Breakup of Yugoslavia 1

Breakup of Yugoslavia

Breakup of Yugoslavia

An animated series of maps showing the breakup of SFR Yugoslavia through 1992. The different colors represent the areas of control.     Yugoslavia (1943-1992)      Croatia (1991-)      Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia (1992-1994)      Serbia and Montenegro(1992-2006)      Republika Srpska (1992-)      Republic of Serbian Krajina (1991-1995)      Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina

(1992-1998)      Macedonia (1991-)      Slovenia (1991-)Participants Slobodan Milošević, Franjo Tuđman, Alija Izetbegović, Radovan

Karadžić

Location Yugoslavia

Date 1989-1992

Result Dissolution of the Yugoslav state, five new states emerge.

The Breakup of Yugoslavia refers to a series of conflicts and political upheavals resulting in the dissolution of theYugoslavia (the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, SFR Yugoslavia, or simply SFRY). The SFR Yugoslaviawas a country that occupied a strip of land stretching from present-day Central Europe to the Balkans – a region witha history of ethnic conflict. The country was a conglomeration of six regional republics and two autonomousprovinces that was roughly divided on ethnic lines and split up in the 1990s into several independent countries.These eight federal units were the six republics: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia,Montenegro, Serbia, and two autonomous provinces within Serbia: Kosovo and Vojvodina.With Bosnia's demographic structure comprising a population of Serbs and Croats making close to 50%, and withideas on independence resting with the ethnicities rather than the nation on the whole, control of territory once againbecame open to interpretation, with large sections of Bosnia, Croatia and Serbia under dispute as to its properownership. The most important elements which fostered the discord are the formation of the Kingdom ofYugoslavia, the civil war and genocide (see Jasenovac concentration camp) by the Independent State of Croatiaduring the Second World War, the overreaching idea of "Greater Serbia", and the Balkan adaptations ofPan-Slavism.

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Causes

Marshal Josip Broz Tito, Yugoslav President(1953–1980), and Prime Minister (1945–1963)

Economic collapse and the international climate

Yugoslavia was once a regional industrial power and economicsuccess. From 1960 to 1980, annual gross domestic product (GDP)growth averaged 6.1 percent, medical care was free, literacy was91 percent, and life expectancy was 72 years.[1] But after a decadeof Western economic ministrations and five years ofdisintegration, war, boycott, and embargo, the economy ofYugoslavia collapsed.

Yugoslavia was a unique state, straddling both the East and West.Moreover its president, Josip Broz Tito, was one of thefundamental founders of the "third world" or "group of 77" whichacted as an alternative to the superpowers. More importantly,Yugoslavia acted as a buffer state between the West and the SovietUnion and also prevented the USSR from getting a toehold on theMediterranean Sea.

However, after the death of Tito with the rise of MikhailGorbachev, perestroika and glasnost in the Soviet Union, the Westfelt secure enough in the USSR’s intentions that Yugoslavia wasno longer of pivotal strategic importance. Despite Belgrade'snon-alignment and its extensive trading relations with the European Community and the US, the Reaganadministration specifically targeted the Yugoslav economy in a Secret Sensitive 1984 National Security DecisionDirective (NSDD 133), "U.S. Policy towards Yugoslavia." A censored version declassified in 1990 elaborated onNSDD 54 on Eastern Europe, issued in 1982.[2] The latter advocated "expanded efforts to promote a 'quietrevolution' to overthrow Communist governments and parties," while reintegrating the countries of Eastern Europeinto a market-oriented economy.[3]

The external status quo, which the Communist Party had depended upon to remain viable was thus beginning todisappear. Furthermore, the failure of communism all over Central and Eastern Europe once again broughtYugoslavia’s inner contradictions, economic inefficiencies (such as chronic lack of productivity, fuelled by thecountry's leaderships' decision to enforce a policy of full employment), and ethno-religious tensions to the surface.Yugoslavia's non-aligned status resulted in access to loans from both superpower blocs. This contact with the UnitedStates and the West opened up Yugoslavia’s markets sooner than the rest of Central and Eastern Europe.The 1973 oil crisis coupled with Western trade barriers, dramatically hindered its thirty years of breakneck economicgrowth. In order to counter this, Yugoslavia took on a number of International Monetary Fund (IMF) loans andsubsequently fell into heavy IMF debt. As a condition of receiving loans, the IMF demanded the "marketliberalization" of Yugoslavia. By 1981, Yugoslavia had incurred $19.9 billion in foreign debt. Another concern wasthe unemployment rate, at 1 million by 1980. This problem was compounded by the general "unproductiveness ofthe South," which not only added to Yugoslavia’s economic woes, but also irritated Slovenia and Croatia further. Adecade of frugality resulted in growing frustration and resentment against both the Serbian 'ruling class,' and theminorities who were seen to benefit from government legislation. Real earnings in Yugoslavia fell by 25% from1979 to 1985. By 1988 emigrant remittances to Yugoslavia totalled over $4.5 billion (USD), and by 1989remittances were $6.2 billion (USD), making up over 19% of the world's total.[4] [5]

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Structural problemsTito’s Yugoslavia was characterised by constant reforms which failed to resolve key national problems. Moreover,the federal system, due to increasing national tensions, and the Communist Party’s wish to support "national selfdetermination" began to loosen its control. This resulted in the creation of Kosovo, an autonomous region of Serbia,legislated by the 1974 constitution. This constitution broke down powers between the capital and the newly createdautonomous regions in Vojvodina (an area of Yugoslavia with a large number of ethnic minorities) and Kosovo(with a large ethnic-Albanian population). This not only exacerbated Serbian fears of a "weak Serbia, for a strongYugoslavia" but also hit at the heart of Serbian national sentiment. A majority of Serbs see Kosovo as the "cradle ofthe nation," and would not accept the possibility of losing it to the majority Albanian population.Kosovo's special significance was due to the defeat of Duke Lazar Hrebeljanović. It was said that he was betrayed atthe Battle of Kosovo Polje against the invading Ottoman Turks. The devastating defeat was the end of the Serbiankingdom and the beginning of about 500 years of subjugation under the Ottomans (1389–1868). However, the firstrecords of the battle were not created until 100 years after the battle, and then in the form of a poem. The romanticspin given to this episode of history contributed to the sacred and hallowed nature of the region of Kosovo. Thesignificance of Kosovo in the Serbian mindset was very strong.This loosened version of the federation essentially made Yugoslavia a de facto confederacy, placing pressure uponthe legitimacy of the regime and engendering resentment in the richer republics. Slovenia and Croatia, the mostdeveloped republics were continually frustrated by their inability to further lift their standard of living as they had tosubsidize the development of the poor republics in what they described as an "economic black hole." It highlightedthe vast differences in the quality of life in the different republics. Tito’s death created further problems; in an effortto ensure his legacy, Tito’s 1974 constitution established a system of year-long presidencies, on a rotation basis outof the eight leaders of the republics. Such short terms were highly ineffective. Essentially it left a power vacuumwhich was left open for most of the 1980s, with only Slobodan Milošević taking the reins in 1989.

NationalismIn 1989, the 600th anniversary of Serbia’s historic defeat at Kosovo Polje, Slobodan Milošević gave a speech to200,000 Serbs, which made reference to the nation's great historical past. Milošević’s answer to the incompetence ofthe federal system was to centralize the government. Considering Slovenia and Croatia were looking farther ahead toindependence, this was considered unacceptable.At the Yugoslav conference in late 1989 talks broke down. The leaders could not come to an agreement on how todeal with the rotating presidency. Moreover many members were no longer willing to rescue what they saw as asunken ship. Croatia and Slovenia declared independence and the Ten-Day War soon broke out in Slovenia in 1991.After a week, the Slovenes were victorious and the breakup of Yugoslavia had begun.

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Constitutional dispute and nationalism (1974–1987)

Serbian President Slobodan Milošević'sunequivocal desire to uphold the unity of

Serbs, a status threatened by eachrepublic breaking away from the

federation, in addition to his oppositionto the Albanian authorities in Kosovo,

further inflamed ethnic tensions.

Croatian President Franjo Tuđmanrefused to partition Croatia on ethnic

lines, which angered the Serb populationof Croatia who had wished to remain inunion with Serbia-proper. This resulted

in the outbreak of violence and warbetween Croats and Serbs ahead of

Croatia's independence.

1974 Constitution

In 1974, the new Yugoslav constitution was passed. With the 1974Constitution, the office of President of Yugoslavia was replaced with theYugoslav Presidency, an eight-member collective head-of-state composed ofrepresentatives from six republics and, controversially, two autonomousprovinces of the Socialist Republic of Serbia, SAP Kosovo and SAPVojvodina.

Since the SFR Yugoslav federation was formed in 1945, the constituentSocialist Republic of Serbia (SR Serbia) included the two autonomousprovinces of SAP Kosovo and SAP Vojvodina. With the 1974 constitution,the influence of the central government of SR Serbia over the provinces wasgreatly reduced, which gave them long-sought autonomy. The government ofSR Serbia was restricted in making and carrying out decisions that wouldapply to the provinces. The provinces had a vote in the Yugoslav Presidency(the eight-member collective head-of-state composed of representatives fromsix republics and the two autonomous provinces), which was not always castin favor of SR Serbia. In Serbia, there was great resentment towards thesedevelopments, which the nationalist elements of the public saw as the"division of Serbia".

Death of Josip Broz Tito

After the death of President Josip Broz Tito on 4 May 1980, ethnic tensiongrew in Yugoslavia. The death of Tito removed what many Yugoslavs andwestern observers saw as the country's main unifying force. In 1986, theSerbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SANU) contributed significantly tothe rise of nationalist sentiments, as it drafted the controversial SANUMemorandum protesting against the weakening of the Serbian centralgovernment.

The problems in the Serbian autonomous province of SAP Kosovo betweenethnic Serbs and Albanians grew exponentially. This, coupled with economicproblems in Kosovo and Serbia as a whole, led to even greater Serbianresentment of the 1974 Constitution. In the 1980s, Kosovo Albaniansdemanded that their autonomous province be granted the status of aconstituent republic (which would give SAP Kosovo the right to secede fromSFR Yugoslavia). Amid rising tensions, the Serbian general view was thatKosovo as a constituent republic (as opposed to being part of Serbia) wouldbe devastating to the cultural and historic links with Kosovar Serbs and Kosovo in general, especially if the provincechose to secede.

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Bosnian President Alija Izetbegovićpushed for independence of Bosnia,

claiming that he would not allow Bosniaand Herzegovina to become part of what

he called "Greater Serbia" which heaccused the Serbian government of

sponsoring. As head of Bosnia'sgovernment, Izetbegović would wagewar on three fronts: against Bosnian

Serbs, Bosnian Croats and also against arebel faction of Bosniaks in northern

Bosnia led by Fikret Abdić. The Bosnianstate he initially wished to build was bothagainst the Serbs' desire for their territoryto remain in Yugoslavia, and one which

would disenfranchise non-Bosniaks.

Rise of nationalism in SR Serbia (1987–1988)

Slobodan Milošević

In 1987, Serbian communist official Slobodan Milošević was sent to bringcalm to an ethnically-driven protest by Serbs against the Albanianadministration of SAP Kosovo. Milošević was, up to this point, a hard-linecommunist who had decried all forms of nationalism as treachery, such ascondemning the SANU Memorandum as "nothing else but the darkestnationalism".[6] However, Kosovo's autonomy had always been an unpopularpolicy in Serbia and Milošević took advantage of the situation and made adeparture from traditional communist neutrality on the issue of Kosovo.Milošević assured Serbs that their mistreatment by ethnic Albanians would bestopped. Milošević then began a campaign against the ruling communist eliteof SR Serbia, demanding reductions in the autonomy of Kosovo andVojvodina. These actions made Milošević popular amongst Serbs and aidedhis rise to power in Serbia. Milošević and his allies took on an aggressivenationalist agenda of reviving SR Serbia within Yugoslavia, promisingreforms and protection of all Serbs.

The ruling party of SFR Yugoslavia was the League of Communists ofYugoslavia (SKJ), a composite political party made-up of eight Leagues ofCommunists from the six republics and two autonomous provinces. TheLeague of Communists of Serbia (SKS) governed SR Serbia. Riding the waveof nationalist sentiment and his new popularity gained in Kosovo, SlobodanMilošević (Chairman of the League of Communists of Serbia (SKS) sinceMay 1986) became the most powerful politician in Serbia by defeating hisformer mentor President of Serbia Ivan Stambolic at the 8th Session of the League of Communists of Serbia on 22September 1987. In a 1988 Belgrade rally, Milošević made clear his perception of the situation facing SR Serbia inYugoslavia, saying:

"At home and abroad, Serbia's enemies are massing against us. We say to them 'We are not afraid'. 'Wewill not flinch from battle'." Slobodan Milošević, 19 November 1988.[7]

On another occasion, Milošević privately stated:"We Serbs will act in the interest of Serbia whether we do it in compliance with the constitution or not,whether we do it in compliance in the law or not, whether we do it in compliance with party statutes ornot." Slobodan Milošević[8]

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Bosnian Serb President RadovanKaradžić aggressively pursued an agendato keep Serb territory from being forced

to separate from Yugoslavia. TheBosnian Serb army engaged in a waragainst the ARBiH which would seelarge numbers of atrocities such as

genocide committed by all belligerents.Karadžić is accused of sponsoring many

of these incidents. Photo by MikhailEvstafiev.

Anti-bureaucratic revolution

Through a series of revolts in Serbia and Montenegro, dubbed the"Anti-bureaucratic revolution", Milošević's political allies in SAP Vojvodina,SAP Kosovo, and the Socialist Republic of Montenegro (SR Montenegro)came to power. In addition to Serbia itself, Milošević could now installrepresentatives of the two provinces and SR Montenegro in the YugoslavPresidency Council. The very instrument that reduced Serbian influencebefore was now used to increase it: in the eight member Presidency,Milošević could count on a minimum of four votes – SR Montenegro(following local events), his own through SR Serbia, and now SAP Vojvodinaand SAP Kosovo as well.

As a result of these events, the ethnic Albanian miners in Kosovo organizedstrikes, demanding the reinstatement of their autonomy. This contributed toethnic conflict between the Albanians and the Serb population of theprovince. At 77% of the population of Kosovo in the 1980s,[9]

ethnic-Albanians were the majority. The number of Serbs in Kosovo fellthroughout the entire century as a result of ethnic cleansing by Albaniansduring the Second World War and subsequent harassment by the Albanianauthorities and population.[10] The ever increasing ethnic tensions weredirectly proportional to the trend, and by 1999, Serbs formed as little as 10%of the total population. However, this view is often disputed: historiographerssuch as Misha Glenny in his book The Balkans, note that the Serbs leaving Kosovo left not due to persecution, butrather for economic reasons, citing Serbs leaving Kosovo after the abolition of Kosovar autonomy. It was easier forKosovo's Serbs to find jobs in Serbia than Kosovo's Albanians. This resulted in the Kosovo Albanians taking overjobs in Kosovo previously held by Serbs. Albanians also notably have a higher birthrate than Serbs.

Meanwhile the Socialist Republic of Croatia (SR Croatia) and the Socialist Republic of Slovenia (SR Slovenia),supported the Albanian miners and their struggle for recognition. Media in SR Slovenia published articles comparingMilošević to Italian fascist dictator Benito Mussolini. Milošević contended that such criticism was unfounded andamounted to "spreading fear of Serbia".[11] Milošević's state-run media claimed in response that Kučan wasendorsing Kosovo and Slovene separatism. Initial strikes in Kosovo turned into widespread demonstrations callingfor Kosovo to be made the seventh republic. This angered Serbia's leadership which proceeded to use police force,and later the federal army (the Yugoslav People's Army JNA) by order of the Serbian-controlled Presidency.

Serbian control of the Presidency (1989)In February 1989 ethnic Albanian Azem Vllasi, SAP Kosovo's representative on the Presidency, was forced to resign and was replaced by an ally of Milošević. Albanian protesters demanded that Vllasi be returned to office, and Vllasi's support for the demonstrations caused Milošević and his allies to respond stating this was a "counter-revolution against Serbia and Yugoslavia", and demanded that the federal Yugoslav government put down the striking Albanians by force. Milošević's aim was aided when a huge protest was formed outside of the Yugoslav parliament in Belgrade by Serb supporters of Milošević who demanded that the Yugoslav military forces enter Kosovo to protect the Serbs there and put down the strike. On 27 February, SR Slovene representative in the collective presidency of Yugoslavia, Milan Kučan, opposed the demands of the Serbs and left Belgrade for SR Slovenia where he attended a meeting in the Cankar Hall in Ljubljana, co-organized with the democratic opposition forces, publicly endorsing the efforts of Albanian protesters who demanded that Vllasi be released. In the 1995 BBC

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documentary Death of Yugoslavia, Kučan claimed that in 1989, he was concerned that with the successes ofMilošević's anti-bureaucratic revolution in Serbia's provinces as well as Montenegro, that his small republic wouldbe the next target for a political coup by Milošević's supporters if the coup in Kosovo went unimpeded. Serbianstate-run television denounced Kučan as a separatist, a traitor, and an endorser of Albanian separatism.Serb protests continued in Belgrade demanding action in Kosovo. Milošević instructed communist representativePetar Gračanin to make sure the protest continued while he discussed matters at the council of the League ofCommunists, as a means to induce the other members to realize that enormous support was on his side in puttingdown the Albanian strike in Kosovo. Serbian parliament speaker Borisav Jović, a strong ally of Milošević, met withthe current President of the Yugoslav Presidency, Bosnian representative Raif Dizdarević, and demanded that thefederal government concede to Serbian demands. Dizdarević argued with Jović saying that "You [Serbianpoliticians] organized the demonstrations, you control it", Jović refused to take responsibility for the actions of theprotesters. Dizdarević then decided to attempt to bring calm to the situation himself by talking with the protesters, bymaking an impassioned speech for unity of Yugoslavia saying:

"Our fathers died to create Yugoslavia. We will not go down the road to national conflict. We will takethe path of Brotherhood and Unity." Raif Dizdarević, 1989.[7]

This statement received polite applause, but the protest continued. Later Jović spoke to the crowds with enthusiasmand told them that Milošević was going to arrive to support their protest. When Milošević arrived, he spoke to theprotesters and jubilantly told them that the people of Serbia were winning their fight against the old partybureaucrats. Then a shout to be from the crowd yelled "arrest Vllasi'". Milošević pretended not to hear the demandcorrectly but declared to the crowd that anyone conspiring against the unity of Yugoslavia would be arrested andpunished and the next day, with the party council pushed to submission to Serbia, Yugoslav army forces poured intoKosovo and Vllasi was arrested.Following the arrest of Vllasi, the group of Kosovo Serb supporters of Milošević who helped bring down Vllasideclared that they were going to Slovenia to hold "the Rally of Truth" which would decry Milan Kučan as a traitor toYugoslavia and demand his ousting. The Serb protesters were to go by train to Slovenia, but this was stopped whenSR Croatia blocked all transit through its territory and stopped the protesters from reaching Slovenia.

Towards secession (1990)

Multi-Party ElectionsIn January 1990, the extraordinary 14th Congress of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia was convened. Thecombined Yugoslav ruling party, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (SKJ), was in crisis. Most of theCongress was spent with the Serbian and Slovene delegations arguing over the future of the League of Communistsand Yugoslavia. SR Croatia's actions in preventing Serb protesters from reaching Slovenia played its part. TheSerbian delegation, led by Milošević, insisted on a policy of "one person, one vote" in the party membership, whichwould empower the largest party ethnic group, the Serbs. In turn, the Croats and Slovenes sought to reformYugoslavia by delegating even more power to six republics, but were voted down continuously in every motion in anattempt to force the party to adopt the new voting system. As a result, the Croatian delegation, led by Chairman IvicaRačan, and Slovene delegation left the Congress on 23 January 1990, effectively dissolving the all-Yugoslav party.This in turn, along with external pressure, caused the adoption of multi-party systems in all republics.When the individual republics organized their multi-party elections in 1990, the ex-communists mostly failed to winre-election, while most of the elected governments took on nationalist platforms, promising to protect their separatenationalist interests. In multi-party parliamentary elections nationalists defeated re-branded former Communistparties in Slovenia on 8 April 1990, in Croatia on 22 April and 2 May 1990, in Macedonia 11 and 25 November and9 December 1990, and in Bosnia and Herzegovina on 18 and 25 November 1990. In multi-party parliamentaryelections re-branded former communist parties were victorious in Montenegro on 9 and 16 December 1990, and in

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Serbia on 9 and 23 December 1990. In addition Serbia re-elected Slobodan Milošević as President. Serbia andMontenegro now increasingly favored a Serb-dominated Yugoslavia.

Ethnic tensions in CroatiaIn Croatia the nationalist Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) was elected to power, led by controversial nationalistFranjo Tuđman, under the promise of "protecting Croatia from Milošević". There was growing advocacy for"Croatian state and historical rights" which resulted in the status of ethnic Serbs of Croatia being changed from"constitutional nation" to "national minority". Croatian Serbs, for their part, were wary of Tuđman's nationalistgovernment and in 1990, Serb nationalists in the southern Croatian town of Knin organized and formed a separatistentity known as the SAO Krajina, which demanded to remain in union with the rest of the Serb populations ifCroatia decided to secede. The government of Serbia endorsed the Croatian Serbs' rebellion, claiming that for Serbs,rule under Tuđman's government would be equivalent to the World War II fascist Independent State of Croatia(NDH) which committed genocide against Serbs during World War II. Milošević used this to rally Serbs against theCroatian government and Serbian newspapers joined in the warmongering.[12] Serbia had by now printed $1.8 billionworth of new money without any backing of Yugoslav central bank.[13]

Croatian Serbs in Knin, under the leadership of local Knin police inspector Milan Martić, began to try to gain accessto weapons so that the Croatian Serbs could mount a successful revolt against the Croatian government. CroatianSerb politicians including the Mayor of Knin met with Borisav Jović, the head of the Yugoslav Presidency in August1990, and urged him to push the council to take action to prevent Croatia from separating from Yugoslavia, as theyclaimed that the Serb population would be in danger in Croatia led by Tuđman and his nationalist government. Atthe meeting, army official Petar Gračanin told the Croatian Serb politicians how to organize their rebellion, tellingthem to put up barricades, as well as assemble weapons of any sort in which he said "If you can't get anything else,use hunting rifles". Initially the revolt became known as the "Log Revolution" as Serbs blockaded roadways to Kninwith cut-down trees and prevented Croats from entering Knin or the Croatian coastal region of Dalmatia. The BBCdocumentary "Death of Yugoslavia" revealed that at the time, Croatian TV dismissed the "Log Revolution" as thework of drunken Serbs, trying to diminish the serious dispute. However the blockade was damaging to Croatiantourism. The Croatian government refused to negotiate with the Serb separatists and decided to stop the rebellion byforce, and sent in armed special forces by helicopters to put down the rebellion. The pilots claimed they werebringing "equipment" to Knin, but the federal Yugoslav Air Force intervened and sent fighter jets to intercept themand demanded that the helicopters return to their base or they would be fired upon, in which the Croatian forcesobliged and returned to their base in Zagreb. To the Croatian government, this action by the Yugoslav Air Forcerevealed to them that the Yugoslav People's Army was increasingly under Serbian control. The SAO Krajina wasofficially declared as a separate entity on 21 December 1990, by the Serbian National Council headed by MilanBabić.Following the first multi-party election results, the republics of Slovenia, Croatia and Macedonia proposedtransforming Yugoslavia into a loose federation of six republics in the autumn of 1990, however Milošević rejectedall such proposals, arguing that like Slovenians and Croats, the Serbs also had a right to self-determination. In aDecember 1990 referendum in Slovenia, a vast majority (88.5% with a 93.2% turnout)[14] of residents voted forindependence.

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Secession and War (1991–1992)

Yugoslav Wars     Croatia      Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia      Serbia

and Montenegro      Republic of Srpska      Republic ofSerbian Krajina      Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina     Bosnia and Herzegovina      Autonomous Province of

Western Bosnia      Macedonia      Slovenia

State entities on the former territory of SFR Yugoslavia, 2008

Referendums, Independence, &Recognition

• Slovenia – In the 23 December 1990 referendum89% voted for independence – which was declaredon 25 June 1991.

• Croatia – In the 2 May 1991 referenendum 93.24%voted for independence – which was declared on 25June 1991.

• Macedonia – In the 8 Sep 1991 referendum 95.26%voted for independence – which was declared on 25September 1991.

• Bosnia – In the 29 February and 1 March 1992referendum 92.7% voted for independence – whichwas declared on 3 March 1992

Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia were admitted asmember states of the United Nations on 22 May 1992.Macedonia was admitted as a member state of theUnited Nations on 8 April 1993.

Secession and response

In January 1991, the Kontraobaveštajna služba (KOS,Yugoslav counter-intelligence service) displayed avideo of a secret meeting (the "Špegelj Tapes") thatthey purported had happened some time in 1990between the Croatian Defence Minister, MartinŠpegelj, and two other men, in which Špegeljannounced that they were at war with the army andgave instructions about arms smuggling as well asmethods of dealing with the Yugoslav Army's officersstationed in Croatian cities. The Army subsequentlywanted to indict Špegelj for treason and illegal importation of arms, mainly from Hungary.

The discovery of Croatian arms smuggling combined with the crisis in Knin, the election of independence-leaninggovernments in Bosnia & Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Slovenia, and Slovenes demanding independence inthe referendum on the issue suggested that Yugoslavia faced the imminent threat of disintegration.

On 12 March 1991 the Yugoslav People's Army (Jugoslovenska Narodna Armija, JNA) met with the Presidency inan attempt to convince them to declare a state of emergency which would allow for the pan-Yugoslav army to takecontrol of the country. Yugoslav army chief Veljko Kadijević declared that there was a conspiracy to destroy thecountry, saying:

"An insidious plan has been drawn up to destroy Yugoslavia. Stage one is civil war. Stage two is foreignintervention. Then puppet regimes will be set up throughout Yugoslavia." Veljko Kadijević, 12 March1991.[15]

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This statement effectively implied that the new independence-advocating governments of the republics were tools ofthe west which needed to be removed. Croatian delegate Stjepan Mesić responded angrily to the proposal, accusingJović and Kadijević of attempting to use the army to create a Greater Serbia and declared "That means war!". Jovićand Kadijević then called upon the delegates of each republic to vote on whether to allow martial law, and warnedthem that Yugoslavia would likely fall apart if martial law was not introduced. In the meeting, a vote was taken on aproposal to enact martial law to allow for military action to end the crisis in Croatia by providing protection for theSerbs. The proposal was rejected by one vote, as the Bosnian Serb delegate, Bogić Bogićević, voted against it,believing that there was still the possibility of diplomacy being able to solve the crisis. The state council wasabandoned shortly afterward. After Jović's term as head of the collective presidency expired, he blocked hissuccessor, Mesić, from taking the position, and giving the position instead to Branko Kostić, a member of thepro-Milošević government in Montenegro.On 19 May 1991, a referendum on the structure of the Yugoslav federation was held in Croatia. Often called thereferendum for "independence," the phrasing of the question did not explicitly inquire as to whether one was in favorof secession or not. The referendum asked the voter if he was in favor of Croatia being "able to enter into an allianceof sovereign states with other republics (in accordance with the proposal of the republics of Croatia and Slovenia forsolving the state crisis in the SFRY)?". 83.56% of the voters turned out, with Croatian Serbs largely boycotting thereferendum. Of these, 94.17% (78.69% of the total voting population) voted "in favor" of the proposal, while 1.2%of those who voted were "opposed".Both Slovenia and Croatia declared their independence on 25 June 1991. The following day (26 June), the FederalExecutive Council specifically ordered the army to take control of the internationally recognized borders of SFRYugoslavia. The Yugoslav People's Army forces, based in barracks in Slovenia and Croatia, attempted to carry outthe task within next 48 hours. However, due to the misinformation given to their own conscripts, and the fact that themajority of them did not wish to engage in a war on their home soil, the Slovenian Territorial Defence forces retookmost of the posts within several days with only minimal loss of life on both sides. There was an incident of asuspected war crime near Holmec, as the Austrian ORF TV station showed footage of three Yugoslav Army soldierssurrendering to the Territorial Defence, before gunfire was heard and the troops were seen falling down. However,none were killed in the incident. Ceasefire was agreed upon. On 7 July 1991, the world governments pressuredSlovenia and Croatia to place a three-month moratorium on their independence with the Brijuni Agreement(recognized by representatives of all republics). During these three months, the Yugoslav Army completed itspull-out from Slovenia.Negotiations to restore the Yugoslav federation with diplomat Lord Peter Carington and members of the EuropeanCommunity were all but ended. Carington's plan realized that Yugoslavia was in a state of dissolution and decidedthat each republic must accept the inevitable independence of the others, along with a promise to Serbian PresidentMilošević that the European Union would insure that Serbs outside of Serbia would be protected. Milošević refusedto agree to the plan, as he claimed that the European Community had no right to dissolve Yugoslavia and that theplan was not in the interests of Serbs as it would divide the Serb people into four republics (Serbia, Montenegro,Bosnia & Herzegovina, and Croatia). Carington responded by putting the issue to a vote in which all the otherrepublics, including Montenegro under Momir Bulatović, initially agreed to the plan that would dissolve Yugoslavia.However, after intense pressure from Serbia on Montenegro's President, Montenegro changed its position to opposethe dissolution of Yugoslavia.

Breakup of Yugoslavia 11

Rebellion in CroatiaAt the same time, with the Plitvice Lakes incident of late March/early April 1991, the Croatian War of Independencebroke out between the Croatian government and the rebel ethnic Serbs of the SAO Krajina (heavily backed by theby-now Serb-controlled Yugoslav People's Army). On 1 April 1991, the SAO Krajina declared that it would secedefrom Croatia. Immediately after Croatia's declaration of independence, Croatian Serbs also formed the SAO WesternSlavonia and the SAO of Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Srijem. These three regions would combine into theRepublic of Serbian Krajina (RSK) on 19 December 1991. The other significant Serb-dominated entities in easternCroatia announced that they too would join SAO Krajina. Zagreb had by this time discontinued submitting taxmoney to Belgrade, and the Croatian Serb entities in turn halted paying taxes to Zagreb. In some places, theYugoslav Army acted as a buffer zone, in others it aided Serbs in their confrontation with the new Croatian army andpolice forces.The influence of xenophobia and ethnic hatred in the collapse of Yugoslavia became clear during the war in Croatia.Propaganda by Croatian and Serbian sides spread fear, claiming that the other side would engage in oppressionagainst them and would exaggerate death tolls to increase support from their populations.[16] In the beginningmonths of the war, the Serb-dominated Yugoslav army and navy deliberately shelled civilian areas of Split andDubrovnik, a United Nations world heritage site, as well as nearby Croat villages.[17] Yugoslav media claimed thatthe actions were done due to what they claimed was a presence of fascist Ustaše forces and international terrorists inthe city.[17] UN investigations found that no such forces were in Dubrovnik at the time.[18] Croatian militarypresence increased later on. Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Đukanović, at the time an ally of Milošević, appealedto Montenegrin nationalism, promising that the capture of Dubrovnik would allow the expansion of Montenegro intothe city which he claimed was historically part of Montenegro, and denounced the present borders of Montenegro asbeing "drawn by the old and poorly educated Bolshevik cartographers".[17] At the same time, the Serbiangovernment contradicted its Montenegrin allies by claims by the Serbian Prime Minister Dragutin Zelenovićcontended that Dubrovnik was historically Serbian, not Montenegrin.[19] The international media gave immenseattention to bombardment of Dubrovnik and claimed this was evidence of Milosevic pursuing the creation of aGreater Serbia as Yugoslavia collapsed, presumably with the aide of the subordinate Montenegrin leadership ofBulatović and Serb nationalists in Montenegro to foster Montenegrin support for the retaking of Dubrovnik.[18]

In Vukovar, ethnic tensions between Croats and Serbs exploded into violence when the Yugoslav army entered thetown. The Yugoslav army and Serbian paramilitaries devastated the town in urban warfare and the destruction ofCroatian property. Serb paramilitaries committed atrocities against Croats, killing over 200, and displacing others toadd to those who fled the town in the Vukovar massacre.[20]

Macedonia and BosniaFrom 1991 to 1992 the situation in the multiethnic Bosnia and Herzegovina grew tense. Its parliament wasfragmented on ethnic lines into a majority Bosniak faction and minority Serb and Croat factions. In 1991, thecontroversial nationalist leader Radovan Karadžić of the largest Serb faction in the parliament, the Serb DemocraticParty gave a grave and direct warning to Bosnia's Bosniak president on the fate of Bosnia and its Bosniaks should itdecide to separate, saying:

"This, what you are doing, is not good. This is the path that you want to take Bosnia and Herzegovinaon, the same highway of hell and death that Slovenia and Croatia went on. Don't think that you won'ttake Bosnia and Herzegovina into hell, and the Muslim people maybe into extinction. Because theMuslim people cannot defend themselves if there is war here." Radovan Karadžić, 14 October 1991.[21]

In September 1991, Macedonia also declared independence, after a referendum on which 95.26% voted for independence. Five hundred US soldiers were then deployed under the UN banner to monitor Macedonia's northern borders with the Republic of Serbia, Yugoslavia. However, given that Belgrade's authorities had neither intervened to prevent Macedonia's departure, nor protested nor acted against the arrival of the UN troops, the indications were

Breakup of Yugoslavia 12

in place that once Belgrade was to form its new country (to be the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from April 1992),it would recognise the Republic of Macedonia and develop diplomatic relations with it. As such, it became the onlyformer republic to gain sovereignty without resistance from the Belgrade-based Yugoslav authorities and Army. Inaddition, Macedonia's first president, Kiro Gligorov, did indeed maintain good relations with Belgrade as well as theother former republics and there have to date been no problems between Macedonian and Serbian border policedespite the fact that small pockets of Kosovo and the Preševo valley complete the northern reaches of the historicalregion known as Macedonia, which would otherwise have created a border dispute (see also IMORO).

The building of the Parliament of Bosnia andHerzegovina burns after being hit by Serbian tank fire.

In November 1991, the Arbitration Commission of the PeaceConference on the former Yugoslavia, led by Robert Badinter,concluded at the request of Lord Carrington that the SFRYugoslavia was in the process of dissolution, that the Serbianpopulation in Croatia and Bosnia does not have a right toself-determination in form of new states, and that the bordersbetween the republics are to be recognized as internationalborders. As a result of the conflict, the United Nations SecurityCouncil unanimously adopted UN Security Council Resolution721 on 27 November 1991, which paved the way to theestablishment of peacekeeping operations in Yugoslavia.[22]

In the meantime, behind the scenes negotiations began betweenMilošević and Tuđman to divide Bosnia and Herzegovina intoSerb and Croat administered territories to attempt to avert warbetween Bosnian Croats and Serbs.[23] While, in Bosnia andHerzegovina, Bosnian Serbs held the November 1991 referendumwhich resulted in an overwhelming vote in favor of staying in acommon state with Serbia and Montenegro.

Bosnian Independence and war (1992–1995)

In January 1992, Croatia and Yugoslavia signed an armistice under UN supervision, while Negotiations continuedbetween Serb and Croat leaderships over the partitioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina.[24] In public, pro-state mediain Serbia claimed to Bosnians that Bosnia and Herzegovina could be included a new voluntary union within a newYugoslavia based on democratic government, but this was not taken seriously by Bosnia and Herzegovina'sgovernment.[25]

On 9 January 1992, the Bosnian Serb assembly proclaimed a separate Republic of the Serb people of Bosnia andHerzegovina (the soon-to-be Republic of Srpska), and proceeded to form Serbian autonomous regions (SARs)throughout the state. The Serbian referendum on remaining in Yugoslavia and the creation of Serbian autonomousregions (SARs) were proclaimed unconstitutional by the government of Bosnia and Herzegovina. InFebruary–March 1992 the government itself held a national referendum on Bosnian independence from Yugoslavia.That referendum was in turn declared contrary to the BiH and Federal constitution by the federal Constitution courtand the newly established Bosnian Serb government; it was also largely boycotted by the Bosnian Serbs. The turnoutwas somewhere between 64–67% and 98% of the voters voted for independence. It was unclear what the two-thirdsmajority requirement actually meant and whether it was satisfied. The republic's government declared itsindependence on 5 April, and the Serbs immediately declared the independence of Republika Srpska. The BosnianWar followed shortly thereafter.This proved to be the final blow to the pan-Yugoslav Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. On 28 April 1992, the Serb-dominated Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) was formed out of the former Socialist Republics of

Breakup of Yugoslavia 13

Serbia and Montenegro. Its government claimed continuity to the former country, however, the internationalcommunity refused to recognize it as such. The stance of the international community was that Yugoslavia haddissolved into its separate states. This question was important for claims on SFRY's international assets, includingembassies in many countries. Only in 1996 had the FRY abandoned its claim to continuity from the SFRY. The FRYwas dominated by Slobodan Milošević and his political allies.The war in the western parts of former Yugoslavia ended in 1995 with US-sponsored peace talks in Dayton, Ohio,which resulted in the so-called Dayton Agreement. War between Serbs, Macedonians, and Albanians would continuethroughout the 1990s, with the last major conflict being between Albanian nationalists and the government ofRepublic of Macedonia reduced in violence after 2001.

The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia consisted ofSerbia and Montenegro

Final Breakup (2006–2008)

The rump of the former Communist Yugoslavia was re-named theFederal Republic of Yugoslavia by Serbia and Montenegro on 28April 1992. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was prevented bya UN resolution on 22 September 1992 from continuing to occupythe United Nations seat as successor state to the Socialist FederalRepublic of Yugoslavia, and not re-admitted until 1 November2000 afer an application for membership was submitted as a newcountry. The country was renamed a second time on 4 February2003 as the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro.

The State Union of Serbia and Montenegro was itself unstable, andfinally broke up during 2006 to 2008 as the last act in thedisintegration of Yugoslavia. In a referendum held in Montenegroon 21 May 2006 independence was backed by 55.5% of voters,and independence was declared on 3 June 2006. In Kosovo, whichhad been administerd by the UN since 1999, a unilateral declaration of independence was made on 17 February2008. This is not recognized by Serbia, and has limited recognition aross the international community.

References[1] World Bank, World Development Report 1991, Statistical Annex, Tables 1 and 2, 1991.[2] NSDD – National Security Decision Directives – Reagan Administration (http:/ / www. fas. org/ irp/ offdocs/ nsdd/ nsdd-054. htm)[3] Sean Gervasi, 'Germany, the US, and the Yugorlav Crisis,' Covert Action, n. 43, Winter 1992–93, p 42[4] Beth J. Asch, Courtland Reichmann, Rand Corporation. Emigration and Its Effects on the Sending Country. Rand Corporation, 1994. (pg. 26)[5] Douglas S. Massey, J. Edward Taylor. International Migration: Prospects and Policies in a Global Market. Oxford University Press, 2004.

(pg. 159)[6] Lampe, John R. 2000. Yugoslavia as History: Twice There Was a Country. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p347[7] Death of Yugoslavia. British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). 1995.[8] Ramet, Sabrina P. 2006. The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation. Indiana University Press. p598.[9] Demographics of Kosovo#1968-1989: Autonomy[10] Ruza Petrovic; Marina Blagojevic. Milos Macura. ed. The Migration of Serbs and Montenegrins from Kosovo and Metohija (http:/ / www.

rastko. org. rs/ kosovo/ istorija/ kosovo_migrations/ index. html). Belgrade: Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. ISBN 86-7025-154-X 1. .Retrieved 7 March 2007.

[11] Communism O Nationalism! (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,968740,00. html), TIME Magazine, 24 October 1988[12] "Roads Sealed as Yugoslav Unrest Mounts" (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage.

html?res=9C0CE5DC1538F93AA2575BC0A966958260& scp=7& sq=Tudjman& st=nyt). The New York Times. 19 August 1990. . Retrieved26 April 2010.

[13] Sudetic, Chuck (10 January 1991). "Financial Scandal Rocks Yugoslavia" (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage.html?res=9D0CE1D81638F933A25752C0A967958260). The New York Times. . Retrieved 26 April 2010.

[14] http:/ / www. sussex. ac. uk/ sei/ documents/ slovenian3. pdf REFERENDUM BRIEFING NO 3

Breakup of Yugoslavia 14

[15] Death of Yugoslavia. British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). 1995.[16] Icty – Tpiy :: (http:/ / www. un. org/ icty/ indictment/ english/ mil-ii011122e. htm)[17] Pavlovic: The Siege of Dubrovnik (http:/ / www. yorku. ca/ soi/ _Vol_5_1/ _HTML/ Pavlovic. html)[18] Pavlovic: The Siege of Dubrovnik (http:/ / www. yorku. ca/ soi/ _Vol_5_1/ _HTML/ Pavlovic. html#fnB3)[19] Pavlovic: The Siege of Dubrovnik (http:/ / www. yorku. ca/ soi/ _Vol_5_1/ _HTML/ Pavlovic. html#fnB28)[20] "Two jailed over Croatia massacre" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ europe/ 7016290. stm). BBC News. 27 September 2007. . Retrieved 26

April 2010.[21] Karadzic and Mladic: The Worlds Most Wanted Men – FOCUS Information Agency (http:/ / www. focus-fen. net/ index. php?id=l8266&

PHPSESSID=vij9lc6hpha284rr3albg7ii75)[22] "Resolution 721" (http:/ / www. nato. int/ ifor/ un/ u911127a. htm). N.A.T.O.. 25 September 1991. . Retrieved 21 July 2006.[23] Lukic, Reneo; Lynch, Allen. 1996. Europe from the Balkans to the Urals. The Distintegration of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. Oxford:

Oxford University Press, p209[24] Lukic, Reneo; Lynch, Allen. p210[25] Burg, Steven L; Shoup, Paul S. 1999. The War in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Ethnic Conflict and International Intervention. M.E. Sharpe. p102

• Almond, Mark, Europe’s Backyard War, William Heinemann Ltd, Great Britain, 1994• et al. Duncan, W. Raymond and Holman, G. Paul, Ethnic Nationalism and Regional Conflict: The Former Soviet

Union and Yugoslavia, Westview Press Inc, USA, 1994. ISBN 0-8133-8813-9• Dragosavljevic, Angelija, Slobodan Milosevic: A Study In Charismatic Leadership And Its Distortions

1987–1992, Australian National University Press, Canberra, 1993• Magas, Branka, The Destruction of Yugoslavia: Tracking the Break-up 1980–1992, Verso, Great Britain, 1993.

ISBN 0-86091-593-X• Mojzes, Paul, Yugoslavian Inferno: in the Balkans, The Continuum Publishing company, USA, 1994• Radan, Peter, Break-up of Yugoslavia and International Law, Routledge, Great Britain, 2002• Woodward, Susan, L. Balkan Tragedy: Chaos & Dissolution after the Cold War, the Brookings Institution Press,

Virginia, USA, 1995

Article Sources and Contributors 15

Article Sources and ContributorsBreakup of Yugoslavia  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=450885539  Contributors: 2007apm, Acroterion, Admiral Norton, Alaniaris, Alice Mudgarden, Alkalada, Andresrojas22, Ariobarzan, BalkanWalker, Balkantropolis, Barbov, Barzdonas, Bbrown1989, Before My Ken, Big Bird, BlueRoar, Bluebird207, Bonadea, Bože pravde, Buckshot06, CALR, Catapult,Ceha, Charles Matthews, ColorOfSuffering, Crnorizec, D Monack, D-Notice, DIREKTOR, DIREKTOR SPLIT, DSuser, DabMachine, DanPMK, DancingPhilosopher, Dans, Dbachmann,Dchall1, Der Eberswalder, Deville, Diannaa, Dpenn89, Dragoljub Kojadinovic, Dudemanfellabra, Duja, Eastlaw, Edolen1, El C, Eleassar, Emir Arven, Ev, Everyking, Evlekis, FFMG, Fentenervan Vlissingen, Forsena, Frehley, Frichmon, Frietjes, Frightner, Future Perfect at Sunrise, Geboy, GeneralPatton, Gherasim Radu, Gjakova, Gprince007, Great Moments in Presidential Speeches,GregorB, Ground Zero, Harej, Hatch68, Hhpark, Hoshie, Husond, IJA, IgorMagic, Iridescent, J3ff, Joevsimp, Joy, Judgesurreal777, Karts6735, Kaze0010, Kebeta, Kedadi, Kevinholstein, Kewp,Koavf, LSD, Lantzy, Laughing Man, Lihaas, Loafy888888, Lord Pistachio, Luffy487, MK8, MacedonianBoy, Madesfuga, Mah20, Matches10, Maurreen, Mazito, Mentifisto, Mex Ray Trex,Mild Bill Hiccup, Miranche, Mladifilozof, Mlc1958, Mnh123, Mugasaurus, N400, NeroN BG, Nhengen, Nikola Smolenski, No such user, Ohconfucius, Oikema, OwenBlacker, PANONIAN,PRODUCER, Paul A, Pavel Vozenilek, Pearle, PeteVine, Peter2010 2, Phildav76, Phreed100, Porn Jesus, Purpleturple, Radu Gherasim, Rjwilmsi, Russianmissile, SAWGunner89, SSJ 5, Sabate,Sam Blacketer, Seaphoto, Shabicht, Sheynhertz-Unbayg, Signalhead, Silventus, Sm8900, Snake bgd, Snocrates, TShilo12, Tckma, The Spanish Inquisitor, Tide rolls, Travürsa, Twoheel, Umsbjk,Unionhawk, Viator slovenicus, Viking880, Wdcf, WhiteWriter, Wllmevans, Xezbeth, Yboord028, Yzb, 214 anonymous edits

Image Sources, Licenses and ContributorsFile:Breakup of Yugoslavia-TRY2.gif  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Breakup_of_Yugoslavia-TRY2.gif  License: GNU Free Documentation License  Contributors:Original by Hoshie; derivative by DIREKTORFile:Marsal Tito.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Marsal_Tito.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Former Yugoslavian Armed Forces. Original uploader wasGaston200 at en.wikipedia. Later version(s) were uploaded by PRODUCER at en.wikipedia.File:Slobodan Milosevic.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Slobodan_Milosevic.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: U.S. Air ForceFile:FranjoTudman.JPG  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:FranjoTudman.JPG  License: Public Domain  Contributors: A1C Carson Harrison.File:AlijaIzetbegovic1.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:AlijaIzetbegovic1.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: defenselink.milFile:Evstafiev-Radovan Karadzic 3MAR94.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Evstafiev-Radovan_Karadzic_3MAR94.jpg  License: Creative CommonsAttribution-Sharealike 2.5  Contributors: Mikhail EvstafievFile:Former Yugoslavia wartime animation 92-95.gif  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Former_Yugoslavia_wartime_animation_92-95.gif  License: GNU FreeDocumentation License  Contributors: User:EsemonoFile:Former Yugoslavia 2008.PNG  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Former_Yugoslavia_2008.PNG  License: GNU Free Documentation License  Contributors:User:Tieum512File:Evstafiev-sarajevo-building-burns.jpg  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Evstafiev-sarajevo-building-burns.jpg  License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike2.5  Contributors: User:EvstafievFile:Yugoslaviamap.png  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Yugoslaviamap.png  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Electionworld, Kintetsubuffalo, Ras67, Tene

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