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3.
BUKU PERSEMBAHAN KEPADA PROF. DR. ARON MEKO MBETE
MEMASUKI MASA PURNA TUGAS
DEWAN ?Ei-lYUNTING
I Nengah Sudipa
Made Sri Satyawati
ANGGOT A PENYUNTING
Veronika
Genua
Lanny I.D.
Koroh
I Gusti Agung Sri Rwa Jayantini
PENATASAMPUL
Made Henra Dwikarmawan Sudipa
PENATA LETAK
Putu Edi
Diterbitkan :
Program Magister dan Doktor IImu Linguistik
Fakultas IImu Budaya-Universitas Udayana
2017
Percetakan:
SWASTA NULUS
JI. Tukad Batanghari VI B No.9 Denpasar Bali
Telp. (0361) 241230 Email: [email protected]
Cetakan Pertama
September 2017, xxxiv + 1501 halaman, 15,5 x 23 em
ISBN:
978-602-7599-54-3
Buku Persembahan Kepada Prof. Dr. Aron Meko Mbete Memasuki Masa Pumatugas
DAFTAR ISI
Purwakata ........... .................................................................. .
Refleksi .............. .................................................................. .
Apresiasi ............. .................................................................. .
Kontemplasi ....... .................................................................. .
Daftar Isi ............. :.: ............................................................. .
Sambutan Dekan Fakultas Ilmu Budaya ............................... .
v
Vll
l
Xll
XVll
XXI
XXV
Kumpulan Artikel
1. BUDAYA AUSTRONESIA Ni Luh Sutjiati
Beratha, I Wayan Ardika ......................................................... 3 2. LEKS IKON
BAHASA
BALI
Rona
MEREFLEKSIKAN RITUAL MASY ARAKA T
HINDU I Nengah Sudipa ...................................................... 12
4. Rona PUTIH PADA MASYARAKAT BALI:
KAJIAN X-PHEMISME Gede Doddi Raditya
Diputra ................................................................................. 23
4. KETERANCAMAN KEDUDUKAN BAHASA
BALI SEBAGAI BAHASA IBU ProfDrs. I Made
Suastra Ph.DDra. Ni Nyoman Baktiari, Msi ..................... 30
5. KIDUNG INTERAKTIF DI PANGGUNG
ELEKTRONIK: ALIH W AHANA SASTRA
BALI TRADISIONAL DI RADIO DAN
TELEVISI *), I Nyoman Darma Putra ................................ 45
Rona Bahasa I xxi I
-~~'--",.-."~
I,
Ii
Buku Persembahan Kepada Proi. Dr. Aron Meko Mbete Memasuki Masa Purnatugas
UNDERSTANDING
MULTICUL TURAL
THE
SOCIETY
6. BALI
IN A
GLOBALISED WORLD, I Ketut Ardhana ........... .
GEDING/SEKAR RARE SEBAGAI MEDIA
PEMBELAJARAN BAHASA ANAK BERBASIS
LINGKUNGAN, I Wayan Simpen ................................... 91
8. KONSEPTUALISASI DAN DINAMlKA
BUDAYA GOTONG ROYONG DALAM
REALITAS SOSIAL ETNIK RONGGA DI
FLORES, Fransiskus Bustan, Agustinus Semiun,
dan Hendrikus Pous ........................................................... 99
70
7.
9. PERIBAHASA TINJAUAN
EPISTEMOLOGISNY A, I Ketut Darmalaksana 119
10. PRODUKTIVITAS PREFIKS {MA-} DALAM
BAHASA BALI, I Nyoman Kardana, Made Sri
Satyawati ..........................................................................128
DAN 11. P ARRHESIA KEKUASAAN
SASTRAWAN DALAM MENGUNGKAPKAN
KEBENARAN, Maria Matildis Banda .......................... 143
12. KONSEP W AKTU DALAM BAHASA JEPANG:
DARI BUDA Y A POLIKRONIK KE BUDAY A
MONOKRONIK, Ketut Widya Purnawati, Ketut
Artawa ............................................................................. 165
13. BAHASA DAN KEUTUHAN BANGSA:
EUFEMISME DAN UJARAN KEBENCIAN
Oktavianus ...................................................................... 190
14. KEAGENAN
KLAUSA
SUBJEK GRAMATlKAL
PENTOPlKALAN BAHASA
MINANGKABAU,Jujrizal ............................................... 199
xxii I Rona Bahasa
Buku Persembahan Kepada Prof. Dr. Aron Meko Mbete Memasuki Masa Purnatugas
15.ANCANGAN KAJIAN EKOLINGUISTIK
KRITIS DALAM WACANA HIJAU: ANALISIS
KELINGUISTlKAN YANG PROSPEKTIF,
Fathur Rokhmanl dan Tommi Yuniawan ........................ 222
16. BALINESE LEXICAL REFLEXIVES, I Nyoman
Udayana ....................................................... :.......... 248
17. HAK LINGUAL KULTURAL SUKU BANGSA
DAN STRATEGI PEMBERDAYAAN: Studi
Kasus Undang-Undang Otonomi Khusus di Tanah
Papua Hugo Warami .................................. .............. .... 272
18.MEMPERTEMUKAN MORFOLOGI DAN
LINGUISTIK KORPUS: KAJIAN
KONSTRUKSI
PEMBENTUKAN
KATA
KERJA [PER+AJEKTIVA] DALAM BAHASA
INDONESIA Gede Primahadi-Wijaya-Rajeg dan I
Made Rajeg ..................................................................... 288
19. PERJUANGAN MASYARAKAT KOLOK DI
DESA BENGKALA BULELENG
MENINGKATKAN KUALITAS HIDUP
MELALUI BUDAY A Dian Rahmani Putri ................. 328
20. TUNUHA
DALAM
PERSPEKTIF EKOLINGUISTIK Nirmalasari, Lili Darlian ............... 348
21. KAJIAN FILSAF A T ANALITIK BAHASA
DALAM
MODERNISASI
TERHADAP PERKEMBANGAN FUNGSI DAN KONSEP
BAHASA UNIVERSAL, Maulid Taembo .................... 370
22. VERBA LEMP AR BAHASA SASAK: KAJIAN
MET ABAHASA SEMANTIK ALAMI Irma
Setiawan ......................................................................... 397
Rona Bahasa I xx:ii I
5. Buku Persembahan Kepada Prof. Dr. Aron Meko Mbete Memasuki Masa Purnatugas
23. HlKA Y AT ME LA YU DALAM TRADISI LISAN
BAKAYATSASAK(SEBUAHPENELUSURAN
SEJARAH) Suyasa, I Made ....................................... ..... 417
24.STRA TEGI PEMBELAJARAN KANJI
MENGGUNAKAN METODE MNEMONIC*) I
Gede Oeinada ................................................................. 449
25. KHAZANAH LEKSIKON KEPADIAN SAWAH
KOMUNITAS TUTUR SUNDA : KAJIAN
EKOLINGUISTIK Lien Darlina, Rosbaedi ................... 491
Profil penyunting
xxiv I Rona Bahasa
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16. BALINESE LEXICAL REFLEXIVES
I Nyoman Udayana
Faculty of Arts, Udayana University
Abstract
Lexical reflexives in Balinese manifest themselves with the middle voice marker ma- (and rarely
with nasal prefix N-) attached to a verb root. The middle verb that enters into lexical reflexivity
constitutes an action verb and the construal of its reflexivity can be predicted from the covert or
overt presence of a (simple) reflexive cliticized to the verb root. Inherent in this type of middle
verbs are body action middles.It isarguedthen that a body action middle, in and of itself,isreflexive,
running counter to Kemmer’s (1993, 1994) claim.
Keywords: lexical reflexives, incorporated forms, clitic, middle marker
I. INTRODUCTION
Is a body action middle lexical reflexive?
Balinese has a middle voice system which is marked by the prefix ma-, which itself serves
as an intransitive marker. Thus, the formma- has a detransitivizing effect when used for
designating middle-marking verbs which are semantically dyadic/divalent or triadic/trivalent.
Looking at the middle constructions that behave in this manner, I appeal to the
transitive/intransitive alternation to detect the meaning or property of the middle construction in
question.
There are two kinds of derived constructions that can be associated with the use of the
transitive/intransitive alternation. First, an intransitive clause (with an MV-marking) can be
derived from a transitive clause (with an AV-marking) and the subject of the derived clause is the
patient argument of the erstwhile clause yielding a medio-passive construction, i.e. a middle
construction resembling a passive construction.
(1) a. I Nyoman meli buku ento
ART Nyoman AV.buy book that
‘I Nyoman bought the book’
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b. Buku ento mabeli
book that MV.buy
‘The book was bought’
(2) a. I Ketut ngadep sampi ene
ART Ketut AV.sell cow this
‘I Ketut sold the cow’
b. Sampi ene maadep
cow this MV.sell
‘The cow sold/ the cow was sold’
Second, the derived sentences are middles (with MV-marking) whose subject corresponds to the
agentargument of the transitive clause and they are always interpreted as lexically reflexive
constructions as shown in (b) sentences which, with respect to the situation type, are called body-
care middles (Kemmer 1993, 1994).
(3) a, Ia ngumbah awak/ anak cerik ento
3 AV.wash self/ person small that
‘(S)he washed herself/himself/ the small child’
b. Ia maumbah
3 MV.wash
‘(S)he washed herself/himself’
(4) a I meme nyemuhin awak/ anak ento
ART mother AV.sunbathe self/ person that
‘Mother sunbathed herself/the child’
b. I meme majemuh
ART mother MV.sunbathe
‘Mother sunbathed herself’
In this paper I am concerned with the middles of this second type or specifically middles
that exhibit lexical reflexives. However, lexical reflexivity as shown by body-care middles is not
considered as a reflexive per se in Kemmer (1993, 1994). In what follows I am going to show that
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they are reflexives. First of all let us have a look at Kemmer’s (1993) claim that dissociates middles
from reflexives.
Kemmer argues that body care middles such as the ones in (3b) and (4b) are not an instance
of reflexives. The middle verb maumbah ‘wash oneself’ in 3(b), for example, is taken as having
initiating and endpoint entities but conceived of as having a single participant. With the reflexive
type in (3a) headed by the verb ngumbah ‘wash’, on the other hand, the action involved is
considered as involving a two-participant event which happens to be realized by one entity. Despite
the fact that the two situation types have one thing in common in that the two have a single referent,
she maintains that they are conceptually different. Bysymbolizing an action attributing to them
(middles and reflexives)as a circle; a middle type is described as having one circle representing
the initiating and end point of the action. The reflexive situation type, on the other hand, is
described as having two circles with the first representing the initiating point while the second the
end point. Crucially, the conception of initiator-endpoint action is taken to be a determining factor
that distinguishes the two situation types in terms of distinguishability of participant event
hierarchy as illustrated in (5), in which a reflexive is taken as leaning towards the left (a two-
participant event) while a middle leaning toward the right (a one-participant event)(Kemmer 1993:
73).
(5) Two-participant Reflexive Middles One-participant
Event Event
+ -
To support her claim, Kemmer (1993), following Faltz (1977:7), notes that the difference
between body action middles and reflexives has to do with whether the subject of a sentence is
human or not. In body action middles, only a human subject is possible while in the reflexive, only
non human subject is appropriate as shown by the following English examples (Kemmer 1993:
53).
(6) a. Tiger was washing himself [where Tiger is a cat]
b. John washed/John got washed [where John is my brother]
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While it is clear that a middle clause in (6b) is only linked to humans while a reflexive in (6a) to
nonhuman. The reflexive-middle distinction shown in (6) is not convincing, however. Lidz (2001)
approaches this problem somewhat differently; it is the reflexive of (6a) type that he classifies as
near-reflexive, i.e. the possibility of taking a non-identical antecedent, while that of type (6b) as a
real reflexive. Following Jackendoff (1992), he claims that syntactic reflexives can exhibit a near-
reflexive while lexically reflexive verb (body care verb) cannot. He illustrates the situation by a
statue that portrays Ringo Starr. Suppose that Ringo Starr visits the museum of Madame Tussauds,
which contains a wax statue that portrays him as a bearded man which he does not like then he
might take a razor to change his portrayed image, the reflexive that best illustrates this situation is
(7a) not (7b). Suppose also that he is portrayed as a man without beard in MmeTussauds museum
and he likes this image but he has beard with him, he might take a razor to change his look so the
action/the reflexive that can illustrate this situation can be either (7a) or (7b).
(7) a. Ringor Starr shaves himself
b. Ringor Starr shaves
On the basis of this fact, sentence (6a) might also have the effect of near-reflexive reading.As is
well known that animals can also perform some action resembling that of a human being;thus,
sentence (6a) in and of itself can also be taken as a real reflexive in the sense of Lidz (2001) in
which the cat tiger can go into a river or some kind of body of water to take care of its filthy body
or to avoid the heat of the sun.Consider also the following example:
(8) Thecat washesseveral times a day
(dictionary.die.net/wash)
Thus on this view, body care verb can also be attributed to nonhumans (animals) although the
number of body-actions tied to them is certainly very limited in comparison with those tied to
humans.
Lidz (2001) also uses data from Kannada to corroborate his claim. In (9a), is an intrinsically
reflexive verb, thus ‘statue reading’ is impossible; while (9b) contains a syntactic reflexive, thus
near-reflexive reading is achieved and ‘statue reading’ is also possible, see Lidz (2001) for more
discussion.
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(9) a. Hari tann-annu nooḍ-i-konḍa
Hari self-ACC see-PP-REFL-PST-3SM
‘Hari saw himself (=Hari, *statue)’ (Lidz 2001: 128)
b. Hari tann-annu-taane nooḍ-id-a
Hari self-ACC-self see-PST-3SM
‘Hari saw himself (=Hari or statue)’ (Lidz 2001: 128)
Quite in a different view, however, Reinhart and Reuland (1993) and Reuland (2011),
claim that a middle verb denoting body action such as maumbah‘wash’ above is reflexive.
Investigating languages that have two different forms of reflexive:simple reflexive (SE) as in
Dutchzich and Norwegian seg, and complex reflexive(ZELF) as in Dutch zichzelf, and Norwegian
segselv.1This phenomenon of reflexivizationappears in languages having a two-middle system
(Kemmer1993). Note that the simple reflexive such aszich is used for determining an intrinsic
reflexivization while its complex reflexive counterpart is used for exhibiting extrinsic
reflexifization as shown in the following examples.2
1 The simple reflexive zich which is abbreviated as SE and the complex reflexive which is referred to ZELF are
respectively considered as having universal characteristics. Following the generalization developed by Pica (1987)
and Faltz (1985), Reinhart and Reuland (1993) claim that, besides indicating intrinsic reflexivity, the simple anaphor
(SE) is also taken to be universally anti local in that it can be long-distance bound while the complex reflexive (ZELF)
is universally local. This generalization is merely a tendency not universal (Huang 2000). Data on Balinese reflexives,
complex reflexives not simple reflexives play a role as a long distance anaphors, support Huang’s claim.
The claim that the simple reflexive zich can be long-distance bound can be illustrated in the following
examples. Sentence (ia), zich behaves like a pronominal in that its syntactic position can be filled by a pronoun. This
is also supported in (ib) where it is anteceded by the subject of the matrix clause. Sentence (ic) is ungrammatical
because the complex reflexive zichzelf is strictly local.
(i) a. Jan wast zich / Karel
Jan washes self Karel
‘Jan washes himself/ Karel’
b. Max horde mij over sizh praten
Max heard me about self speak
‘Max heard me talk about him’
c. *Max horde mij over sizhzelf praten
Max heard me about selfself speak
‘Max heard me talk about him’
2Indeed the simple reflexive sizh in Dutch is connected to middle marking. Another type of middle called emotional
middle is also found to take this reflexive as shown in the following example taken from Everaert (1993: 84).
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(10) a. *Max haat zich
Max hates self
‘Max hates himself’
b. Max haat zichzelf
Max hates selfself
‘Max hates himself’
c. Max wast zich
Max washes self
‘Max washes himself’
Example (10a) which is headed by the verb haat ‘hates’ is not compatible with the simple reflexive
zich, however, when it takes a complex reflexive zichzelf in (10b) the resulting sentence turns out
to be grammatical. Interestingly when another type of verb, a body care verb in the sense of
Kemmer (1993, 1994), takes a simple reflexive, sentence (10c) is perfectly grammatical in contrast
with (10a)3. Given these binding facts, Reinhart and Reuland contend that a sentence such as (10c)
exhibits an intrinsic reflexivization which in Dutch happens to be marked by a reflexive marker
but in other languages such as English it has no marking on the verb. 4Sentence (10b) indicates
extrinsic reflexivization.
Reinhart and Reulandclaim that binding theory should have been able to account for these
facts, which we turn to in the next sub-section.
II. LEXICAL REFLEXIVITY AND BINDING THEORY
Binding Theory so far formulated only fare well in favor of syntactic reflexivity, ignoring
the fact that there exists a predicate that has intrinsic reflexivity. Thus, to account for this fact,
(ii) Jan scahmdezich/ *zichzelf
‘Jan was ashamed’
4 The same true in English, when the verb wash does take an object, the reflexive reading obtains as illustrated in
(iii).
(iii) John washes
[= John washes himself]’
[ John washes someone else]
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Reinhart and Reuland(1993: 660) propose that reflexivizationisa property of a predicate. The
formulation is statable in (11).
(11) Condition A
A reflexive-marked (syntactic) predicate is reflexive
Condition B
A Reflexive (semantic) predicate is reflexive-marked
Definitions
a. A predicate is reflexive iff two of its argument are co-indexed
b. A predicate (P) is reflexive-marked iff
i. P is lexically reflexive, or one of P’s arguments is SELF anaphor, or
ii. One of P’s argument is a SELF anaphor
iii. A SELF anaphor is morphologically complex anaphor
To conclude, lexical reflexivity marking correlates with middle marking associated with the
language in question. If the lexical reflexive is unmarked, the middle associated with the language
is also unmarked. Similarly, if a lexical reflexive is marked, the middle associated with the
language is also marked. An interesting point relates to a language that has two reflexive markers:
simple and complex form. If the reflexive form is used as a middle marker, the choice is always
the simple form.
(12)
Lexical Reflexive marking Middle marking
Simple reflexive form Yes
Complex reflexive form No
Zero form/unmarked Yes
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III. THE TYPES OF LEXICAL REFLEXIVES IN BALINESE
As noted above, lexically reflexive constructions in Balinese are middle-marked. Each of
the constructions can be identified with whether or not it takes a reflexive form. It has to be noted
that Balinese has two reflexive forms: complex reflexive forms and a simple reflexive forms. If a
middle construction takes a reflexive marker, it is always realized by the simple reflexive (awak/
iba/raga/dewek/ipun ‘self’). Let us just refer to the lexical reflexivity that appears in the syntax
without reflexive forms as unmarked forms while those that take it as marked forms. The marked
forms can be further partitioned into the forms that take obligatory simple reflexive (incorporated
form) and the forms that take optional simple reflexive (causative form) which can also be
subdivided into two forms: the ones that take one causative morpheme(-an) and those that take
two causative morphemes (pa- and –an), which I will simply call one-causatives form and two-
causative formsrespectively. Thus, there arepreciselyfour types of lexical reflexivity(in Balinese)
which can be stated as follows.
(13) a. Unmarked forms
b. One-causative forms
c. Two-causative forms
d. Incorporated form
3.1 Unmarked forms
The unmarked forms are essentially middles denoting body action verbs. Some of the body
action verbshave been exemplified but in this section more examples are given including the
division of body-care verbs into two: actions that onlyinvolve parts of the body and those involving
all parts of the body. This partition has the same characterization. Its roots can be either realized
by a verb or a noun. However, as noted by Arka (2003),a rootcan be bound or pre-categorial in
that we cannot assign a meaning or a grammatical category (V, N, etc.) to the root prior to being
bound by an affix. For example,the rootsugiis categorically a verb only after it takes a verbal affix
such as -an orma- to respectively form sugian or masugi, then it means ‘wash one’s face’. Thus,
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in the following paradigms, if a word root is precategorial/bound, meaning is only given to its
middle form.5
(14) Body parts
Root Middle form
suah ‘comb’ masuah‘comb oneself’
-sugi masugi ‘wash one’s face
pupur ‘powder’ mapupur ‘apply powder on one’s face’
enci ‘lipstick’ maenci ‘put lipstick on one’s lips’
cilak ‘eye shadow’ macilak ‘apply eye shadow on one’s eyelids’
sisig ‘tobacco used to clean teeth’ masisig ‘to clean one’s teeth using sisig’
sikat ‘brush’ masikat ‘brush one’s teeth using toothpaste’
kemuh ‘mouth-wash’ makemuh‘rinse one’s mouth’
kuris ‘shave’ makuris ‘shave oneself’
ambuh ‘wash hair’ maambuh ‘wash one’s hair’
kaca‘mirror’ makaca ‘look at oneself in the mirror’
meka ‘mirror’ mameka ‘look at oneself in the mirror’
baseh‘wash’ mabaseh ‘wash one’s hands or feet’
(15) Whole parts of the body
jemuh ‘sunbathe’ majemuh ‘sunbathe oneself’
kidu‘warm oneself’ makidu ‘warm oneself near the fire’
embon ‘shady’ maembon/*ngembon ‘protect one’s body against the heat of
the sun or rain’
etis ‘cool’ maetis/ngetis ‘to place oneself in a cool place’
umbah ‘wash’ maumbah ‘wash oneself’
boreh ‘wet powder’ maboreh ‘apply boreh on one’s body’
payas ‘dress’ mapayas ‘dress oneself’
5A root can be bound or precategorial because it can derive words of more than one grammatical category. For
example, from the root silur, one can obtain the verb siluran ‘replace’ but a noun can also be derived from the same
root as in pasilur ‘substitute/change’. Thus obviously, the root itself is unclear in terms of its grammatical category
and its meaning. In the case of sugi, besides forming a derived verb such as masugi, a derived noun pasugian is also
available which means ‘the place for washing face’
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As noted above, Middle marking in Balinese corresponds to intransitive marking (prefix ma- and
nasal prefix N-). Although generally speaking, it is ma- prefix that plays a role as a middle marker.
However, in a minority of verbs, N- prefix can also serve as a middle marker as seen in ngetis
which is an alternative form of maetis. However, which middle verb can take N- form is not clearly
predictable as seen in the impossibility of ngembon when taken as an alternative form of maembon
‘to place oneself in a shady place’.
The action performed tied to body partsand whole body parts leads to different reflexive
readings. Ideally, reflexive action involved the whole body. However, the middle verbs related to
body parts can be ambiguous between possessive reflexive reading and pronominal reflexive
reading as seen in (16). Note that the middle form is the same across registers (low, mid, and high
registers) but it is different only in the lexicon (the NP subject and the verb root).
.
(16) a. Cang masugi (low register)
1 MV.wash.face
(i) ‘I washed my face’
(ii) ‘I (face-)washed myself’
b. Ipun maraup (mid register)
3 MV.wash.face
(i) ‘(S)he washed his/her face’
(ii) ‘(S)he (face-)washed herself/himself’
c. Ida maraup (high register)
3 MV.wash.face
(i) ‘(S)he washed his/her face’
(ii) ‘(S)he (face)-washed herself/himself’
The same possessive reflexivereadings also obtain when we have recourse to AV clauses
(17) a. Cang nyugi(-n)-in mua
1 AV.wash.face(LK)-CAUS face
‘I wash my face’
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b. Ida ngraupin prarai
3 AV.wash.face-CAUSE face
‘(S)he wash his/her face’
(18) a. Cang nyugi(-n)-in awak
1 AV.wash.face.(LK)-CAUS self
‘I (face-)washed myself’
b. Ida ngraupin raga
3 AV.wash.face.CAUS self
‘(S)he (face-)washed herself/himself’
Note that the presence of the causative affix –in in AV clauses in (17) and (18) is obligatory
otherwise the resulting sentences are ungrammatical as shown in (19). However, in the middle
forms as seen above the causative morpheme is dropped without affecting the grammaticality of
the sentence.
(19) a. *Icang nyugi mua
1 AV.wash.face face
‘I washed my face’
b *Ida ngraup prarai
3 AV.wash.face face
‘(S)he washed her/his face’
c *Ipun ngraup dewek
3 AV.wash.face self
‘(S)he (face-)washed herself/himself’
3.2 One Causative Form
This middle type takes a root, causative morpheme, plus an optional simple reflexive.
Likethe roots of unmarked forms, the roots of one-causative formscan also be bound/ precategorial,
which is marked with no meaning. As noted, this middle type takes optional simple reflexive form
and I just use the simple reflexive awak to represent one of the possible simple reflexive forms
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that the verb in question can take. The evidence that makes the simple reflexive optionally appear
lies in the fact that the verb root takes causative morpheme –an(g) in the middle forms, which as
noted make this middle type distinct from the unmarked type.Note also that verbs indication body
action middles can also take part in this middle type such asmaememan ‘make oneself immersed
in the water’. Since these middle forms take one causative morpheme and optional reflexive, I
subsume them under one-causative form type.
Root Middle form
seliah maseliahan (awak) ‘make oneself have a break’
dabdab ‘prepared in madabdaban (awak) ‘make oneself prepared’
an orderly slow manner’
tragia ‘ready’ matragian (awak) ‘make oneself ready’
selsel ‘regret’ maselselan (awak) ‘make oneself regret one’s deeds’
nyelsel (awak)
tegteg ‘calm/steady’ mategtegan (awak)‘make oneself do something calmly’
kitip ‘do something freely’ makitipan (awak) ‘make oneself do something freely’
emem ‘immerse’ maememan (awak) ‘make oneself immersed in the water’
(20) a. Ia maseliahan (awak/dewek/iba/raga)
3 MV.have.a.break.CAUS self
‘(S)he allowedherself/himself to have a break’
b. Ia nyeliahan awak/dewek/iba/raga
3 AV.have.a.break.CAUS self
‘(S)he allowed herself/himself to have a break’
Interestingly,the intransitive prefix N- is also available in this type of middle as seen in (20b).
Notice that the ma- form such as the one in (20a) consistently takes the cause morpheme –an, and
the optional simple reflexive form. However, the middle in (21c) does not take the causative
morpheme but the reflexive form it takes is optional. The mismatch is expected because if the
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causative morpheme were retained, it would be no difference from the transitive reflexive form as
in (21a).6
(21) a. Ia nyelselan awak/dewek/iba/raga
3 AV.regret.CAUSE self
‘(S)he regretted herself/himself’
b. Ia maselselan (awak/dewek/iba/raga)
3 MV.regret.CAUSE self
‘(S)he regretted herself/himself’
c. Ia nyelsel (awak/dewe/iba/raga)
3 MV.regret self
‘(S)he regretted herself/himself’
3.3 Two-Causative Form
Unlike the one-causative form type, this two-causative form type is more restricted. The
formative pa- has a number of different uses such as a nominalizer (Kersten 1984). She also notes
that one of its uses relates to causative marker, which is reminiscentof the causative morpheme
per- in Indonesian. Thus compare the following examples:
Indonesian
(22) a. Besar-kan
‘big-CAUS’
‘Make something big’
b. Per-besar
CAUS-big
‘Make something bigger’
c. Per-besar(-kan)
CAUS-big-CAUS
‘Make something bigger’
6This serves as evidence that Balinese middle marker corresponds to intransitive marker and of the two intransitive
markers: ma- and N-, it is the former that is widely used.
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Balinese
(23) a. Gede-(n)-an
big-(LK)-CAUS
‘Make something big’
b. * Pa-gede
CAUS-big
‘Make something bigger’
c. Pa-gede-(n)-an
CAUS-big-CAUS
‘Make something bigger’
Root Middle form
angen‘compassionate’ mapangenan (awak) ‘cause oneself to be more
angenan ‘cause to be compassionate’ compassionate’/regret oneself’
pangenan ‘cause to be more compassionate’
kiken mapakikenan (awak) ‘make oneself more ready’
kikenan ‘make ready;
pakikenan ‘make more ready’
itung ‘consider’ mapaitungan ‘cause oneself to consider more
itungan ‘cause to consider’ (lit.)/‘cause oneself to act more deliberatively’
paitugan ‘cause to considermore’
(24) a. Ia mangenan awak/dewek/ iba/raga
3 MV.regret.CAUS self
‘(S)he regretted herself/himself’
b. Ia mapangenan (awak/dewek/iba/raga)
3 MV.CAUS.regret.CAUS self
‘(S)he regretted herself/himself’
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3.4 Incorporated Form
This form of middles is very restricted in Balinese. The root is realized by a noun which
semantically understood as a relational noun (Udayana and Beavers 2013).
Root Middle form
dagang ‘trader’ madagangawak/dewek/iba/raga ‘sell oneself’
capil ‘hat’ macapil ‘ have a hat on’
The reflexive element cliticized to the verb is obligatory. Thus the omission of the clitcized element
does not trigger (lexical) reflexivity, as shown in (25c). Note that the verb madagang closely
related to its active form adep ‘sell’. However when this verb takes ma-form, it must be interpreted
as belonging to a medio passive which is shown by the fact that the middle verb maadep cannot
combine with the reflexive element, as illustrated in (26c).
(25) a. Ia madagang awak/dewek/iba/raga
3 MV.trader self
‘(S)he sold herself/himself’
b. Ia madagang awak/dewek/iba/raga
3 MV.trader self
‘(S)he sold herself/himslf’
c. Ia madagang
3 MV.trader
‘(S)he sells something’
(26) a. Ia ngadep awak/dewek/iba/raga
3 AV.sell self
‘(S)he sold herself/himself’
b. *Ia maadep awak/dewe/iba/raga
3 MV.sell self
‘(S)he sells’
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IV. Syntactic Structures of Balinese Lexical Reflexives
All types of Balinese lexical reflexives can uniformly be taken as a structure in which the
verb root headed by the ma-form takes a dyadic predicate XP complement (which can be a VP or
NP) and the XP complement may further take an NP complement which is eventually incorporated
into the ma-from. This operation is assumed to be achieved by head to head movement.
First let us consider the unmarked form lexical reflexive, as shown in (27). The tree
diagram depicts the situation that the dyadic verb is incorporated into the ma-form and the NP
predicate does take any complement, indicating that the middle verb is interpreted as inherently
reflexive.
(27) TP
NP VP
V int VP
ma-
V dyadic
One-causative form and two-causative form reflexives have the same c-structure
representation in which the dyadic VP predicate is incorporated into the ma-form. And this NP
predicate complement further takes an optional object (which is realized by the simple reflexive
element).
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(28) TP
NP VP
V int VP
ma-
V dyadic (NP)
Finally, the incorporated form lexical reflexive is illustrated in (29). The predicate NP
complement is a relational N which is obviously dyadic. This NP complement further takes
obligatory reflexive element ensuring the resulting middle verb to have the lexical reflexive
interpretation.
(29) TP
NP VP
V int NP
ma-
N dyadic NP refl
V. CONCLUSION
The ma-form in Balinese is traditionally understood as an intransitive marker. Following
Kemmer (1993, 1994), I have shown that the ma-form serves as the exponent of middle marker.
There are many situation types associated with the ma-forms, one of them being what is referred
to as body action middles by Kemmer (1993). Body action middles in Balinese encode reflexivity,
either with covert or overt (simple) reflexive element, awak/dewek/iba/raga ‘self’, cliticized to a
verb base. This paper argues that body action middles are an instance of lexical reflexives, rejecting
Kemmer’s (1993) claim that dissociates them from reflexivity. To support the claim, the
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transitive/intransitive alternation strategy is adopted in which the interpretation of the body action
middles can be detected. It is shown that the meaning of the (transitive) form is preserved in the
intransitive (middle) form and importantly reflexivity interpretation is also well maintained even
though the presence of the reflexive element is covertly or overtly required in the ma-form.
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