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tudes mongoles et sibriennes, centrasiatiques et tibtaines42 (2011) Variations tibtaines, Et autres...................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................

Rob Linrothe

Skirting the Bodhisattva: Fabricating Visionary Art................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................

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Rfrence lectronique Rob Linrothe, Skirting the Bodhisattva: Fabricating Visionary Art, tudes mongoles et sibriennes, centrasiatiques et tibtaines [En ligne], 42|2011, mis en ligne le 20 dcembre 2011, consult le 19 novembre 2012. URL: /index1803.html; DOI: 10.4000/emscat.1803 diteur : CEMS / EPHE http://emscat.revues.org http://www.revues.org Document accessible en ligne sur : /index1803.html Document gnr automatiquement le 19 novembre 2012. La pagination ne correspond pas la pagination de l'dition papier. Tous droits rservs

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Rob Linrothe

Skirting the Bodhisattva: Fabricating Visionary ArtGo into this great tower containing the adornments of Vairocana and lookthen you will know how to learn the practice of enlightening beings Then Sudhana respectfully circumambulated the enlightening being Maitreya and said, Please open the door of the tower, and I will enter. Then Maitreya went up to the door of the tower containing the adornments of Vairocana, and with his right hand snapped his fingers; the door of the tower opened, and Maitreya bade Sudhana to enter. Then Sudhana, in greatest wonder, went into the tower. As soon as he had entered, the door shut. (Cleary 1989, p.365) The thresholds of the eastern and western towers of the Buddhist complex at the agricultural village of Mangyu bear an uncanny resemblance to the one described in the quoted text. This essay explores the possibility that the resemblance was intentional on the part of the 12thcentury builders in Ladakh, on the far western reaches of cultural Tibet. It also examines the inevitable divergences in the effects of a Buddhist stra (composed in Sanskrit but translated into Tibetan) and the architectural structure. The stra, with its frequent references to the simultaneity of past, present, and future, succeeds in unhinging customary linear temporal experience as preparation for greater insights. The eastern tower as built is approximately 2 x 2.2 x 4.96 meters, dominated by a single, 4.5-meter high sculpture of a bodhisattva, with intricate narrative scenes painted on the bodhisattvas dhot (skirt) and a dense program of icons on the other three walls.1 Physical entry into the space suddenly delivers an intensified experience of spatial self-consciousness. With its disruptions and deconstructions of normative scale and proportion, the phenomenological experience of the pilgrim is, like Sudhanas, creatively disorienting. Inspired by the narrative and affective power of the Gaavyha Stra (hereafter: GS), the towers designers and artists may have attempted to convey to the ordinary pilgrim a finely tuned correlation in sensory form of the paradigmatic pilgrims attainment of enlightenment beyond ordinary consciousness. This alone perhaps has the power to explain both the eastern towers highly unusual configuration of building, sculpture, and painting (distinctive to ca. 12th-century sites in Ladakh), and the specific iconographic program of the bodhisattvas dhot. Until now, this building type has not been accounted for, nor has the narrative on the dhot been fully identified. The village of Mangyu where the complex of shrines was built is located near the more famous site of Alchi in the ancient kingdom of Ladakh. At Mangyu, there are two adjacent main shrines with sculptures and maala paintings, and at either end, two towers of slightly different sizes housing bodhisattvas. (See figs 1-6). Nearby, are two entrance chrtens (stpas). These are all found on the northern edge of a small village on top of a ridge overlooking a tributary to the south bank of the Indus River.2 The artwork can be classed among what has been termed the Alchi group of monuments. This group of paintings and sculptures has been dated to the 12th and early 13th centuries, and are closely related to artists working in a Kashmiri style. The artists may even have themselves been Kashmiri, though the donors and patrons, depicted at each site, were undoubtedly local Ladakhi-Tibetans.3

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Fig. 1. Front faade of the main Mangyu complex; eastern tower on the right, with entrance from the porch

Courtesy of Gerald Kozicz

Fig. 1a. Cross-section of the main Mangyu complex; eastern tower on the right, with height of entrance indicated with broken lines

Courtesy of Gerald Kozicz

Fig. 2. Plan of the main Mangyu complex; eastern tower on the right

Courtesy of Gerald Kozicz

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Fig. 3. Axonometric drawing of the main Mangyu complex, with western (left) and eastern (right) towers

Courtesy of Gerald Kozicz

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Fig. 4. Mangyu eastern tower from in front of the entrance to the main complex

Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 5. Axonometric drawing of the eastern tower with the four-armed Maitreya sculpture

Courtesy of Gerald Kozicz

Fig. 6. Doorway to the Mangyu eastern tower

Photo: Rob Linrothe

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The eastern tower of the Mangyu complex, on the right while facing the entrance to the two side-by-side shrines, is dominated by a sculptural four-armed bodhisattva (fig. 7). Painted on the wall flanking the bodhisattva are the Thousand Buddhas of the Bhadrakalpa (present virtuous age) surrounding panels enclosing images of the four-armed Majur on the main sculptures proper right (figs. 8-9) and a four-armed Avalokitevara on the left (figs. 10-11). On the wall opposite the sculpture is a third painted panel depicting Kamri-style stpas (fig. 12), badly marred by water drips from the open window. The standing figure, like the Alchi Sumtsek four-armed two-story Maitreya sculpture, wears a five-Buddha crown (fig. 13) and has been identified as Maitreya.4 The presence nearby him of the painted stpas, an attribute often associated with Maitreya, helps support this identification, as do the representational scenes on the dhot and the close overall resemblance to the monumental Maitreya sculpture at the Alchi Sumtsek whose identity is not in doubt.5

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Fig. 7. The four-armed Maitreya sculpture in eastern tower

Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Figs. 8-9. Four-armed Majur painted on wall next to Maitreya

He bears the sword in an upper right hand, an arrow in the second right hand, a bow in the upper left hand, and the stem of a blue utpala-lotus in the lower left hand Photos: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 10-11. Four-armed Avalokitevara painted on wall next to Maitreya

He is in the standard cross-legged pose and makes the ajali mudr at center, holds a rosary in the second right hand, and the stem of a pink lotus blooming at his shoulder in the second left hand Photos: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 12. Kamri-style stpa, one of three painted on wall opposite Maitreya sculpture

Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 13. Detail of head of Maitreya sculpture

Photo: Peter van Ham4

The focus of discussion here is the dhot and the themes represented on it (figs. 14-15). The sky-blue ground, mottled and pale except at the edges and crevices, wraps around the front of both legs, with garment folds indicated by ropelike three-dimensional additions. The effect is a very complex series of intersecting planes, especially in the central area between the legs. The upper edges of the painted garment at the hips, just below the right knee, between the legs, and along the left shin, are demarcated with narrow hemlike borders.6 These are painted with the same vocabulary of hybrid animals and scrolling devices found in the textile

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vocabulary at Alchi and Sumda. Within the borders of the hems, and against the blue ground is a repetitive framing device, which Christiane Papa-Kalantari, following James Trilling, calls the medallion style.7 The basic structure of the pattern is a rounded diamond or rhomboid shape, formed by four winged griffinlike bodies alternating in pink and white colors (fig. 16). At the top of each diamond, where the two griffins (or vyla) meet, they share a single head en face, on which are perched the rear legs of the pair forming the enclosure above. The lower griffins share heads with the griffins of the adjacent enclosure, the horizontal interlocking device. Inside each frame, at the bottom, a fleur-de-lislike shape extends into the enclosed space, partially formed from joining the scrolling tails of the griffins. The pairs of griffins face opposite directions, the two upper ones turning inward and the two lower ones outward. Their pairs of legs are correspondingly manipulated, with the front legs of the two upper griffins turning outward and the back legs facing in, and the opposite for the lower pair. This impulsive, playful joining and adorning seems to be characteristic of Indian artists to create pleasure through visual punning, one of the forms taken by the aesthetic category of alakra (to complete or perfect through ornamentation). It is visible at the Ajanta caves of the 5th century and all the way back to Indus Valley seals of the second millennium BCE. It is also found in the decoration of the Dunkar caves in Ngari from around the same time (fig. 17), also in the Kamri-Tibetan style.

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Fig. 14. Painted dhot of the Maitreya sculpture

Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 15. Drawing of the plan of the painted dhot

Courtesy Gerald Kozicz

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Fig. 16. Drawing of an isolated lozenge-pattern of the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Courtesy of Gerald Kozicz

Fig. 17. Mural in Dunkar caves of Ngari (Western Tibet), ca. late 11 -12 century, depicting two elephant bodies sharing a head

th

th

Photo: Rob Linrothe5

The representational scenes are all contained within this ornamental framing device that emulates the repeat of a textile pattern. Christian Luczanits, who has studied the motifs, concludes that, [a]lthough the scenes are unidentified, it is clear that their main subject is the pious activity of religious adepts: teaching scenes and representations of monks and priests abound.8 It is now possible to identify several of these scenes more precisely. Along the central area between the bodhisattvas thighs there are several contiguous scenes that depict episodes in the narrative known as the Starving Tigress (Vyghr) or the Mahsattva jtaka.9 The most easily identifiable is at the top right of the sequence (three lozenges down from the dark red garland below the waist in fig. 14) where a striped tigerlike animal stands on a human figure as if devouring him (fig. 18). In the lozenge below and to the viewers left, however, is an earlier episode in the narrative depicting a standing white-robed man with long hair draping one shoulder and a cloth tied around his forehead (figs. 19 upper, 20). He looks to his left, at a striped tigress who, in accord with the Starving Tigress narrative, growls at her tiny striped and

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spotted newly whelped cubs lying within an adjacent lozenge (visible in fig. 19, center right). In rya ras Jtakaml, a text that begins with the Starving Tigress jtaka (apparently because it was the favorite of the compilers teacher), the son of a righteous Brahmin family decided to offer himself to the tigress in order to prevent her from committing the karmically devastating act of eating her own cubs.10Fig. 18. Vyghr jtaka

Scene of the tigress devouring the bodhisattva on the Maitreya sculpture dhot Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 19. Several scenes from the Vyghr jtaka including bodhisattva standing in front of tigress looking at her cubs (above), and cubs (upper right) on the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 20. Vyghr jtaka

Bodhisattva standing in front of tigress looking at her cubs on the Maitreya sculpture dhot Photo: Rob Linrothe6

The next episode is directly below the standing figure (fig. 20). It depicts the long-haired bodhisattva grasping his now-released hair in a fist at his forehead, while he draws a black stick against his throat (figs. 19 lower center, 21).11 This is, apparently, a scene of auto-decapitation, or self-sacrifice, a prominent but under-studied category in Indian religion, literature, and art that was known to the Kamri artists. One such scene is on a contemporary 12th-century viragal, or hero stone pillar, next to the Hoysaevara temple in Karnataka (fig. 22). Like the Mangyu figure, he holds onto his long hair with one hand while putting his sword against his neck. The subject has been identified as a member of the honor-guard of the ruler Ballala II, who decapitates himself after the death of the ruler.12 The inclusion of such a scene in the contexts of the Vyghr jtaka might seem surprising, since in some well-known depictions of the Vyaghr jtaka,13 the bodhisattva sacrifices himself by throwing himself off a precipice. In fact that scene also occurs at Mangyu, above and to the left of the tigress trampling and eating the bodhisattva (fig. 23 center, 24).14 The self-sacrificing bodhisattva is shown upside down, his long hair hanging down, falling from two peaks.

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Fig. 21. Vyghr jtaka

The bodhisattva cutting his throat on the Maitreya sculpture dhot Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 22. Carving on viragal, or hero stone pillar, next to the Hoyalevara temple in th Karnataka, 12 century

Photo: Rob Linrothe

Fig. 23. Vyghr jtaka

On the left, the bodhisattva casting himself off a cliff; on the right, the tigress devouring him; on the Maitreya sculpture dhot Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 24. Detail of Fig. 23, the bodhisattva throws himself from the mountain

On the Maitreya sculpture dhot Photo: Rob Linrothe7

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But what of the attempt at auto-decapitation? There is no reference to such an action in rya ras version of the tale. However, it is part of the jtaka related in the penultimate chapter of the Stra of Golden Light (Suvarabhsottama Stra; hereafter, SS).15 Prince Mahsattva strolls with his brothers (in the rya ra version, a single disciple attends the bodhisattva) into the great Dvdaavanagulma forest. They encounter the weakened tigress that had given birth to five cubs seven days earlier. The prince sends his brothers away and lies down before her, but the tigress is too exhausted to eat him. He rose up and looked for a knife. The mercifulminded one nowhere found a knife. Taking hold of a very strong bamboo-stick, a hundred years old, and with it cutting open his throat, he fell down before the tigress. The tigress, seeing the Bodhisattva, whose body was smeared with blood, in a mere flash left only the bones.16 Scenes from the story so far have included, in their narrative order, the bodhisattvas encounter with the tigress who threatens her cubs (fig. 20), the bodhisattvas attempt to auto-decapitate (fig. 21), the flinging of his body from the cliff (fig. 24), and its devouring (fig. 18). In both textual versions of the story, the remains of the body are carried off for reverencing by the princes disciples, brothers, or the gods.17 This scene too is found at Mangyu, in the lozenge to the lower left of the scene of the self-decapitation (fig. 19). A figure in the conventional posture suggesting flight (knees bent behind and to the side) bears away the severed head with its hair streaming down (fig. 25). The contiguous set of five scenes thus encapsulates the entire Starving Tigress jtaka, indeed, giving two variants of it. It is possible that other adjacent scenes, for example, of single figures watching in wonder, are also connected to the Vyghr jtaka, portraying the bodhisattvas companion(s) who are sent off in search of food for the tigress and return to find the traces of his self-sacrifice. (Because the scenes are arranged vertically on two rounded planes where the left and right thighs of the bodhisattva meet at a

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sharp angle, it is nearly impossible to depict all the scenes in a single in-focus photograph. Fig. 26 shows three of the scenes together and fig. 23 depicts the other two together.)Fig. 25. Vyghr jtaka

Carrying away of the severed head of the bodhisattva as a relic; on the Maitreya sculpture dhot Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 26. View of the dhoti on the inner proper right thigh of Maitreya, showing three of the identified scenes from the Vyghr jtaka: the bodhisattvas encounter with the tigress who threatens her cubs, the bodhisattvas attempt to auto-decapitate, and the bearing away of the severed head with its hair streaming down

On the Maitreya sculpture dhot Photo: Rob Linrothe9

Other lozenges, not adjacent to the core Vyghr scenes, might be connected to the story. For example, there is a sequence on the lower part of the proper left side of the dhot in which an infant on the lap of a woman, is presented to a priest figure (fig. 27), and in another, a slightly older child stands respectfully between a pait and possibly his father to receive teachings (fig. 28). These closely mirror both rya ras textual version of the birth of the bodhisattva

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into a Brahmin family, his purification through sacraments, and his subsequent education, as well as to the sculptural version of the jtaka as found in Borobudur, where two of the four panels devoted to it depict the childs purification while in his mothers lap and his youthful education by Brahmins.18Fig. 27. Woman with an infant on her lap before a monk or priest on the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Photo: Peter van Ham

Fig. 28. Father (?) presenting his young son to a monk in a paits hat on the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Photo: Peter van Ham

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The same jtaka appears painted on the main wall in the principal shrine at Sumda Chung, on the dhot of Mahvairocana, the central sculpture of an implicit or unpacked thirty-seven-deity sculptural Vajradhtu maala (fig. 29).19 The upper roundel between the legs of the seated Mahvairocana depicts a tiger standing on, and presumably consuming, a prostrate human figure, while in the roundel below, the tigress is shown with the smaller cubs which attentively face her (fig. 30). Just as the episodes of the Buddhas life on the dhot of Maitreya in the Alchi Sumtsek point to the important fact of Maitreyas reenactment of the stages of kyamunis becoming Buddha,20 so too at Sumda Chung, the appearance of kyamunis prior incarnation as the compassionate Mahsattva elucidates the ultimate identity of Mahvairocana and kyamuni. Their two moments of apotheosis, whereby Siddhartha becomes Buddha, and Buddha becomes Mahvairocana, are referenced here: the enlightenment at Vajrsana, and the diadem initiation in Akaniha heaven, respectively.21 The diadem initiation is explicitly depicted at Sumda Chung, with devas lowering a crown on Mahavairocanas four-fold heads (visible in fig. 29), while the enlightenment moment is implied by the very presence of the jtakas, which, as the Nidnakath indicates, warrants the enlightenment.22 At Alchi, Sumda, and Mangyu, then, motifs on the dhots play roles that are iconographic and theological.

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Fig. 29. Mahvairocana, central sculpture of a thirty-seven-deity sculptural Vajradhtu th maala on the main wall in the principal shrine at Sumda Chung, ca. 12 century

Photo: Rob Linrothe (after cleaning, 2009)

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Fig. 30. Detail of fig. 29

Two scenes of the Vyghr jtaka Photo: Rob Linrothe (after cleaning, 2009)11

Returning to Mangyu, none of the other scenes on the dhot can be clustered under so unambiguous an interpretation as the Starving Tigress narrative. However, another group resembles the pilgrimage of Sudhana as related in the GS, in which he visits a series of fiftythree teachers, including all three of the bodhisattvas depicted on the walls of Mangyu tower: Majur, Maitreya, and Avalokitevara. This extensive scripture is well known from paintings at the main Dukhang of Tabo Monastery in a relatively nave, local Indo-Tibetan style,23 in the Lhasa Jokhang in a Newar mode,24 in eastern India,25 and from 9th-century sculpture in Central Java at Borobudur.26 The story would certainly have been known in Kamr as well. In fact, some of the same Kamri translators who worked on the SS also translated the GS.27 The teachers Sudhana visits are a heterogeneous group, including monks, nuns, laymen and women, night goddesses, and bodhisattvas. At least four scenes on the Mangyu dhot depict a youth with a ponytail (often a marker of youthfulness), alone (fig. 31) or in attendance on a layman (fig. 32), a female figure (fig. 33), and a monk (fig. 34). Each of these could be understood as a scene from Sudhanas travels to or visits with one of his teachers. Other candidates for this interpretation are damaged so that the ponytail cannot be identified (ex. fig. 35). In some cases the ponytail is absent, but the scene includes a younger, smaller figure in attendance upon a larger teacher, lay or monastic (fig. 36, upper and lower). Most of these are clustered in the same area as the vignettes in which the ponytail is clear. There are also depictions of monks and a young man offering worship, seated or standing beside Kamristyle stpas with multi-stepped platforms, small aas, tall spires, and hanging banners (figs. 37-38).28 One scene shows two figures offering reverence to a standing Buddha figure with a halo (fig. 39). These too recall episodes in the GS and relate to carved reliefs at Borobudur and, especially, eastern Indian manuscript illustrations of the GS.29 Interestingly, the Borobudur sculptures of the GS include a scene in which Sudhana rides a palanquin right after the visit to Jayottama, the twenty-fifth master. A comparable scene is found on the dhot at Mangyu (fig. 40).30 However, no mention of a litter occurs in that or the subsequent section of the text.

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Fig. 31. Youthful figure (Sudhana ?) with a ponytail on the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Photo: Rob Linrothe

Fig. 32. Youthful figure (Sudhana ?) with a ponytail attending a layman on the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 33. Youthful figure (Sudhana?) with a ponytail attending a laywoman on the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 34. Youthful figure (Sudhana?) attending a monk on the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 35. Youthful figure (Sudhana?) attending a monk on the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 36. Youthful figures (Sudhana?) attending on a lay religious figure (above) and a monk (below) on the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 37. Seated youthful figure (Sudhana?) with a monk offering worship to a Kamri-style stpa on the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 38. Standing figure (Sudhana?) with a monk offering worship to a Kamri-style stpa on the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 39. Two figures offering reverence to a standing Buddha (sculpture?) on the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 40. Youthful figure (Sudhana?) being carried on a palanquin on the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Photo: Rob Linrothe12

Several lozenges of the Mangyu dhot feature six-armed female goddesses, sometimes with a smaller worshiper. One is in good condition, revealing details of a short-sleeved tight jacket of red cloth and an elaborately upswept bun at the back of her head, partially covered with a long white veil (figs. 41-42).31 These figures resemble Prajprmit, but without the visible presence of her attribute, a book, they cannot be firmly identified as such. They might be understood, however, as the night-goddesses Sudhana visits in the GS. Although known depictions of the night-goddesses have only two arms, their descriptions in the text are vague other than noting their beauty.32 A quality that is textually associated with both Prajprmit and the night-goddesses is wisdom, a shared characteristic which might have led to a conflation of goddess imagery, just as Tr and Prajprmit are intertwined in Western Tibet.33

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Fig. 41. Six-armed Prajprmit or night goddess on the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 42. Youthful figure (Sudhana ?) offering reverence to a six-armed Prajprmit or night goddess on the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Photo: Rob Linrothe13

These are among the more plausible resemblances between the scenes on the Mangyu dhot in question and the GS narratives; there is no need to present more speculative interpretations. However, one episode in the text may help us understand the structure as a whole. This is one of the longest, climactic chapters of the text, when Sudhana encounters Maitreya. Interestingly, at Tabo, the Maitreya chapter is the largest panel in the frieze,34 while at Borobudur, according to Jan Fontein, in statistical terms, [the section of the text on Sudhanas visits to Maitreya and Samantabhadra] accounts for fifteen percent of the length of text, but for seventy-two percent of the wall length available for its illustrations on the third and fourth gallery of the monument.35 In this long chapter of the text,36 Sudhana approaches Maitreya, who leads him to the tower of the adornments of Vairocana (Vairocanavyhalakragarbha kgra) and encourages him to enter.37 Once he steps inside and the door closes behind him, he has mystic visions that center on Maitreya. He sees where Maitreya first aspired to supreme perfect enlightenment, what his family was how long he lived, what age he lived in. He sees where Maitreya carried out practice, as a king advocating virtue, as a god, among monks, contemplating and expounding the teachings to various beings. Sudhana sees Maitreya following the stages of the lifestory of kyamunitaking seven steps, living in the palace,

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becoming enlightened, being asked by Brahma to set the wheel of dharma in motion, and the like. Sudhana hears a voice narrating Maitreyas so many hundreds of difficult sacrifices in the practice of transcendent giving. [T]he enlightening being so-and-so, in search of truth, relinquishes kingship, wealth, family, hands and feet, eyes and head and practices selfmortification by fire as a spiritual preacher, giving the gift of religion, [who] performs the service of religion, raises the banner of religion adorns monuments of the enlightened, has images of buddhas made, comforts beings.38 Sudhana sees Maitreya as a wonder horse, rescuing people on the isle of demons in the ocean in another, as a physician, engaged in treating the sick listening to spiritual benefactors in the form of a Buddhist disciple decorating monuments of buddhas, having statues of buddhas made, enjoining people to honor the buddhas.39 In addition, all these visions are located on a checkerboard lapis-lazuli surface (emphasis added, here and below), in which he sees inconceivable reflections in each square; here he saw the reflection of a land, there the reflection of a Buddha. All the arrays of adornments in those towers he saw reflected in each of the squares. ... [Sudhana] also saw the walls of the palatial towers resplendent with checkerboards of all jewels, and in all the jewel square[s] he saw Maitreya carrying out all the practices of enlightening beings, as he had done while performing enlightening practice in the past: in one square he saw Maitreya giving away his head; in another, giving away clothing in another giving away his skin; in another, giving away his limbs; in another, giving away his body.40 On the one hand, these visions have counterparts on the dhot. Obviously, the Vyghr jtaka (figs. 18-21, 23-26) fits with Maitreyas recapitulation of the course of kyamunis multitude of self-sacrificing lives, of giving away (pradna) his head and body. The condensed list of what Sudhana sees reads like an inventory of the themes in the lozenges, including a white wonder horse (fig. 43), a physician healing a sick man (fig. 44), making images of the Buddha (fig. 39), adorning monuments to the Buddha and the enlightened (figs. 37-38), and preaching to people.Fig. 43. Figure riding a white (wonder?) horse on the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Photo: Rob Linrothe

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Fig. 44. Physician healing a sick man on the Maitreya sculpture dhot

Photo: Rob Linrothe16

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The Vyghr jtakas prefigurine presence at Mangyu, placed centrally between the bodhisattvas legs as if to call attention to it, is a recognizable visual synecdoche for the multitude of previous lifetimes devoted to the benefit of sentient beings. It simultaneously works as a reference to Sudhanas visionary experiences under Maitreyas tutelage. Thus, the representational patterns on the sculptures dhot reinforce the identification of the main sculpture as Maitreya. On the other hand, Sudhana is the paradigmatic pilgrim whose actions in entering Maitreyas kgra (jeweled tower) are precisely mirrored by the living pilgrim entering the eastern

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tower at Mangyu.41 Text and image share the protean ambiguity of the dazzling thaumaturgic display that hypnotizes Sudhana by its constant shifts. The textual account and the phenomenological experience are congruent in their flowing indeterminancy. The visual artists have not been slavishly literal and exhibit both inspiration and independence. These are intentional effects, not errors of understanding on the part of the artist(s) or ourselves, even at such a remove.42 The patterns and scenes on the shimmering painted textile that drapes the sculpted bodhisattva like a second skin, its vibrant lapis-lazuli ground identical in color to the walls that surround it, are activated into a visionary screen in which a constellation of fragments enact the Buddhist experience of meaning, of jna-darana in a suitably transient visual language. As David McMahan has argued for the textual rhetoric of the GS, this sensual configuration at Mangyu is not intended to convey ideas about the nature of reality but visions of it. Such affective visual expressions are operative, through form, through visual rhetoric, provoking an experience in which, like Indras jewel-net, all things interpenetrate; that is, each thing contains all things and all things contain each thing, such that the entire universe is present in each particular phenomenon.43 This interpretation sits somewhere between an emphatically visual text and the complex images interlocking architecture, sculpture, and painting which call out for recognition and framework. It suggests that the (probably Kamri) artists and their educated Ladakhi-Tibetan patrons sought to evoke the kgra featured in the GS and in other texts that describe the innermost chamber of maalas in the slender tower encasing an over-lifesize bodhisattva. They were not necessarily seeking to represent the text itself, but rather, to use recognizable references to the text to simulate and stimulate for the experiencer (I hesitate to write viewer since the constricted space and sense of the surrounding also come into play) the enlightening vision which is Sudhanas goal.44 The effect is embedded not as discrete content, or meaning, but through the mediation of form, space, and image. While the text describes the lapislazuli checkerboard as being found on the walls and floors of a cosmic jeweled tower, the artists would certainly not project sacred scenes onto the floor where they would be impiously, physically walked on. An especially inspired solution was found. The matrix of a repeating textile pattern was activated as appropriate diamond-shaped frames for dozens of narrative scenes wrapped around the huge bodhisattva at eye-level (figs. 14-16). Scenes of the pilgrim stand in for the past, and eternal ideal in the present, yielding to the present ages Buddha kyamunis past-lives, and are mapped onto the future past-lives of Maitreya. Thus the three times are entwined with the moment of viewing, no one of which is the final point, meaning, or state. The boundaries between the subject and object, the haptic and ornamental, the optical and the representational, the seeable and sayable are unmoored and float into a profound sensory structural model of Buddhist ideals, the fruit savored along the path. BibliographieAllinger, Eve 2008 An Early Nepalese Gaavyhastra mansucript: An Attempt to discover connections between text and illuminations, in Claudine Bautze-Picron (ed.), Religion and art: New issues in Indian iconography and iconology (London, British Association for South Asian Studies), pp.165-178. rya Sra (J. S. Speyer, trans.) 1895 The Jtakaml or Garland of birth-stories (London, Henry Frowde). Benjamin, Walter 2008 The Work of art in the age of its technological reproducibility (second version), in W. Benjamin, Michael W. Jennings et al. (ed.), The Work of art in the age of its technological reproducibility, and other writings on media (Cambridge, Belknap Press of Harvard University Press), pp.19-56. Brough, John 1964 The Chinese pseudo-translation of rya-uras Jtaka-Mla, Asia Major 11, no. 1, pp.28-35. Bryner, Edna 1956 Thirteen Tibetan Tankas (Indian Hills, Falcons Wing Press). Cleary, Thomas (trans.)

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1989 Entry into the realm of reality: The Gandavyuha, the final book of The Avatamsaka sutra (Boston, Shambhala). Dave-Mukherji, Parul 2001 The Citrastra of the Visudharmottara Pura (New Delhi, Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts/Motilal Banarsidass Publishers). Dharma Publishing staff (Yeshe De Project, trans.) 1986 The Fortunate aeon: How the thousand Buddhas become enlightened, vol.2 (Berkeley, Dharma Publishing). Dunhuang Academy 1982 Zhongguo shiku: Dunhuang mogaoku (Chinese cave series, Dunhuang Mogao grottoes), vol. 1 (Tokyo/Beijing, Heibonsha/Wenwu Chuban She). Ebert, Jorinde 1994 Niches, columns, and figures in some petroglyphic stpa depictions of the Karakorum highway, Artibus Asiae, 54, no. 3/4, pp.268-295. Emmerick, R. E. 1992 The Stra of Golden Light, being a translation of the Suvarabhsottamastra (Oxford, Pali Text Society). Flood, Finbarr B. 2009 Cultural cross-dressing, in Flood (ed.), Objects of translation: Material culture and medieval Hindu-Muslim encounter (Princeton, Princeton University Press), pp.61-87. Fontein, Jan 2000 Sculpture, text and tradition at Borobudur: A Reconsideration, in Marijke J. Klokke (ed.), Narrative sculpture and literary traditions in South and Southeast Asia (Leiden, Brill), pp.1-18. Goepper, Roger 1995 Dressing the temple: Textile representations in the frescoes at Alchi, in Asian Art, 2nd Hali Annual (London, Worldwide Hali Publications), pp.100-117,191. Grey, Leslie 1994 A Concordance of Buddhist birth stories (Oxford, Pali Text Society). van Ham, Peter, with contributions by Rob Linrothe, Gerald Kozicz and Amy Heller 2010 Heavenly Himalayas: The Murals of Mangyu andother discoveries in Ladakh (Munich, Prestel). Hamar, Imre 2007 The History of the Buddhvatasaka-Stra: Shorter and larger texts, in Hamar (ed.), Reflecting mirrors: Perspectives on Huayan Buddhism (Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz), pp.139-167. Heller, Amy 2004 The Lhasa gTsug lag khang: Observations on the ancient wood carvings, Tibet Journal, 29, no. 3, pp.3-24. Huntington, Susan L., and John C., Huntington 1990 Leaves from the Bodhi tree: The art of Pla India (8th-12th centuries) and its international legacy (Seattle, Dayton Art Institute). Khoroche, Peter 1989 Once the Buddha was a monkey: rya ras Jtakaml (Chicago, University of Chicago Press). Kjaer, Jane 2009 Hidden textile patterns in Sumda Choon, term paper, Skidmore College, Saratoga Springs, New York. Klimburg-Salter, Deborah E. 1997 TaboA Lamp for the kingdom: Early Indo-Tibetan Buddhist art in the western Himalayas (Milan, Skira, New York, Thames and Hudson). Krom, N. J. 1927 Barabuur: Archaeological description, 2 vols. (The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff). Kumari, Ved 1963-73 The Nlamata Pura,2 vols (Srinagar, Jammu and Kashmir Academy of Art). Lamotte, tienne [1958] 1967 Histoire du bouddhisme indien : des origines lre aka (Louvain, Institut Orientaliste). Lessing, F. D., and Alex, Wayman 1978 Introduction to the Buddhist tantric systems, translated from Mkhas grub rjes Rgyud sde spyii rnam par gag pa rgyas par brjod (Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass).

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Linrothe, Rob 1994 The Murals of Mangyu: A Distillation of mature Esoteric Buddhist iconography, Orientations, 25, no. 11, pp.92-102. Luczanits, Christian 2004 Buddhist sculpture in clay: Early western Himalayan art, late 10th to early 13th centuries (Chicago, Serindia). 1999 The Life of the Buddha in the Sumtsek, Orientations, 30, no. 1, pp.30-39. McMahan, David L. 2002 Empty vision: Metaphor and visionary imagery in Mahyna Buddhism (London, Routledge Curzon). 2004 Transpositions of metaphor and imagery in the Gaavyha and Tantric Buddhist practice, Pacific World Journal, 3rd series, no. 6, pp.181-194. Naudou, Jean (G. Brereton and Cl. Picron, trans.) [1968] 1980 Buddhists of Kamr (Delhi, Agam Kala Prakashan). Nou, Jean-Louis and Louis, Frderic 1996 Borobudur (New York, Abbeville Press). Osto, Douglas 2009 Proto-Tantric elements in the Gaavyha-stra, Journal of Religious History, 33, no. 2, pp.165-177. Papa-Kalantari, Christiane 2007 The Art of the court: Some remarks on the historical stratigraphy of eastern Iranian elements in early Buddhist painting of Alchi, Ladakh, in D. Klimburg-Salter, C. Jahoda, and K. Tropper (ed.), Proceeding of the tenth seminar of the IATS, 2003, vol.7, Text, image and song in transdisciplinary dialogue (Leiden, Brill), pp.167-228. 2002 The Ceiling paintings of the Alchi gsum brtsegs: Problems of style, in Deborah Klimburg-Salter and Eva Allinger (ed.), Buddhist art and Tibetan patronage: Ninth to fourteenth centuries (Leiden, Brill), pp.85-113. Rhys Davids, T. W. [1880] 2000 Buddhist birth stories: The Oldest collection of folk-lore extant (London, Routledge). Settar, S. 2003 Hoysala heritage, Frontline, 20, no. 8 (April 12-25), http://www.flonnet.com/fl2008/ stories/20030425000206700.htm, accessed January 2010. von Schroeder, Ulrich 2001 Buddhist sculptures in Tibet, vol.1, India & Nepal (Hong Kong, Visual Dharma). Stein, M. A. (trans.) [1900] 2007 Kalhaas Rjataragi, A Chronicle of the kings of Kashmir. vol.1, Introduction, Books I-VII (Srinagar, Gulshan Books). Steinkellner, Ernst 1995 Sudhanas miraculous journey in the temple of Ta pho: The Inscriptional text of the Tibetan Gandavyhastra (Rome, Istituto Italiano per lAfrica e lOriente). Storm, Mary Nancy 1999 The Heroic image: Self-sacrificial decapitation in the art of India, Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles. Thakur, Laxman S. 2006 Visualizing a Buddhist sutra: Text and figure in Himalayan art (New Delhi, Oxford University Press). Tropper, Kurt 2005 Die Jtaka-Inschriften im skor lam chen mo des Klosters Zha lu: Einfhrung, textkritische Studie, Edition der Paneele 1-8 mit Sanskritparallelen und deutscher bersetzung (Vienna, Arbeitskreis fr Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien Universitt Wien). Tsuda, Shinichi 1982 Vajrayoidbhageu Vijahra: Historical survey from the beginnings to the culmination of Tantric Buddhism, in L.A. Hercus et al. (ed.), Indological and Buddhist studies volume in honour of Professor J.W. de Jong on his sixtieth birthday (Canberra, Australian National University Press), pp.595-616. Wandl, Erna

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1999 Textile depictions from the 10th/11th Century in the Tabo main temple, in C. A. Scherrer-Schaub and E. Steinkellner (ed.), Tabo studies II: Manuscripts, texts, inscriptions, and the arts (Rome, Istituto Italiano per lAfrica e lOriente), pp.277-298. Wong, Dorothy 2007 The Huayan/Kegon/Hwam paintings in East Asia, in Imre Hamar (ed.), Reflecting mirrors: Perspectives on Huayan Buddhism (Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz), pp.337-384. Yukio, Yashiro 1960 Art treasures of Japan, vol.1 (Tokyo, Kokusai bunka Shinkokai).

Notes1 Measurements follow those of Gerald Kozicz (personal communication, March 22, 2010). My thanks to Melissa Kerin, Peter van Ham, Gerald Kozicz, and Martina DAlton for constructive comments on a draft of this essay. The western towers sculpture, also identifiable as Maitreya, no longer has any paintings on its dhot. 2 For an introduction to the site as a whole, see van Ham et al. 2010, which on pp.124-137 includes a much-condensed version of this essay.The paintings of a different shrine at the site were discussed in Linrothe 1994. 3 For a more detailed discussion of the date and stylistic characteristics of the Alchi group, see my Dating the Mangyu Style, in van Ham et al. 2010, pp.159-161, 171. 4 Luczanits 2004, pp.164-167. 5 In my experience at the site, contemporary viewers, especially Westerners, frequently interpret the sculpture as depicting a female figure, since the present view of the chest from below provides the figure with what appear to be swelling breasts. Moreover, this impression has been enhanced by the relatively coarse, and much later, modeling that emphasizes their volume (see figs. 7, 13). However, care must be taken not to project culturally constructed gender coding onto earlier art, and while for contemporary Western viewers, there is a tendency to read the chest as female, in fact the figure bears the standard male bodhisattva hairline and necklaces, as well as a dhot which is typically asymmetrical in length, shorter on the right leg. Males in the Kamri style (kha che lugs) consistently have a straighter hairline, while females have a more rounded hairline, with the hair divided into small cusps, arcs, or curls. The long necklace goes between the breasts on the female figures, to either side on the males. Long tight strands of hair starting behind the ears and flowing onto the shoulders are visible here and in males typically, whereas female figures either have fuller hair at the neck and shoulders, or the hair is virtually veiled with a scarf. Thus the only trait that supports the identification of the figure as female is an ambiguous one, which suggests a figure which can be deemed feminine, but not necessarily female. In fact, a number of undoubtedly male bodhisattva figures made by Kamri artists have similarly swelling chests (von Schroeder 2001, pls. 31B-C, 40B-C, 42B, 52A-F). 6 Typical of Kamri male figures, the dhot is asymmetrical, falling lower on one side than the other (as often longer on the right as the left). This is seen at other sites in Western Tibet, such as Alchi and Sumda Chung, as well as in sculptures from Kamr proper (see von Schroeder 2001, figs. II-8, 9, 12, pls. 20, 31, 34, 35). Female figures are more apt to have symmetrically long skirts reaching both ankles, as in the Tr and Prajpramit paintings in the entrance stpa with four sculptures at Mangyu (see Linrothe 1994, figs. 10, 12). Parenthetically, this feature helps to underscore the tight connection with Kamr, since the Citrastra, attributed to Kamr and the ca. 7th to 9th century specifies of male figures that cloth wrapped around waist should be represented as extending down to the left knees the right knee should be exposed (Dave-Mukherji 2001, pp.61-63). 7 Papa-Kalantari 2002, p. 94. For other studies of textiles in Western Tibet at this time, see PapaKalantari 2007, Wandl 1999, Goepper 1995, Flood 2009. 8 Luczanits 2004, p.167. 9 Grey 1994, pp.222-224. 10 This animal seeks to feed on her very own young ones. Hunger causes her to transgress loves law. Alas! Fie upon the ferocity of self-love, that makes a mother wish to make her meal with the bodies of her own offspring! (rya Sra 1895, p.4). 11 A perceptive anonymous reviewer pointed out the similarity of this figure with images of the Buddhato-be cutting off his hair with a sword after the Great Departure. However, in all depictions of the lifestory episode known to me, the sword is always held at the level of the heros hair, not at the neck as here. 12 Identified as such in Settar (2003). For this theme in Indian art and literature, see Storm 1999. She discusses Buddhist literature on self-sacrifice and self-destruction, and briefly mentions the Vyghr jtaka, but not the throat-cutting version (pp.58-60, 98-105).

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13 For example, the depiction in Cave 428 at Dunhuang, and the one on the Tamamushi Shrine in the Horyji Kndo, Kyoto (see Dunhuang Academy 1982, pls. 168, 169, and Yukio 1960, pls. 40-43). The jtaka also appears in the main circumambulation corridor at Zha lu (see Tropper 2005, pp.157-166). My thanks to Dr. Tropper for sending me his photographs of the paintings depicting the jtaka. See also Bryner 1956, pp. 92-111, noticed only after this essay was completed. 14 On making this decision to be of use to another creature, though it cost him his life, he felt a surge of Joy, then astounded even the calm minds of the gods by hurling himself down. The sound of the Bodhisattvas body as it fell to earth aroused the curiosity and impatience of the tigress. On the point of slaughtering her young, she paused, looked around, and, catching sight of the lifeless corpse, immediately bounded over and began to devour it. (Khoroche 1989, p.8). 15 Emmerick 1992, pp. 92-105. This text has three Tibetan versions, the second one by Jinamitra, lendrabodhi and Yes es sde (see ibid., p. xii). Jinamitra and lendrabodhi are identified as Kamri of the ca. late 8th-early 9th century, which doesnt prove that the SS necessarily circulated in Kamr, but it is an indication that it did, and so its precise themes would be familiar to the artists who painted at Mangyu (see Naudou ([1968] 1980, p.100). Lamotte notes that already in the Maurya period, Sur le Haut Indus, le prince Mahsattva avait livr son corps une tigresse affame ([1958] 1967, p.367). Interestingly, the previously translated SS version of the tigress story as translated into Chinese by Yijing (635-713) was used for a purported Chinese Song-period translation of rya ras Jtakamla, Brough 1964. 16 Emmerick 1992, verses 214, 215, p.97. In that telling of the narrative, there is no mountain involved, but later in the same chapter, the verse summary tells that Mahsattva fell down the mountain-side, when he saw the hungry tigress, in order to save the cubs of the tigress, out of compassion (Emmerick 1992, verse 227, p.101). A painting on cloth in the Buryat Historical Museum of the ca. 19th century depicts a bleeding figure of the Buddha-to-be lying down in front of the tigress and her cubs, holding a stick in his right hand, and no obvious cliff in the image (see image number 74281 on the Himalayan Art Resources website, www.himlayanart.org, accessed September 2010). 17 rya ras version mentions that the Gandharvas, Yakas, Ngas, and devas offered reverence to his bones (1895, p. 7). In the SS, akyamuni reveals that he was Mahsattva, and his eldest brother Mahprada was Maitreya (see Emmerick 1992, verse 240, p.105). 18 Nou and Frderic 1996, IBa.1-4, p.314. 19 For this observation I am indebted to Kjaer 2009. 20 Luczanits 1999. The same point is made in the Bhadrakalpa Stra (see Dharma Publishing staff 1986, pp.521-23). 21 This is true at least for the phase of Esoteric Buddhism most relevant for the Alchi group of monuments, and the related texts known as Yoga Tantra. See Lessing and Wayman 1978, pp.27-29. There, Khedrup Je cites the commentaries of akyamitra, Buddhaguhya and nandagarbha on the SarvaTathgata-Tattvasagraha which disagree on some points but are united in asserting that the Buddhas of the ten directions brought the Bhagavats mental body (manomaya-kya) to Akaniha heaven where he received the diadem initiation from them, while his maturation body (vipka-kya) remained at Bodh Gaya. Only then did the Buddha become Mahvairocana at the sabhoga-kya level. 22 Now whilst he was still seated there the Blessed One thought, It is in order to attain to this throne of triumph that I have undergone successive births for so long a time, that I severed my crowned head from my neck and gave it away, that I tore out my darkened eyes and my hearts flesh and gave them away (Rhys Davids [1880] 2000, p.105, emphasis added). 23 Klimburg-Salter 1997, Thakur 2006. These murals are also briefly, if insightfully discussed by Dorothy Wong; however, she comes to the arguable conclusion that the unusual arrangement there [at Tabo Monastery Dukhang] of individual scenes accompanied by panels of text comes more from the Chinese than the Indian tradition (Wong 2007, p.353). 24 Heller 2004. It is mentioned in inscriptions in, notably, the Maitreya lhakhang of the Gyantse dPal khor chos sde sku bum as well as in the bSam phel rin po che lha khang in the fort (see Tropper 2005, pp.56, 59, 61). 25 Allinger 2008. 26 Krom 1927, pp.1-64, Nou and Frderic 1996, pp.252-77. 27 Steinkellner suggests that the text of the Tabo GS was based on the translation of the text by a team including Jinamitra, Surendrabodhi, and Ye es sde at the beginning of the 9th century (see Steinkellner 1995, p.14), and note 15 above. The latest of four translations into Chinese was also done by a Kamri monk, Praj, in 798, though he worked from a manuscript sent to the Tang emperor by King Subhakara of Kalinga (Orissa). See Osto 2009, pp.166-167, also Hamar 2007. 28 Compare with the style of Kamri and Gilgit stpas illustrated in Ebert 1994, pp.268-95, esp. pls. 31, 4, 25, 27 and fig. 11.

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29 Among the many panels devoted to the GS at Borobudur, at least three scenes occur of the worship of stpas by one or more people including Sudhana and his teachers (Nou and Frderic 1996, II.45p. 256, II.96p. 263 and II.98p. 264). A similar scene of worship of an image of the Buddha with stpas in the background was originally part of a manuscript from Nepal dating to around the 12th century, contemporary with the Mangyu paintings. The leaf in question is in the Seattle Art Museum; for an illustration see Huntington and Huntington 1990, fig. 26, p.261. The thirty-eight known leaves of the manuscript have been masterfully treated in Allinger 2008. 30 Nou and Frderic 1996, II.42p. 256. 31 These figures in their dress and ornament resemble the more spectacular Tr and Prajprmit figures at the Alchi Sumtsek, and correspond closely to a passage in the Kamri royal chronicle, the Rjataragin describing Haras ladies who wore long garlands formed by their hair-braids into which were [woven] golden Ketaka-leaf [ornaments]; the pendants which they wore over their forehead-marks made the latter unsteady; they joined the corners of their eyes with their ears by a line drawn with colyrium; into the ends of their locks which were not veiled, were twined golden strings; with the hanging-down train of their lower garments they kissed the ground; their breasts were dressed in jackets which covered [but] half the length of their arms (Stein [1900] 2007, p.340). 32 Eva Allinger has also noted discrepancies between the textual description and the illustrations (2008, p.157, regarding her fig. 10). 33 For example, the night-goddess Sarvanagara-raksabhava-tejar is described as having a body guiding all beings to ultimate perfection (Cleary 1989, p. 215) while she herself says that I teach sentient beings with wisdom consisting of learning (ibid., p.217) and states that she establishes sentient beings in the perfection of wisdom [called] entry into the principles of the ocean of all truths (ibid., p.219). 34 Steinkellner 1995, p.13. For the relevant murals described, inscriptions transcribed and summarized (see ibid., pp.91-101). 35 Fontein 2000, p.12. 36 In Clearys translation, this chapter requires fifty-one pages (1989, pp.328-378). 37 Another translation is the great pavilion of the storehouse of the ornaments of Vairocana (Tsuda 1982, p.600). In his explication of the GS, Samantabhadra, Majur, Maitreya and Vairocana are closely linked (ibid., pp.600-602). 38 Cleary 1989, pp.369-370. 39 Ibid., p.371. 40 Ibid. In the Tabo illustrations, some of the narratives are actually labeled as jtakas though they specifically mention the Vivantara jtaka, not the Vyghr. See Steinkellner 1995, pp.91-92. 41 A similar observation on the status of Sudhana is made by Dorothy Wong, who sees Sudhanas visit becoming an enduring metaphor of the prototypical pilgrimage central to the Buddhist concept of soteriology (Wong 2007, p.354). In the Nlamata Pura (another text associated with Kamr, datable to the ca. 6th to 7th century), kgra seem to be understood as mobile towers, temporary processional chariot-cars for the deities. See Kumari 1968-1973, vol.2, verses 891-896, pp.226-227. 42 Following Fontein who suggests that, as artists would have had greater access to narratives, oral and textual, some of which may not have been transmitted to present times, [a]s a matter of principle it would seem much safer to assume, even if only as a working hypothesis, that we are the ones who are making the mistakes and that we misunderstand things, instead of attributing similar shortcomings to the artists. (Fontein 2000, p.10). 43 McMahan 2002, p.134. His treatment of the episode of Maitreyas tower as a vision provoked through textual rhetoric was inspirational for its extension here into the visual realm. See also McMahan 2004. 44 Buildings are received in a twofold manner: by use and by perception. Or, better: tactilely and optically. Such reception cannot be understood in terms of the concentrated attention of a traveler before a famous building. (Benjamin 2008, p.40).

Pour citer cet article Rfrence lectroniqueRob Linrothe, Skirting the Bodhisattva: Fabricating Visionary Art, tudes mongoles et sibriennes, centrasiatiques et tibtaines [En ligne], 42|2011, mis en ligne le 20 dcembre 2011, consult le 19 novembre 2012. URL: /index1803.html; DOI: 10.4000/emscat.1803

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propos de l'auteurRob Linrothe Rob Linrothe est assistant professeur dhistoire de lart la Northwestern University (USA). Il est lauteur et lditeur darticles, de livres et de catalogues sur lart himalayen, dont Holy Madness: Portraits of Tantric Siddhas (2006). Il travaille actuellement sur un livre intitul At Shambhala Gate: Towards an Art History of Zangskar qui traite de lart du Zangskar, dans cette rgion indienne de culture tibtaine.

Droits d'auteur Tous droits rservs Rsums

This essay explores the image-text relationship between the ca. 12-century monumental Maitreya bodhisattva sculpture within a narrow tower in the village of Mangyu and passages from the Gaavyha Stra. Paintings on the dhot of the sculpture resemble themes described within a ktgra-tower in the text related to Maitreya, and also depict one of the prominent jtaka associated with the Buddha, the Starving Tigress, or Vyghr jtaka. The essay suggests the jtaka was deployed to demonstrate Maitreyas recapitulation of the course of kyamunis path of self-sacrifice, and that the resemblance between text and image was intentional on the part of the 12th-century builders in Ladakh, on the far western reaches of cultural Tibet.

Habiller le bodhisattva : la fabrique dun art visionnaireCet essai tudie la relation entre image et texte en se fondant sur la scuplture monumentale du bodhisattva Maitreya (XIIe sicle) place dans une troite tour du village de Mangyu et des passages du Gaavyha Stra. Des peintures sur le dhot de la sculpture rappellent des thmes dcrits lintrieur dune tour-ktgra dans le texte concernant Maitreya et dpeint galement lun des clbres jtaka associ au Bouddha, celui de la tigresse affame ou Vyghr jtaka. Cet article suggre que le jtaka a t mis en uvre pour retracer le chemin qui a men le Bouddha lauto-sacrifice et aussi que les artistesdu XIIe sicle au Ladakh, lextrme ouest de laire culturelle tibtaine, ont intentionnellement soulign la ressemblance entre image et texte. Entres d'index Mots-cls :Mangyu, vtements, peinture, sculpture, Bouddha Keywords :Mangyu, clothes, painting, sculpture, Buddha Gographique :Ladakh, Tibet

tudes mongoles et sibriennes, centrasiatiques et tibtaines, 42 | 2011