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Italian/English document from the Wotta Sitta Collective. 1989. Written during the BR-Insurrezione Trial. Wotta Sitta was a collective of prisoners held in various special prisons, coming from the different Italian guerrilla groups (Red Brigades, NAP - Armed Proletarian Units, Red Brigades-Guerrilla Party, COLP - Communists Organized for Proletarian Liberation, Resistance
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LA LOTTA PI CLAS5E E IL MOTORE DELLA STORIA
AllegatO agli atti del prOcessO "BR-InsurreziOne"
Seconds troncone-
ROma dicembre 1989 CollettivOWotta Sitta
L A L O T T A D l C L A 5 S E E* 1L M O T O P E D E L L A S T O R I A
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- 3 -
CLASS STRUGGLE IS THE MOTOR OF HISTORY
1. The "B.R. Insurrezione" t r i a l , which took place during 1989, has taken on its own specific political importance. In deciding to hold it, the State intends to make of it the s y n t h e s i s of its counter-revolutionary initiative against the armed struggle of the Brigat/Se R o s s e .
An operation bas^s} on the particular q u a l i t i e s of a legal device concentrating on a political crime par e x c e l l e n c e such as "Insurrezione contro i poteri dello Stato (Insurrection against the powers of the State - editors) and supported by a series of political/cultural interventions with the intention of putting an end to twenty years of revolutionary struggle in Italy.
A c t u a l l y , once it got s t a r t e d , the legal system set its sights on much more short-term g o a l s .
In the first p l a c e , it was a means of centralizing different cases against the Brigatjte Rosse - PCC at the Procura R o m a n a , redefining the legal strategy on this battleground and building a political/legal model of depoliticization of revolutionary confrontation which could then be applied to various trials in different M e t r o p o l e s .
It also meant a progressive homogenization of the prison treatment (isolation in sezioni speciali of article 90) and an extension of preventative detention for h u n d r e d s of imprisoned act ivists.
The mere decision to observe this t r i a l , almost ten years old now, shows the intention of the state to turn it into a political operation directed for the most part against the present phase in the development of the revolutionary s t r u g g l e in Italy.
So the trial is organically located within the typmtkimmmv*fi-fe-and Secret S e r v i c e ' s many anti-guerrilla m a n e u v e r s against the Brigatte Rosse - PCC and the terrain of armed struggle in Italy, and also more generally within the counter-revolutionary scorched earth policy of the various enemies of the proletarian m o v e m e n t .
As at other times in the p a s t , to make the e n t i r e operation more efficient the state has made use of the destructive revisionism of various e x - r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s .
And so the treacherous thesis of the exhaustion of an international revolutionary cycle (advance] by p r o p o n e n t s of a "political solution'), as much as the thesis of an armed struggle born to protect democracy from Golpist dangers in the early seventies (advanced by those in favor of "amnesty") have both found their f o w n space in the overall management of the t r i a l . This all add*#%g further weight to the guiding significance of the t r i a l : to seriously deconstruct the political n a t u r e of the Brigatte Rosse fight over the past twenty y e a r s .
The a c q u i t t a l ; ^ a sentence completely in line with the management of the entire t r i a l , was meant to be a historical judgement: to establish that armed struggle in the Metropoles can neither take on the quality of a socially significant revolutionary mechanism nor that of a politically v i c t o r i o u s s t r a t e g y .
But no legal/political device can do t h i s , neither on the
level of short-term p o l i t i c s , nor on a historic l e v e l . A c t u a l l y , faced with living^and from now on s t a b l e 4 nature of the guerrillas within the class struggle within this c o u n t r y , the staging of this trial has ended up causing all the fears of the Italian bourgeoisie to burst forth, and with a v e n g e a n c e .
It is worthwhile to note that counter insurgency strategists around the world are busy working out methods of intervention for the nineties (just look at the seminars that the Justice Department has organised this year in the USA with the participation of all the Western countries where clandestine fighters e x i s t ) . To a large degree they are basing their analytic models on Italy, an advanced industrialized country where the guerrilla has strong roots in the social fabric.
The political fact that no trial could remove for)m the class struggle in Italy is t h a t , measured time and again against the real conditions of the s t r u g g l e , the g u e r r i l l a s of the Brigatte Rosse have made p r o g r e s s .
This is the reason why every attempt of the State to use the "history of the Brigatjbe Rosse" against the Brigatte R o s s e , or the p r i s o n e r s of the g u e r r i l l a , is doomed to f a i l .
2. The campaign of depoliticization of the revolutionary struggle which comeito the surface time and time again around the "armed struggle trials" in Italy is from now on accompanied by -and this is no coincidence - the hoopla about "the end of
Commun i sm". This hoopla is not merely the celebration by which the
bourgeoisie concretely justifies its economic penetration and its intention of direct exploitation of the Eastern Bloc p r o l e t a r i a t .
It is also a preventative and defensive ideological model that the bourgeoisie uses to control the new c o n t r a d i c t i o n s implied by the driving force behind all those international d e v e l o p m e n t s .
The degree of interdependence which for decades characterized the world capitalist economy has made it so that the crisis which had been brought about in the central areas of the West has increasingly spilled over towards the South and the Eastern B l o c , carried in part by massive e x p o r t a t i o n s of financial capital (so-called " l o a n s " ) .
The effects of this expansion of the crisis are not only noticeable in the present transformation in the relationships between the states and the different factions of the bourgeoisie in the different political s y s t e m s . There is a much more important effect that is of concern to the imperialist bourgeoisie and which cannot be anything but central to c o m m u n i s ^ the hidden push over the past decade towards the universal expansion of the of the p r o l e t a r i a n / b o u r g e o i s contrad ict ion.
That is not to say that one can already call all the social c o n f l i c t s in the East and South "proletarian". Nor is this to say that the p r o l e t a r i a n / b o u r g e o i s contradiction is already the only one which can make sense of the present political t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s . What this does mean is that in all parts of the world more and more men (sic) find themselves confronted with the new hard demands to give capital v a l u e , this increasing the
polarization of c l a s s e s . As for the r e s t , the recent s e s s i o n s for the debt payments
(principally from Latin American countries) as well as the emergency financial "aid" p r o j e c t s for the East are openly motivated by the need to prevent the explosion of social antagon isms.
Faced with a framework of c o n t r a d i c t i o n s as complex as these it would be a fatal error to retreat and hide oneself in b o o k s . There are already plenty of r e v i s i o n i s t s and o p p o r t u n i s t s who use this situation to send the working class new messages of power 1essness and confusion which are always helpful in maintaining the b o u r g e o i s social o r d e r .
Communists , on the other h a n d , point out which elements in this new framework can advance the revolutionary process and place them within the strategy of the of the s t r u g g l e . In this way those now in the movement represent the future of the m o v e m e n t . So it has been for the communist movement since its birth from the lessons that Marx and Engels took from the @ / i s Commune experience and more obviously for Lenin and the Bolsheviks in the first years of the c e n t u r y .
The communist identity is not defined in the abstract nor by merely repeating s l o g a n s , but in the practical work of affirming the general interests of the p r o l e t a r i a t . Within the historically determined framework of c o n t r a d c t i o n s it feeds off of the evolutionrt of the class s t r u g g l e . In this way it establishes itself a ^ the rightful heir of the communist revolution and at the sameftime evolves and makes the necessary b r e a k s with the p a s t .
At the end of the sixties the reconstruction of the communist identity in the Western m e t r o p o l e s , sizing itself up against those contradictions of capitalism which were defining the beginning of the c r i s i s , came to choose armed struggle as an offensive strategy able to push to the fore the entierty of the class s t r u g g l e .
As a break with insurrectional and Third Internationalist s t r u c t u r i s a t i o n , this choice was linked with the experiences of the communists active in the anti-imperialist liberation struggles on the Three Continents and with the lessons of the Chinese Cultural R e v o l u t i o n , and constituted a general progress in the communist identity. All of this had as its basis an awareness of the global dimensions of the confrontation with the imperialist system, a deepening of the critique of capitalism, of its ability to subsume social r e l a t i o n s h i p s and of the many different forms of political d o m i n a t i o n . L a s t l y , it was related to the intensification of its control mechanisms and absorbtion of class c o n f l i c t .
A practical critique united the most advanced section of the proletariat in the M e t r o p o l e s bringing the power struggle to the level of long-term class s t r u g g l e .
From the beginning our practice included a clear demystification of the class structure of the once-socialist Eastern Bloc countries while at the same time keeping in mind the political importance of the contradiction which set these countries against the Western imperialist system.
The guerrilla strategy has opened up a revolutionary vantage point around these elements of consciousness by affirming itself as a reference point for the most significant s t r u g g l e s in the principal European c o u n t r i e s .
Up against the new economic and political order and the actual framework of the class struggle which are being created by the evolution of the capitalist system in general and of the crisis in p a r t i c u l a r , the communist vanguards must take stock of their gains and the need for clandestine ways in order to advance the revolutionary p r o j e c t .
The real nature of the communist identity has been made clear by the concrete historical development of the c l a s s s t r u g g l e . In summary,: even in acting locally it must express the global nature (the quality of extension) of the confrontation between the international proletariat and the imperialist b o u r g e o i s i e .
In the Communist M a n i f e s t o , Marx and Engels said:
The C o m m u n i s t s are distinguished from the other working class parties by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different c o u n t r i e s , they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire p r o l e t a r i a t , independently of all n a t i o n a l i t y . 2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class has to pass t h r o u g h , they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a w h o l e .
The general strategic tasks now before the communist necessitate a strengthening and reaffirmation as well as innovation of the basic elements which have been gained over the y e a r s .
Due to the interdependence between revolutionary s t r u g g l e s , internationalism is now becoming an element of advancement for revolutionary struggles with their own specific national situations and at the same time within the framework of confrontation between revolution and imperialism.
At the same t i m e , revolutionary p o l i t i c s can push the processes of proletarian emancipation to the foreground by h i g h l i g h t i n g , within the complexity of their forms, the basic homogeneity that characterised the p r o l e t a r i a n / b o u r g e o i s contradiction all over the w o r l d .
Faced with the power struggle created by the aggression with which the bourgeoisie responds to the crisis with the hope of cutting down any seed of class h o s t i l i t y , all this means to take responsibility to organize the revolutionary camp to the level called for by this power s t r u g g l e .
This q u a l i t y , which characterises the organisation and struggle of c o m m u n i s t s also e x p r e s s e s itself in the armed s t r u g g l e .
All of the noise the bourgeoisie makes about the "uselessness of armed struggle" and the "end of communism" is actually concealing the depths of the processes of economic crisis and political instability.
The inability to solve the most significant c o n t r a d i c t i o n s , and their accumulation over the y e a r s , makes it impossible for
m i l l i o n s of people to renounce the need for revolutionary c h a n g e . A c t u a l l y , the era we are entering will completely vindicate
the h i s t o r y , practical experience and coming gains of the c ommun i st s.
3. Supranational integration is the only road with which the bourgeoisie can block the economic and political crisis which started at the end of the sixties throughout the whole capitalist w o r l d , starting from its centres: the USA, E u r o p e , and J a p a n . A profound crisis which no one yet has been able to find a serious possibility of getting around.
We wish to briefly summarize the economic movement which fuels this c r i s i s , for otherwise it is difficult to make out the political changes that it infers.
In fact the main phenomenon which is demolishing so many political borders is the process of concentration with which the centres of capital (already multi-national and d i v e r s i f i e d ) react to the failing profit r a t e .
The falling profit rate is the result of the post-war economic cycle and translates into an overproduction crisis of worldwide d i m e n s i o n s .
In the s e v e n t i e s , the strongest centres of capital tried to get around the crisis by means of a technological boom and a planetary reorganization of production to increase s u r p l u s . And it is the realization of this process that set the s t a g e , on a qualitatively more complex l e v e l , for a new and more violent fall in the profit rate in the e i g h t i e s , kept under control by the acceleration and massive increase in volume of financial c irculat ion.
A real crisis of which the least easily controlled and resolved e l e m e n t s today are:
- the enormous American commercial deficit and d e b t ; - the Third World debt and the COMECON sphere; - agricultural overproduction in Europe and the U S A ,
supported by high state subsidies; - the exceptional commercial holdings of the Federal
Republic of G e r m a n y , Japan and the newly industrialized countries of south-east Asia.
Regionalization means consolidation into continental economic spheres as a means of creating the c o n d i t i o n s with which the strongest centres of capital will take on the necessary dimensions (in terms of quantity and quality) with which to recommence a c c u m u l a t i o n .
This is the present balance of s u r v i v a l . A very unstable balance conditioned by political and
economic conditions (even more complex and u n c o n t r o l l a b l e than in the past) which continue to feed the development of capital's constant tendency towards w a r .
More and m o r e , "The world capitalist economy is like a sorcerer who is no longer able to control the infernal process that he himself has summoned u p " . (Marx, E n g e l s , "The Communist MAnifesto)
These political/economic dynamics create class and social contradictions which mark the advance of the class struggle in our t i m e s . The social division of labour is fragmented and
areas of the w o r l d , as in the political role of the EEC in the main crisis regions and as in the intervention of singular states in support of multinational c a p i t a l , principally towards the M e d i t e r r a n e a n / M i d d l e Eastern s p h e r e , the COMECOM sphere and more generally in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.
6. The creation of the "Western European Bloc" faces many contrad ict ions.
The strong push towards integration must settle accounts with the conflicts between the different production strategies and markets of different centres of c a p i t a l , and also with the specific demands and often divergent policies of the governments of different European S t a t e s .
The instability which is presently showing itself on all levels shows that the quickened pace is the product of a more and more violent conflict of interests and of indistinguishable mandatory choices caused by the evolution of the crisis in world cap italism.
Such a framework is easily identified in some of the most important dynamics at the centre of the significant changes in the balance of power within the capitalist c a m p .
-On the economic level the question of the CENTRAL BANK OF EUROPE and of the centralization of financial p o l i c i e s , which is at the heart of economic integration, indicates a confrontation as much the result of Great B r i t a i n ' s integration with the United States as the manifestation of each singular state's o p p o s i t i o n . Oppositions which have been resolved within the Bundesbank and the Banca d'Italia and which bear witness to the resistance of the economic and political interests which are being penalised by a loss of national s o v e r e i g n t y .
-On the political-military level the issues of rearmament and of redefining NATO form the first step from which all the possibilities of what is call a "European Defense" are d e f i n e d . Faced with the pressure to change the political dimensions of NATO which recently surfaced (in Europe and in the USA) around the issue of remodernizing the LANCE missile system and from the financial quota increase of the European s t a t e s , the American administration has made clear it's feelinq about a reappraisal of the ATLANTIC: P A C T .
The policy of the economic penetration of the COMECOM s p h e r e , along with that of the Mediterranean s p h e r e , has become a basic axis of development for the "EEC B l o c " . The multiplication and overlapping of the economic and political policies of different multinational groups and the various state's attempts to carve out new areas of political autonomy vis a vis the COMECOM sphere reflect the need of European capital to hold a privileged position in these spheres in order to reinforce itself vis a vis American and Japanese c a p i t a l . More and more the United States is going all out to set the pace and impose their demands onto this t e r r a i n , using the ties sanctioned by the COCOM treaty as an economic weapon and the bilateral relationship with the USSR as political one with which to achieve this e n d .
These are just a few of the messes around which one can quite clearly see the imperialist strategy of reacting to the
crisis by reinforcing economic and political supranational integration opens the door to new and more complex contrad ict ions.
So European integration is happening in an extremely dynamic framework within which players and interests are beginning to emerge which are modifying the relationships and hierarchies between states and between financial and industrial g r o u p s .
Over the past years attention is being drawn to the growing importance of the German b o u r g e o i s i e , as much on the level of economic/financial cohesion as on the level of increasing the political weight of the "European Bloc" in regards to the world order and also the Mediterranean and the COMECOM s p h e r e .
The "new FRG" within the "new Europe": this is the message with which the German bourgeoisie and its political staff call for a greater responsibility on a world scale and the basic centrality of the Western European formation.
The search for more weight in the "French/German axis and the "Ten Point Plan" by which Kohl turns himself into a proponent of the possibility of reunification with the Democratic Republic of Germany are there to show how the German bourgeoisie is pushing with the goal of bridging the gap between economic weight and political influence which has characterized it during the entire post-war era.
7. What the political nature of an attack such as that of c o m r a d e s in the Rote Armee Fraktion against the Deutsche Bank boss Herrhausen is notable for >,its explosive location in the world framework of confrontation between imperialism and r e v o l u t i o n , occupying a place beside the revolutionary struggle of the people who in El Salvador and in occupied Palestine determining the steps forward not only for themselves but also for the whole world p r o l e t a r i a t .
Starting with the knowledge that every blow against imperialism weakens the whole system and strengthens the world revolutionary p e r s p e c t i v e , the revolutionary confrontation in Western Europe emerges as one of the poles in which it is possible to disrupt the power relationships within the dialectic with the struggles on the Three Continents of the S o u t h .
The initiative of the Rote Armee Fraktion intrudes on a fundamental project of the whole imperialist system and opens up contradictions there where imperialism is working to reorganize its e c o n o m i c - p o l i t i c a l—mil i t a r y strategic b a l a n c e s .
An attack on the guiding p o l i c i e s of the different levels of European integration which invest power r e l a t i o n s h i p s through the entire area has direct repercussions in each c o u n t r y .
The revolutionary practice brings to light the importance of a stable perspective on organisation and struggle on a continental s c a l e . This is an extremely important asset for the international revolutionary m o v e m e n t , the fruit of the experience of the offensives waged in the 1980's by the fighting organisations Action D i r e c t s , Rote Armee F r a k t i o n , Brigatte Rosse-PCC in the real progression of the Front in Western E u r o p e .
Western E u r o p e ' s urban guerrilla was born to rebuild the metropolitan proletarians's class and revolutionary perspective
and c o n s c i o u s n e s s , to recreate a confrontation of power in the heart of the imperialist system. It has progressively enlarged the class c o n t r a d i c t i o n s , exacerbating the imperialist bourgeois's power crisis from the widening c l a s s / s t a t e g a p .
Developed in the various national situations in Europe during the whole of the 7 0 ' s , this harsh confrontation has led to a new and more mature definition of revolutionary d e v e l o p m e n t .
It is around the guerrillas of the F r o n t , from the attacks against NATO and the military-industrial complex to the action against Tietmeyer during the IMF a s s e m b l y , that the significant growth of revolutionary consciousness and organisation has been tested and p r o v e d . T h u s , the F r o n t , precisely as a continental attack o r g a n i s a t i o n , has encouraged the unification and politicisation of class confrontation in E u r o p e . A heritage of experiences which can allow important moves forward in the theoretical and practical a b i l i t i e s of r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s in each c o u n t r y . This is to say the ability to conceive and realise a revolutionary strategy adapted to the level reached by the confrontation between revolution and imperialism. A strategy which develops in real terms the relationship between revolution in each national territory and revolution in Western Europe as a w h o l e .
Because concrete experience has already made clear the needs that cannot be d i s r e g a r d e d . . .
For example that the advancement of the revolutionary process on the continental scale does not mean ignoring the specific tasks brought about by the specific class situation and historical characteristics which distinguish one situation from a n o t h e r .
Or on a more general level that the offensive against the p o l i c i e s of cohesion on the continental scale certainly has an objective political effect within the situation of singular c o u n t r i e s , as the Herrhausen action s h o w s . Which at the same time does not automatically translate into a heightening of consciousness of this confrontation in the class fabric.
The revolutionary confrontation on the continental level expresses a political quality which cannot be reached by the proletarian struggle in each country without a strategy and practice which links these two levels in a dialectical m a n n e r .
The class/state confrontation within a singular territory and the revolution/imperialism confrontation on the level of the whole of Europe cannot remain s e p a r a t e . The dialectic unity comes into being by using the reciprocity between these two as a lever. Within this reciprocity it is the general level of confrontation which advances t h i s .
It is only by viewing the confrontation within a particular territory while taking into account the political quality reached by the guerrilla's revolutionary praxis on a continental scale that one can get a perspective on the class c o n f r o n t a t i o n .
For this is the level that has been reached by the con frontat ion.
The creation of the "Western European Bloc" is a global process throughout all the c o u n t r i e s and implies substantial c h a n g e s . But what is most important is that it has a determining
consolidates itself on a planetary scale and pulls million of men and women into c a p i t a l ' s o r b i t , d e p r i v e s them of any means of non-capitalist subsistence and turns them into proletarians by concentrating them into the cities that dot the p l a n e t , in the North as in the S o u t h , in the East as in the W e s t .
These are the devastating effects of industrialisation stretched out over the whole world which forces proletarians to bend to the direct demands of production as w o r k e r s , unemployed and e m i g r a n t s .
Here is the origin of the tension and social conflicts in the Southern regions of the w o r l d , and which show up even in Europe and the United S t a t e s .
At the moment the p r o l e t a r i a t ' s revolutionary politic can do nothing but measure itself against the totality of the imperialist s t r a t e g y , understood as the sum total of the r e s p o n s e s of the bourgeoisie to the struggles of the proletariat in the centres as in the p e r i p h e r y , as both threaten the profits of c a p i t a l .
4. As to s t r u c t u r e , capitalist integration in western Europe is pointing in the direction of the construction of an economic/social base to guarantee multi-national capital the necessary conditions and market for their continued development and c o m p e t i t i v e n e s s on a world s c a l e .
For Europe the degree to which its principal economies have opened up is becoming d e c i s i v e . The growth of the flow of direct investments is encouraged through the reorganization of processes of production and the c h a n n e l s of commercialization of commodities on a continental and worldwide s c a l e , the expansion of financial markets and of the sphere of activity of banks beyond national b o r d e r s .
None of the singular national polices of the European states can justify themselves without a clear and precise link to the new organization required by economic interdependence, all of which means a new and intensified hierarchical integration and reorganization between states on a continental s c a l e . A discontinued p r o c e s s which manifests itself in the reinforcement of old and creation of new supranational i n s t i t u t i o n s . To an increasing degree part of the national state powers are spilling over into t h e s e , a situation which forces them to reformulate their own f u n c t i o n s .
The creation of what is called the "Western European Bloc" is a project born of the strongest sections of the European imperialist bourgeoisie as a response to their new s i t u a t i o n .
5. The European unification has always been potentially present in the plans of the European b o u r g e o i s i e , but today it is taking on a central importance as a result of the p r e s s u r e s of the complex and permanent negative situation in the world imperialist system.
The exhaustion of the political balance of Yalta became clear in the e i g h t i e s . First and foremost by the contradictions caused by the polar ends of the newly industrialized countries as much as the advanced capitalist o n e s . Contradictions that the
American administration is quite aware o f , and of which the most clear result is its continuing oscillation between a reaffirmation of its centrality and the search for global cooperation which inevitably leads at times to a destabi1ization of certain temporary power b a l a n c e s .
That it is impossible for the United States to take on all of the rising economic and political costs of capitalism's international crisis all by itself pushes Western E u r o p e , as well as J a p a n , to take on a more consistent specific role in the world than in the p a s t .
The strongest European states (France, FRG, Great Britain, Italy) are increasing their weight vis A vis the United S t a t e s , as much for their own sake as to maintain the whole world o r d e r . In this sense the strengthening of Europe is a major priority of the entire imperialist system.
At the April '89 assembly of the Trilateral Commission in P a r i s , Agnelli himself spoke of "making of '92 a source of strengthening all of the countries in the Western sphere."
The creation of Western Europe is already a concrete process in which one sees the strongest sections of the European imperialist bourgeoisie and their national executives involved in the creation of political structures which will be able to respond to the demands of integration.
Around these administrative structures revolve various p r o j e c t s and planss
- the Monetary -Union to centralize economic and financial polic ies;
- cooperation in defense and armement policies; --cooperation and integration of various police forces on the
level of counter-revolution and social c o n t r o l ; -what they call "Social E u r o p e " , which means the
regulation of the costs and movement of the labour force, both immigrant and native-born;
-the centralisation of subsidy policies for the agricultural sector;
-the coordination of industrial restructuring in different s e c t o r s ;
-the centralisation of subsidy policies for the agricultural sector;
-the centralisation of technological r e s e a r c h , t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , and space p r o g r a m s ,
-the coordination of foreign p o l i c y . The massive amount of initiatives which mark the present stage of European unification are presently expressed in the form of increased exploitation and u n e m p l o y m e n t , and a general worsening of the living conditions of the metropolitan p r o l e t a r i a t .
A tendency which relates back to the extension and massification of the process of p r o l e t a r i a n i s a t i o n , a process which is set by the demands of capitalist price fixing.
What this is all about is the clandestine theft of human a c t i v i t y , the creation of a labour and the subsuming of the new conditions of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n .
At the same time this process manifests itself towards the rest of the world by constantly projecting itself into different
condition for its realisation:the drastic deconstruct ion of the revolutionary s t r u g g l e .
To unite to block this p r o j e c t , to stop it from coming into being by pushing back the revolutionary initiative in all of the c o u n t r i e s , is the task of the guerrilla and the proletarian m o v e m e n t . To build an aggressive confrontation of European dimensions in unity with the revolutionary liberation struggles in Asia, Africa, and Latin America is the battleplan by which the revolutionary consciousness can advance and which can now deepen the economic/political crisis of the imperialist system.
Starting today, to attack european unification is the central strategic perspective around which in every c o u n t r y , in every metropolitan p o l e , in every social s i t u a t i o n , the proletarian movement can express itself in the language of power around the g u e r r i l l a .
In Western E u r o p e , the fighting organisations have shown themselves capable in practice of placing themselves on such a central and qualified political l e v e l . The action against Herrhausen and the experience of the R A F , just as in Italy that of the Brigate Rosse-PCC are significant in this way: the guerrilla opens up a political space for the growth of the proletarian m o v e m e n t , in contact with and with the concrete contributions of all r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s who want to finalize their organized activism in the progress of the revolutionary perspect ive.
The imprisoned fighters are wholly and completely interior to this d i m e n s i o n .
The resistance and the different experiences that the prisoners have gone through in prison in G e r m a n y , F r a n c e , S p a i n , Italy...for the defense and development of the communist identity, constitute an effective element of enrichment for the revolutionary process brought into being by the guerrilla in Western E u r o p e .
It is this consciousness that defines our militant contr ibut ion.
STRUGGLE TOGETHER!
COMMUNIST COLLECTIVE I SOME COMRADES FROM THE WOTTAS SITTA P R I S O N E R S .
Susan B e r a r d i , Lorenzo C a l z o n e , Anna C o t o n e , Davide Fadda, Luciano Farina, Giovanni Gentilie S c h i a v o n e , Nicola Pellecchia, Stefano S c a r a b e l l o , Caterina S p a n o , Aleramo V i r g i l i .
