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Japanese Passives: Controversy RevisitYasuhiko Miura

Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures University of Southern California

1. Introduction

2. Passive Constructions in Japanese

2.1 Controversy between Uniform and Non-uniform theories 1

The sentence in (a) is an example of the passive constructions in English.

() a. The vase was broken (by John).b. John broke the vase.

In the generative tradition, it is assumed that (a) is derived from its active counterpart in (b) with the effects of the passive morpheme -en. The passive morpheme -en has the following two effects.2

() a. The V of V-en loses its external argument. b. The internal argument of the V of V-en can no longer be ‘licensed’ as an object; i.e., the

Case cannot be assigned/checked in the object position. (Hoji to appear: (3))

As a result of (b), the underlying object (the vase in (b)) is forced to move to the subject position in (a), which is assumed to be A-movement.

Japanese has a pair that seems to correspond to () in English.

() a. Taroo-ga sensei-ni/niyotte sika-rare-ta -NOM -by scold-PASS-PAST

‘Taro was scolded by the teacher.’

b. Sensei-ga Taroo-o sikat-ta -NOM -ACC scold-PAST

‘The teacher scolded Taro.’

The object in the active sentence (Taroo-o) in (b) corresponds to the surface subject (Taroo-ga) in the passive sentence in (a). This type of passive constructions is referred to as "direct passives." 3

1 Howard and Niyekawa-Howard (1976) refer to N. McCawley (1972) on the terminology of the 'uniform/non-uniform theory'.2 () is cited from Hoji to appear. Hoji (to appear) mentions that () is not a formal characterization.3 Kuroda (1979) refers to Howard and Niyekawa-Howard (1976) on the terminology of 'direct/indirect passive'.

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In addition to the "direct passives," Japanese has another type of passive constructions in which one more NP than appears in its closest active counterpart is contained as exemplified in (). This type of passive constructions is called "indirect passives." 4

() a. Taroo-ga sensei-ni Hanako-o sika-rare-ta -NOM -by -ACC scold-PASS-PAST

‘Taro had Hanako scolded by the teacher.’

b. Taroo-wa ame-ni hu-rare-ta -TOP rain-by fall-PASS-PAST

‘Taro was rained on.’

Two positions have been taken in the literature on the treatment of these two types of the passive constructions. One position assigns the direct and the indirect passives different structures, and thus is referred to as the "non-uniform" theory (N. McCawley 1972, Kuno 1973, Inoue 1976, among others). It assigns the direct passives as in (a) the same structure as the English passives (i.e. it is derived from its active counterpart by interchanging the positions of the underlying subject and object by a transformation rule). The indirect passives as in (), on the other hand, are assumed to have a structure in which the passive morpheme rare takes a subject NP and a complement clause. The structures proposed by the non-uniform theory are schematized in ().

() Non-uniform theorya. Direct passives:

[S NPi-ga [VP (NP-ni/niyotte) ti V-rare-ta]]

b. Indirect Passives:[S NP1-ga [VP NP2-ni NP3-o V]-rare-ta]

The other position assigns the direct and the indirect passives the same structure, specifically, the structure proposed for the indirect passives in the non-uniform theory, and thus is referred to as the "uniform" theory (Hasegawa 1964, Kuroda 1965, 1979, Makino 1972, 1973, Howard and Niyekawa-Howard 1976, among others). In Kuroda 1965, for example, one of the arguments of the embedded sentence is identical with the subject of the matrix sentence, and is deleted under identity with the matrix subject (Equi NP-Deletion). The structures proposed by the non-uniform theory (e.g., Kuroda 1965) are schematized in ().

() Uniform theorya. Direct passives:

[S NP1-ga [VP NP2-ni NP1-o V]-rare-ta]b. Indirect Passives:

4 Howard and Niyekawa-Howard (1976:202) mention that, "[t]he most striking property of the Japanese passive is the fact that it often contains one more noun phrase than appears in its closest active counterpart. This noun phrase represents the individual indirectly affected by the action or event expressed in the remainder of the sentence," and refer to such passive sentences as 'indirect' passives for the purposes of exposition. They thus point out that, "[t]his terminological distinction is based on a single syntactic criterion and is not intended to make any claim about other syntactic or semantic properties of these constructions." (Howard and Niyekawa-Howard 1976:203)

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[S NP1-ga [VP NP2-ni NP3-o V]-rare-ta]

There had been a controversy between the uniform theory and the non-uniform theory in the 1970's.

2.2 Refutation of the non-uniform theory

This controversy between the uniform theory and the non-uniform theory seems to come to an end with the appearances of Howard and Niyekawa-Howard 1976 (hereafter H&N-H) and Kuroda 1979. They provide substantial arguments against the non-uniform theory and refute it.

2.2.1 Howard and Niyekawa-Howard's (1976) arguments

According to H&N-H (1976:208), N. McCawley’s (1972) and Kuno’s (1973) arguments for the non-uniform theory are based on the different behavior of zibun 'self' in the two passive constructions. More specifically, they point out that zibun 'self' tends to be ambiguous in the indirect passives whereas it is unambiguous in the direct passives. Kuno (1973) presents the following data.

() a. Mary-wa John-ni zibun-no uti-de koros-are-ta -TOP -by self-GEN house-in kill-PASS-PAST

‘Mary was killed by John in self’s house.’ (Kuno 1973:299, (21a))

b. Mary-wa John-ni zibun-no uti-de hon-o yom-ase-rare-ta -TOP -by self-GEN house-at book-ACC read-CAUS-PASS-PAST

‘Mary was made by John to read the book in self’s house.’ (Kuno 1973:305, (33))

The zibun in (a) is unambiguously coreferential with the subject Mary, while the zibun in (b) may be taken either as coreferential with the subject Mary or with the agentive phrase John. According to the non-uniform theory, in which the direct passives are derived from the active sentence, the non-ambiguity of (a) follows as a direct consequence of having a single subject NP. On the other hand, the uniform theory, which assigns the same structure to (a) and (b), has no obvious reason for the non-ambiguity of (a).

In order to overcome the difficulty of accounting for the non-ambiguity of (a) in the non-uniform theory, H&N-H (1976) propose the following constraint.

() Reflexive Coreference Constraint (RCC) (H&N-H 1976: (60))Two instances of the reflexive pronoun zibun commanded by the same pair of possible antecedents must be coreferential. If they are not, the sentence is marked as ungrammatical.

H&N-H (1976) then provides some evidence, independently of the passive construction, to support the existence of RCC in Japanese grammar. RCC being an independently motivated principle, the facts provided by Kuno (1973) are no longer considered strong support for the non-uniform theory.

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2.2.2 Kuroda's (1979) arguments

Kuroda (1979), accepting H&H-N's (1976) account of the ambiguity problem just presented, provides further argument against the non-uniform theory based again on the facts with zibun 'self'. Kuroda (1979:185) points out that "the evidential value for the non-uniform theory of the ambiguity phenomenon in question can be nullified directly merely on the level of phenomenal observation." Kuroda’s (1979) argument is as follows:

() Mary-wa John-ni atama-o war-are-ta -TOP -by head-in split-PASS-PAST

‘Mary was got her head split by John.’ (Kuroda 1979:185, (9))

() Mary-wa John-ni zibun-no heya-de atama-o war-are-ta -TOP -by self-GEN room-at head-in split-PASS-PAST

‘Mary was got her head split by John in self’s room.’ (Kuroda 1979:185, (10))

Kuroda (1979) points out that in () it is extremely hard, if even possible, to take the atama 'head' as John’s. The insertion of the place adverbial phrase zibun-no heya-de 'in self’s room' does not change such non-ambiguity. Kuroda (1979) mentions that as long as it is Mary’s head that was split, the only reading in () describes an incident in Mary’s room. Thus, the indirect passives as in () parallel the direct passives as in (a) with respect to the ambiguity problem. The non-ambiguity of (a) in contrast with the ambiguity of (b) cannot be a characteristic feature of the direct passives. Thus, quite independently of the merit of H&N-H’s (1976) argument, the pair in (a) and (b) does not give support to the non-uniform theory.

2.3 A breakdown in the direct passives

Kuroda (1979), though advocating the uniform theory of the passive constructions, introduces a new perspective on the classification of Japanese passives. He provides empirical evidence which shows differences between the direct passives with the agentive ni-phrase and the ones with ni yotte-phrase, and proposes different structures on these two types of the passive constructions.

In many cases ni and ni yotte in the direct passives are interchangeable as shown in (b) above.

() b. Taroo-ga sensei-ni/ni yotte sika-rare-ta -NOM -by scold-PASS-PAST

‘Taro was scolded by the teacher.’

Thus, at first glance it might appear that ni yotte is a stylistic variant of ni. However, Kuroda (1979:186-187) observes three circumstances where ni and ni yotte are not freely

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interchangeable.5 First, if the passive subject (i.e., the underlying active object) is an abstract noun, ni yotte is obligatory as shown in ().6

() a. Kaikai-ga gityoo-ni yotte sengens-are-taopening-NOM chairman-by announce-PASS-PAST

‘The opening of the meeting was announced by the chairman.’

b. *Kaikai-ga gityoo-ni sengens-are-ta (Kuroda 1979: (17) and (18))

Secondly, if the passive subject is concrete but inanimate, ni yotte is obligatory.

() a. Siroi booru-ga Oo-ni yotte takadakato utiage-rare-tawhite ball-NOM -by high hit:up-PASS-PAST

‘A white ball was hit high in the air by Oo.’

b. *Siroi booru-ga Oo-ni takadakato utiage-rare-ta (Kuroda 1979: (19) and (20))

Thirdly, under the interpretation in which the adverb such as orokanimo 'stupidly' is associated with the surface passive subject, the sentence is unacceptable with ni yotte. 7, 8

() a. Daitooryoo-ga orokanimo CIA-ni koros-are-te simat-tapresident-NOM stupidly CIA-by kill-PASS should:not:have-PAST

‘The president stupidly let the CIA kill him, which he should not have let happen.’

b. ??Daitooryoo-ga orokanimo CIA-ni yotte koros-are-te simat-ta(Kuroda 1979: (91) and (93))

Based on these differences in distribution between the agent phrase accompanied by the marker ni and the one accompanied by the marker ni yotte, Kuroda (1979) assigns the ni yotte passives the different structure from that of the ni direct/indirect passives. More specifically, Kuroda (1979:186) proposes that a passive sentence with the agent phrase accompanied by the marker ni yotte is derived from the corresponding active sentence by an operation of preposing a noun phrase constituent. This derivation is the same as the one commonly assumed in the English passives as well as the one proposed for the direct passives in the non-uniform theory in (a). Kuroda’s (1979) proposed structure of the ni yotte passives is schematized in ().

() (based on Kuroda 1979: (135))

a. NP1 NP2 V (D-S)b. NP2 i-ga NP1-niyotte ti V-rare (S-S)

5 Independently of the facts of the direct passives, Kuroda (1979:186) observes that ni yotte may not be attached to the embedded underlying subject of typical examples of the indirect passives.(i) *John-wa kodomo-niyotte sin-are-ta

-TOP child-by die-PASS-PAST 'John was affected by the death of his child.' (Kuroda 1976: (16)) (English translation is by YM)

6 This is a remark by Inoue (1976:77)7 The gloss and the English translation in () are from Hoshi (1994:151,(8)).8 The acceptability of (b) is by Hoshi (1994). Kuroda (1979:202) states, "[(b)] is unacceptable as a surface form, without a permissible reading."

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Kuroda (1979) thus proposes two types of -rare, one having an argument taking property as proposed in the ni-direct/indirect passives in (), and the other having an argument reducing property as proposed in the ni yotte passives in (). Hoji (to appear) refers to these two types of -rare as 'argument-taking -rare' and 'argument-reducing -rare', respectively.9

2.4 Summary

The controversy between the 'uniform' and 'non-uniform' theories of Japanese passives in the 1970’s focused on the treatment of the direct and indirect passive constructions. Howard and Niyekawa-Howard (1976) and Kuroda (1979) have provided strong arguments against the 'non-uniform' theories, and the controversy seems to come to an end. Kuroda (1979) has then presented empirical evidence which shows differences between the direct passives with the agentive ni-phrase and the ones with ni yotte-phrase, and proposed a different structure to the direct passives with ni yotte-phrase from those with ni-phrase. Kuroda's (1979) dichotomy of the passive construction is thus not between the direct and indirect passives but on the markings of the agentive phrases, either ni or ni yotte.

Putting Kuroda's (1979) dichotomy aside, at least three types of passive constructions have been superficially distinguished in the literature: indirect passives, direct passives with the agentive ni-phrase and direct passives with ni yotte-phrase. In what follows, we will refer to these three types of passive construction as shown in () for the purpose of exposition.10

() a. NP2-ga NP1-ni V-(r)are-Tns ni direct passivesb. NP2-ga NP1-niyotte V-(r)are-Tns ni yotte passivesc. NP2-ga NP1-ni NP3-o V-(r)are-Tns ni indirect passives

3. Reconsideration of Kuroda 1979

Two proposals by Hoshi (1994) and Hoji (to appear) have recently been put forth with regard to the classification of Japanese passives. What the two proposals have in common is the view that Kuroda's (1979) dichotomy of Japanese passives is too simple and needs some modifications. The two, however, are quite different in their implementation. Hoshi (1994) argues that the ni direct passives and ni indirect passives should be distinguished in their structures, which is in a sense a revival of the "non-uniform" analysis of the 1970's. As a result, Hoshi (1994) proposes three different structures to the three types of passive constructions presented in (). Hoji (to appear), on the other hand, adopts Kuroda's (1979) analysis of the ni direct/indirect passives, but argues that the structures of the ni yotte passives needs some articulation. More specifically, the ni yotte passives can have the structure of the argument-taking -rare like the ni direct/indirect passives. Furthermore, Hoji (to appear) proposes two structures of the ni yotte passives with the argument-reducing -rare.

9 With regard to the properties of these two types of -rare, Hoji (to appear:8) mentions that "(the argument-taking -rare takes an NP (as its external argument) and a VP as its complement, assigning the NP the experiencer theta-role. NP-ni within the VP that expresses the agent remains to be an argument of the V. The argument-reducing -rare eliminates an argument of the V to which it is attached."10 I employ the terminology in Hoshi 1994 with no theoretical implication.

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3.1 Hoshi 1994

Hoshi (1994) proposes the following lexical specification for the passive verb (r)are.

() 1) +/ Experiencer2) +/ Passivisation: External θ-role suppression & [accusative] Case absorption

(Hoshi 1994: (21))

(R)are with [+Passivisation], when attached to a verb, suppresses the verb’s external θ-role and absorbs its objective Case. On the other hand, (r)are with [+Experiencer] assigns an external θ-role.11

Given (), four types of (r)are in Japanese with the following lexical specification are logically possible.

() a. [+Experiencer/ +Passivisation]b. [Experiencer/ +Passivisation]c. [+Experiencer/ Passivisation]d. [Experiencer/ Passivisation]

Hoshi (1994) then proposes that the passive verb (r)are with [+Experiencer/ +Passivisation] corresponds to the ni direct passives, the one with [Experiencer/ +Passivisation] to the ni yotte passives and the one with [+Experiencer/ Passivisation] to ni indirect passives. With regard to [Experiencer/ Passivisation], Hoshi (1994:161) suggests "this type of passive verb exists but cannot surface because of the Principle of Morphological Nonredundancy in (), which prohibits a passive verb with no positive feature from surfacing."

() Principle of Morphological NonredundancyAttachment of redundant morphology is prohibited. (Zubizarreta 1985)

Thus, for Hoshi (1994) there are three types of the passive verb (r)are in the lexicon with different lexical specifications.

With the lexical specification in (), Hoshi (1994) proposes the derivation of the ni direct passives as schematized in ().

() (based on Hoshi 1994: (20))12

a. [VP1 NP2i [V1' [VP2 ec [V2' (NP1) [V2' PROi V-(r)areta ]]] ec ]] (D-S) adjunct

θ-role assignmentb. [VP1 NP2i [V1' [VP2 PRO [V2' (NP1) [V2' ti V-tj ]]] (r)aretaj ]] (LF)

11 [+Experiencer] and [+Passivisation] have conflicting properties. The former assign an external θ-role, while the latter suppresses an external θ-role. Thus, when the passive verb (r)are has both (i.e., ni direct passives), their application has to be ordered, or we need to specify which component they apply to. Otherwise, we would get wrong output. However, in Hoshi’s (1994) system, it is not clear how such an ordering or specification is achieved. 12 Hoshi (1994:158) represents ec in (a) as e.

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NP movement excorporation

c. [IP NP2i-ga [VP1 ti [V1' [VP2 PROi [V2' (NP1-ni) [V2' ti V-tj ]]] tj]] (r)aretaj ] Case tense feature checking Because of [+Passivisation], the passive verb (r)are, by attaching to the embedded verb, suppresses an external θ-role and absorbs objective Case from the embedded verb in (a). Due to the external θ-role suppression, the external argument of the embedded verb NP1 is optionally generated in a V' adjoined position as an adjunct. 13 Since the passive verb (r)are has [+Experiencer], Larsonian VP shell, i.e., VP1, is licensed over VP2, which is headed by the complex verb V+(r)are.14 Within the higher clause (i.e. the empty VP shell VP1), the higher subject NP2 is generated. PRO is base-generated in the complement position of the complex verb in (a). Since the position is governed by the verb, it moves into the Spec of VP2, which has become vacant with the external θ-role suppression triggered by [+Passivization]. The passive verb (r)are in (a) moves up to I in LF in order to have its tense features checked off. 15 In the course of the movement up to I, (r)are moves into the empty V position and assigns an external θ-role to the Spec of VP1.16

Hoshi (1994:158) proposes that the VP internal movement done by PRO in the ni direct passive is the NP movement, and this VP internal Passivization is one of the operations which the English dative shift constructions and the ni direct passives in Japanese have in common.

The structures of the ni yotte passives and the ni indirect passives proposed by Hoshi (1994) are basically the same as the ones proposed by Kuroda (1979). The ni yotte passives are the passives with the argument-reducing -rare, involving the movement of the agent phrase. Hoshi (1994) proposes the derivation of the ni-direct passives as schematized in ().

() (based on Hoshi 1994: (23)) a. [IP e [VP e [V' ( NP1-ni yotte) [V' NP2 V-rareta ]]]] (D-S)

adjunctb. [IP NP2i-ga [VP (ti) [V' (NP1-ni yotte) [V' ti V-tj ]]] aretaj] (LF)

Case ( ) tense feature checking The ni indirect passives are the passives with the argument-taking -rare. Hoshi (1994) proposes the derivation of the ni indirect passives as schematized in ().

() (based on Hoshi 1994: (25)) a. [VP1 NP3 [V1' [VP2 NP1 (NP2) V-rareta ] e ]] (D-S)

base-generated13 Hoshi’s system of Case-marking is in (i). (i) Nominative case ga is structurally assigned to an NP which is immediately dominated by IP;

accusative Case o is assigned to an object by a verb; as for dative marker ni, it is assigned to an argument of a verb which cannot surface with either nominative case ga or accusative Case o. (Hoshi 1994:fn.20, referring to Saito 1982)

However, it is not clear why NP1 in () is Case-marked with -ni given the Case-marking system in (i), since NP1 is no longer an argument of the verb in (). 14 Hoshi's assumption here is that Larsonian VP shell structure is licensed only when verbs have an external θ-role to assign. (Hoshi 1994:158)15 Hoshi (1994) assumes that Japanese is a V-to-I language in LF. (Hoshi 1994:158. referring to Oka 1989 and Saito 1992)16 Hoshi (a994) assumes that θ-roles are assigned in the course of the derivation. (Hoshi 1994:fn.20, referring to Larson 1988:352, 357-359)

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θ-role assignmentb. [VP1 NP3-ga [V1' [VP2 NP1-ni (NP2-o) V-tj ] raretaj ]] (LF)

excorporation

c. [IP NP3-ga [VP1 ti [V1' [VP2 NP1-ni (NP2-o) V-tj ] tj ]] raretaj ] Case tense feature checking

In summary, Hoshi (1994) proposes three structures of the Japanese passive constructions based on the combination of the two lexical specifications of -rare, i.e., [±Experiencer] and [±Passivisation]. In Hoshi 1994, just like in Kuroda 1979, the ni indirect passives are the passives with argument-taking -rare and the ni yotte passives are the ones with the argument-reducing -rare. However, Hoshi (1994) differs from Kuroda (1979) in the analysis of the ni direct passives. In Hoshi 1994, -rare in the ni direct passives seems to be the argument-taking -rare since it has an external θ-role to assign. However, it also has a property of the argument-reducing -rare, that is, it suppresses an external θ-role of verbs and absorbs its accusative Case.

3.2 Hoji to appear

In Hoji to appear, the structures of the ni direct and ni indirect passives are the same just like in Kuroda 1979. The structure of the ni direct/indirect passives proposed by Hoji (to appear) is schematized in ().

() θ-role assignment NP3-ga [VP NP1-ni (NP2-o) V]-rare

Rare in () is the argument-taking -rare, which takes an NP as its external argument and a VP as its complement, assigning the NP an experiencer θ-role. NP-ni within the VP that expresses the agent remains to be an argument of the V. (Hoji to appear: 8)

With regard to the ni yotte passives, Hoji (to appear) presents the following examples which show the reconstruction effects in the ni yotte passives.

() a. [soko1-ni hairitagatteita gakusei]-ga Abe kyoozyu-niyotte [itutu izyoo-no kaisya] 1-ni it-DAT wanted:to:work:for student -NOM Abe Prof.-by 5:or:more-GEN company-DAT

__ suisensareta was:recommended‘[a student who wanted to work for it1] was recommended by Prof. Abe to [five or more companies]1’

b. [soko1-ni hairitagatteita gakusei]-ga Abe kyoozyu-niyotte [Toyota-ni-sae] 1 it-DAT wanted:to:work:for student-NOM Abe Prof.-by -DAT-even

__ suisensareta was:recommended

‘[a student who wanted to work for it1] was recommended by Prof. Abe to [even Toyota]1’(Hoji to appear: (19))

() a. *[soko1-ni hairitagatteita gakusei]-ga Abe kyoozyu-niyotte [itutu izyoo-no kaisya] 1-ni it-DAT wanted:to:work:for student-NOM Abe Prof.-by 5:or:more-GEN company-DAT

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soitu-ga suisensaretathat:person-NOM was:recommended‘[a student who wanted to work for it1] was recommended by Prof. Abe to [five or more companies]1’

b. *[soko1-ni hairitagatteita gakusei]-ga Abe kyoozyu-niyotte [Toyota-ni-sae]1 it-DAT wanted:to:work:for student-NOM Abe Prof.-by -DAT-even

soitu-ga suisensaretathat:person-NOM was:recommended

‘[a student who wanted to work for it1] was recommended by Prof. Abe to [even Toyota]1’(Hoji to appear: (21))

As the acceptability of () shows, reconstruction effects are observed in the ni yotte passive constructions. With resumption, however, the BVA in () becomes unavailable as shown in ().17

As pointed out by Hoji (to appear: 5) these observations are similar to the ones in the OS-type (Object-Subject word order) construction (i.e. Scrambling) in Japanese.

() a. [So-ko-o tekitaisisiteiru kaisya]1-o Toyota-sae-ga ec1 uttaeta that-place-ACC be:hostile company-ACC Toyota-even-NOM sued

‘[The company which is hostile to it ]1, even Toyota sued ec1.’

b. [So-ko-o tekitaisisiteiru kaisya]1-o Nissan-ga Toyota-ni-sae ec1 suisensita that-place-ACC be:hostile company-ACC Nissan-NOM Toyota-DAT-even recommended

‘[the company which is hostile to it ]1, Nissan recommended to even Toyota ec1.’(Hoji to appear: (16))

() a. *[So-ko-o tekitaisisiteiru kaisya]1-o Toyota-sae-ga[so-ko-o]1 uttaeta

b. *[So-ko-o tekitaisisiteiru kaisya]1-o Nissan-ga Toyota-ni-sae [so-ko-o]1 suisensita(Hoji to appear: (17))

Ueyama (1998) argues that the OS-type construction in Japanese is structurally two-way ambiguous and proposes the following two OS-type constructions.

() a. Surface OS-type:PF: NP1-ACC/DAT [ NP-NOM ... t1 ... ] (← PF movement) LF: [NP-NOM NP- ACC/DAT ... ]

b. Deep OS-type:PF: NP1-ACC/DAT [ NP-NOM ... pro1 ... ] LF: NP1-ACC/DAT [ pro1 [ NP- NOM ... t1 ... ] (← LF movement of pro)

(pro acting as an empty operator)(Hoji to appear: (13) and (14))

17 BVA (A,B) expresses an intuition that (i) B does not have an inherent value of its own, and (ii) the value of B co-varies with the value of A. (as in Hoji to appear: fn.4)

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Hoji (to appear) points out the following aspects of Ueyama’s (1998, 2002) analysis of the OS-type construction relevant to the above similarities between the ni yotte passives and OS-type constructions.

() a. Reconstruction effects are obtained only in Surface OS (i.e. in the OS construction that is derived by the PF movement of the O over the S).

b. The O in the OS construction necessarily shows A-properties (hence no reconstruction effects), if the theta-position corresponding to the O is occupied by resumption.

(Hoji to appear: (6))

Hoji (to appear) then proposes the derivation of the ni yotte passives as schematized below, extending Ueyama’s (1998) analysis of OS-type constructions.

() Surface OS type a. NP1-niyotte NP2-ga V-rare (unmarked order)

adjunct b. NP2i-ga [ NP1-niyotte ti V-rare] (marked order)

PF movement

() Deep OS type 18 NP2i-ga [ proi [ NP1-niyotte ti V-rare]]

base-generated LF movement

Rare in () and () are the argument-reducing rare, which eliminates an argument of the V to which it is attached. Hoji (to appear) assumes that (a) is the unmarked/base order of the ni yotte passives of Surface OS type, that is, NP2 in (a) can be marked by -ga in situ, adopting Kuroda’s (1978) case-marking system in (), which operates cyclically. (b), on the other hand, is the marked/derived order derived by the PF movement.

() CASE MARKING. (Kuroda 1978:225)Mark the first unmarked noun phrase with ga, and mark any other unmarked noun phrase or phrases with o.

In Hoji to appear, however, () and () are not the all structures available to the ni yotte passives. With regard to the ni yotte phrases, Hoji (to appear:fn.12) points out the following; "the 'agentive' NP-ni yotte is an adjunct. NP-ni yotte means something like 'due to …', and nothing special is stated in the lexicon or elsewhere in Japanese about -ni yotte, and its use does not necessarily signal a passive with the argument-reducing -rare." Given this, nothing prevents the 'agentive' NP-niyotte from occurring in the passives with the argument-taking -rare. Thus, in addition to () and (), the following structure should be available under the analysis of Hoji (to appear).19

() θ-role assignment NP3-ga [VP NP4-niyotte (NP1-ni) (NP2-o) V]-rare adjunct

18 pro acts as an empty operator, which is adjoined to the IP at LF and forms the predication relation between the base-generated subject (NP2 in ())) and the IP (or the lambda predicate that the IP gets mapped to). (Hoji to appear: 4-5)19 This possibility is not discussed by Hoji (to appear).

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In summary, Hoji (to appear) proposes, just like Kuroda (1979), that both the ni-direct and ni-indirect passives are the passives with the argument-taking -rare. However, unlike Kuroda (1979), the ni yotte passives can also be the ones with the argument-taking -rare. Furthermore, Hoji (to appear) proposes two types of the ni yotte passives with the argument-reducing -rare, that is, Surface OS type and Deep OS type.

3.3 Summary

We have observed two recent analyses of the passive constructions in Japanese by Hoshi (1994) and Hoji (to appear). They can be compared with Kuroda (1979) in terms of the markings of the agent phrase (-ni/-niyotte) and the types of rare (argument-taking rare/ argument-reducing rare), which is summarized in ().

()

NP-ni NP-niyottedirect Indirect

Kuroda (1979) arg.-taking rare arg.-reducing rareHoshi (1994) arg.-reducing/-taking rare arg.-taking rare arg.-reducing rare

Hoji (to appear) arg.t-taking rare arg.-reducing rare arg.-taking rare

The three analyses agree on the structure of the ni indirect passives, which have the argument-taking rare. Hoshi (1994) differs from Kuroda (1979) (and Hoji (to appear)) in the structure of the ni direct passives in that rare in the ni direct passives has both the argument-reducing and -taking properties. Hoji (to appear), on the other hand, differs from Kuroda (1979) (and Hoshi (1994)) in the structures of the ni yotte passives in that not only the argument-reducing rare but the argument-taking rare can take niyotte agentive phrase. In the next section we will thus consider the following two points.

() a. If Hoshi’s (1994) proposed structure of the ni direct passives can be falsified or can get corroborated?

b. If Hoji’s (to appear) proposal that the niyotte passives can be both with the argument-reducing rare and with the argument-taking rare can be falsified or can get corroborated?

4. Assessment of Hoshi 1994

4.1 Hoshi’s (1994)/Saito’s (1982) arguments against Kuroda 1979

In this subsection, we first look into Hoshi’s (1994) proposal with regard to the ni direct passives, more specifically, his NP-movement analysis of the ni direct passives.

11

In his attempt to reconcile Kuroda’s (1979) non-movement analysis, and Kuno’s (1973) and Saito’s (1982) NP-movement analyses of the ni direct passives, Hoshi (1994) proposes the following structures for the ni direct passives.20

() (based on Hoshi 1994: (20))

a. [VP1 NP2i [V1' [VP2 ec [V2' (NP1) [V2' PROi V-(r)areta ]]] ec ]] (D-S) adjunct

θ-role assignmentb. [VP1 NP2i [V1' [VP2 PRO [V2' (NP1) [V2' ti V-tj ]]] (r)aretaj ]] (LF1)

NP movement excorporation

c. [IP NP2i-ga [VP1 ti [V1' [VP2 PROi [V2' (NP1-ni) [V2' ti V-tj ]]] tj]] (r)aretaj ] (LF2) Case tense feature checking Hoshi (1994) agrees with Kuroda (1979) in that the subject of the ni direct passives is in θ-position, while Hoshi also wants to retain NP-movement in the ni direct passives based on the observation made by Saito (1982). As indicated in (), what moves in the ni direct passives is not a subject NP, but PRO in Hoshi 1994. Thus, the example in () has the structure as in ().

() John-ga Mary-ni nagur-are-ta -NOM -by punch-PASS-PAST

‘Johni was affected by Mary’s punching himi.’ (Hoshi 1994:147, (1b))

() a. [VP1 Johni [V1' [VP2 ec [V2' Mary [V2' PROi nagur-areta ]]] ec ]] (D-S) b. [VP1 Johni-ga [V1' [VP2 PRO [V2' Mary-ni [V2' ti nagur-tj ]]] aretaj ]] (LF1) c. [IP Johni-ga [VP1 ti [V1' [VP2 PROi [V2' Mary-ni [V2' ti nagur-tj ]]] tj]] aretaj ] (LF2)

Hoshi’s (1994) argument for the NP-movement analysis of the ni direct passives is based crucially on the acceptability of the example in () presented by Saito (1982) and his account therein.

() Mary-ga John-o Tom-ni e sikar-are-sase-ta -NOM -ACC -by scold-PASS-CAUSE-PAST

'Mary made/let John be scolded by Tom.' (Hoshi 1994: (12) cited from Saito 1982)

Let us tentatively adopt the analysis of Japanese o-causative constructions proposed by Kuroda (1978) since Saito argues against Kuroda’s (1979) non-movement analysis of the ni-direct passives. Kuroda’s (1978) structure of the o-causative constructions is as in (b-c).21

20 See Section 3.1 for the detailed analysis of ni direct passive by Hoshi (1994) 21 In the causative constructions in Japanese, agent of the verb, when it is intransitive, is marked either -ni or -o. The former is referred to as ni-causative, while the latter as o-causative. Kuroda (1978) proposes the same base-structure for ni- and o-causative constructions. They differ in the application of Equi NP Deletion. o-causative constructions is derived with the ordinary Equi NP Deletion, while ni-causative constructions is derived with the Counter Equi NP Deletion. Kuroda’s 1978 proposed structure of ni-causative construction is as follows. (i) a. Taroo-ga Hanako-ni ik-ase-ta

-NOM -DAT go-CAUSE-PAST

12

() a. Taroo-ga Hanako-o hatarak-ase-ta -NOM -ACC work-CAUSE-PAST

'Taro made Hanako work.' (Kuroda 1978: (5))b. (D-S) [S Taroo Hanakoi [S Hanakoi hatarak]ase-ta]

c. (After D-S) [S Taroo-ga Hanakoi-o [S Hanakoi-ga hatarak]ase-ta]

In Kuroda 1978, thus, the following lexical specifications of the causative morpheme "-sase" are assumed.

() a. "-sase" takes NP as an external argument, and another NP and S/IP as its internal argument.

b. The embedded V is raised to "-sase," which forms a complex predicate "V-sase".c. The subject NP of the S/IP complement is deleted under identity with the complement

NP coreferential with it. (= Equi NP Deletion)

Furthermore, as shown in Section 3.2, Kuroda (1978) proposes that the following case-marking system operates cyclically.


With regard to the structure of the ni direct passives, Kuroda (1979) assumes the following structure.

() (based on Kuroda’s 1979 (134))a. NP2 [ NP1 NP2 V]-rare (D-S)b. NP2-ga NP1-ni NP2-o t V-rare (S-S)

Ni-direct passive has the base structure in (a) and is derived by the application of a process that deletes the object of the embedded sentence under identity with the matrix subject coreferrential with it and the marking of the embedded subject with 'ni'.

Given Kuroda’s (1978) structure of the o-causative constructions in (), case-marking system in () and Kuroda’s (1979) structure of the ni direct passive constructions in (), Saito (1982) would assume that the example in () has the structure as in ().


'Mary made/let John be scolded by Tom.'

() [Mary-ga John-o [John-ga [Tom-ni John-o sika]-rare]-sase-ta]

'Taro let Hanako go.' (Kuroda 1978: (3))b. (D-S) [S Taroo Hanakoi [S Hanakoi ik]ase-ta]c. (After D-S) [S Taroo-ga Hanakoi-o [S Hanakoi-ni ik]ase-ta] : Counter Equi NP Deletion

13

Having in mind the structure in () under Kuroda’s non-NP movement analysis of the ni direct passives, let us now turn to Saito’s (1982) argument for NP movement analysis of the ni direct passives.

Saito (1982) would assume () based on Kuroda’s case-marking system in () and the structure of the ni direct passives in ().

() The complement NP of the embedded V in the ni-direct passives is marked with 'o'.

With regard to the morphological form "o", Saito (1982) would assume the following.

() The morphological form "o" signals the objective Case.

Furthermore, Saito (1985) proposes the following hypothesis in regard to the abstract Case assignment.22

() A verb can assign objective Case to at most one NP in Japanese

Given the structure () of the example () and the hypothesis in (), it is predicted under Kuroda’s non-NP movement analysis of the ni direct passives that the sentence () is unacceptable since it has two NPs which are assigned objective Case.

) [Mary-ga John-o [John-ga [Tom-ni John-o sika]-rare]-sase-ta]

However, the fact is that () is acceptable. Saito (1982) thus concludes that Kuroda’s non-NP movement analysis is wrong given the validity of the hypothesis ().

Saito (1982) then argues that, given (), the complement position of the V in () cannot be an objective Case position. Saito (1982) thus concludes that this position is an NP-trace position.

4.2 Falsification of Saito (1982)

4.2.1 Negative prediction in Saito 1982As mentioned above, Hoshi’s (1994) argument for the NP-movement analysis of the ni direct

passives is based crucially on the acceptability of the example () presented by Saito (1982) and his account for it. Therefore, if we could show that Saito’s (1982) account for the acceptability of () is not correct, Hoshi (1994) would lose the crucial basis of his assuming NP-movement on the ni direct passives. In the following, we consider the validity of Saito’s (1982) argument just presented.



22 As mentions by Hoshi (1994:152), Saito’s (1982) original argument for the NP-movement analysis of the ni direct passives relies on Harada’s (1973) double-o constraint.

14

Saito’s (1982) conclusion that the complement position of the verb in () (i.e., the position of e in ()) is a non-Case position and thus it is an NP-trace position comes from the following assumption.

() The complement position of (transitive) verbs is either a Case-marked position (to be occupied by an overt NP) or a non-Case-marked position (to be occupied by an NP-trace).

Given (), Saito’s (1982) proposal with regard to the ni direct passives is summarized as follows.

() (i) Complement position of the verb in the ni direct passives is a non-Case-marked position.

(ii) The surface subject NP, which is base-generated in this position, cannot be Case-marked at this position.

(iii)Therefore, the surface subject NP is moved from that position leaving NP-trace in order to get Case-marked. Otherwise, the sentence is excluded by the Case filter.

(iv)Thus, the complement position of the verb in the ni direct passives is an NP-trace

The argument against Saito’s (1982) NP-movement analysis of the ni-direct passives is based on the (im)possibility of pronoun coindexed with the surface subject in the embedded object position.23 For instance, Hoshi (1994) presents the following example with clear unacceptability judgment (*).

() * Johni-ga Bill-ni karei-o sinyoos-are-ta -NOM -by he-ACC trust-PASS-PAST

‘Johni was affected by Bill’s trusting himi.’ (Hoshi1994: (37b), citing from Kitagawa and Kuroda 1992 and referring to his personal communication with Mamoru Saito in 1990)

They observe that a pronoun coindexed with the surface subject cannot arise at the complement position of verbs in the ni direct passives. For both Saito (1982) and Hoshi (1994), the position is a non-Case-marked position as in (-i). Thus, no overt element can surface in the position because of the Case Filter as in ().

() *N, where N has no Case

Given Saito’s (1982) proposal in (-i) and (), the following negative prediction can be extracted with regard to the example ().

() Under the configuration where a ni direct passive sentence with the structure assumed by Saito (1982) as in () is embedded in a causative sentence as in (), if the sentence contains pronoun coindexed with the surface subject at the base-position of the object of the verb, the sentence is unacceptable.

() [NPi-NOM… NP-ni … ti V-(r)are]() * [ NP-NOM … NPi-ACC [NPi-NOM … [NP-ni … pronouni-ACC V]-(r)are]-sase]-ru/ta

23 Such pronominals are called 'resumptions' in Hoji to appear.

15

If sentences with the structure of () turn out to be acceptable for any Japanese speakers, either of the following is falsified, given the validity of ().

() (i) Saito’s (1982) proposal that the complement position of verbs in the ni direct passive is a non-Case-marked position. (cf. (-(i))).

(ii) Saito’s (1985) hypothesis that a verb can assign objective Case to at most one NP in Japanese, on which (-(i)) is based. (cf. ())

4.2.2 Preliminary surveyWe have extracted a negative predictions from Saito’s (1982) analysis of the ni direct passives.

According to Hoji (2005: 4), the hypothesis should be considered falsified if the examples that are predicted to be unacceptable are judged acceptable.24 The crucial assumption by Hoji (2005) is that if an example is predicted to be impossible due to a grammatical reason, no lexical or pragmatic adjustments should be able to save it; hence, the native speakers should find the example to be unacceptable, as long as it is constructed with care (i.e., controlling the unwanted factors that would contribute to noise) and as long as the informants are following the instructions correctly. Such an example should therefore be predicted to be totally unacceptable, if everything were to go ideally.

Hoji (2005: 5) also pointed out that an example is predicted to be unacceptable by the hypothesis, in the conjunction with another hypothesis (or a set of hypotheses). Hence, a single occurrence of the example that is judged to be not so unacceptable can, in principle, falsify the hypothesis in question. By contrast, an example that forms a minimal pair with the predicted-to-be-unacceptable example is not predicted to be acceptable; it is only not predicted to be unacceptable. The score on such an example would therefore never result in the falsification of a hypothesis in question. It could, however, enhance the plausibility of the hypothesis if there observed sufficient contrast on the acceptability between the predicted-to-be-unacceptable example and the example that forms a minimal pair with it. In Hoji’s (2005) terms, a hypothesis is corroborated in such a circumstance.

Let us now turn to the negative predictions obtained above in Saito’s (1982) analysis in ().

() Under the configuration where a ni direct passive sentence with the structure assumed by Saito (1982) as in () is embedded in a causative sentence as in (), if the sentence contains pronoun coindexed with the surface subject at the base-position of the object of the verb, the sentence is unacceptable.

() [NPi-NOM… NP-ni … ti V-(r)are]() * [ NP-NOM … NPi-ACC [NPi-NOM … [NP-ni … pronouni-ACC V]-(r)are]-sase]-ru/ta

The example that forms minimal pair with () is the one without the pronoun as in ().

() [ NP3-nom … [ NP2-acc … NP1-ni … V-(r)are]-sase]-ru/ta

24 Hoji (2005: 4) refers to an example that is predicted to be impossible (under a specified interpretation) as Eg*, while an example that forms a minimal pair with an Eg* as Eg.

16

The following examples in () and () correspond to () and (), respectively. (a) is Saito's example presented in () above.

() a. Mary-ga John-o Tom-ni sikar-are-sase-ta -NOM -ACC -by scold-PASS-CAUSE-PAST


b. Mikiya-syatyoo-ga Rakuten-iigurusu-o Pariigu kaku kyuudan-no teisatu-butai-ni Mikiya-president-NOM Rakuten-eagles-ACC Pacific:league each baseball:team-GEN spy-team-by

aete sagur-are-sase-ta (no-wa masukomi-no tyuumoku-o atumeru-tame-da-tta.)intentionally spy-PASS-CAUSE-PST NMNL-TOP mass:media-GEN attention-ACC attract-in:order:to-be-PST

'(It was to attract mass media’s attention that) President Mikiya intentionally let Rakuten eagles be spied by the spy teams of all the baseball teams in the Pacific League.'

c. Huzi-terebi-ga hittookabunusi-dearu Nippon-hoosoo-o hoogaina syudan-o motiiru Fuji-television-NOM largest:stockholder-be Noppon-broadcast-ACC excessive measure-ACC utilize

raibudoa-ni aete nottor-are-sase-ta (no-wa Nippon-hoosoo-no tagaku-no Livedoor-by intentionally take:over-PASS-PRES NMNL-TOP Nohon-broadcast-GEN large:sum-GEN

kakusi husai-ni kizui-tei-ta-kara de-atta)conceled debt-to notice-being-PAST-because be-PAST

'(The reason that) Fuji Television intentionally let its largest stockholder Nippon Broadcast be taken over by Lifedoor that uses excessive means (was its having noticed Nippon Broadcast’s large amount of concealed debt.) '

() a. (= ())Mary-ga John-o Tom-ni so-itu-o sikar-are-sase-ta

-NOM -ACC -by that-person-ACC scold-PASS-CAUSE-PAST


b. Mikiya-syatyoo-ga R akuten-iigurusu -o Pariigu kaku kyuudan-no teisatu-butai-ni Mikiya-president-NOM Rakuten-eagles-ACC Pacific:league each baseball:team-GEN spy-team-by

aete so-ko-o sagur-are-sase-ta (no-wa masukomi-no tyuumoku-o intentionally that-place-ACC spy-PASS-CAUSE-PST NMNL-TOP mass:media-GEN attention-ACC

atumeru-tame-da-tta.)'attract-in:order:to-be-PST

(It was to attract mass media’s attention that) President Mikiya intentionally let Rakuten eagles be spied by the spy teams of all the baseball teams in the Pacific League.'

c. Huzi-terebi-ga hittookabunusi-dearu Ni pp on-hoosoo -o hoogaina syudan-o motiiru Fuji-television-NOM largest:stockholder-be Noppon-broadcast-ACC excessive measure-ACC utilize

raibudoa-ni so-ko-o aete nottor-are-sase-ta (no-wa Nippon-hoosoo-no Livedoor-by that-place-ACC intentionally take:over-PASS-PRES NMNL-TOP Nohon-broadcast-GEN

tagaku-no kakusi husai-ni kizui-tei-ta-kara de-atta)large:sum-GEN conceled debt-to notice-being-PAST-because be-PAST

17

'(The reason that) Fuji Television intentionally let its largest stockholder Nippon Broadcast be taken over by Livedoor that uses excessive means (was its having noticed Nihon Broadcast’s large amount of concealed debt.) '

Suppose that the pronouns soitu/soko that are coindexed with the surface subject in () are resumptions as in Hoji to appear. It has been observed (e.g., in Hoji (2003)) that the acceptability of the resumption differs from person to person, and some persons have a strong resistance to the use of the resumption. Therefore, the above examples should be checked with the informants who readily accept the use of resumptions. The examples in () are ones with resumption that are reported to be fairly acceptable in Hoji (2003). We have checked the acceptability of () and () with the informants who have more or less accepted the examples in ().

() a.Daietto to onsen-wa syuukansi-ga neta-ni tumaru to yoku so-re-o tokusyuusuru.diet and spa-TOP magazine-NOM topic-DAT stuck if often that-thing-ACC feature

'As for diet and hot spa, magazines often feature it/them when they stuck with topics.'

b. John-ga so-ko-ni Mary-o tureteitta mise-wa moo tubureteiru.John-NOM that-place-to Mary-ACC took restaurant-TOP already went:bankrupt

'The restaurant that John took Mary there has already gone bankrupt.'

c. Toyota-ni-sae Nissan-ga so-ko-ni syatyoo-to-no mendan-o moosiiretekita.Toyota-DAT-even Nissan-NOM that-place-DAT president-with-GEN appointment-ACC requested

'Even to Toyota, Nissan applied to it for an appointment with the president.'

We have checked 12 informants, where 11 informants readily accept the examples in (). Among then, 2 informants have found (a) acceptable, 5 have found (b) acceptable and 6 have found (c) acceptable.25 On the other hand, all the 11 informants have found the examples in () acceptable. It should be noted here that Hoji (2003: fn.61) points out that "… so-itu 'that guy' … has a clearly derogatory connotation. The fact that many speakers find the pure BVA use of so -itu less acceptable (and often highly marginal) than that of so-ko 'that place', as pointed out by Hoji (1995: footnote 21), is therefore not unexpected either…" Thus, it might be possible that some irrelevant things to the current discussion affect the judgment of the sentence in (a). Excluding thus (a) tentatively, the examples which are predicted to be unacceptable by Saito’s (1982) analysis, that is, (b) and (c) are acceptable to almost half of the informants checked. Thus, the negative predictions in () is disconfirmed.

Recall that the negative prediction in () has been extracted from the following two hypotheses made by Saito (1982).

() (i) Complement position of the verb in the ni direct passives is a non-Case-marked position.


25 We have asked Informants to judge each sentence by choosing one of the five circles placed under (i).(i) Bad < ===== > Good

o o o o oWe take the rightmost two circles as acceptable for the purpose of exposition.

18

Given (), Saito’s hypothesis in ()-(i) is falsified. Thus, Saito’s (1982) NP-movement analysis of the ni direct passives is falsified. However, as I mention above ()-(i) is based crucially on Saito’s (1985) hypothesis in ().

() A verb can assign objective Case to at most one NP in Japanese.

Thus, it would be possible that the hypothesis () is wrong, managing to save ()-(i).

4.3 Falsification of Hoshi (1994)

4.3.1 Negative prediction in Hoshi 1994Let us consider next Hoshi’s (1994) analysis of the ni direct passives. The proposed structure

of the ni direct passives is as shown in () above. As observed in Section 3.1, the passive verb (r)are in the ni direct passives has the lexical specification of [+Passivization] and [+Experiencer]. (R)are with the specification of [+Passivization], when attached to the verb, suppresses an external θ-role and absorbs objective Case from the verb. Thus, Hoshi (1994) also makes the following hypothesis.

() Complement position of the verb in the ni direct passive is non-Case-marked position. (= (-(i)))

Given () and (), the negative prediction as in () can be extracted.


() If a ni direct passive sentence contains pronoun coindexed with the surface subject at the base-position of the object of the verb as in (), the sentence is unacceptable.

() *[ NPi- NOM … NP-ni … pronouni-ACC V-(r)are]--ru/ta

If sentences with the structure of () turn out to be acceptable for any Japanese speakers, Hoshi’s (1994) hypothesis in () is falsified, given the validity of (). The example that forms minimal pair with () is the one without the pronoun as in ().

() [ NP3-nom … [ NP2-acc … NP1-ni … V-(r)are]-sase]-ru/ta

4.3.2 Preliminary surveyThe following examples in () and () correspond to () and (), respectively.

() a. Rakuten-iigurusu-ga Pariigu kaku kyuudan-no teisatu-butai-ni sagur-are-ta Rakuten-eagles-NOM Pacific:league each baseball:team-GEN spy-team-by spy-PASS-PST

(koto-wa masukomi-no tyuumoku-o atume-ta.) that-TOP mass:media-GEN attention-ACC attract-PST

'(It attracted mass media’s attention that) Rakuten eagles was spied by the spy teams of all the baseball teams in the Pacific League.'

19

b. Nippon-hoosoo-ga keiei-syuwan-ni takeru raibudoa-ni nottor-are-ru darooNoppon-broadcast-NOM management-skill-in shrewd Livedoor-by take:over-PASS-PRES seem

(toiu mikata-ga yuuryoku-da) that view--NOM prevailing-be

'(A view is prevailing that) Nippon Broadcast seems to be taken over by Livedoor which is shrewd in the management skill.) '

() a. R akuten-iigurusu -ga Pariigu kaku kyuudan-no teisatu-butai-ni so-ko-o Rakuten-eagles-NOM Pacific:league each baseball:team-GEN spy-team-by that-place-ACC

sagur-are-ta (koto-wa masukomi-no tyuumoku-o atume-ta.)spy-PASS-PST that-TOP mass:media-GEN attention-ACC attract-PST

'(It attracted mass media’s attention that) Rakuten eagles was spied by the spy teams of all the baseball teams in the Pacific League.'

b. Ni pp on-hoosoo -ga keiei-syuwan-ni takeru raibudoa-ni so-ko-o nottor-are-ru Noppon-broadcast-NOM management-skill-in shrewd Livedoor-by that-place-ACC take:over-PASS-PRES

daroo (toiu mikata-ga yuuryoku-da)seem that view--NOM prevailing-be

'(A view is prevailing that) Nippon Broadcast seems to be taken over by Livedoor which is shrewd in the management skill.) '

The informants checked are the same as the ones in the previous subsection. Thus, 12 informants have been checked, where 11 informants readily accept the examples with resumptions. Among then, 6 informants have found (a) acceptable and 5 have found (b) acceptable. On the other hand, all the 11 informants have found the examples in () acceptable. Crucially, the examples which are predicted to be unacceptable by Hoshi's (1994) analysis, that is, the examples in () are acceptable to almost half of the informants checked. Thus, the negative predictions in () is disconfirmed.

Recall that the negative prediction in () has been extracted from the following two hypotheses made by Hoshi (1994).

() Complement position of the verb in the ni direct passives is a non-Case-marked position.


Given (), Hoshi's hypothesis in () is falsified. Thus, Hoshi's (1994) NP-movement analysis of the ni direct passives is falsified. Recall the discussion of Saito's (1982) analysis above. What has been falsified there could be either ()-(i) (= ()) or ().

() A verb can assign objective Case to at most one NP in Japanese.

Here, on the other hand, () is the direct consequence of Hoshi’s (1994) proposed structure of the ni direct passives. Therefore, the falsification of () directly falsifies Hoshi’s (1994) NP-movement analysis of the ni direct passives.

20

4.4 SummaryIn this section, we have conducted two preliminary surveys on the ni direct passives based on

the possibilities of pronoun coindexed with the surface subject. They were to confirm the negative predictions extracted from Saito’s (1982) and Hoshi’s (1994) analyses of the ni direct passives, i.e., the analysis that the ni direct passives involve the movement of the surface subject (in Hoshi 1994, what is moved is PRO which is coindexed with the surface subject, which he calls NP-movement). As a result of the surveys, the negative predictions made by Saito’s (1982) and Hoshi’s (1994) analyses were disconfirmed. Thus, Saito’s (1982) and Hoshi’s (1994) NP(/PRO) movement analysis of the ni direct passives has been falsified.

5. Assessment of Hoji to appear

5.1 Problems of the uniform treatment of ni yotte passives

5.1.1 Possibility of pronominals The structures of the ni yotte passives proposed by Kuroda (1979) and Hoshi (1994) are shown

in () and (), respectively.

() Kuroda’s (1979) structure of the ni yotte passives (based on Kuroda 1979: (135))

a. NP1 NP2 V (D-S)b. NP2 i-ga NP1-niyotte ti V-rare (S-S)

() Hoshi’s (1994) structure of the ni yotte passives (based on Hoshi 1994: (23))

a. [IP e [VP e [V' ( NP1-ni yotte) [V' NP2 V-rareta ]]]] (D-S)adjunct

b. [IP NP2i-ga [VP (ti) [V' (NP1-ni yotte) [V' ti V-tj ]]] aretaj] (LF) Case ( ) tense feature checking Kuroda (1979) and Hoshi (1994) both propose the following with regard to the structures of the ni yotte passives.

() The surface subject of the ni yotte passives is base-generated as the complement of the verb and is preposed to its surface position (i.e. Spec,IP or Spec/VP), leaving a trace behind.

For both Kuroda (1978) and Hoshi (1994), -rare in the ni yotte passives is an argument-reducing -rare. Thus, if an overt element appears in the trace position in () or (), either it or the NP in the subject position cannot get a θ-role from the V-rare since the V-rare has only one θ-role to assign, resulting in the violation of θ-Criterion in ().

() Each argument bears one and only one θ-role, and each θ-role is assigned to one and only one argument, (Chomsky 1981:36)

From () and () we can extract the following negative prediction.26

26 For Hoshi (1994), the NP trace position, that is the complement position of the verb, is a non-Case-

21

() If a ni yotte passive sentence has a pronoun coindexed with the surface subject at the complement position of V as in (), the sentence is unacceptable.

() *NP1i-NOM … NP2-niyotte … pronouni-ACC V-(r)are-ru/ta

If sentences with the structure of () turn out to be acceptable for any Japanese speakers, the hypothesis () by Kuroda (1979) and Hoshi (1994) is falsified, given the validity of (). The example that forms minimal pair with () is the one without the pronoun as in ().

() NP1i-NOM … NP2-niyotte … V-(r)are-ru/ta

The following examples in () and () correspond to () and (), respectively.

() a. Maikurosohuto-sha-no nihon-hoojin-ga syoohisha dantai-niyotte uttaer-are-taMicrosoft-company-GEN Japan-corporation-NOM consumer group-by sue-PASS-PST

(tono zyoohoo-ga tutaer-are-ta). that information-NOM convey-PASS-PST

'(The new was informed that) Microsoft’s corporation body in Japan was sued by a consumer group.'

b. Rakuten-iigurusu-ga kaimaku-irai yakyuu hyooronka-tati-niyotte Rakuten-eagles-NOM opening:of:the:season-since baseball commentator-PL-by

kokuhyoos-are-teiru (no-wa toozen-to ieba toozen-da.)severely:criticize-PASS-being that-TOP natural-that say-if natural-be

'(It is quite natural that) Rakuten eagles has been criticized severely by baseball commentators since the opening of the season.'

() a. Maikurosohuto-sha-no nihon-hoojin-ga syoohisha dantai-niyotte so-ko-oMicrosoft-company-GEN Japan-corporation-NOM consumer group-by that-place-ACC

uttaer-are-ta (tono zyoohoo-ga tutaer-are-ta).sue-PASS-PST that information-NOM convey-PASS-PST


b. Rakuten-iigurusu-ga kaimaku-irai yakyuu hyooronka-tati-niyotte so-ko-oRakuten-eagles-NOM opening:of:the:season-since baseball commentator-PL-by that-place-ACC



marked position just like the case of the ni direct passives. Thus, the same negative prediction as in () can be obtained with the combination of ().() *N, where N has no Case

22

We have first checked with informants if they accept resumptions by using the examples in (), and those who found them acceptable have been checked () and (). We have checked 16 informants, where 9 informants readily accept the examples in (). Among then, 6 informants have found the examples in () acceptable. On the other hand, all the 9 informants have found the examples in () acceptable.

Thus, the examples which are predicted to be unacceptable by Kuroda's (1979) and Hoshi's (1994) analyses turned out not to be unacceptable to more than half of the informant checked. Thus, the negative prediction in () is disconfirmed.

Recall that the negative prediction in () has been extracted from the following two hypotheses, () being made by Kuroda (1979) and Hoshi (1994).


() Each argument bears one and only one θ-role, and each θ-role is assigned to one and only one argument. (Chomsky 1981:36)

Given (), Kuroda’s (1979) and Hoshi’s (1994) hypothesis in () is falsified. That is, Kuroda's (1979) and Hoshi's (1994) analysis that the ni yotte passives always derived by the movement of the surface subject NPs is falsified.

5.1.2 Apparent indirect passives with ni yotte phraseKuroda (1979: 214-215) presents the following examples which seem to be instances of the

indirect passives.

() a. Yoroketa John-ga Ali-niyotte todomenoitigeki-o kuwaer-are-tatottered John-NOM Ali-by coup:de:grace-ACC add-PASS-PAST

'Tottering John was given a coup de grace by Ali.'

b. John-ga CIA-no tesaki-niyotte dokuyaku-o nom-as-are-taJohn-NOM CIA-GEN spy-by poison-ACC drink-CAUS-PASS-PAST

'John was administered poison by a CIA spy.'

c. Watasi-ga Hanako-niyotte akanboo-o takus-are-taI-NOM Hanako-by baby-ACC commit:to:one’s:care-PASS-PAST

'(lit.) I was committed the baby to my care by Hanako.'27

d. John-ga kokumu-syoo-niyotte ryoken-o toriager-are-taJohn-NOM State-Department-by passport-ACC take:away-PASS-PAST

'(lit.) John was revoked his passport by the State Department.'

e. Nihon-ga sihonka-tati-niyotte utukusii sizen-o hakais-are-teiruJapan-NOM capitalist-PL-by beautiful nature-ACC destroy-PASS-being

'(lit.) Japan is being destroyed its beautiful nature by capitalists.'

27 The English translations of (a-c) and (a-b) are by YM.

23

(Kuroda 1979: (136), (138), (142), (144), (146), respectively)

Kuroda (1979) assumes that these sentences are derived from the following underlying sentences.

() a. Ali-ga yoroketa John-ni todomenoitigeki-o kuwae-taAli-NOM tottered John-DAT coup:de:grace-ACC add-PAST

'Ali gave tottering John a coup de grace.'

b. CIA-no tesaki-ga John-ni dokuyaku-o nom-ase-taCIA-GEN spy-NOM John -DAT poison-ACC drink-CAUS-PAST

'A CIA spy had John drink poison.'

c. Hanako-ga akanboo-o watasi-ni takusi-taHanako-NOM baby-ACC I-DAT commit:to:one’s:care-PAST

'Hanako committed the baby to my care.'

d. Kokumu-syoo-ga John-kara ryoken-o toriage-taState-Department-NOM John -from passport-ACC take:away-PAST

'The State Department revoked John’s passport.'

e. Sihonka-tati-ga Nihon-no/de utukusii sizen-o hakaisi-teirucapitalist-PL-NOM Japan-GEN/in beautiful nature-ACC destroy-being

'Capitalists are destroying beautiful nature of/in Japan.'(Kuroda 1979: (137), (139), (140), (145), (147-8), respectively)

Kuroda (1979: 215) mentions that "[s]yntactically, however, we can find a source noun phrase for the passive subject in the underlying active counterparts, which may be derived from them by a reordering transformation, [()], provided that we can characterize the possible target of preposing (NP2) adequately."

() NP1 … NP2 …V-ru NP2 NP1-niyotte … V-rare-ru

With regard to the adversity of the sentences in () (except (c)), Kuroda (1979: 215) points out that "the meaning of adversity is already contained in the active counterparts. When that is not the case, the adversative or affective connotation is not noticeable [as in (c)]."

Kuroda (1979: 215) thus makes a hypothesis that "ni yotte passives even if they appear in the form of indirect passives, can be accounted for by the formula [()], both syntactically and semantically."

Hoshi (1999: 218-9) agrees with Kuroda (1979) on the treatment of the ni yotte passives as in ().28 However, under Hoshi’s (1994) analysis of the ni yotte passives, the passive morpheme rare absorbs accusative Case and suppresses an external argument from the attached verb. This triggers NP movement of the internal argument of the verb to the surface subject position. For Hoshi (1999), thus, () cannot be derived from () since the targeted NPs are not accusative objects of the verbs, so that Case absorption cannot apply, giving no trigger of NP movement.

28 Hoshi (1999: 218-9) cites only (d) and (e) for his discussion, though. However, his argument of this regard has to apply to (a-c) as well.

24

In order to solve this problem, Hoshi (1999:219) adopts Ishii’s (1989) and Shibatani’s (1990) proposal that Japanese has a very wide range of double/multiple accusative structure and hypothesize that predicates in Japanese can take an "additional" object/"affected" argument, typically a theme or patient, depending on the lexical meaning of each predicate. Therefore, underlying sentences of (d) and (e), for instance, come as in (a) and (b), respectively. (a-b) themselves, however, are excluded as output due to the abstract Double-o Constraint in ().

() a. *Kokumu-syoo-ga John-(o) ryoken-(o) toriage-taState-Department-NOM John –(ACC) passport-(ACC) take:away-PAST

'The State Department revoked John’s passport.'

b. *Sihonka-tati-ga Nihon-(o) utukusii sizen-(o) hakaisi-teirucapitalist-PL-NOM Japan-(ACC) beautiful nature-(ACC) destroy-being

'Capitalists are destroying beautiful nature of/in Japan.' (Hoshi 1999: (50))

Putting aside the validity of Hoshi’s (1999) speculation of the double/multiple accusative structure as the underlying structure of (), both Kuroda (1979) and Hoshi (1999) assume that the ni yotte passives as in (), which appear to be instances of the indirect passives, are also derived by NP movement of the surface subjects, leaving traces behind.

Thus, basically the same argument as in the previous subsection with regard to the falsification/corroboration of Kuroda’s 1979 and Hoshi’s 1994 analyses of the ni yotte passives is in order. Recall the property of the ni yotte passives in () proposed by Kuroda (1979) and Hoshi (1994).


In order to deal with the examples in (), Hoshi (1994) could retain () as it is, while Kuroda (1979) would make some modifications on it as in ().

() The surface subject of the ni yotte passives is base-generated as an NP complement, a PP complement, an adjunct PP or a possessive NP, and is preposed to its surface position (i.e. Spec,IP or Spec/VP), leaving a trace behind.

Recall also that for both Kuroda (1978) and Hoshi (1994), -rare in the ni yotte passives is an argument-reducing -rare. Thus, if an overt element appears in the trace position in () or (), either it or the NP in the subject position cannot get a θ-role from the V-rare, resulting in the violation of θ-Criterion in ().


From () and () then we can extract the following negative prediction (see () above).

() If a ni yotte passive sentence has a pronoun coindexed with the surface subject at some NP position in a sentence including the complement of complement/adjunct PP and the possessive NP as in (), the sentence is unacceptable.

25

() *NP1i-NOM … NP2-niyotte … peonouni-DAT/from, etc. V-(r)are-ru/tapeonouni-GEN NP3-CM

If sentences with the structure of () turn out to be acceptable for any Japanese speakers, the hypothesis () by Kuroda (1979) and () by Hoshi (1994) is falsified, given the validity of (). The examples that form minimal pairs with () are the ones without the pronoun as in ().

() NP1i-NOM … NP2-niyotte … Ø V-(r)are-ru/taNP3-CM

The following examples in () and Error: Reference source not found) correspond to () and (), respectively.

() a. Iraku saidaino busoo-seiryoku-ga amerika-gun-niyotte todomenoitigeki-o Iraq largest armed-group-NOM America-force-by coup:de:grace-ACC

kuwaer-are-ta (toyuu zyoohoo-ga tutaer-are-taadd-PASS-PAST that information-NOM convey-PASS-PAST

'(It was informed that) the largest armed group in Iraq was given a coup de grace by U.S. forces.'

b. Tokyo baatendaa senmongakkoo-ga kooseeroodoo daizin-niyotte Tokyo bartender academy-NOM Health:Labour:and:Welfare:Ministry minister-by

ninka-o toriager-are-ta (koto-ga wadai-ni na-tta).license-ACC take:away-PASS-PAST (that-NOM topic-DAT become-PAST)

'(It became a hot topic that) Tokyo Bartender Academy was revoked the license by the minister of Health, Labor and Welfare.'

c. Nihon-ga sihonka-tati-niyotte utukusii sizen-o hakais-are-teiru (koto-waJapan-NOM capitalist-PL-by beautiful nature-ACC destroy-PASS-being (that-TOP

nagekawasii)deplorable

'(It is deplorable) that Japan has gotten the beautiful nature destroyed by capitalists.'

() a. Iraku saidaino busoo-seiryoku-ga amerika-gun-niyotte so-ko-ni todomenoitigeki-o Iraq largest armed-group-NOM America-force-by that-place-DAT coup:de:grace-ACC

kuwaer-are-ta (toyuu zyoohoo-ga tutaer-are-taadd-PASS-PAST that information-NOM convey-PASS-PAST

'(It was informed that) the largest armed group in Iraq was given a coup de grace by U.S. forces.'

b. Tokyo baatendaa senmongakkoo-ga kooseeroodoo daizin-niyotte Tokyo bartender academy-NOM Health:Labour:and:Welfare:Ministry minister-by

so-ko-kara ninka-o toriager-are-ta (koto-ga wadai-ni na-tta).That-place-from license-ACC take:away-PASS-PAST (that-NOM topic-DAT become-PAST)

26

'(It became a hot topic that) Tokyo Bartender Academy was revoked the license by the minister of Health, Labor and Welfare.'

c. Nihon-ga sihonka-tati-niyotte so-ko-de utukusii sizen-o hakais-are-teiru Japan-NOM capitalist-PL-by that-place-at beautiful nature-ACC destroy-PASS-being

(koto-wa nagekawasii)(that-TOP deplorable

'(It is deplorable) that Japan has gotten the beautiful nature destroyed by capitalists.'

d. Nihon-ga sihonka-tati-niyotte so-ko-no utukusii sizen-o hakais-are-teiru Japan-NOM capitalist-PL-by that-place-GEN beautiful nature-ACC destroy-PASS-being

(koto-wa nagekawasii)(that-TOP deplorable

'(It is deplorable) that Japan has gotten its beautiful nature destroyed by capitalists.'

We have first checked with informants if they accept resumptions by using the examples in () above, and those who found them acceptable have been checked () and (). We have checked 16 informants, where 9 informants readily accept the examples in (). Among then, 7 informants have found (a) acceptable, 5 have found (b) acceptable and 7 have found (d) acceptable, while none of the 9 informant have found (c) acceptable. On the other hand, all the 9 informants have found the examples in () acceptable.

Thus, the examples which are predicted to be unacceptable by Kuroda's (1979) and Hoshi's (1994) analyses turned out not to be unacceptable to more than half of the informant checked except for (c). It should be noted here that the unacceptability of (c) does not seem to disconfirm the negative prediction in (). However, as observed above Kuroda (1979) assumes two possible sources of the surface subject of the ni yotte passive sentence in (e); one is the genitive phrase marked with -no and the other is the postposition phrase marked with -de 'at/in/on'.

() e. Nihon-ga sihonka-tati-niyotte utukusii sizen-o hakais-are-teiruJapan-NOM capitalist-PL-by beautiful nature-ACC destroy-PASS-being

'(lit.) Japan is being destroyed its beautiful nature by capitalists.'

() e. Sihonka-tati-ga Nihon-no/de utukusii sizen-o hakaisi-teirucapitalist-PL-NOM Japan-GEN/in beautiful nature-ACC destroy-being

'Capitalists are destroying beautiful nature of/in Japan.'

Error: Reference source not foundc) is based on the latter choice of the two sources. In contrast, (d) is acceptable to most of the informants, which is based on the former choice which uses a genitive phrase marked with -no as a source of the surface subject, Thus, it would be the case that the postposition phrase marked with -de 'at/in/on' is not a right source for the surface subject in (e). Thus, the unacceptability of Error: Reference source not foundc) can be disregarded for the purpose of the current discussion. Given this, the negative prediction in () is disconfirmed.

Recall that the negative prediction in () has been extracted from () and () in Hoshi 1994 and from () and () in Kuroda 1979.

() The surface subject of the ni yotte passives is base-generated as the complement of the verb

27

and is preposed to its surface position (i.e. Spec,IP or Spec/VP), leaving a trace behind.

() The surface subject of the ni yotte passives is base-generated as an NP complement, a PP complement, an adjunct PP or a possessive NP, and is preposed to its surface position (i.e. Spec,IP or Spec/VP), leaving a trace behind.


Given (), Kuroda’s (1979) and Hoshi’s (1994) hypotheses in () and (), respectively, are falsified. That is, Kuroda's (1979) and Hoshi's (1994) analysis that the ni yotte passives always derived by the movement of the surface subject NPs is falsified.

5.2 Reconstruction effects in the ni yotte passives

5.3 Case-marking on the pronouns coindexed with surface subjectsRecall the negative prediction in () with regard to the ni yotte passives.

() If a ni yotte passive sentence has a pronoun coindexed with the surface subject at the complement position of V as in (), the sentence is unacceptable.

() *NP1i-NOM … NP2-niyotte … pronouni-ACC V-(r)are-ru/ta

Sentences schematized in () are predicted to be unacceptable by Kuroda (1979) and Hoshi (1994). However, as a result of a preliminary survey in Section 5.1.1, () have turned out to be acceptable to some speakers of Japanese. The sentences having been checked are in (). Recall that Hoji (to appear) assumes the following three structures for the ni yotte passives as presented in Section 3.2.

() (= argument-reducing rare): Surface OS type

a. NP1-niyotte NP2-ga V-rare (unmarked order) adjunct

b. NP2i-ga [NP1-niyotte ti V-rare] (marked order)PF movement

() (= argument-reducing rare): Deep OS type

NP2i-ga [ Opi [NP1-niyotte ti V-rare]] base-generated LF movement

() (=argument-taking rare)

θ-role assignment NP3-ga [VP NP4-niyotte (NP1-ni) (NP2-o) V]-rare adjunct

28

Among the three structures of the ni yotte passives proposed by Hoji (to appear), pronouns coindexed with the surface subjects would be available in () and () given that no overt element can surface in an NP-trace position due to θ-Criterion in ().

(') (= argument-reducing rare): Deep OS type 29 NP2i-ga [ Opi [ NP1-niyotte pronouni-ga V-rare]]

(') (=argument-taking rare)NP3i-ga [VP NP4-niyotte (NP1-ni) pronouni-o V]-rare

As indicated, under Hoji's (to appear) analysis, pronoun in (') is marked with nominative -ga, while the one in (') is marked with accusative -o.30 Recall Kuroda’s (1978) case-marking system in (), which operates cyclically.


29 Hajime Hoji (pc, March 2005) suggests that incidentally, the surface string corresponding to this can also be analyzed as an instance of a major subject construction.30 Pronouns in (') and (') could be differentiated given that they are instances of resumptions. Hoji and Ueyama (2003) claim that there are two kinds of 'resumptions' in Japanese as in (i). (i) (H&U’s (4)) Two kinds of 'resumptions' in Japanese;

a. One is the overt element that appears in place of ec1 in the constructions in (ii); and this overt element (as well as its covert counterpart) undergoes covert IP-adjunction and gets mapped to a λ-operator.

b. The other is the overt element that appears in place of ec1 in the constructions in (iii); this overt element can be any type of NP as far as Grammar is concerned.

(ii) (H&U’s (5)) Group I:a. CM-Cleft: [ … ec1 … no]-top/nom [NP-cm]1 dab. Scrambling: NP-dat/acc1 … NP-nom … ec1 … V

(iii) (H&U’s (6)) Group II:a. Relativization: [ … ec1 … ] NP1b. Topicalization: NP1-wa … ec1 …

in which the topicalized NP is marked with -wa, but without any case-marker attached to it.c. Non-CM-Cleft: [ … ec1 … no]-top/nom [NP]1 da

Hoji and Ueyama’s (2003:12-14) treatment of the (i-a) type of resumption is as follows; ″it has often been proposed in the literature that an empty operator is indeed an empty nominal of some sort, e.g., small-pro. We assume that a small-pro does not have an operator feature. We wish to suggest that whether it is a small-pro or so-ko, it simply adjoins to IP, and as a result of the IP adjunction, the moved element can get mapped to a λ-operator at the level of semantic representation. Then, it would be optimal if the moved element is empty, since even the semantic content of the moved element is simply ignored, so to speak, when mapped to a λ-operator. … [T]he mapping of a given category to a λ-operator gets easier if its semantic content is smaller.″

Resumption of the (i-b) type, on the other hand, seems to have no grammatical restrictions regarding the form of the expression replacing the ec1. (H&U 2003:14)

Given that pronouns coindexed with the surface subject in the passive constructions are resumptions. Then, given the structures in (') and ('), the pronoun in (') should be taken as (i-a) type while that in (') as (i-b) type. This is because (') involves IP-adjunction operation, while (') does not.

We will leave the discussion of the ni yotte passives based on the two types of resumptions sketched above for our future research.

29

Hoji (to appear) adopts Kuroda’s (1979) case-marking system. Given (), pronoun in (') should be marked with -o since it is the second NP in the cycle. On the other hand, pronoun in (') is the first NP in the cycle, NP2 being outside of the IP, and thus it should be marked with -ga.

Thus, () has to correspond to ('), which is an instance of the argument-taking rare in Hoji’s (to appear) term. On the other hand, if pronoun marked with -ga were acceptable in the ni yotte passives, the sentence has to correspond to ('), which is an instance of the argument-reducing rare.

We have checked not only the acceptability of () but that of the ga-marked counterpart of () as shown in ().

() a. Maikurosohuto-sha-no nihon-hoojin-ga syoohisha dantai-niyotte so-ko-gaMicrosoft-company-GEN Japan-corporation-NOM consumer group-by that-place-ACC

uttaer-are-ta (tono zyoohoo-ga tutaer-are-ta).sue-PASS-PST that information-NOM convey-PASS-PST


b. Rakuten-iigurusu-ga kaimaku-irai yakyuu hyooronka-tati-niyotte so-ko-gaRakuten-eagles-NOM opening:of:the:season-since baseball commentator-PL-by that-place-ACC



As shown above, among 16 informants checked 9 readily accept the examples with resumptions in (). As for (a), among the 9 informants, 6 have found it acceptable and the rest have found it neither acceptable nor unacceptable. As for (b), 4 informants have found it acceptable and 4 have found it neither acceptable nor unacceptable. The result is in favor of Hoji's (to appear) analysis of the ni yotte passive constructions, specifically, the proposal that both the argument-taking rare and argument-reducing rare can take ni yotte agentive phrase. 31 Moreover, Kuroda (1979) and Hoshi (1994) both predict that (), which is the ga-marked counterpart of (), is unacceptable since the position of pronoun is an NP trace for them. Thus, the acceptability of () falsifies Kuroda’s (1979) and Hoshi’s (1994) analysis of the ni yotte passives that NP movement of the surface subject is always involved.

5.4 Ni yotte phrases with the argument-taking rare

5.5 Summary

31 With regard to the property of ni yotte phrases, Hoji (to appear: fn.12) mentions as follows: "The agentive NP-ni is an argument but the 'agentive' NP-niyotte is an adjunct. NP-niyotte means something like 'due to ….', and nothing special is stated in the lexicon or elsewhere in Japanese about -niyotte (which is a renyookei (adverbial form) of -niyoru 'to depend upon'), and its use does not necessarily signal a passive with the argument-reducing -rare (e.g., A-ga B-niyotte C-ni naru 'A becomes C {by/with/because of} B' (as in some chemical reaction))."

30

6. The significance of the survey results

6.1 Negative predictions and falsifiability

6.2 Corroboration and repeatability

7. Some implications on UG

7.1 English -en and Japanese -(r)are

7.2 A-movement in the passives constructions

8. Concluding remarks

31

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Documents

現在CFJを準備中です - gges.org€¦ · Web viewWith resumption, however, the BVA in (23) becomes unavailable as shown in (24). As pointed out by Hoji (to appear: 5) these