A Ruttkay Korneacutel Bakay Archaumlologische Studienzur Frage der ungarischen Staatsgruumlndung Slovenskaacute Arch182 1970 482-484

1976 A Ruttkay Waffen und Reiterausruumlstung des 9 bis zurersten Haumllfte des 14 Jahrhunderts in der Slowakei (II) SlovenskaacuteArch 242 1976 245-395

Schuldt 1978 E Schuldt Einige bemerkenswerte Einzelfunde ausdem Burgwallgelaumlnde von Groszlig Raden Kreis Sternberg JahrbBodendenkmalpfl Mecklenburg 1977 (1978) 225-245

Schulze-Doumlrrlamm 1984 M Schulze-Doumlrrlamm Das ungarischeKriegergrab von Aspers-legraves-Corps Untersuchungen zu denUngarn einfaumlllen nach Mittel- West- und Suumldeuropa (899-955 nChr) mit einem Exkurs zur Muumlnzchronologie altungarischerGraumlber Jahrb RGZM 31 1984 473-514

Shepard 2005 J Shepard Conversions and Regimes Comparedthe Rusrsquo and the Poles ca 1000 In Curta 2005 254-282

Solberg 1991 B Solberg Weapon Export from the Continent tothe Nordic Countries in the Carolingian Period Stud Sachsen-forsch 7 1991 241-259

Stalsberg 2008a A Stalsberg Herstellung und Verbreitung derVlfberht-Schwertklingen Eine Neubewertung Zeitschr ArchMittelalter 36 2008 89-118

2008b A Stalsberg The Vlfberht Sword Blades Reevaluated(httpjenny-ritaorgannestalsberghtml 1542012)

2010 A Stalsberg Ulfberht Revisited a Classification In JSheehan D Oacute Corraacutein (eds) The Viking Age Ireland and theWest (Dublin 2010) 450-464

Steuer 1987 H Steuer Der Handel in der Wikingerzeit zwischenNord- und Westeuropa aufgrund archaumlologischer Zeugnisse InK Duumlwel H Jankuhn H Siems D Timpe (eds) Untersuchun-gen zu Handel und Verkehr der vor- und fruumlhgeschichtlichen Zeitin Mittel- und Nordeuropa 4 Der Handel der Karolinger- undWikingerzeit Abhandl Akad Wiss Goumlttingen Phil-Hist Kl3156 (Goumlttingen 1987) 113-197

Stoodley 1999 N Stoodley The Spindle and the Spear a CriticalEnquiry into the Construction and Meaning of Gender in theEarly Anglo-Saxon Burial Rite BAR British Ser 288 (Oxford1999)

Strecker 1987 K Strecker (ed) Waltharius Deutsche Uumlbersetzungvon P Vossen (Hildesheim 21987)

Szaboacute 2010 J B Szaboacute A honfoglaloacutektoacutel a huszaacuterokig A koumlzeacutep-kori magyar koumlnnyűlovassaacutegroacutel (From the Hungarian Conquerorsto the Hussars Light Cavalry in Medieval Hungary) (Budapest2010)

Szameit 1992 E Szameit Ein VLFBERHT-Schwert aus der Donaubei Aggsbach Niederoumlsterreich Arch Austriaca 76 1992 215-221

Szőke 1962 B Szőke A honfoglaloacute eacutes kora Aacuterpaacuted-kori magyarsaacutegreacutegeacuteszeti emleacutekei Reacutegeacuteszeti tanulmaacutenyok 1 (Budapest 1962)

Szőllősy 2001 G Szőllősy Mi ceacutelt szolgaacutel a szablya fokeacutele Kiacuteseacuterletimegkoumlzeliacuteteacutesek Wosinsky Moacuter Muacutez Eacutevk 23 2001 275-293

Talbot Sullivan 2005 The History of Leo the Deacon ByzantineMilitary Expansion in the Tenth Century Introduction Transla-tion and Annotations by A-M Talbot and D F Sullivan Dum-barton Oaks Stud 41 (Washington DC 2005)

Toacuteth 1934 Z Toacuteth A huszaacuterok eredeteacuteről Hadtoumlrt Koumlzl 3-41934 129-196

Trillmich 1992 Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon Neuuumlbertragen und erlaumlutert von W Trillmich Ausgewaumlhlte Quellenzur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 (Darmstadt 71992)

Urbańczyk 2005 P Urbańczyk Early State Formation in East Cen-tral Europe In Curta 2005 139-151

Urtan 1961 В А Уртан Древние щиты на территории Латв-ийской ССР Sovetskaja Arch 19611 216-224

Validi 1936 A Z Validi Die Schwerter der Germanen nach arabi-schen Berichten des 9-11 Jahrhunderts Zeitschr Dt Morgen-laumlnd Ges 90 1936 19-37

216 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

Veszpreacutemy 1996 L Veszpreacutemy A nyugat-euroacutepai eacutes bizaacutenci hadvi-seleacutes a honfoglalaacutes eacutes kalandozaacutesok idejeacuten In L Veszpreacutemy(ed) Honfoglaloacute őseink (Budapest 1996) 66-80

2008 L Veszpreacutemy Szent Istvaacuten feloumlvezeacuteseacuteről In VeszpreacutemyLovagvilaacuteg Magyarorszaacutegon (Budapest 2008) 66-77

Vinski 1983 Z Vinski Razmatranja o poslijekarolinškim mačevima10 i 11 stolječa u Jugoslaviji (Betrachtung zu postkarolingischenSchwertern des 10 und 11 Jahrhunderts in Jugoslawien) Sta-rohrvatska Prosvjeta 313 1983 7-64

Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

Walsh 1998 A Walsh A Summary Classification of Viking AgeSwords in Ireland In H B Clarke M N Mhaonaigh ROacute Floinn (eds) Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age(Dublin 1998) 222-235

Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

2008 J M Ziolkowski Of Arms and the (Ger)man Literary andMaterial Culture in the Waltharius In J R Davis M McCor-mick (eds) The Long Morning of Medieval Europe New Direc-tions in Early Medieval Studies (Aldershot Burlington 2008)193-208

Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 31: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

Verbruggen 2005 J F Verbruggen The Role of the Cavalry inMedieval Warfare Journal Medieval Military Hist 3 2005 46-71

Veszpreacutemy 1996 L Veszpreacutemy A nyugat-euroacutepai eacutes bizaacutenci hadvi-seleacutes a honfoglalaacutes eacutes kalandozaacutesok idejeacuten In L Veszpreacutemy(ed) Honfoglaloacute őseink (Budapest 1996) 66-80

2008 L Veszpreacutemy Szent Istvaacuten feloumlvezeacuteseacuteről In VeszpreacutemyLovagvilaacuteg Magyarorszaacutegon (Budapest 2008) 66-77

Vinski 1983 Z Vinski Razmatranja o poslijekarolinškim mačevima10 i 11 stolječa u Jugoslaviji (Betrachtung zu postkarolingischenSchwertern des 10 und 11 Jahrhunderts in Jugoslawien) Sta-rohrvatska Prosvjeta 313 1983 7-64

Volkmann 2008 A Volkmann Die Schwertfunde des unterenOder- und Warthe-Gebiets Insignien einer spaumltslawischen EliteEthnogr-Arch Zeitschr 494 2008 431-478

Walsh 1998 A Walsh A Summary Classification of Viking AgeSwords in Ireland In H B Clarke M N Mhaonaigh ROacute Floinn (eds) Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age(Dublin 1998) 222-235

Warner 2001 Ottonian Germany the Chronicon of Thietmar ofMerseburg Translated and annotated by D A Warner (Manche-ster New York 2001)

Wendt 2007-2008 A Wendt Viking Age Gold Rings and theQuestion of raquoGefolgschaftlaquo Lund Arch Review 13-14 2007-2008 75-89

Wheeler 1927 R E M Wheeler London and the Vikings LondonMus Cat 1 (London 1927)

E L Wheeler 2001 E L Wheeler Firepower Missile Weapons andthe raquoFace of Battlelaquo In E Dąbrowa (ed) Roman Military Stu-dies Electrum Studies in Ancient History 5 (Krakoacutew 2001) 169-184

Wieczorek Hinz 2000 A Wieczorek H-M Hinz (eds) EuropasMitte um 1000 Handbuch zur Ausstellung (Stuttgart 2000)

Wilke 1999 G Wilke Unterwasserarchaumlologie in polnischen Fluumls-sen und Seen 2 Bruumlcken SKYLLIS 21 1999 46-57

Williams 2009 A Williams A Metallurgical Study of Some VikingSwords Gladius 29 2009 121-184

Wilson 1965 D M Wilson Some Neglected Late Anglo-SaxonSwords Medieval Arch 9 1965 32-54

Ypey 1984 J Ypey Einige wikingerzeitliche Schwerter aus denNiederlanden Offa 41 1984 213-225

Żabiński 2007 G Żabiński Viking Age Swords from Scotland ActaMilitaria Mediaevalia 3 2007 29-84

Żak 1957 J Żak Czy groacuteb uzbrojonego jeźdźca z Ciepłego powtczewski jest grobem skandynawskim (Is the Tomb of anArmed Horseman from Ciepłe Distr Tczew a ScandinavianTomb) Arch Polski 1 1957 164-180

Ziolkowski 2001 J M Ziolkowski Fighting Words Wordplay andSwordplay in the Waltharius In K E Olsen A Harbus T Hof-stra (eds) Germanic Texts and Latin Models Medieval Recon-structions Mediaevalia Groningana 2 Germania Latina 4 (Leu-ven 2001) 29-51

2008 J M Ziolkowski Of Arms and the (Ger)man Literary andMaterial Culture in the Waltharius In J R Davis M McCor-mick (eds) The Long Morning of Medieval Europe New Direc-tions in Early Medieval Studies (Aldershot Burlington 2008)193-208

Zoll-Adamikova 1997 H Zoll-Adamikova Graumlberfelder des 89-1011 Jhs mit skandinavischen Komponenten im slawischenOstseeraum Spraw Arch 49 1997 9-19

217Die Archaumlologie der fruumlhen Ungarn

Abstract Zusammenfassung Rezuumlmeacute

Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo A preliminary report on new investigations of the so-called Viking-Age swords in the Carpathian Basin from a chronological point of view

Within the chronological system of the 10th-century Carpathian Basin the Hungarian research attributes an importantrole to the straight double-edged raquoViking swordslaquo According to Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay and L Kovaacutecs these swordsappeared in the archaeological material of the Magyars in the second half or last quarter of the century The chrono-logical position of the swords is based on the hypothesis of a military reform a raquoweapon changelaquo and the organisa-tion of a new army by dux Geacuteza and rex Saint Stephen I since they recognised that the nomadic Magyar tactics andweaponry are inferior to the contemporary West European armoured heavy cavalry In this paper a historical andarchaeological critique of the hypothesis is attempted discussing topics like the possibility of an early medievalEuropean military reform the unconditional linking of certain weapon types to certain tactics the archaeological iden-tification of military matters like tactics and retinue the comparison of the efficiency of sabre and sword and finallythe assumed certain West European origin of these swords

Datierung vonmit Waffengraumlbern und der Waffenwechsel Ein Vorbericht uumlber neue Forschungen zu chronologischen Aspekten der sog wikingerzeitlichen Schwerter im KarpatenbeckenZweischneidige raquoWikinger-Schwerterlaquo des 10 Jahrhunderts im Karpatenbecken spielen eine groszlige Rolle in derChrono logie des archaumlologischen Fundmaterials der Magyaren Nach Meinung von Gy Laacuteszloacute K Bakay und L Kovaacutecstauchen solche Schwerter aufgrund des angenommenen Waffenwechsels vom Saumlbel zum Schwert in der zweitenHaumllfte oder im letzten Viertel des 10 Jahrhunderts auf Daruumlber hinaus formulierten sie die Hypothese einer neu orga-

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 32: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

nisierten Armee schwer gepanzerter Reiter im Dienst von Fuumlrst Geacuteza und Koumlnig Stephan In ihren Augen waren die tra-ditionelle magyarische Taktik und Bewaffnung gegenuumlber den ottonischen Gegnern minderwertig Dieser Artikeldurch leuchtet diese Hypothese kritisch sowohl von historischer als auch von archaumlologischer Seite Diskutiert werdenin diesem Zusammenhang folgende Themen die Moumlglichkeit einer fruumlhmittelalterlichen militaumlrischen Reform die un -be dingte Verbindung von militaumlrischen Taktiken mit bestimmten Waffentypen die archaumlologischen Identifikations -moumlglichkeiten von Taktik und Gefolgschaft der Vergleich der Effizienz von Saumlbel und Schwert und schlieszliglich die vor-ausgesetzte sichere westeuropaumlische Herkunft der Schwerter

A honfoglalaacutes kori fegyveres siacuterok dataacutelaacutesa eacutes az uacuten fegyvervaacuteltaacutes Előzetes jelenteacutes a 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medencei keacuteteacutelű kardok kutataacutesaacuteroacutelA 10 szaacutezadi Kaacuterpaacutet-medence reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagaacutenak kronoloacutegiai rendszereacuteben az egyenes keacuteteacutelű uacuten viking kar-doknak a magyar kutataacutes jelentős szerepet tulajdoniacutet Laacuteszloacute Gy Bakay K eacutes Kovaacutecs L elkeacutepzeleacutesei szerint e kardok aszaacutezad maacutesodik feleacuteben utolsoacute harmadaacuteban jelennek csak meg a honfoglaloacute magyarsaacuteg hagyateacutekaacuteban feltűneacutesuumlketpedig Geacuteza illetve Szent Istvaacuten hadsereg szervezeacuteseacutehez kapcsoltaacutek Veacutelemeacutenyuumlk szerint e kardok a neheacutezlovas harc-modor elterjedeacuteseacutet eacutes magyarorszaacutegi meghonosiacutetaacutesaacutet jelzik mivel a kalandozaacutesok lezaacuterultaacuteval kuumlloumlnoumlsen pedig a 955eacutevi Lech mezei vereseacuteg koumlvetkezteacuteben nyilvaacutenvaloacutevaacute vaacutelt hogy sem a raquonomaacutedlaquo magyar koumlnnyűlovas taktika sem pedigaz ahhoz tartozoacute fegyverzet nem eleacuteggeacute hateacutekony az egykoruacute nyugat-euroacutepai paacutenceacutelos neheacutezlovassaacuteggal szemben Aneheacutezlovas harcmodor eacutes fegyverzet aacutetveacutetele tehaacutet toumlrteacuteneti szuumlkseacutegszerűseacuteg amely a reacutegeacuteszeti leletanyagban előfor-duloacute keacuteteacutelű kardok keltezeacuteseacutet is alapvetően befolyaacutesolta Jelen tanulmaacutenyban a szerző arra tesz kiacuteseacuterletet hogy a szoacute-ban forgoacute toumlrteacuteneti eacutes reacutegeacuteszeti hipoteacutezis moacutedszertani hiaacutenyossaacutegaira raacutemutasson eacutes egyuacutettal a felteacutetelezett hadseregreform eacutes fegyvervaacuteltaacutes toumlrteacuteneti lehetőseacutegeacuteről bizonyos fegyverek kizaacuteroacutelagos taktikai szerepeacuteről katonai fogalmakreacutegeacuteszeti lenyomataacuteroacutel a keacuteteacutelű kard eacutes a szablya fizikai oumlsszehasonliacutetaacutesaacuteroacutel eacutes e kardok eredetkeacuterdeacuteseacuteről eacutertekezzen

218 Aacute Biacuteroacute middot Dating (with) weapon burials and the raquoWaffenwechsellaquo

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 33: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

Monographien des RGZMBand 64 (2 Auflage 2006)

315 S mit 197 Abb 12 FarbtafISBN 3-88467-094-8

48ndash euro

Falko Daim middot Ernst Lauermann (Hrsg)

Das fruumlhungarische Reitergrab von Gnadendorf (Niederoumlsterreich)Das Reitergrab von Gnadendorf ist aus verschiedenen Gruumlnden auszliger -gewoumlhnlich Zu naumlchst wurde es auszligerhalb des damaligen ungarischen Sied -lungsgebietes angelegt weiters handelt es sich bei dem Bestatteten umeinen 14-jaumlhrigen kampf erfahrenen Jungen und drittens verfuumlgt das Grabuumlber eine vorzuumlgliche Ausstattung Das Grab wirft einige grund legende Fra-gen auf denn saumlmtliche Fundge genstaumlnde scheinen lange in Ge brauch ge -wesen zu sein Auszligerdem haben zwei 14C-Datierungen einen Bestattungs-zeitpunkt erst um das Jahr 1000 ergeben Treffen die natur wissenschaft -lichen Datie rungen zu stellt sich die Frage warum man den Knaben weitweg von den ungarischen Siedlungen mit wertvollen aber teils sehr altenSachen bestattet hat Bedenkt man dass der ungarische Staumlmme bund umdie Jahrtausendwende die Umstruktu rie rung zu einem raquomodernenlaquo mittel-alterlichen Staat auf christlichen Grund lagen erlebte koumlnnte es sein dassdie Bestattung von Gnadendorf als Demonstration gegen diese Veraumlnde-rung gedacht warDas vorliegende Buch enthaumllt neben einer detaillierten Fundvorlage zahl -reiche Studien die raquoden Fall Gnadendorflaquo aus unterschiedlichen Perspek -tiven beleuchten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Mosaiksteine Forschungen am RGZMBand 2 (2 verbesserte Auflage 2007)

68 S mit 49 Farb- u 29 sw-AbbISBN 3-88467-101-4

1650 euro

Falko Daim (Hrsg)

Heldengrab im NiemandslandEin fruumlhungarischer Reiter aus Niederoumlsterreich

raquoHeldengrab im Niemandslandlaquo erscheint anlaumlsslich der gleichnamigen Ka -binettausstellung des RGZM im Kurfuumlrstlichen Schloszlig Mainz (14 Septem-ber bis 19 November 2006) Das aufwaumlndig ausgestattete Werk fasst inmehreren Bei traumlgen die Forschungsergebnisse zum Grab von Gnadendorfsowie zum historisch-archaumlologischen Umfeld zusammen Ein umfassenderArtikel von Mecht hild Schulze-Doumlrrlamm thematisiert daruumlber hinausge-hend die archaumlologischen Belege fuumlr die fruumlhungarischen Raubzuumlge in derersten Haumllfte des 10 Jahrhunderts Die lange Zeit fast unbesiegbaren Reiterge langten bis nach Oberitalien an die Atlantikkuumlste und die heutige daumlni-sche Grenze bis sie 955 vom Heeresaufgebot Koumlnig Ottos I bei Augsburgvernichtend geschlagen werden konnten

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 34: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Hajanalka Herold

Zillingtal (Burgenland)Die Awarenzeitliche Siedlung und die Keramikfundedes Graumlberfeldes

Die Bearbeitung der fruumlhmittelalterlichen Siedlung (7-8 Jahrhundert nChr)sowie der Keramikfunde des zugehoumlrigen Graumlberfeldes konzentriert sich aufdrei Schwerpunkte awarenzeitliche Siedlungsbefunde und Siedlungsstruk-turen im Karpatenbecken Keramikproduktion und Keramik gebrauch in derAwarenzeit sowie awarenzeitliche Traditionen in Zillingtal bei der Beigabevon Keramikgefaumlszligen ins GrabBei den Siedlungsbefunden interessiert vor allem die fruumlhmittelalterlicheWie derverwendung der roumlmischen Ruinen Die Auswertung des Fund mate -rials konzentriert sich auf die Keramikfunde mit denen zusammen auch dieKeramikgefaumlszlige des awarenzeitlichen Graumlberfeldes untersucht werden Dazudienen archaumlologische und archaumlometrische Analysen sowie Methoden derexperimentellen Archaumlologie Die gewonnene Chronologie der Grabgefaumlszligeund die anthropologischen Daten der Bestatteten bilden die Basis fuumlr dieAnalyse der awarenzeitlichen Traditionen bei der Beigabe von Keramikgefauml-szligen in die Graumlber

Monographien des RGZM Band 801-22 Baumlnde zus 438 S 120 Abb

240 Farbtaf 4 BeilISBN 978-3-88467-133-7

272ndash euro

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

RGZM ndash Tagungen Band 131 Auflage 2012 262 Smit 127 z T farb Abb

ISBN 978-3-88467-191-737ndash euro

Lutz Grunwald middot Heidi Pantermehl middot Rainer Schreg (Hrsg)

Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am RheinEine Quelle fuumlr Produktion und Alltag des 9 bis 12 Jahrhunderts

Durch die Tagung raquoHochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rheinlaquo gelang es fuumlrdas 9 bis 12 Jahrhundert eine Bilanz des derzeitigen Forschungsstands zudiesem raquoLeitfossillaquo der archaumlologischen Wissenschaft zu ziehen Der vor -liegende Band bietet mit seinen 21 Beitraumlgen nicht nur einen wichtigenUumlberblick uumlber den aktuellen Forschungsstand zur entlang des Rheins anzu-treffenden hochmittelalterlichen Keramik Ausgehend von den unterschied -lichsten in der Schweiz Frankreich Deutschland und den Nieder landenangesiedelten Forschungsvorhaben erweitert er daruumlber hinaus den Blickvon einzelnen Fundstellen und Toumlpferregionen auf uumlberregionale Betrach-tungen und Zusammenhaumlnge hinsichtlich der Warenarten ihrer Produktionund des Handels mit keramischen Guumltern Einige Beitraumlge liefern fuumlr be -stimmte Regionen am Rhein zudem erstmals eine Beschreibung der dort indieser Zeit vorhandenen Tonwaren In der Zusammenschau der Einzeldar-stellungen ergeben sich neue Einblicke sowohl in die regionale Wirtschafts-geschichte als auch in die groszligraumlumigen Entwicklungstendenzen die in die-ser Epoche das Leben und den Alltag der Menschen entlang des Rheinspraumlgten

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie

Page 35: Biró 2012 (Dating (with) weapon burials and the »Waffenwechsel«)

AUS DEM VERLAGSPROGRAMM

Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums MainzErnst-Ludwig-Platz 2 middot 55116 Mainz middot Tel 0 6131 91 24-0 middot Fax 0 6131 91 24-199E-Mail verlagrgzmde middot Internet wwwrgzmde middot wwwshoprgzmde

Monographien des RGZM Band 92268 S mit 270 meist farbigen AbbISBN 978-3-88467-172-6 (RGZM)

76ndash euro

Monographien des RGZM Band 98288 S mit 89 Abb 32 Taf

ISBN 978-3-88467-188-7 (RGZM)72ndash euro

Ljudmila Pekarska

Jewellery of Princely KievThe Kiev Hoards in the British Museum and TheMetropolitan Museum of Art and Related Material

In the capital of Kievan Rusrsquo princely Kiev almost 70 medieval hoards havebeen discovered to date The hoards contained gold and silver jewellery ofthe ruling dynasty nobility and the Christian Church They were unique toKiev and their quantity and magnificence of style cannot be matched by any-thing found either in any other former city of Rusrsquo or in Byzantium Most ofthe objects never had been published outside the former Soviet UnionDuring the 17th-20th centuries many medieval hoards were gradually un -earthed some disappeared soon after they were found This book providesa complete picture of the three largest medieval hoards discovered in Kievin 1906 1842 and 1824 and traces the history and whereabouts of otherlost treasures Other treasures took pride of place in some of the worldrsquostop museumsThis publication highlights the splendid heritage of medieval Kievan jew-ellery It illustrates not only the high level of art and jewellery craftsmanshipin the capital but also the extraordinary religious political cultural andsocial development of Kievan Rusrsquo the largest and most powerful EastSlavic state in medieval Europe

Aleksandr I Ajbabin

Archaumlologie und Geschichte der Krimim FruumlhmittelalterObwohl die Archaumlologie und Geschichte der byzantinischen Krim ein gutuntersuchtes Thema ist wurden die Forschungsergebnisse jenseits des rus-sischen Sprachraums nur schwach rezipiert Die hier vorgelegte Monographie des international renommierten Archaumlo-logen Aleksandr I Ajbabin die aus einem gemeinsamen Projekt des RGZMund der Ukrainischen Akademie der Wissenschaften hervorgegangen istsoll dabei helfen diesen wesentlich vom Spannungsverhaumlltnis von Steppen -voumllkern und Byzantinischem Reich gepraumlgten Raum neu und verstaumlrktwahr zu nehmen Die gruumlndlich uumlberarbeitete und erweiterte Uumlbersetzung des erstmals 1999in russischer Sprache erschienenen Werkes praumlsentiert dem deutschenPublikum eine umfassende Uumlbersicht uumlber das teilweise schwer zugaumlnglichpublizierte Fundmaterial und seine Chronologie