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Burlington Connections

To

The War of 1812

Researched and compiled by Daphne Smith, Volunteer, Museums of Burlington

April 2008

Updated January 2012

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction………………………………………………………………………..Page 3

Overview…………………………………….………………………………….....Page 4

Head of the Lake……………………………………………………….……….….Page 6

Strategic Positions……………………………………………………………........Page 8

The Sand Strip……………………………………………….………………Page 8

King’s Head Inn……………………………………………………………..Page 9

The Old Outlet………………………………………………………….…...Page 11

Burlington Bay and Burlington Heights……………………………….……Page 13

The Battles – An Overview of the War at the Head …….…………………………Page 15

Destruction of King’s Head Inn……………...………………...……………Page 16

Battle of Stoney Creek…………………………………………………....…Page 18

Aborted Attempt on Burlington Heights at the Old Outlet…………….…...Page 21

Burlington Races……………………………………………………….……Page 23

A Call to Duty - The Militia…………………………………………………….….Page 28

The Men Who Served………………………………………………………………Page 30

Conclusion…………………………………………………………………......…..Page 39

Bibliograpy…………………………………………………………………………Page 40

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INTRODUCTION

The research presented in this paper was prepared at the request of the Museums of Burlington, in

anticipation of the bicentennial celebrations of the War of 1812.

This is not a study of the causes of the conflict nor a discussion of the major land and lake battles that

were fought by the British/Canadian forces against their American counterparts. The purpose of this paper

is to examine the strategic position that Burlington held on Lake Ontario and to highlight the events of the

War of 1812 that took place within her jurisdiction. In addition, the contributions of local men who heeded

the call to duty and served within the ranks of the fighting forces will be reflected upon.

The images in this document are protected by copyright.

Any use of these materials in a publication or public education program requires the

permission of the author or holder of the copyright.

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OVERVIEW

It was on June 18, 1812 that the United States declared war against Britain.

No longer willing to accept naval blockades interrupting their trade lines and the impressment of

American seamen by British orders-in-council, the Americans hoped that the threat of war would force the

British into offering concessions. Although the British did rescind some measures, negotiations broke off

resulting in the declaration of war.

The Americans were more than confident that victory could be easily attained. They knew that the

British were preoccupied with the Napoleonic Wars in Europe and stretched thin in terms of military

resources. They reasoned that their own small naval fleet would be no match on the high seas against the

more powerful and swift British navy, but an invasion of the British colonies in Canada could easily be

carried out. In the words of Thomas Jefferson, it would be “a mere matter of marching”.

A victory in the colonies would not only provide leverage to ensure re-establishment of American

sovereignty on the high seas but would also mean an end to native resistance to American expansion in the

West. They also relished the thought of having Canada’s forests, fisheries and agricultural lands at their

disposal. (1)

Indeed, the U. S. was also buoyed by the fact that their army vastly outnumbered the forces of British

soldiers in the colonies even with the support of Canadian militiamen and native warriors. Added to this

was the thought that when the call to arms was made, they would be able to rely on the patriotism of

American expatriates who had only recently settled in Canada with the lure of cheap land.

All this is evidenced in the following articles printed on July 25, 1812 in a short lived U.S. newspaper

publication called “The War”.

“The War” a short lived American newspaper publication devoted to the news of the War of 1812

(1) Dale, Ronald J., The Invasion of Canada : battles of the War of 1812. Toronto: J. Lorimer, 2001. p. 17

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Articles from the U.S. newspaper publication “The War” (July 25, 1812) (2)

However, the Americans did not count on the resilience of the colonies. Outnumbered and against all

odds, the British, Canadian and native forces “rallied to the call to defend their homes against the threat of

invasion.” It is this coming together of the colonies that would play a major role in the development of our

Canadian identity. (3)

______________________________________________________________________________________ (2) Woodworth, S., ed. The War, July 1812. http://stores.ebay.com/HISTORYS-NEWSSTAND_America-at-War_War-of-

1812_W0QQqfsubZ3768099QQfrsrcZ1 (30 Sep 2007) (3) Dale, Ronald J., The Invasion of Canada : battles of the War of 1812. Toronto: J. Lorimer, 2001. p. 8

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HEAD OF THE LAKE

Before we delve into Burlington’s connections to the war of 1812, we should firstly look at the strategic

position that this area held at the head of Lake Ontario.

Geographically, the head of the lake can be seen as the area encompassing present day Burlington

whose shorelines follow the curve of Lake Ontario as its’ most north westerly apex.

The following map dated 1811, shows Burlington in those early years. Note the designation of the lake

waters south of Wellington Square as “Head of Lake Ontario”.

Map of Wellington Square and Head Of Lake Ontario (4)

________________________________________________________________

(4) Mifflin, Mary W. and Mifflin, Ray. Harbour lights : Burlington Bay. Erin: Boston Mills Press, 1989. p. 12

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Another map from 1815 also pinpoints Burlington as being the “Lake head”. (see lower central portion of

map marked with an x and the words Lake Head)

Detailed section the 1815 “Map of the Niagara District in Upper Canada by Lieutenant W. A. Nesfield, Drawn partly from Survey and from Documents obtained from the QrMr Genls Department” (5)

Library and Archives Canada (Ref. number H2/407/1815, NMC 21587)

Other written sources note the term was used in the late 18th

century and early 19th

century to refer to

the general area embracing Stoney Creek, Burlington Bay and Burlington Heights.

Regardless, in the early 1800’s the “Head of the Lake” was earmarked as an important strategic

position.

______________________________________________________________________________________________ (5) Library and Archives Canada. Archives Search. NMC 21587. http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca (24 Mar 2008)

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STRATEGIC POSITIONS AT HEAD OF THE LAKE

Just how did this area develop into such a valued military position? By examining the history of four

specific sites, one can follow their development from lush, natural environments to important defensible

positions.

THE SAND STRIP

The “sand strip” is better known to us today as the “Beach Strip”. It is a 4 mile long slip of land which

separates Lake Ontario from an inner bay. This piece of our landscape has an elevation of only 10 feet

above that of the lake.

The Sand Strip was originally created when rushing waters flowing into the Bay from the Dundas Marsh

and Cootes Paradise, met with the wave action of Lake Ontario, depositing sand and building up debris.

Over time a sandbar was formed with only a narrow natural channel providing water access between the

Lake and Bay. Early settlers to the area referred to this channel as the “Outlet”.

Some of the earliest records indicate the sand strip was an abundant oasis. Covered in stands of mighty

oak and wild vines, there were plentiful amounts of game and fish that lured natives to gather here. Local

tribes encamped along the Beach to trade and a Native trail ran the length of the strip.

The strategic value of this land became apparent to the Crown once this area began to be opened up to

settlement. In 1784 the British purchased the land at the Head of the Lake from the Mississauga nation. The

sand strip was only a small parcel of a larger deal that saw a huge tract of land between Lake Ontario and

Lake Erie being transferred to the Crown.

Soon the native trail along the beach became a main part of the transportation and communication route

between Newark (Niagara on the Lake) and York (Toronto). It was also at the northern end of the sand strip

that Joseph Brant was first granted land by the Crown. Indebted to Brant for his loyalty during the

American Revolution, the British made a gift to the great chief of 3,450 acres of land, commonly referred to

as Brant’s Block. It was this land which eventually became the foundation of Wellington Square. Brant

built a home at the southern most section of his grant, on an elevation of land bordering Burlington Bay.

This was, no doubt, a great gathering place for natives. One could imagine their canoes drawn up on the

shore of Brant’s property to partake in council.

The sand strip became a focal point in the development of the Head of the Lake and over time drew the

attention of those in government.

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KING’S HEAD INN

In 1794 the governor of Upper Canada, Sir John Graves Simcoe, ordered the building of an inn at the

southernmost end of the sand strip. It was fittingly called the King’s Head Inn. Originally it was built for

the convenience of those people who had to travel between Niagara and York.

However, “Government House” as it was also referred to at the time, also served as a military and

communication post. Regular troops used it as a rendezvous point and a storehouse for provisions and

supplies was on site. The Inn was also well known as a distribution centre for the giving of annual gifts to

the Indians.

The King’s Head became known throughout Upper Canada and in the mid 1790s was frequented by

Governor and Lady Simcoe. Although we do not know the exact location of the Inn on the strip, it is

thought to have been in the area of what we know today as Windemere Basin in the general vicinity of the

QEW and Burlington St.

Lady Simcoe’s written diary provides us with a good description of the Inn itself and the wonderful

view it afforded. An excerpt from June 10, 1796 reads:

…..”After three miles we came into good galloping ground on fine turf by the side of the

lake till we came to the King’s Head Inn at the head of the Lake where Walbekanine & a

number of his tribe (who are encamped a mile distant) were assembled to compliment the

Gov. & fired Musquets in our Horses’ faces their usual mark of respect which frightened me

& my Horse very much, he started & I shrieked, but the sound was lost in the Whoops of the

Indians. They gave us the largest Land Tortoise I ever saw.

S 11 This House was built by the Gov. to facilitate the communication between Niagara & the

La Tranche where he intended the Seat of Government to be, & its situation was not without

reference to a military position.

Another Inn was intended to be built at the Grand River. There are 8 rooms in this

House besides two low wings behind it joined by a Colonade where are the Offices. It is a

pretty plan. I breakfasted in a Room to the S.E. which commands the view of the Lake on the S.

shore of which we discern the Pt. of the 40 Mile Creek, Jones Point & some other Houses.

From the Rooms to the N.W. we see Flamborough Head & Burlington Bay. The Sand Cliffs on

the N. Shore of Burlington Bay look like Red Rocks. The Beach is like a park covered with large

spreading Oaks. At 8 o’clock we set out in a boat to go to Beasley at the head of Burlington

Bay about 8 miles. The River & Bay were full of Canoes, the Indians were fishing, we bought

some fine Salmon of them. (6)

_____________________________________________________________________________________ (6) Innis, Mary Q., ed. Mrs. Simcoe’s Diary. Toronto: Macmillan, 1965. p. 182

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Lady Simcoe’s sketches are also invaluable in understanding the orientation of King’s Head Inn on the

strip and the area that surrounded it.

An Original Sketch of the King’s Head Inn c1796 by Elizabeth Simcoe (7)

Courtesy of Archives of Ontario (Visual Database F47-11-1-0-224)

When the early 1800’s saw tensions rise between the British and the Americans, King’s Head Inn grew

in military importance. And as the war began, the strategic position of the Inn on the shores of Lake Ontario

did not go unnoticed by the invaders.

_____________________________________________________________________________________ (7) Archives of Ontario. Archives of Ontario Visual Database. Item Reference Code: F 47-11-1-0-224. http://ao.minisisinc.com/scripts/mwimain.dll/144/IMAGES?DIRECTSEARCH (24 Mar 2008)

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THE OLD OUTLET

Maps and written works of the late 1700’s and early 1800’s reveal the fact that a natural waterway ran

across the northern end of the sand strip. Approximately 50 yards in width, the channel served as the only

water access from Lake Ontario to the inner bay. Natives originally named this channel “Pim-me-be-tong-

gonk” which when translated means “creek running through sand”. (8) Later, white settlers referred to it as

the “Outlet”.

This outlet was actually situated some distance north of the present day “canal” which was built in 1823

to replace the natural channel. Although the precise location is not known it has been suggested that it was

probably in the vicinity of Willow Ave., just south of where the Burlington Skyway Waste Water Treatment

Plant and Joseph Brant Hospital now stand.

In the early days, the outlet served as an access to the inner bay for natives who gathered in this area to

take advantage of the abundant fish and wildlife. Later, as white settlers began to inhabit the area, it became

a focal point for transporting supplies and provisions to settlements around the Bay and even further inland.

However, there was one factor that limited its’ use – the unpredictable nature of the water levels. Canoes

and smaller flat bottomed bateaux could pass through the outlet with ease but schooners and larger ships

were another matter. Mostly, goods had to be unloaded off ships on the lakeside and then portaged or rowed

by smaller boats to the bayside where they were then transported to their final destination. Thus a

“forwarding” business evolved here to meet the needs of a growing community. Although Admiralty charts

from 1815 show the depth of the outlet to be no more than seven feet at its’ deepest point and as shallow as

four feet, even these water levels were not reliable.

Admiralty chart from 1815 showing depth of outlet. (9) (by T. Owen Chillingsworth, Master of H.M. Ship St. Lawrence)

Library and Archives Canada (Ref. number V30/410/Ontario/1815)

(8) Archaelogical Services Inc. Phase 2 Cultural Heritage Resource Assessment of Fisherman’s Pier Developmen Plan, City of Hamilton and City of Burlington, Ontario. July 2005. p. 27

(9) Library and Archives Canada. ArchiviaNet:On-line Research Tool. NMC 44763. http://collectionscanada.gc.ca (28 Apr 2011)

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Due to prevailing winds on the lake and the resulting wave action in the outlet, the depth of the channel was

constantly shifting. In describing the water levels of the outlet in her writings of 1898, Mary Rose Holden

cites a government report of 1820 in which the following was described….

”That during the Spring and Fall seasons, “Ocean Winds” as they were called by old

mariners, rose, causing the waters of the Lake to rise and fall in intensity and velocity

with that of the Atlantic, rushing through the cut at a velocity of between six and seven

miles an hour, forming a tide in the Bay, raising the waters round the shores, flooding

Coot’s paradise, above, almost to the town of Dundas, so that when the storm abated the

pent-up waters returned to the Lake with a similar velocity.” (8) Holden goes on in her

own words to say that the “waters rushed over the swamp from the Bay when a lake

storm existed with the lull back leaving an irrigated paradise for water fowl. Wild rice

grew here luxuriantly”.(10)

This phenomenon would have an impact on access to the inner Bay by invading forces during the War

of 1812. And though it was also an impediment for the defending British forces, at the same time it served

as protection for their encampment at Burlington Heights.

British forces recognized the importance of the outlet as a preliminary defensive position. From the

lakeside, British forces could easily spot enemy warships and give advance warning to their fortification at

Burlington Heights across the Bay. In fact, there is some evidence to suggest that a redoubt was built here

during the War.

As well, it served a role for the delivery of military provisions and supplies. Goods shipped by the

Crown via Lower Canada and Lake Ontario, could be offloaded at the outlet and dispersed to the King’s

Head Inn and Burlington Heights.

Were there times with the prevailing winds coming off the lakes that some of these larger ships could

have entered the Bay? It is highly unlikely. But one fact remains. The unpredictable nature of the outlet

would definitely play a factor as the War of 1812 unfolded.

(10) Holden, Mary R., Burlington Bay, Beach and Heights, in History. Hamilton: William T. Lancefield, 1898. p. 11

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BURLINGTON BAY AND BURLINGTON HEIGHTS

Through the outlet was an inner bay, which in the early 1800’s was referred to as Burlington Bay. It

was first discovered and written about by LaSalle in 1669 and at that time was known as Lake Macassa.

Since then it has been labeled with a variety of names including Onilquiton, Lake Washquarter, Lake

Geneva and Little Lake. It was Governor Simcoe who officially changed the title to Burlington Bay in 1792

and today the waters are known as Hamilton Harbour.

Burlington Bay has always been valued as a natural harbour. In early times it was a lush natural area

abounding in fish, waterfowl and birds. Natives often had large encampments on the bay for trading

purposes and also to take advantage of the abundant resources. A forest of oak and pine extended along the

north shore of the bay and at the water’s edge lay marshy wetlands.

At the west end of the bay lay an elevation of land which was referred to as Burlington Heights (present

day York Blvd. /Dundurn Castle area). It was in the early 1790’s that Richard Beasley laid claim to land

here. Beasley was a well known trader and merchant and is claimed to have built the first wharf on the Bay.

(11)

Burlington heights towered over the bay and commanded a complete view of the waters and beyond.

When Lady Simcoe visited the area in 1796 she wrote this entry in her diary….

…“When we had near crossed the Bay Beasley house became a very pretty object. We

landed at it & walked up the hill from whence is a beautiful view of the Lake with

Wooded Points breaking the line of Shore and Flamborough head in the background.

The hill is quite like a park, fine turf with large Oak trees dispersed but no underwood.

We walked two miles on this Park, which is quite natural, for there are no settlements

near it. Beasley the Indian trader can scarcely be called such, trading being his whole

occupation, but the country appears more fit for the reception of Inhabitants than any part

of the Province I have seen, being already cleared.

The Gov. finds the Country on the banks of the La Tranche is like this but the plains

infinitely more extensive. Further west of this terrace, we saw Coote’s Paradise so

called from a Capt. Coote who spent a great deal of time in shooting Ducks in this

marshy tract of land below the Hill we are upon. It abounds with Wild Fowl &

Tortoises, from hence it appears more like a River or lake than a marsh &

Mordaunt’s Pt. In the distance takes a fine shape. I was so pleased with this place

that the Governor stayed & dined at Beasley’s”… (12)

_______________________________________________________________________ (11) Campbell, Marjorie F., A Mountain and a City : The Story of Hamilton. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1966. p. 12 (12) Innis, Mary Q., ed. Mrs. Simcoe’s Diary. Toronto: Macmillan, 1965. p. 182-183

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An Original Sketch of Burlington Bay c1796 by Elizabeth Simcoe (13)

Courtesy Archives of Ontario (Visual Database F 47-11-1-0-205)

This property on Burlington Heights held a coveted position and as the War of 1812 approached it was

looked upon by the British as a valuable asset.

______________________________________________________________________________________________

(13) Archives of Ontario. Archives of Ontario Visual Database. Item Reference Code:F 47-11-1-0-205 http://ao.minisisinc.com/scripts/mwimain.dll/144/IMAGES?DIRECTSEARCH (24 Mar 2008)

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OVERVIEW OF THE WAR AT THE HEAD OF THE LAKE

The Americans first declared war against Britain and the Canadas in June of 1812. During the initial

nine months of the conflict very little military action was seen at the Head of the Lake.

However, by the spring of 1813, there was a growing concern that it would only be a matter of time

before this area would become involved in the ever increasing activities of war.

On April 27, 1813 the first offensive by the Americans at the western end of Lake Ontario took place at

York. Fourteen American vessels and 1,700 soldiers landed and participated in an aggressive assault on Fort

York. British forces, along with the allied natives and the local militia, were forced to retreat back across

the Don River as the Americans occupied the town. For six days they exerted control over the local

population, finally departing after destroying the Parliament buildings and pillaging and burning much of the

city. Thus, the reality of an American invasion of Upper Canada was impressed on everyone’s mind.

The Niagara Peninsula and Head of the Lake would bear much in the way of military action throughout

the summer of 1813. Through it all, Burlington Heights would prove to be the backbone of defense.

The following accounts will highlight the skirmishes, battles and naval encounters that directly affected

the residents at the Head of the Lake.

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DESTRUCTION OF KING’S HEAD INN

The first action at the Head of the Lake occurred in May 1813.

The Americans, understanding the strategic position held by the King’s Head Inn, sailed two schooners,

the Governor Tompkins and the Conquest to the area, intent on destroying the government buildings and

capturing their military stores. They appeared offshore on the 11th

of May with a force of 200 men on board.

On the day of the American attack, Major Fitzgerald had only 14 regulars and 25 militia encamped at the

Inn.

Badly outnumbered and under threat of guns from the American vessels, the British troops were forced

to retreat from the Inn and wait for reinforcements. Thirty militia under the command of Samuel Hatt were

away from the Beach at the time of the attack but quickly came forward to assist. Realizing the futility of

the situation, they retreated back to their station at Durand’s. (near the foot of the mountain in line with

present day John St., in Hamilton)

The Americans burned the Inn and its’ stores and fell back to their ships, sailing away the next day.

Corroborating these facts is military correspondence dated 19th

May 1813 in which Brigadier General

John Vincent (commander in Niagara) reports to his superior Sir George Prevost in Montreal, describing the

destruction of the King’s Head Inn:

…”the American Flotilla after remaining at anchor at this harbour for three days

without attempting any enterprise, proceeded down the Lake, and the wind being fair

for Sackett’s harbour it is probable its destination was to that place –

Some of the smaller vessels remained and continued cruising for several days,

between this post and York and previous to their final departure they landed a party of

nearly two hundred men at the Head of the Lake for the Express purpose of destroying

the Government House and out buildings – The small force stationed there for the sole

purpose of keeping up our communication with York – not being sufficiently strong to

oppose the landing of that number, their debarkation being covered by the guns in the

vessels – it was deemed prudent to fall back upon reinforcements, which, tho’ quickly

brought forwards, were too late to chastise the marauding acts of an Enemy who had

precipitately retreated and avoided a contest”… (14)

Samuel Hatt himself, describes the incident in the following report:

“The Yankeys…..visited the Head of the Lake with two Schooners and I believe about

200 Men – Major Fitzgerald of the 49tth

was stationed there, he had about 14

Regulars and 25 Militia under his Command. I met him within two miles of the Beach

with a reinforcement of about 30 choice Militia, but he, I think properly too, thought

proper to retire to my station at Durand’s. The Yankey’s burnt the Government

House, but did no other mischief, they sailed the next day. (15)

_______________________________________________________________________________________ (14) Wood, William. Select British Documents of the Canadian War of 1812, Vol II. Toronto: Champlain Society, 1920-

1928. p. 99 (15) Johnston, C.M. The Head of the Lake; A History of Wentworth County. Hamilton: Wentworth County Council, 1967.

p. 61

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It is said that the Innkeeper at the time was forced along with his family to flee into the woods until the

encounter was over. *

Another rather curious legend attached to the burning of the Inn is related in “The Sand Strip” by

Dorothy Turcotte. The tale states that William Bates’ daughter-in-law, who was living at or near the Inn at

the time, was away from home during the siege. On finding her home burned and sacked, she indignantly

rowed out to the American ships and on locating the commander, she demanded the return of some rare

books and silver that had been taken. She also demanded monetary compensation for the household goods

that had been destroyed. Folklore states the commander not only complied but had men see Mrs. Bates

safely back to shore ! **

Today, we are reminded of the history of the King Head Inn when visiting the Joseph Brant museum on

Northshore Blvd in Burlington. In its’ gallery is a fine replica of the original sign which hung over the Inn.

On one side is inscribed “King’s Head Inn 1794” and on the other is a portrait of King George III. It has

been said that this sign at one time adorned a successor to the old Inn.

A drawing of King’s Head Inn by John Ross Robertson, based on the sketches and diary writings of Elizabeth Simcoe (16)

*The innkeeper at the time was thought to be William Lottridge, whom after the War submitted claims to the government for losses consistent with him being at the Inn.

**There is no evidence to support the authenticity of this incident. If the legend is indeed true, there is still some question as to the true identity of the female involved.

(16) Robertson, John Ross. The diary of Mrs. John Graves Simcoe, wife of the first lieutenant-governor of the province of Upper Canada, 1792-6. Toronto: W. Briggs, 1911. Pg 323

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BATTLE OF STONEY CREEK

A second American attack at the Head of the Lake occurred less than a month after the burning of the

King’s Head Inn.

The offensive began in the Niagara peninsula on May 27, 1813. The Americans, under General

Dearborn, launched an intensive strike against the British at Fort George and by their sheer strength of

numbers forced the defenders to retreat from their stronghold. The British commander, Vincent, regrouped

his forces at Beaver Dams after being supported with detachments from Chippewa and Fort Erie.

The decision was made to fall back to Burlington Heights where Vincent then devised a plan to defend

the peninsula. Headquarters were established at Beasley’s house high above Burlington Bay and it was here

that log barricades and earthworks were constructed in anticipation of an American offensive. A defensive

position was also established at the outlet on the sand strip as another line of protection and communication.

(17) The situation was dire and Vincent required even the most basic necessities to keep his force of 1,600

men in fighting form.

A report from Brig. General Vincent at Bazyleys [Beasley’s] to his superior Colonel Baynes, May 31,

1813 includes this note:

“…We want everything – Shoes, Stockings – Blankets - Tents and Shirts – I have written to

York to forward me all they may have at that post….” (18)

Other preparations, in case of a failure to defend the Heights were also put into place.

A communique from Vincent at Forty Mile Creek to General Sir George Prevost at Montreal on May

28,1813 states:

“… I beg leave to suggest the great importance there exists for a communication

being opened with me through the medium of the Fleet; the anchorage under Mrs.

Brandts house [Joseph Brant’s widow] is perfectly good and very safe – I believe

Your Excellency need not be informed that in the event of its’ becoming necessary

that I should fall back upon York the assistance of Shipping would be requisite for

the transport of my artillery…” (19)

Vincent, having arrived at the Head of the Lake on May 31st, had the luxury of preparing British

defenses for almost a week before Chandler and his American force of 3,500 arrived and took up a position

at Stoney Creek.

_____________________________________________________________________________________________ (17) Johnston, C.M. The Head of the Lake; A History of Wentworth County. Hamilton: Wentworth County Council, 1967.

p. 61 (18) Wood, William. Select British Documents of the Canadian War of 1812, Vol II. Toronto: Champlain Society,

1920-1928 . p. 108 (19) Ibid. pg. 106

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When the British learned of the arrival of the Americans, Vincent sent Lt. Col. Harvey and some Light

Companies to reconnoitre their exact position and strength.

In a communication from Vincent at Burlington to Prevost at Kingston dated Jun 6, 1813 it states:

“…having advanced close to and accurately ascertained the Enemy’s Position, sent back to

propose to me a night attack on his Camp. The motives which induced Lt. Col. Harvey

to make and me to agree to this proposal were these: this position tho’ strong for a

large Body is far too extensive for me to hope to make any successful stand in against

the superior force understood to be advancing against me in three separate points, Viz:

by the Lake, by the center road and by the Mountain on my right. The Attack I knew

would not be delayed, I had neither time or inclination precipitately to retreat from my

position, I therefore embraced the proposition of Lt. Col. Harvey, as an alternative not

only worthy of the gallant Troops under my command, but as offering the best chance of

crippling the Enemy, and disconcerting his plans, as well as gaining time for retreat,

should that measure still be found necessary.” (20)

Vincent’s situation was very perilous, indeed. His force of 1,600 men facing an enemy of 3,500 troops,

250 cavalry and 8 or 9 field pieces was a daunting thought. Perhaps the element of a surprise night attack

against the Americans, who were intent on preparations for an all out offensive on the Heights, might tip the

balance of the scale.

On the night of June 6, 1813 Colonel Harvey and General Vincent lead five companies (700 men)

forward against the Americans. The remainder of their men stayed as a reserve force at the Heights. As

they moved on the American camp under the cover of night the sentries were silently subdued by bayonet.

The British then stormed the camp taking the Americans by surprise. There was great confusion in the cover

and darkness of night and though the Americans tried desperately to defend their position, the British

charged the lines that held their guns. During the tumultuous fight two American generals (Chandler and

Winder) were captured when their forces abandoned their guns and fell back.

Vincent to Prevost, 6 June 1813:

“…The Enemy was completely surpriz’d & driven from his Camp, after having repeatedly

formed in different bodies & been as often charged by our brave Troops, whose conduct

throughout this brilliant enterprize was above all praise. The Action terminated before

day-light, when three Guns & one brass Howitzer with their Tumbrils, two Brig. Genls,

Chandler & Winder, first & second in Command, & upwards of a 100 Officers, non-

commission’d Officers & Privates remain’d in our hands. Not conceiving it prudent to

expose our small Force to the view of the Enemy, who, tho’ routed & dispersed, was still

formidable, as to numbers & position, he having fled to the surrounding heights & having

still 4 or 5 Guns, the Troops were put in motion at day-break & marched back to the

Cantonments” (21)

____________________________________________________________________________________

(20) Wood, William. Select British Documents of the Canadian War of 1812, Vol II. Toronto: Champlain Society, 1920-1928 . p. 142

(21) Ibid. p. 143

-20-

The Americans retreated to 4o Mile Creek but having lost their generals, their guns and stores and having

no rest, they were dispirited. To make matters worse, the British naval

fleet, under Sir James Yeo, appeared offshore and bombarded the Americans, capturing or destroying their

supply boats, thereby forcing them to retreat back to Fort George. Vincent’s strategy had indeed, been a

success.

The Battle of Stoney Creek has often been labeled as the event that turned the tide of the land war in

Upper Canada in favour of the British and Burlington Heights became known as the backbone of British

defense in the Niagara Peninsula.

-21-

ABORTED ATTEMPT ON BURLINGTON HEIGHTS AT THE OLD

OUTLET

A second attempted attack by the Americans on Burlington Heights occurred in July 1813 at the old

Outlet. The Americans, in reprisal of their defeat at Stoney Creek and aware that a cache of stores lay at

Burlington Heights, became intent on destroying the depot after learning that the fortification was only

marginally guarded.

On July 27, 1813 American Commodore Isaac Chauncey summoned his fleet of 2 ships, 1 brig and 11

schooners and sailed to the Head of the Lake, anchoring offshore on the evening of the 29th

. The fleet was

supported by several hundred infantry under the command of Colonel Scott. Two parties were sent ashore

where they surprised some area residents who revealed that the British had received reinforcements in the

past day or two and that there were from 600 to 800 men at the Heights under Colonel Harvey’s command.

The next morning the Americans landed their troops to reconnoitre the British defenses for themselves.

Upon finding the British entrenched on high ground and defended by cannon fire, they retreated thinking

themselves outnumbered and with insufficient boats to cross the bay. There is some evidence to support the

fact that a ship tried to enter the Outlet but was thwarted. Having never navigated this area of the lake

before, Chauncey’s attempt at crossing the outlet netted the realization that the water levels were too shallow

to allow passage. The Americans satisfied themselves by destroying a small fortification near the Old Outlet

then withdrew back to their ships. When their forces had re-embarked, they weighed anchor for York.

In a letter Aug 1, 1813 from Justice Powell at York to Prevost:

…“The squadron [referring to the Americans] had landed a few men on the Beach

supposed with the Intent to attack the Depot at Beasley’s but Maj Maule had had the

precaution to embarrass the outlet so that their craft could not pass, upon which they

reimbarked and proceeded to York” (22)

And in a report from W. Allan at Darlington township to Baynes, 3rd

Aug 1813 the same encounter is

described in these terms:

…I also rec’d a letter from – Burlington Heights which mentioned that they were then

attempting to land Men at the Beach from 13 Vessells, but made very slow Progress

having very few Boats, they also attempted to take an Arm’d Schooner through the outlet

into the little Lake; our force was at that time about 320 exclusive of a few Militia and

Indians - & more Indians expected – However they embarked all their Men again on the

same day without attempting anything…(23)

____________________________________________________________________________________ (22) Wood, William. Select British Documents of the Canadian War of 1812, Vol II. Toronto: Champlain Society, 1920-

1928. p. 190 (23) Ibid, p. 194

-22-

From an American perspective, a letter from Commodore Chauncey to the Secretary of the Navy reports the

following…..

U.S.S. General Pike, at and or, off Niagara Aug 4, 1813:

SIR – After leaving Sackett’s harbour, I stretched over for the enemy’s shore, and from

thence stood up the lake. The winds being light, I did not arrive off this port until the

evening of the 27th

ult. On the 24th

, I fell in with the Lady of the Lake, on her return to

Sacket’s Harbor, with prisoners from Fort George. I transferred the prisoners to the

Raven, and ordered her to Sacket’s Harbor; the lady of the lake, I despatched to fort

George for guides, for the head of the lake. Gen. Boyd having informed me, that the

enemy had a considerable deposit of provisions & stores at Burlington Bay, I was

determined to attempt their destruction. On the 25th I was joined by the Pert and on the

27th

, by the Lady of the Lake, with guides and Capt. Crane’s company of artillery, and

Col Scott, who had very handsomely volunteered for the service. After conversing with

Col. Scott on the subject it was thought advisable to take on board 250 infantry – which

were embarked by 6 o’clock next morning, and the fleet immediately proceeded for the

head of the lake; but owing to light winds, and calms, we did not arrive to an anchorage

before the evening of the 29th

. We sent two parties on shore, and surprized and took

some of the inhabitants; from whom we learned, that the enemy had received

considerable reinforcements, within a day or two; and that his force, in regulars was

from 600 to 800 men. We however, landed the troops and marines and some sailors, next

morning and reconnoitered the enemy’s position – found him posted upon a peninsula of

very high ground, strongly entrenched, and his camp defended by about 8 pieces of

cannon. In this situation, it was thought not advisable to attack him, with a force

scarcely half his numbers, and without artillery; we were also deficient in boats, not

having a sufficient number to cross the bay, with all the troops at the same time. The men

were all reimbarked, in the course of the afternoon; and, in the evening we weighed and

stood for York…” (24)

Colonel Harvey, commander at Burlington Heights, had apparently been aware of the American plan

to attack his position and had summoned reinforcements to protect the stores. When surprised by the

invading Americans, area residents claimed that 600-800 men were on the Heights, when in fact, British

documents seem to indicate the number to be 320. Perhaps upon hearing the inflated figures of the

defending forces and seeing firsthand the strong defensible position that they held, the Americans wisely

decided to withdraw.

Also significant was the fact that Chauncey and Scott were able to identify the fact that the depth of the

water in the Outlet was too unreliable to allow their ships to take position in the Bay. This would certainly

establish Burlington Heights’ position as practically impenetrable.

(24) Fay, H.A. Collection of the Official Documents, In Detail, of All Battles Fought by Sea and Land, between the

Navy and Army of the United States and the Navy and Army of Great Britian during the years 1812,13,14&15. New York: E. Conrad, 1817. p. 116-117 (Digitalized online at http://tinyurl.com/36w517) (9 Feb 2008)

-23-

THE BURLINGTON RACES

One last event of the war occurring at the Head of the Lake has historically been referred to as the

Burlington Races. It is one of the only naval encounters to directly affect this area.

By September of 1813, the American fleet under the command of Commodore Isaac Chauncey had

already attacked and burned York twice – once on April 16, 1813 and again on July 30th

after an aborted

attempt to attack Burlington Heights at the old outlet. Sir James Yeo of the British fleet had also wreaked

havoc on the American side with his campaign at Sackett’s Harbour. However, most of their engagements

on Lake Ontario were, what could best be described as, hit and run attacks. On the surface, it appeared as

though neither side was willing to risk it all to deal the fatal blow in a naval contest. But in reality, both

sides knew that the stakes were enormously high and preservation of the fleet was paramount in their

continued efforts to defend their position on the lake.

On September 28, 1813 as Yeo was at anchor in the bay at York, Chauncey appeared from the east.

Chauncey’s squadron consisted of his flagship the “Pike”, along with the “Madison”, three brigs and six

schooners - eleven vessels in all. In comparison, the British squadron under Yeo was comprised of 6 vessels

– the flagship “Wolfe”, the “Royal George”, two brigs and two schooners. The advantage that the American

fleet held, besides their superior number, was the fact that they had long guns on board. This meant

Chauncey was able to stand off at long range and batter his opponents. The British, meanwhile, had few

long guns but were strong on carronades or short range weapons.

It is worthy to note that six of the American ships were converted merchant schooners – not fighting

ships. Three of these armed schooners were actually tied to other ships in a towing formation to augment

Chauncey’s firepower. However, they were also a detriment to his squadron as they seriously hampered his

speed and maneuverability. (25)

The battle of the fleets, that day, began at noon as the Americans moved in on Yeo’s position. The

fighting was both intense and fierce as both sides tried to maneuver to their advantage. It was the HMS

Wolfe and the USS Pike that took the brunt of the action as they exchanged broadsides.

A report from Yeo at the Head of the Lake to Admiral Warren in Halifax Sept 29,1813:

“…They [the Americans] immediately bore down, in a long extended line, our

Squadron keeping their wind, under a press of sail, at 12 o’clock, the Pike,

Commodore Chauncey’s Ship, being nearly with Gun Shot, our Squadron Tack’d in

succession, to close with the centre and rear of their line, the Enemy at the same time

and the Action became general, to one the Main & Mizen topsail of this ship were

shot away by which she became unmanageable on a wind…” (26)

_________________________________________________________________________________ (25) Williamson, Robert J. “The Burlington Races Revisited: A Revised Analysis of an 1813 Naval Battle for Supremacy

on Lake Ontario”, Canadian Military History, Vol VIII, No. 4 (Autumn 1999), p. 8 (26) Wood, William. Select British Documents of the Canadian War of 1812, Vol II. Toronto: Champlain Society,

1920-1928. p. 208-209

-24-

A depiction of the formation of the fleets off York on September 28, 1813 (27)

From Robert Malcomson, “Lords of the Lake: The Naval War on Lake Ontario, 1812-1814” By permission of Robin Brass Studio

Meanwhile, Chauncy also suffered heavy damage. In communicating to the Secretary of the Navy on

Oct 1, 1813, Commodore Chauncey reports:

“….The loss sustained by this ship was considerable, owing to her being so long

exposed to the fire of the whole of the enemy’s fleet. But our most serious loss was

occasioned by the bursting of one of our guns…..our main top gallant mast was shot

away in the early action….” (28)

With the Wolfe seriously damaged and in danger, Yeo made a move to retreat with his fleet. By this

time, the winds on the lake were rising and weather conditions began to deteriorate.

______________________________________________________________________________ (27) Malcomson, Robert. Lords of the Lake:The Naval War on Lake Ontario, 1812-1814. Toronto: Robin Brass Studio,

1998. p. 201 (28) Brannan, John. Official Letters of the Militiary and Naval Officers of the United States during the War with Great

Britain in the Years 1812, 13, 14, & 15. Washington: Way & Gideon, 1823. p. 227

-25-

If only he could reach safe anchorage at the Head of the Lake, he would have a friendly shore behind

him. Chauncey, although battered, was equally determined to further cripple Yeo’s fleet so he pursued him

and thus the name “Burlington Races” was born.

To claim the waters of Lake Ontario meant a great deal to both sides. If Chauncey could deliver the

final blow to Yeo’s fleet here, the Americans most certainly would have free range on the Lake allowing

supplies and troops to be transported without fear of reprisal. This victory would, without doubt, swing the

balance of war in favour of the Americans.

Yeo, meanwhile, had other thoughts.

In a report from Yeo at the head of Lake Ontario to Warren at Halifax Sept 29, 1813 it states:

“….I therefore put the Squadron before the Wind, for a small Bay at the head of

the Lake, where he [Chauncey] would have been under the necessity of engaging

on more equal terms…” (29)

By forming a battle line close into the shore in a constricted area, Yeo’s back was protected and the

American ships, most of them unwieldy by having schooners in tow, would have found maneuvering in such

close quarters very difficult and dangerous. (30)

Chauncey, suspecting Yeo’s strategy and evaluating his own fleet’s capabilities, chose to break off the

pursuit.

In his report to the Secretary of the Navy dated Oct 1, 1813 Chauncey gave this reasoning:

“…I very reluctantly relinquished the pursuit of a beaten enemy; the reasons which led to

this determination, were such as, I flatter myself, you will approve. – they were these: at

the time I gave up the chase, this ship was making so much water, that it required all our

pumps to keep her free, the Governor Tompkins with her fore-mast gone, and the

squadron within about six miles of the head of the lake, blowing a gale of wind from east

and increasing with a heavy sea on, and every appearance of the equinox. I considered if

I chased the enemy to his anchorage at the head of the lake, I should be obliged to anchor

also, and although we might succeed in driving him on shore, the probability was that we

should go on shore also; he amongst friends, we amongst our enemies, and after the gale

had abated, if he could succeed in getting off one or two vessels out of the two fleets it

would give him as completely the command of the lake as if he had 20 vessels. Moreover,

he was covered at his anchorage by a part of his army, and several small batteries

thrown up for the purpose…” (31)

___________________________________________________________________________________________________________

(29) Wood, William. Select British Documents of the Canadian War of 1812, Vol II. Toronto: Champlain Society, 1920-1928. p. 209

(30) Williamson, Robert J. “The Burlington Races Revisited: A Revised Analysis of an 1813 Naval Battle for Supremacy on Lake Ontario”, Canadian Military History, Vol 8, No. 4 (Autumn 1999), p. 10

(31) Brannan, John. Official Letters of the Militiary and Naval Officers of the United States during the War with Great Britain in the Years 1812, 13, 14, & 15. Washington: Way & Gideon, 1823. p. 226-7

-26-

The course of pursuit towards the Head of the Lake (32)

From Robert Malcomson, “Lords of the Lake: The Naval War on Lake Ontario, 1812-1814” By permission of Robin Brass Studio

Chauncey declined any further engagement with the British fleet and turned away to make for port in

the Niagara River. Here he made repairs and vowed to do his utmost to keep Yeo away from the American

convoys that were headed towards Montreal for a pending attack.

Yeo, meanwhile, made his necessary repairs and regained his position on Lake Ontario.

So, what of the legend that states Yeo and his fleet escaped from Chauncey by riding the storm surge

through the old outlet into the safety of Burlington Bay ? This appears to be just that – a legend.

Robert J. Williamson, author of “The Burlington Races Revisited”, has traced the origin of the tale to

Charles Snider who penned it in his book “In the Wake of the Eighteen Twelvers” (1913). Snider relates

that the pilot of the Wolfe was offered a bounty by Yeo if he could maneuver the Wolfe through the outlet

into the safety of the inner bay. He further contends that due to a storm surge that day, the waters in the

outlet were at such a depth that it allowed the British to pass through. It was a daring feat that local

historians embraced and have written about since. (33)

_________________________________________________________________________________________________

(32) Malcomson, Robert. Lords of the Lake:The Naval War on Lake Ontario, 1812-1814. Toronto: Robin Brass Studio, 1998. p. 202

(33) Snider, Charles. In the Wake of the Eighteen-Twelvers. London: Cornmarket, P., 1969. p. 52

-27-

The troubling thing is, no evidence has ever been found to substantiate this event. In recent years, more

reliable authors have researched the records and found no evidence in any logbook or military

correspondence to support the claim. When Yeo wrote of putting “….the squadron before the Wind, for a

small Bay at the head of the Lake…” it is more than likely he was referring to the waters at the end of the

lake and the protection of the encircling shoreline. Yeo had navigated these waters when bringing supplies

to Burlington Heights and would have been familiar with the anchorage out in the lake. In fact, an entry in

the logbook of the Wolfe supports this: *

“…At 4:30 arrived with the squadron and came to anchor off Burlington Bay, close in shore

with springs on the cables…” (34)

Where Yeo’s anchorage on the lake was actually positioned has been a topic of some debate.

Williamson has done extensive research of the lake conditions on that fateful day, the capabilities of the fleet

and the speed of sail. He estimates Yeo’s defensive position to be in the area of present day Bronte, where

Admiralty charts of 1815 show an anchorage. However, with his familiarity of the lake waters off

Burlington Heights and the land defenses that would be available to him there, it is plausible that Yeo would

have set anchor somewhere closer to the Head of the Lake.

Regardless of whether or not Yeo actually entered Burlington Bay through the old outlet or merely

headed for the shores at the Head of the Lake, one fact remains. Yeo outmaneuvered the Americans, thereby

saving the British fleet and regaining his position on the Lake to fight another day.

______________________________________________________________________________

(34) Log of HMS Wolfe. (Sept 28, 1813), quoted by Robert J. Williamson, “The Burlington Races Revisited: A Revised Analysis of an 1813 Naval Battle for Supremacy on Lake Ontario”, Canadian Military History, Vol 8, No. 4 (Autumn 1999), p. 9

-28-

A CALL TO DUTY – THE MILITIA

During the early 1800’s, the area that we now consider to be “Burlington” was only a fledgling

community with less than a dozen families documented as settling here. However, in 1806, a land lottery

took place that greatly opened up the area. By 1809, the combined population of Brant’s Block, Nelson

Township and East Flamborough (the borders of which coincide closely with present day Burlington) had

reached 295 – 80 men, 70 women and 145 children. (35)

As the war of 1812 approached, most of these men would have been serving in the militia in one

capacity or another. By law, every man from age 16 to 60 who was capable of bearing arms was required to

enroll in a militia company within the division in which he lived. In the case of “Burlington”, residents

would have served in either the 2nd

York or the 5th

Lincoln regiment.

Officers commanding a “regiment” (comprised of ten companies) were obligated to carry out an annual

training day on the 4th

of June (King George’s birthday). Failure to show for these exercises resulted in

militiamen being fined – 40 shillings for officers and 10 shillings for other ranks. As well, captains called

out their “companies” for inspection and exercises twice a year and again fines were levied against those

who failed to comply. This muster was a form of census taking which was done at regular intervals to

determine the strength of the forces.

Surviving records from the war show the names of well known local families who served in the militia

in varying degrees: Bastedo, Bates, Best, Groat (Grote), Guires, Hopkins, Kerns, Lyons, McCoy

(McCay), Morden, O’Reilly, Rambo and Rose.

In general, the militia was not well trained and lacked the military discipline of the regular forces. As

war broke out in 1812, the main role of the regiments became that of a support system. Because the

“sedentary” militia was not full time, they would be called out for duty on a rotational basis for a specific

time period - usually one month. Garrison duties, construction of fortifications and blockhouses and the

guarding of lines of communication would be carried out by these units, thereby releasing the regulars to

respond to any imminent action in the field. The militia could be called out on general alarms at any time in

which case they were to congregate at designated sites for further instructions.

Some of the sedentary militia did engage in battle. However, General Isaac Brock, Commander-in-

Chief for Upper Canada, noted the weakness of the militia and proposed a change in the ranks. Two

companies from each regiment of sedentary militia would be designated as “flank companies” and these

would be made up of men who would be willing to serve and train on a more regular basis and upon whom

the British could depend to fight alongside the regulars. The flank companies were, in reality, the first line of

the militia. The patriotism of the men in the Burlington area is shown in their service to the1st and 2

nd flank

companies of the 2nd

York regiment and the 2nd

flank company of the 5th

Lincoln. Many men in these

companies saw action at Queenston Heights and throughout the Niagara Peninsula.

__________________________________________________________________________

(35) Langford, Helen. “Taverns and Saddlebags”, Burlington Gazette, April 24, 1979. p. 44

-29-

For the rest of the militia units, who were known as service companies, morale was often poor and the

dedication of the men wavered. Many times men left their stations to go back to their farms during critical

times of planting and harvesting. Discontent of the men because of a shortage of supplies, equipment and even

clothing was prevalent. Scarcity of money to pay the men who served also caused some to abandon their

obligations.

In a military dispatch from Brigadier General Vincent at Fort George to Sir George Prevost at

Montreal, May 19, 1813:

…With respect to the Militia, it is with regret that I can neither report

favourably of their numbers nor of their willing cooperations – Every exertion has been

used and every expedient resorted to, to bring them forwards and unite their efforts to

those of His Majesty’s Forces with but little effect and desertion beyond all conception

continues to mark their indifference, to the important cause in which we are now engaged

– In considering it my duty, thus to offer a frank exposition, of my sentiments to your

Excellency, respecting the Militia of this province, I must at the same time, express a

belief, that when the reinforcements reach this frontier, many of the Inhabitants, who

have been for some time wavering and apalled, by the specious force of the Enemy’s

resources, will instantly rally round the standard of their King and Country -… (36)

Even with the success of the flank companies, it soon became apparent to the military authorities that a

more permanent corps must be established that would be more effective than the sedentary militia. Thus, the

Volunteer Incorporated Militia was born in 1813. A battalion was raised through volunteer militia

enlistment and the commitment of service was set for the duration of the war. The majority of men who

came forward were those who had already seen active service with the flank companies and the service

companies. It is worthy to note that the Volunteer Corps served with distinction in the Battle of Lundy’s

Lane in July 1814.

The question of the effectiveness of the militia during the War of 1812 has often been debated. In the

past, much credence has been given to the myth that the local militia, with the help of British forces, held off

the Americans to save Canada from invasion. Nowadays, a more temperate view is taken. It is based on the

understanding that the militia was never intended to be the primary line of defense. Many did serve

alongside the British regulars to help defend our borders and others served in a secondary role as a support

to the fighting forces.

In reality, the successful defense of Canada was actually a partnership between the British regular

soldiers, the militia and the native warriors. Jointly, they made possible the survival of the country we now

know as Canada. (37)

________________________________________________________________________

(36) Wood, William. Select British Documents of the Canadian War of 1812, Vol II. Toronto: Champlain Society,1920- 1928. p. 100-101 (37) Suthren, Victor. The War of 1812. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart Inc. p. 361

-30-

THE MEN WHO SERVED

The following is a list of local men who actively served in the War of 1812 and held rank. In addition to

noting their service, their contributions to the local community have also been explored.

Please note that this recording of names should not be considered complete. The individuals appearing

on the following pages have had their names cross-referenced from two distinct sources:

a) Known land holders in the years leading up to the War of 1812 and

b) Service records of the 2nd

York or the 5th

Lincoln regiments which are the two divisions that

men in this area would have reported to

The main source for military content was the book “Soldiers of the King – The Upper Canadian Militia

1812-1815” by William Gray. From the surviving records of the war, Gray was able to extract accurate lists

of many of the men who served. However, even these are noted to be incomplete.

Family files from the Burlington History Room at the Burlington Public Library were also searched for

evidence of local involvement. As well, several primary documents that have been transcribed and posted

online, were perused. Dorothy Turcotte’s book “Burlington – Memories of Pioneer Days” was invaluable in

providing the background of the individuals highlighted here.

Difficulties abound when attempting to present a list such as this. Records are often lacking in detail –

often only listing first and last name with no other identifying information. Similar and multigenerational

names are often the source of confusion and contradictory evidence muddies the waters even further.

This list should be considered a work in progress. With further research and concerted effort, a more

comprehensive collection of data could be gathered that would serve to greatly enhance our understanding of

the history of our community’s involvement in the War of 1812.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

APPLEGARTH, WILLIAM

Captain (May 8, 1811) 2nd

York - 2nd Flank Company

APPLEGARTH, JOHN

Lieutenant (June 6, 1809) 2nd

York – 2nd

Flank Company

General Service Medal, Fort Detroit

Ensign (May 10, 1813) Battalion of Incorporated Militia (under Lt. Col. Richard Beasley)

William Applegarth emigrated to Upper Canada from Durham, England in 1791. It is said that he was

the second settler to establish himself in East Flamborough (present day Aldershot).

William received a grant of land that extended from the shoreline of La Salle Park on the Bay to Grindstone

Creek in Hidden Valley

-31-

Details of his early life in Canada are few but we do know that his brother John followed William to

East Flamborough in 1801. Together they built a gristmill on the creek in 1809 that turned into a thriving

business. Sources state the creek was named from the rocks that were harvested from the bed of the stream

and cut into “grindstones”, which were used to sharpen axes.

As hostilities with the Americans broke out, both William and his brother John joined the militia serving

with the 2nd

York regiment. William rose to the rank of captain and John served as a lieutenant and then as

an ensign in the volunteer incorporated militia.

In the years following, William became a commissioner for the Burlington Bay Canal both during the

initial construction in 1823 and into the early 1830’s.

Other facts of note: William’s granddaughter, Sarah, married Alex Brown in 1842 and one half of his

estate was passed along to her. The Browns built a home that stood where the La Salle Park Pavilion is now

situated and later a wharf was constructed at the water’s edge. “Brown’s wharf” was a prominent centre for

shipping on Burlington Bay and operated until 1897.

ATKINSON, THOMAS

Lieutenant (May 10, 1811) 2nd

York – 2nd

Flank Company

Little is known of the early history of Thomas Atkinson as it relates to this area. There is some

indication that he settled sometime before 1812 as documentation shows he served as a lieutenant in the 2nd

York regiment during the war.

Thomas and his family worked a farm on the northeast corner of what we now know as Appleby Line

and Upper Middle Road. It is said that the first Appleby post office was situated on his property.

It is worthy to note that Thomas served on the building committee for St. John’s Anglican Church

located on Dundas St. just west of Guelph Line. In 1838, three quarters of an acre of land was actually

purchased from the family as a site for the church and cemetery. St. John’s is still thriving today.

BELL, DR. NATHANIEL

Assistant Surgeon – Quarter Master - 4th

Lincoln

Nathaniel Bell was born in New Jersey on October 26, 1790. It was two years later that he and his

family left the uncertainty of life in the United States after the Revolutionary War and settled in Grimsby.

-32-

His early years were spent gaining a general education which was furthered when he began studying

medicine in Beamsville under Dr. Sumner. As the War of 1812 approached, Bell was called to act as

Assistant Surgeon to Dr. Robert Kerr, serving in the 4th

Lincoln regiment. A record of his service states –

“Taken prisoner by the enemy July 25, 1814. Wounded by the enemy at Schlosser while a prisoner of war,

trying to effect his escape July 26, 1814. Returned as a prisoner of war, held at Pittsfield, Massachusetts, in

1814.” His wounds eventually healed but he suffered from its’ effects for the rest of his life.

Following his release at the close of the war, Bell acquired 200 acres of land in Nelson Township near

St. Ann’s (present day Tansley). Dr. Bell farmed there in addition to maintaining a large rural medical

practice. When the Upper Canada Medical Board was initially established, Dr. Bell applied for certification

and in April 1819 received his papers. He was the second person in Upper Canada to do so.

Dr. Bell’s first practice was extensive. He made his rounds on horseback over a wide area which

included all of Nelson Township and even stretched as far as Hamilton to the west and Guelph to the north.

Dr. Bell was a generous and caring physician with many of his accounts being “paid in kind”.

After the War of 1812, Bell served as surgeon to the 2nd

Gore Militia (1825) and during the Rebellion of

1837 as surgeon of the 8th

Gore.

The doctor was a staunch UEL and was a hard working physician all his life. He died Oct 26, 1859 at

69 years of age.

BRANT, JOHN

Leader of the Six Nations Warriors during the campaigns of the War of 1812

John Brant was the son of the famous Mohawk chief, Joseph Brant. Born on Sept 24, 1794 he would

follow in the footsteps of his father to become a leader of his nation.

John Brant’s early years were spent in his birthplace near Brantford, Ontario on the Grand River. By

1802 the family had relocated to Burlington Bay, where a home was built on the most northern end of the

sand strip. A replica of their house now sits at the corner of Lakeshore Rd. and Northshore Blvd. E. in

Burlington and it houses a museum dedicated to the memory of the Joseph Brant.

In his early years, John received an education in Ancaster and Niagara. After his father’s death in

1807, his mother Catherine left the Brant homestead to return to her native Mohawk settlement on the Grand

River.

John, at age 18, was called into action when the War of 1812 erupted. He served as a lieutenant in the

British Indian Department and, along with John Norton, is said to have led the Six Nation warriors in

pushing back the American offensive at Queenston Heights in October 1812. He also distinguished himself

-33-

in the battles of Beaver Dams, Fort George, Chippewa and Lundy’s Lane. After the war John and his sister

Elizabeth returned to the family home on Burlington Bay where they lived for a number of years.

John Brant was well known as a strong advocate for the rights of his native people. In 1830 he was

elected to the Upper Canada House of Assembly for Haldimand. However, in a twist of fate, the election

was contested and John was forced to vacate the seat. During a campaign in 1832 to regain his position in

the House, John Brant fell ill with cholera and died.

The major north/south corridor that runs through the centre of downtown Burlington is named Brant

Street, after this founding family.

CHISHOLM, WILLIAM

Ensign (May 8, 1811) 2nd

York – 2nd

Flank Company

Ensign 5th

Lincoln

Lieutenant (Dec 25, 1812) Battalion of Incorporated Militia

William Chisholm was born October 15, 1788 in Nova Scotia. His parents were originally from

Scotland but had emigrated to Tryon Co., New York only to find themselves swept up in the American

Revolution. The family fled to Nova Scotia where they stayed for a time, before finally settling on the

shores of Burlington Bay on a tract of land next to Joseph Brant.

In May of 1812, just a month before the War broke out, William was married. By August, he was

fighting as an ensign with the 2nd

York and 5th

Lincoln militias at the capture of Detroit for which he was

later awarded a General Service Medal. In October, he fought in the battle of Queenston Heights and two

months later was promoted to lieutenant. The Battle at Lundy’s Lane in 1814 was the last action in which he

participated.

After the war, William settled in Nelson Township and became involved in politics. In 1820 he was

elected to the House of Assembly for Halton which began his service in the political arena. William was

also a successful merchant. He owned a shipyard on the Bay and by 1827 owned five sailing vessels.

Chisholm became a champion of the Burlington Bay Canal and a director of the nearby Des Jardins Canal.

Chisholm’s shipping and lumbering interests in Halton led him to see the potential in a tract of land on

16 mile Creek. When the land was auctioned in 1827, William purchased close to 1,000 acres. Within a

year, Chisholm had planned out a shipyard and harbour and from this the town of Oakville was born.

William sold his Nelson Township property in 1839 to become a resident of his fledging community.

Other facts of note: William Chisholm served as colonel in the 2nd

regiment of the Gore militia during

the Rebellion of 1837 and led a flank company in the confrontation with MacKenzie rebels at Montgomery’s

Tavern. He was also involved in putting down the uprising at Chippewa Creek on Christmas Day 1837.

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CLEAVER, JOHN

Private 2nd

York Regiment

John and Mary Cleaver came to Canada in June of 1805 in search of a new life. Originally from

Pennsylvania, they first chose to live in a settlement in Aurora. During the Nelson Township land lottery in

1806, John drew a lot on the corner of Dundas St. and Walker’s line and it was then that he and his family

made a final move to this area.

Primary documentation shows John as serving in Captain John Chisholm’s company in the 2nd

York

regiment of the militia. No other details are known of his involvement in the war. However, an interesting

family anecdote tells the story of the Cleaver’s son James, who was 13 when the War of 1812 broke out.

Because resources were scarce, recruiters from the army came to the area scouting for men and horses.

They requisitioned the Cleavers team of horses but John was reluctant to let them go. He relinquished in the

end, when it was agreed that his son James would go along with the team to care for them. It is said that

James and the Cleaver horses were actually present during the Battle at Stoney Creek. Ultimately, James

returned to the family farm with the horses and no doubt, enough stories to last a lifetime.

In later years after establishing a home and business in Lowville, James married and fathered 7

children. After the death of his first wife, he remarried and 11 more children were added to the family.

His youngest son Ellis Hughes Cleaver became a well known lawyer and also served the town of

Burlington as a reeve. Eventually, Ellis Cleaver’s oldest son followed in his father’s footsteps also

becoming a lawyer, serving as a reeve and subsequently sitting as a member of Parliament.

Cleaver Ave. in present day Burlington is, no doubt, named after this family.

DAVIS, ASHAEL

Private 2nd

York - 1st Flank Company

William Davis and his family were originally plantation owners in North Carolina. Following their

loyalty to the Crown, they escaped northward into Canada after the Revolutionary War. Interestingly

enough, they arrived at Chippewa along with the Ghents whose name is familiar in the history of Burlington.

After his wife’s death, William Davis moved his family to Saltfleet Township where he was awarded a

500 acre land grant. Thomas Ghent also received a grant of land and the two families became neighbours.

In 1806, William’s son Ashael purchased 240 acres in Brant’s Block. Thomas Ghent had taken

possession of land in Brant’s block as well and the two families continued their connection. Ashael carried

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on his family’s UEL roots by serving in the War of 1812 with the 1st Flank Company of the 2

nd York

Regiment. No other details are known of his military service.

Ashael’s wife, Nancy, died in 1814 leaving him a widower with 6 children. He remarried and continued

to build his family, inspiring him to build a large brick home, which today is said to survive at 1134 Plains

Rd. E.

Ashael devoted the greater portion of his life to farming in this area.

In 1848, a cemetery was established on Plains Road on land owned by Ashael Davis. The Union Burial

Ground, which still stands today, is the final resting place of many of Burlington’s first pioneers.

FONGER, DAVID

Private 5th

Lincoln – 1st Flank Company

Private 2nd

York – 1st Flank Company

The first of the Fongers are said to have arrived in East Flamborough (present day Aldershot) as early as

1791.

David Fonger arrived somewhat later, settling in the area in 1804. Two years later he petitioned for 200

acres of land in Nelson, just south of Dundas St. at Walker’s Line (Lot 10, Con 1 SDS) with the grant being

finally issued on Dec 28, 1807.

David served as a private during the War of 1812. Records show that in 1875 at 93 years of age, he

was one of 92 veterans in the area to be presented with a certificate and a pension as a reward for his military

service.

HOPKINS, CALEB

Private 2nd

Lincoln Flank Company

Silas Hopkins first arrived in Canada in 1801 after serving a term of imprisonment in the U.S. for

remaining loyal to the British during the American Revolution. After first settling in Aldershot, he obtained

farmland in Nelson Township via a land lottery in 1806. Silas drew the first ticket, Lot 3 on the north side

of Dundas St. Three of his sons, including Caleb, also obtained land in Nelson.

Caleb married Hannah Green and farmed land on the northeast corner of Dundas St. and Guelph Line.

The four corners soon developed into a busy village and it became known as Hannahsville, so named in

honour of Caleb’s wife. The village retained this name until 1858 when it was changed to Nelson.

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Caleb served as a private in the 2nd

Lincoln regiment when war erupted in 1812. No other details of his

service are known.

Caleb was also active in politics. He was elected to the Legislative Assembly of Upper Canada in 1828

after defeating William Chisholm for that seat. He remained the representative for East Halton until 1846.

IRELAND, JOHN

Private 2nd

York – 1st Flank Company

John Ireland was born April 1, 1781 in Westmoreland, England. Little is known of his early personal

history other than the fact that he arrived in Canada some time before the War of 1812. John was the older

brother of Joseph Ireland whose 1835 homestead on Guelph Line is now a part of the Museums of

Burlington.

John Ireland served in the militia in the 1st Flank Company of the 2

nd York regiment during the War of

1812. There is some indication that for a time he was in charge of the supply line along Dundas St. In fact,

this seems to be substantiated by records that show he petitioned for 300 acres of land in 1823 for his service

in the war as an issuer and storekeeper with the Commissariat Department.

John died of unknown causes in 1826. Papers were later filed by his twin brother James and younger

brother Joseph asserting rights to the land originally petitioned by John but left unclaimed due to his death.

A least part of this tract of land in Trafalgar Township was transferred to Joseph.

KERR, William Johnson

Officer in the Indian Department also serving alongside native forces

William Johnson Kerr was the son of Dr. Robert Kerr, a British army surgeon who owned land on the

north shore of Burlington Bay.

Kerr gained prominence during the War of 1812 as an officer in the Indian Department. He, along with

John Brant and John Norton, led the Six Nation forces who were instrumental in defeating the Americans at

the both Queenston Heights and Beaver Dams. One source states that Kerr was actually captured and spent

some time in Cheshire, Massachusetts as a prisoner of war.

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In the aftermath of the conflict Kerr became involved in politics, taking on several appointments before

being elected to the Assembly of Upper Canada in 1820. He was also a part of the government financed

work on the Burlington Canal when he became its’ manager in 1827.

William and his wife Elizabeth (Brant) were devoted members of the Church of England and when it

was established that a place of worship would be built in Wellington Square, it was Kerr who donated the

needed land. Thus, St. Luke’s Anglican Church was born. The Kerrs both died in April 1845 within two

days of each other. Their burial place can be found just outside the doors of the historic church, which still

stands today on Ontario St.

KING, George

Lieutenant 2nd

York – 2nd

Flank Company

KING, James

Private 2nd

York – 2nd

Flank Company

Charles King originally made his home in New Jersey but crossed the border into Canada and settled in

Fort Erie sometime in the early 1790’s. There he met George Chisholm, with whom he would become life

long friends.

In 1793, both men purchased land bordering on Burlington Bay. Charles built his home on a tract of

land that extended from the Bay to the escarpment, in the area of what we now know as King Rd.

Charles’ sons, James and George, were both privates serving in the 2nd

Flank Company of the 2nd

York

Militia. They are known to have fought at the Battle of Queenston Heights as evidenced by a fascinating

personal letter found in Burlington Public Library family files. This photocopied document was written by

Charles King to his sons “James and George King, Queenston Camp in Captain Chisholm’s Company, Sept

6, 1812” and tells of a father’s concern for the well being of his sons.

The name “King” has been a prominent one in the Burlington area for many years.

LUCAS, Thomas

Ensign (May 11, 1811) 2nd

York Regiment

The Lucas family originally immigrated to the United States from Ireland, circa 1763. After spending

ten years in New York City, they relocated to New Brunswick, Canada, along with the many other Loyalists

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who were in danger of being swept up in the Revolutionary War. Clement Lucas settled there, married

Phoebe Land and started a family. Thomas Lucas, born in 1785, was one of their eight children.

Thomas spent his youth in New Brunswick but by the early 1800’s his family made a decision to move

to the Head of Lake Ontario to be near to Phoebe’s parents and siblings who had relocated in the Hamilton

area. Records show Clement Lucas purchasing land in Nelson Township in 1807.

Little is known about Thomas’ life within this time period but it is noted that he served as an Ensign in

the 2nd

York regiment during the War of 1812.

After the war, Thomas continued to contribute his service with the militia and was promoted to

Lieutenant on May 5, 1816.

VAN NORMAN, Joseph

Private 2nd

York – 2nd

Flank Company

VAN NORMAN, Abraham (Abram)

Private 2nd

York – 2nd

Flank Company

Ephraim Van Norman, his wife Elizabeth and their eight children came to Upper Canada in 1799 after

living in Pennsylvania for a number of years. They settled at Sugar Loaf Hill (near Fort Erie) with

Elizabeth’s family, before finally settling in Nelson Township in 1806.

Two of Ephraim’s children, Joseph and Abraham (Abram) served actively in the 2nd

Flank Company

of the 2nd

York Militia during the War of 1812.

Although we have little information on Joseph and Abraham’s lives in Nelson, the Van Norman family

name is one that is well known in the history of Burlington. They were early settlers who contributed much

to the community of Appleby. They were also staunch Methodists and were the founders of the Mount

Vernon pioneer cemetery which still exists today on Harvester Road, just east of Appleby Line.

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CONCLUSION

In someone’s attic, in another’s antique trunk, in between the pages of a family bible or even in the

bottom of an old cardboard box, lies the evidence of Burlington’s connections to the War of 1812.

To my knowledge, no collection of historical data has ever been compiled to showcase our community’s

contributions during this period of upheaval and change.

Perhaps this could be the challenge for the Museums of Burlington as preparations for celebrating the

bicentennial of the War of 1812 approaches – To uncover the long forgotten evidence of our rich, local

history.

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Bibliography

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Society, 2000.

Brannan, John. Official Letters of the Military and Naval Officers of the United States during the War with

Great Britain in the Years 1812, 13, 14, & 15. Washington: Way & Gideon, 1823. (Digitalized online at

http://books.google.ca/books/?hl=en&id=ceceAAAAMAAJ&dq=brannan+john+and+

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oCgFzGPoADVkDS7E).

Campbell, Marjorie F. A Mountain and a City: The Story of Hamilton. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart,

1966.

Dale, Ronald J. The Invasion of Canada: Battles of the War of 1812. Toronto: Lorimer, 2001.

Emery, Claire. From pathway to skyway revisited: The story of Burlington. Burlington: Burlington

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Evans, Lois C. Hamilton: The story of a city. Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1970.

Fay, H.A. Collection of the Official Documents, In Detail, of All Battles Fought by Sea and Land, between

the Navy and Army of the United States and the Navy and Army of Great Britain during the years 1812, 13,

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Graham, Dr. Robert J. Inn-Roads to Ancestry: Pioneer Inns of Ontario. Vol 1. Toronto: Ontario

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Gray, William. Soldiers of the King: The Upper Canadian Militia 1812-1815. Erin: Boston Mills Press,

1995.

Hickey, Donald R. Don’t give up the ship! myths of the War of 1812. Toronto: Robin Brass Studio, 2006.

Holden, Mary R. Burlington Bay, Beach and Heights in History. Hamilton: William T. Lancefield, 1898.

Innis, Mary Q. Mrs. Simcoe’s Diary. Toronto: Macmillan, 1965.

Johnston, C.M. The Head of the Lake: A History of Wentworth County. Hamilton: Wentworth County

Council, 1967.

Jonasson, Eric. Canadian Veterans of the War of 1812. Winnipeg: Wheatfield Press, 1981.

Langford, Helen. A History of Mount Vernon : a pioneer Methodist cemetery : lot 4, concession III south of

Dundas Street, Nelson Township, Halton County, Ontario : road access on lot 5, concession III S. D. S.

Burlington: Burlington Historical Society, 1972.

Lauber, W.R. An Index of the Land Claim Certificates of Upper Canada Militiamen who served inthe War

of 1812-1814. Toronto: Ontario Genealogical Society, 1995.

Livesey, Robert. The Defenders. Toronto: Stoddart,1994.

Loverseed, Helga V. Burlington: An illustrated history. Burlington: Windsor Publications (Canada) Ltd.,

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Bibliography Cont’d

Malcolmson, Robert. Lords of the Lake: The Naval War on Lake Ontario 1812-14. Toronto: Robin Brass

Studio, 1998.

Mifflin, Mary W. and Ray. Harbour Lights : Burlington Bay. Erin: Boston Mills Press, 1989.

Snider, Charles. In the Wake of the Eighteen-Twelvers. London: Commarket, P., 1969.

Suthren, Victor. The War of 1812. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart Inc., 1999.

Sweeny, G. Patrick. Diseases and doctors: Medical practice in Burlington, Ontario, 1791-1961. Hamilton: G.

Patrick Sweeny, 2005.

Turcotte, Dorothy. Burlington: Memories of Pioneer Days. Burlington: The Burlington Historical Society,

1989.

Turcotte, Dorothy. The Sand Strip: Burlington/Hamilton Beaches. St. Catherines: Stonehouse Pubs., 1987.

Turner, Wesley B. The War of 1812: the war that both sides won. Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1990.

Wilson, Bruce. As she began: an illustrated introduction to Loyalist Ontario. Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1981.

Wood, William. Select British Documents of the Canadian War of 1812. Vol II. Toronto: Champlain

Society, 1920-1928. Digitalized online at

(http://link.library.utoronto.ca/champlain/item_record.cfm?Idno=9_96857&lang= eng&query=

SELECT%20AND%20BRITISH%20AND%20DOCUMENTS%20AND%20OF%20AND%20THE%20AN

D%20CANADIAN%20AND%20WAR%20AND%20OF%20AND%201812&searchtype=Fulltext&startro

w=1&Limit=All).

Periodicals/Newspaper Articles/Reports:

Archaelogical Services Inc. “Phase 2 Cultural Heritage Resource Assessment of Fisherman’s Pier

Developmen Plan, City of Hamilton and City of Burlington, Ontario. July 2005.

Langford, Helen. “Taverns and Saddlebags”. Burlington Gazette. April 24, 1979.

Williamson, Robert J. “The Burlington Races Revisited: A Revised Analysis of an 1813 Naval Battle for

Supremacy on Lake Ontario”. Canadian Military History. Vol 8, No. 4 (Autumn 1999)

Websites: Archives of Ontario. “Archives of Ontario Visual Database”.

http://ao.minisisinc.com/scripts/mwimain.dll/144/IMAGES?DIRECTSEARCH

Blair, Fred. “Transcripts of Documents of the 2nd

Regiment of York Militia and the 5th

Regiment of Lincoln

Militia During the War of 1812 Taken from Library and Archives Canada R1022-11-6-E, Upper Canada

Militia Records Vole 1 and Nominal Lists – Flank Companies and Others” (Revised September 29, 2010)

www.ogs.on.ca/services/pdfs/2ndYork-5thLincoln-Flank-Companies.pdf

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-42-

Bibliography Cont’d

Library and Archives Canada. “Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online”.

http://www.biographi.ca/EN/index.html

Library and Archives Canada. “Archives Search”. http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca

MilitaryHeritage.com. “The War of 1812 Website”. http://www.warof1812.ca