ePP Vol. 3

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MMPPFF EE--PPRROOCCEEEEDDIINNGG OOFF PPAAPPEERRSS VVooll.. 33 11

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PPuubblliisshheerr::

Macedonian Political Science Forum

EEddiittoorr iinn CChhiieeff::

Marjan Vuchkovikj, M.Sc,

President of MPF

– ј , , „Ј ј „ . ј – ј , ј .

Macedonian Political Science Forum - Skopje (MPF), was established in March 1997 by political science PЕВffeЖВЕЖ aБd ЖЗИdeБЗЖ fЕВА Зhe LaК facИlЗМ )ИЖЗiБiaБИЖ PЕiАИЖ aЗ Зhe Ss. Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje, Republic of Macedonia

e- .

e-Proceeding of papers represents online journal of social and political science and

is published once-tree times a year.

. The views of the authors do not reflect the views of the Macedonian Political Science Forum.

ќ ј – . – ј , 210

Multiple language texts - Footnotes - Bibliography, 201 pages

– ј , . ц ј MPF - Skopje, Goce Delcev Blvd, 9-b 1000 Skopje

/ „Ј ј / /LaК facИlЗМ )ИЖЗiБiaБИЖ PЕiАИЖ / 02/ 3181 571 +389 2 3181 571

[email protected]

e-Proceeding of Papers

mailto:[email protected]

mpfskopje.wix.com/e-zbornik

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::

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PREFACE

Respected,

Through the third volume of the e-Proceeding of papers, Macedonian Political Science

Forum dedicated our time and energy in development of political thought globaly.

Since the beguinings in 1997 till present, we have created successful institution through

wich political science ensures key aspects of the day life activities. In the past 18 years

we have dedicated to the enlargement of the political science in Republic of Macedonia,

through various activities such as two international scientific conferences, on which

many eminent national and international experts took part in creating conclusions on

development of the domestic political thought.

In this, second number of the e-Proceeding of papers we dedicated special attention on

the scientific papers from suprime domestic and abroad experts, elaborating all key

questions valuable for the political science thought.

This Journal contributes to the affirmation of the Macedonian Political Science Forum as

an organization which is a key factor in the development of the political science thought

in Republic of Macedonia and abroad as a member of the World electronic library

EBSCO.

Sincerelly,

MMAACCEEDDOONNIIAANN PPOOLLIITTIICCAALL SSCCIIEENNCCEE FFOORRUUMM

Marjan Vuchkovikj, M.Sc.

President

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-- јј IIIIII


фф.. -- аа ии аа

Prof. D-r. Marika RISTOVA

DEVELOPEMENT OF THE PARLAMENTARY LAW AS A SCIENTIFIC DISCIPLINE

11

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Vladimir BOZINOVSKI, PhD. IDEA OF EUROPE IN THE ATIQUE

56

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Aleksandra DEANOSKA - TRENDAFILOVA, PhD. CRIMINAL LAW STATE PROTECTION

74

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Jelena TRAJKOVSKA - HRISTOVSKA, PhD CONTEMPORARY THEORETICAL STANDPOINTS IN THE RELATION WITH THE JUDICAL

SUPREMACY PHENOMENON TOWARDS US CONSTITUTION

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Maja Stojanova, M.Sc. UNDERSYANDING DEMOCRACY THROUGH THE PRISM OF JURGEN HABERMAS

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, ј ј ѓ . ј K EdИaЕd CВke )БЖЗiЗИЗeЖ XV)) , ј ј .1

ј , Џ homas Jefferson , ј , , јќ ј ј . A MaБИal Вf PaЕliaАeБЗaЕМ PЕacЗice fВЕ Зhe UЖe Вf h SeБaЗe Вf Зhe UБiЗed SЗaЗeЖ ј .2

C.)lbeЕЗ XX laК Вf ГaЕliaАeБЗ ѓ . : . ; . ; 1 ј . The (igh CВИЕЗ Вf PaЕliaАeБЗ haЗh alЖВ iЗЖ ВКБ laК called lex eЗ cВБЖИeЗИdВ ГaЕliaАeБЗi . ј C.(.Mc)lКaiБe CВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБaliЖА aБd Зhe ChaБgiБg WВЕld , Cambridge,1969, .299. 2 AЕЖeБ Bacic PaЕlaАeБЗaЕБВ ГЕavВ (ЕvaЗЖke ) ГВЕedbeБe ГaЕlaАeБЗaЕБe ГЕВcedИЕe , 2004 .9

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. , , , K . h RИleЖ Вf PЕВcedИЕeЖ, OЕdeЕЖ Вf BИЖЖiБeЖ , ј , . ј , ј , ј ѓ . ј .3

(. .RВbeЕЗ ј RВbeЕЗ Ж ЕИleЖ Вf OЕdeЕ, ј ј . , - , ј , ј . . ИБКЕiЗЗeБ cВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБ ј . ј . ѓ ,

ј . 3 Redlich J. The PЕВcedure of the House of Commons:A Study of its History and the Present Forms, LВБdВБ , . xxxiv.

-- јј IIIIII


ј , ј . ј ќ , . ј , јќ , ќ ј . . , , , , ј . , ј .4

ќ . ј ј ѓ ј ј , јќ ј , - . XIX ј Џ .5

. .PЕelВЗ 4 RВbeЕЗ Ж RИleЖ Вf OЕdeЕ-Newly Revised.Ed. H.M.Robert III&W.J.Evans 9 ed.Perseus Book.1998 str.xxv-xxvi. 5 Arsen Bacic , , .18

-- јј IIIIII


, ј . , , . , , ј , ј ј , ј , ј ѓ . ј , ј . P.AvЕil J.GiЖcДИel , , ј , , . јќ , , ј . , , . , ј ј ј . ј ј ј , , . ј ј ј ј . , , ј

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8 C.Ilbert, J.Redlich The PЕВcedИЕe Вf Зhe (ВИЖe Вf CВААВБЖ VВl.)-III London 1907. .xxxvi 9A. SajВ, LiАiЗiБg GВveЕБАeБЗ- AБ )БЗЕВdicЗiВБ TВ CВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБaliЖА , BИdaГeЖЗ, , ЖЗЕ. .

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ј , ј , ј , . , ј , ј , ќ , , . , , ѓ . , . ќ , . . : „ . , , , . , .11

. , ; , ј 10 J Bell, FЕeБch CВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБal LaК . OЛfВЕd, , ЖЗЕ. 11 AЕЖeБ Bacic PaЕlaАeБЗaЕБВ ГЕavВ (ЕvaЗЖke ) ГВЕedbeБe ГaЕlaАeБЗaЕБe ГЕВcedИЕe , SГliЗ, , ЖЗЕ.

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. ј , . ј . . acЗa ЕeЕИА ИЕbaБВЕИА, ј . , . ј , ќ , ѓ . . , ј ј . , ј ј . ј , . ј , . , , , . ј , . ј , ј ј ј . , , ј . , . , .13

ј 13 J.G.(eiБbeЕg, (iЖЗВЕМ Вf MajВЕiЗМ PЕiБciГle , ReadiБgЖ iБ PaЕliaАeБЗaЕМ PЕВcedure, New York,1968, str.12

-- јј IIIIII


ј . : , ј . ј „ Etats Generaux : , ѓ , . , ј ј ј . ј ј ј , ј , ј . ќ - ј „ ј . ј . . XV) ј . . .14

ј ј ј . ј , ј ј ј ј ј .15

ќ XV)) ј ќ 14 PЕВf. SefkВ KИЕЗВvic, OГca iЖЗВЕija dЕНave ) ГЕava , )) kБjiga, ZagЕeb, NaЕВdБe БВviБe, , ЖЗЕ. 15 ј . ј SiЕ ThВАaЖ SАiЗh „De ReГИblica AБgВlВЕИА, The manner of government or policie of the realm of England (1562- , ј ј . ѓ , . ѓ SiЕ JВhБ EliВЗ, ј ј . ј ј ј , .

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, ј ј . ѓ : . ; . ; . ј ; . ; . ; . ј ќ ; . ќ ј ; . ќ , ; . , ј ; . ќ ј , ј .16

ј ј ѓ K , . ј K ј ј . ј ј . K ј : ј 16 Arsen Bacic, , ЖЗЕ. .

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-- јј IIIIII


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ј JeЕeАМ BeБЗhaА Џ - ј X)X . ј ЖcieБce Вf legiЖlaЗiВБ ќ . ј ќ ј ј ѓ . ј ј , ј ј : . . ј . ќ , ј ј ј , ј . , ј . ј ј „AБ EЖЖaМ ВБ PВliЗical TacЗicЖ ј XV) ј , ј . ј , , ј . ј ј . ј , ј ј .

-- јј IIIIII


ј . Ј , јќ . , ј ј . Ј ј ќ . ј . Ј , , ј ј . ќ ј , ј . ј . ј , , ј . ј : , ј , , ј ј ѓ . ј . , , , . ј ј ј ѓ . ј ј , . ќ . ј ј . , , јќ ј .

-- јј IIIIII


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-- јј IIIIII


X)X ј . 17 ј ќ . ј , ќ ј . , ј , , ј ј ј , ќ . , ј X)X , , , ј ј ј . ј , .18

, ј ј ( ј , ј , ј ј ј ј . ј ј „ ј .19

, ј , 17 R.[.KeБegeА ,SkВГje, TabeЕБakИl, , . -228. 18 AЕЖeБ Bacic, , . -54. 19 J. Redlich The PЕВcedИЕe Вf The (ВИЖe Вf CВААВБЖ- A Study of Its History And The PreЖeБЗ FВЕАЖ , London, 1908, str.199.

-- јј IIIIII


ј , ј . ѓ , . ј ќ . . јќ ќ ќ ј јќ . , , ј ѓ .20

K ј ј

K ј ј ѓ , , ѓ ј ј . ј ј , , ј ѓ . , ј ј . 20 G. Sartori, Comparative Constitutional Engeneering- An Inquiry Into Structures, Incentives And Outcomes, Masmillan, London,1994, str.101-121.

-- јј IIIIII


, . , . ј . XX . N. LИhАaББ „ .21 ј ј ј ј . , ј ѓ . : „ ј ј . 22 ј , јќ , ј .23

ќ ј , . . ЕИleЖ Вf Зhe gaАe. ј , , , ј , , , , ѓ . ј ѓ ј , . ј . 21 N. LИhАaББ, LegiЗiАacija kЕВН ГЕВcedИЕИ , ZagЕeb, , ЖЗЕ. -171. 22 Idem, str.153.. 23Idem, str.170.

-- јј IIIIII


ј ѓ ј . ѓ ј . ј XX , ј . , , . ј ѓ . ј ѓ ј ј ѓ ј ќ ќ ј ј ќ . ј . ѓ K .

.24 ј ќ , : ; , ј ј , , . Жh ; , . „ , . ј . 24 J.A.CaЕlВВ & A. EБgliЖh, RИleЖ Вf The GaАe iБ EГheАeЕial )БЖЗiЗИЗiВБЖ: U.S.SЗaЗe CВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБal Conventions, vo Legislative Studies Quarterly vol.V, No. 2/1981, str.306.

-- јј IIIIII


ј ј ј , ј ј . ј . ѓ . , ј , . , ќ , јќ „ ј ј K .25

K , ј . , ј , , . ј ј ј . ј . ј ј ј , ј , . K . K

(A.KВЕБbeЕg ј ќ : ; , ; .26 ј 25 MaЗheКЖ D.R. U.S. SeБaЗВЕЖ AБd TheiЕ WВЕld Shapel Hill, University of N. Carolina Press, 1960, str.573. 26 A. KЕВБbeЕg, The RИleЖ Вf The GaАe iБ The CaБadiaБ (ВИЖe Вf CВААВБЖ , JВИЕБal Вf PВliЗicЖ, / , str. 358-380.

-- јј IIIIII


ј ; ; ; . ќ ј ј ј ј ќ ј , ј , , , . ј ј . . „ ј . ј . ј . . . „ ј . , ј , . , , . јќ ј ј ј ј .27

27 W.G. AБdЕeКЖ, CВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБal PЕeЖcЕiГЗВБ Вf PaЕliaАeБЗaЕМ PЕВcedИЕeЖ iБ GaИlliЖЗ FЕaБce , LegiЖlaЗive Studies Quarterly,3/`978, str.502.

-- јј IIIIII


, , , , , ј ј ѓ . . . , ј . : ј ј ; , , ; , , . ј , , ј .

-- јј IIIIII


KK ::

.W.G. AБdЕeКЖ, CВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБal PeЕЖcЕiГЗiВБ Вf PaЕliaАeБЗaЕМ PЕВcedИЕeЖ iБ GaИlliЖЗ FЕaБce , LegiЖlaЗive SЗИdieЖ QИaЕЗeЕlМ, / . Bacic AЕЖeБ PaЕlaАeБЗaЕБВ ГЕavВ (ЕvaЗЖke ) ГВЕedbeБe ГaЕlaАeБЗaЕБe ГЕВcedИЕe , Split, 2004.

3. J.Bell, FЕeБch CВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБal LaК ,OЛfВЕd, . C.(.Mc)lКaiБe CВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБaliЖА aБd Зhe ChaБgiБg WВЕld ,CaАbЕidge, . .A. KВЕБbeЕg, The RИleЖ Вf Зhe GaАe iБ Зhe CaБadiaБ (ВИЖe Вf CВААaБЖ ,JВИЕБal Вf Politics,26/1964.

6. . . , ј , ,

2010 . PЕВf. SefkВ KИЕЗВvic, OГca iЖЗВЕija dЕНave i ГЕava , )) kБjiga, ZagЕeb, ,

8. N. LИhАaББ, LegiЗiАacija kЕВН ГЕВcedИЕИ , ZagЕeb,

9. MaЗЗheКЖ D.R. U.S. SeБaЗВЕЖ AБd TheiЕ WВЕld ,ChaГel (ill,UБiveЕЖiЗМ Вf CaЕВliБa Press,1960. . J.A.CaЕlВВ & A.EБgliЖh, RИleЖ Вf Зhe GaАe iБ EГheАeЕal )БЖЗiЗИЗiВБЖ: U.S.StateConstitutional Conventions, in Legislative Studies Quarterly, vol.V, No. 2/1981. . ј ќ, , , . . D.PaЗhВde, A (iЖЗВЕМ Вf PaЕliaАeБЗaЕМ PЕВcedИЕe ,MiББeaГВliЖ, . . Ј. Redlich h PЕВcedИЕe Вf h (ВИЖe Вf CВААВБЖ , SЗИdМ Вf )ЗЖ (iЖЗВЕМ AБd The PЕeЖeБЗ FВЕАЖ , , . . G.SaЕЗВЕМ, CВАГaЕaЗive Constitutional Engeneering –An Inquirs Into Structures,

Incentives And Outcomes,Macmillan,London,1994 . .SajВ, LiАiЗiБg GВveЕБАeБЗ-AБ )БЗЕВdicЗiВБ TВ CВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБaliЖА ,BИdaГeЖЗ, . . Ј.G.(eiБbeЕg, (iЖЗВЕМ Вf MajВЕiЗМ PЕiБciГle ,ReadiБgЖ iБ PaЕliamentary

Procedure,New York,1968.

-- јј IIIIII


-- јј IIIIII


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1.01 Original scientific paper UDC No. : . /



AABBSSTTRRAACCTT::

The parliamentary elections in Vardar Macedonia within the Kingdom of

Yugoslavia (1919-1939) represent an essential segment in the social, economical and

political life in Vardar Macedonia. These elections manifested the idea of national

sovereignty and the democracy as a form of ruling.

In the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS)/ Yugoslavia, and in this context in

the Vardar part of Macedonia, in the period between the two world wars, according to

the electoral system based on the election laws, i.e. the way in which the elections for

Parliament were conducted, the institution of elections went through three phases:

a)Elections for representatives in the provisional People's Representative Council;

b)Elections for representatives in the Constituent , i.e. People`s Assembly of the

Kingdom of SCS (1920-1928);c)Elections for representatives in the People`s Assembly

of the Kingdom of SCS (1931-1939);

KKEEYY WWOORRDDSS: parliamentary elections, Vardar Macedonia, Kingdom of Yugoslavia

-- јј IIIIII




The institution of elections, i.e. the right to vote most clearly manifested the idea

for national sovereignty and democracy as a form of government. Ideologically

speaking, the direct participation of the people in the legislature and authorities of the

country, was highly dependent on the existence of the people`s right to vote. Therefore

the manner of conducting the elections, as well as the structure of the Parliament

represented an essential element in the overall social, economic and political life of

every country.

In the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS)/ Yugoslavia, and in this

context in the Vardar part of Macedonia, (The Balkan Wars and World War I (1912-

1918) ended with the truce in Bucharest (1913) and Paris (1919). The consequences

were breaking the historical, geographical, economic, political and ethnic unit of

Macedonia. The Macedonian territory was divided and occupied by Serbia, Bulgaria and

Greece. A smaller part belonged to Albania. Separated by an artificial border, the

Macedonian people suffered hard economic exploitation, political oppression, negation

of their national identity. The final goal was – ethnic liquidation. In the Kingdom of SCS/YИgВЖlavia VaЕdaЕ MacedВБia КaЖ БaАed aЖ SВИЗheЕБ SeЕbia aБd Зhe VaЕdaЕ district. This part of Macedonia had the status of a colony, and its identity was not

officially recognized. Violent policy and oppression was done here in order to

accomplish ethnic cleaning and strong assimilation. The goal was to completely

assimilate and integrate the Macedonian people into the Serbian nation), in the period

between the two world wars, according to the electoral system based on the election

laws, i.e. the way in which the elections for Parliament were conducted, the institution

of elections went through three phases:

a) Elections for representatives in the provisional People's Representative

Council;

b) Elections for representatives in the Constituent , i.e. People`s Assembly of the

Kingdom of SCS (1920-1928);

c) Elections for representatives in the People`s Assembly of the Kingdom of SCS

(1931-1939);

-- јј IIIIII


ElecЗiВБs fВЕ ЕeГЕeseБЗaЗives iБ Зhe ГЕВvisiВБal PeВГle s Representative

Council

The ГЕВviЖiВБal PeВГle Ж ReГЕeЖeБЗaЗive CВИБcil, aЖ a ЗeАГВЕaЕМ ГaЕliaАeБЗ КaЖ an enforced body: it was not chosen through elections but its establishment was defined

by a government decree. This manner of establishment of the first parliament was

justified by the conditions in which the country found itself after the war. Namely, until

the peace treaties were not signed, the country`s borders were not definite. Moreover it

was not possible to demobilize the army.

According to the commonly accepted principle, even in the constitutive acts of Зhe ИБificaЗiВБ, Зhe ГЕВviЖiВБal PeВГle Ж ReГЕeЖeБЗaЗive CВИБcil КaЖ ЖИГГВЖed ЗВ be constituted of a certain number of representatives from the National Council and from

the Serbian People`s Assembly, representatives from Montenegro, Macedonia and

Vojvodina , as well as a certain number of delegates from the Yugoslav board. In the

process of conducting this principle there was an agreement in the Government that all ГaЕЗieЖ Кhich fВИghЗ fВЕ libeЕaЗiВБ aБd ИБificaЗiВБ ЖhВИld be eДИallМ ЕeГЕeЖeБЗed. They would be represented by delegates appointed by them.28

It was not easy to determine the number of representatives at the beginning. The

Government brought the final decision about the number of representatives in the ГЕВviЖiВБal PeВГle Ж ReГЕeЖeБЗaЗive CВИБcil ЗВКaЕdЖ Зhe eБd Вf JaБИaЕМ . )З КaЖ ЗВ be constituted of 296 representatives; a number determined by each district`s number. WheБ Зhe ГЕВviЖiВБal PeВГle Ж ReГЕeЖeБЗaЗive CВИБcil АeЗ ВБ / / , Зhe representatives from the Vardar part of Macedonia, Kosovo and Sandzak were not yet

elected. The elections for these 24 seats from the previously mentioned areas were

conducted on 30 March, based on a government decree from 8 March, with

characteristics of an electoral statute. According to this decree, a representative could

be chosen only from someone whВ КaЖ ЕighЗ iБ a civil АaББeЕ, КiЗh Зhe aГГЕВГЕiaЗe age, who was born and had lived in these areas in the last 10 years.29

28 SЗeБВgЕafЖke beleške ГЕivЕeАeБВg БaЕВdБВg ГЕeЖЗavБišЗva KЕaljЖЗva S(S ) ЖveЖka, ЕedВvБi ЖaЖЗaБak- 14 maja 1919, Zagreb, 1920:490 29 SЗeБВgЕafЖke beleške ГЕivЕeАeБВg БaЕВdБВg ГЕedЖЗavБišЗva KЕaljevЖЗva S(S. )) ЖveЖka, ЕedВvБi sastanak- 2 maja 1919, Zagreb, 1920, 531, 539-541

-- јј IIIIII


The most important aspect was that these elections were not general and direct.

They were based on electing through commissioners whose choice was highly

influenced by the police authority.30

Even the chosen representatives themselves expressed their dissatisfaction from

the imposed statutes of the electoral regulations.31

The police regime introduced in the Vardar part of Macedonia and in Kosovo and

Sandzak, did not allow any form of political activity, including the work and

organization of political parties and associations. Therefore, the electoral key was

determined by constituencies: 12 constituencies elected 2 representatives each

regardless the fact that they did not have the same size of the territory. Out of the 12

constituencies with a total of 24 representatives, 7 constituencies with 14

representatives belonged to the Vardar part of Macedonia, and 5 constituencies with 10

representatives belonged to Kosovo and Sandzak.32

During the verification of the mandates, 23 mandates were confirmed whereas 1

mandate was nullified (in the district if Bitola).33

The representatives from the Vardar part of Macedonia who became members of

parliament on 10 May 1919, decided to favor a certain political party even after they becaАe a ГaЕЗ Вf Зhe ГЕВviЖiВБal PeВГle Ж ReГЕeЖeБЗaЗive CВИБcil. DeГeБdiБg ВБ Кhich parties worked on faster implementation of the constitutional freedoms and more

radical implementation of the agrarian reform in these areas, one part of the

representatives decided to be a part of the Democratic and the Republican Party,

whereas the other part decided to join the radicals.34

The undemocratic elections of representatives in the provisional People's

Representative Council and the way they worked were criticized by some

representatives.35 Namely, during these first elections in the Vardar part of Macedonia

the ruling bourgeoisie always insisted on electing people who were suited for their

national and class ruling. These were also people who worked for the interests of the

bourgeoisie regarding regulating the future development of the country, based on the

30 SЗeБВgЕavЖke beleške… )) ЖveЖka, ЕedВvБi ЖaЖЗaБak- 2 maja 1919, Zagreb, 1920 :530-532 31 Cvetkovska, , 2000: 50 32 SЗeБВgЕafЖke beleške ГЕivЕeАeБВg narodnog predstavnishtva Kraljevstva SHS. I sveska, 13 redovni sastanak- 5 april 1919, Zagreb, 240-241. (List of elected representative) 33 SЗeБВgЕafЖke beleške ГЕivЕeАeБВg БaЕВdБВg ГЕedЖЗavБiЖhЗva KЕaljevЖЗva S(S. ) ЖveЖka, ЕedВvБi sastanak- 5 april 1919, Zagreb, 240-241 34 Cvetkovska, 2004: 39 35 Cvetkovska, 2004: 40

-- јј IIIIII


bourgeoisie`s principles of class ruling. With this way of conducting the elections, the

organs of the regime acted from class and nationalistic positions.

Elections for representatives in the Constituent and People`s Assembly of

the Kingdom of SCS (1920-1928)

The countries which were a part of the Kingdom of SCS/ Yugoslavia had different

electoral systems since the creation of the kingdom. Therefore, during the war (in the

Corfu Declaration from 1917) and in the period after the war the right to vote was a

part of all unifying acts, and was treated as an imperative for all political parties and

movements. However, the elections for the new Constituent Assembly were delayed for

two years, until the ruling class came to realize that the necessary international

recognizing and internal consolidation of the country was achieved. The elections for

representatives in the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of SCS were conducted accВЕdiБg ЗВ Зhe LaК ВБ elecЗiВБЖ fВЕ PeВГle Ж AЖЖeАblМ fЕВА OcЗВbeЕ .36

Closely related to this law was also the Law for the election lists from 30 may

1922.37

For the purpose of the elections for people`s representatives in the period 1920-

1928 the Vardar part of Macedonia was divided into seven electoral districts which

were identical with the administrative districts, and they were divided into 31

vicinities.38

The number of people`s representatives was not permanently established by the

Constitution, but it depended on the number of citizens. The number of representatives

for every electoral district was established for every general election. Moreover, the

total number of representatives from the electoral districts accounted for the total

number of members of the People`s Assembly. Determining the number of

representatives in the electoral districts was under jurisdiction of the State council.

36 According to this law general, equal and direct vote was implemented for each citizen of age, ГЕВГВЕЗiВБal ЖМЖЗeА Вf Зhe liЖЗЖ iБ Зhe cВБЖЗiЗИeБcieЖ. Official GaНeЗЗe , BelgЕade, , No. 105 37 According to this law there were constant election lists for every election, which were reviewed and aАeБded aЗ Зhe begiББiБg Вf each МeaЕ. Official GaНeЗЗe , BelgЕade, , NВ. 38 SЗaЗiЖЗički ГЕegled iНbВЕa БaЕВdБih ГВЖlaБika Нa ИЖЗavВЗvВЕБИ ЖkИГšЗiБИ KЕaljeviБe SЕba, (ЕvaЗa i SlВveБaca, iНvЕšeБih Бa daБ БВveАbЕa gВdiБa, BeВgЕad

-- јј IIIIII


In the period between 1920 and 1928 the number of representatives in the

Vardar part of Macedonia was different on every election. Furthermore, on the elections

for the Constitutional Assembly from 28 November 1920, 33 people`s representatives

from the Vardar part of Macedonia were elected out of a total of 419 people`s

representatives.39

On the elections for the People`s Assembly on 18 March 1923, 24 people`s

representatives were elected out of a total of 312 people`s representatives from the

Vardar part of Macedonia.40 On the elections for the People`s Assembly from 08

February 1925 and the elections from 11 September 1927, 25 people`s representatives

were elected out of a total of 315 people`s representatives from the Vardar part of

Macedonia.41

The parliamentarian elections were the best opportunity for all political parties

to connect with the masses and an opportunity to test their satisfaction from the

previous policy and the planned program aspirations. There was not a legal political

party in the political life of Vardar Macedonia in the period between the two world wars

due to two reasons. On the one hand due to the police regime and on the other due to

the inferior role of the Macedonian bourgeoisie, and mostly due to the fact that the

Macedonian nation was not yet recognized. As a result, Serbian civil parties were active

in this area: the Radical Party, the Democratic Party, the Agricultural Party, the ReГИblicaБ PaЕЗМ aБd Зhe TИЕkiЖh БaЗiВБal ВЕgaБiНaЗiВБ DНeАieЗ . BeЖide ЗheЖe Зhe CВААИБiЖЗ PaЕЗМ Вf YИgВЖlavia CPY КaЖ alЖВ acЗive iБ VaЕdaЕ MacedВБia ИБЗil iЗ КaЖ forbidden (on 30 December 1920), as well as the political organizations IMRO (Internal

Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – VMRO) and IMRO united.

In Vardar Macedonia, the pre-election and election activities for the

parliamentary elections from 1920 to 1928 were most strongly felt between the two

main Serbian civil parties, the Radical and Democratic Party. They were favored by the

great hegemonic rulers, and for the elections in 1928 the CPY was also included. The

rivalry was reflected in the results from the elections as well. On the elections from 28

39 SЗaЗiЖЗički ГЕegled iНbВЕa БaЕВdБih ГВЖlaБika Нa ИЖЗavВЗvВЕБИ ЖkИГšЗiБИ KЕaljeviБe SЕba, (ЕvaЗa i SlВveБaca, iНvЕšeБih Бa daБ БВveАbЕa gВdiБa, Beograd 1921 40 Statistika izbora narodnih poslanika Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata I Slovenca,odrzanih februar 1925 godina. Statistika izbora narodnih poslanika, 11 oktomvri 1927 41 SЗaЗiЖЗički ГЕegled, БВeАvЕi

-- јј IIIIII


November 1920 the assembly seats were elected from the following parties: CPY -15,

the Democratic Party – 11, the Radical Party - aБd DНeАieЗ -5.42

These data indicate that by voting for the CPY the Macedonian people expressed

their dissatisfaction from the general policy of the civil parties towards Vardar

Macedonia, mostly regarding the agrarian issue, as well as the violence policy.

Furthermore, the results indicate that the Communists gained most votes from the

areas with pure Macedonian population, and very few votes from the areas with

Albanian and Turkish population, which favoured the Democratic and Radical Party

more, i.e. DНeАieЗ . All MИЖliАЖ chВЖeБ ВБ ЗheЖe elecЗiВБЖ eБЗeЕed Зhe Еadical i.e. democratic assembly club.

On the elections from 18 March 1923 in Vardar Macedonia, the 24 seats were

divided in the following way: the Radical Party – 9, the Democratic Party -9 and DНeАieЗ – 6 seats.43 This division clearly indicates that the two opposing parties in VaЕdaЕ MacedВБia КeЕe clВЖelМ aГГЕВached bМ DНeАieЗ . BeЖide Зhe facЗ ЗhaЗ ВБ ЗheЖe elecЗiВБЖ Зhe Radical PaЕЗМ ЗЕied ЗВ bЕeak Зhe DeАВcЕaЗic PaЕЗМ eЖГecially in Vardar

Macedonia, where it had strong basis, still the authorities predicted failure for both

parties. The reason for this was the hard conditions in which the population was living,

the national and political oppression and the economic poverty.

On the elections from 8 February 1925 in Vardar Macedonia the 25 seats were

divided in the following way: the Radical Party – 14, the Democratic Party -7 and the

National block (which consisted of the Radical and the Independent Democratic Party) -

4 seats (out of which 3 belonged to the Radicals and 1 to the Democrats). Hence, the

Radical Party was given a total of 17 seats and the Democratic Party 8 seats.44 Moreover, Зhe Radical PaЕЗМ АaБaged ЗВ cВАГleЗelМ deЖЗЕВМ DНeАeЗ aБd ЗВ gaiБ Зhe АВЖЗ vВЗeЖ and seats as a result. The political conditions on the elections from 11 September 1927

were quite different than the previous.

The political conditions on the elections from 11 September 1927 were

characterized by political division and the organizational and ideological weakness of

the parties led to them no longer being strong political parties. While the goal of the

previous elections was to improve the political parties (most often those in power) the

goal of these elections was completely opposite. Namely, their goal was to weaken and 42 Statistika izbora 18 mart 1923 43 Statitsika izbora 8 februara 1925 44 Statistika izbora 11 septemvri 1927

-- јј IIIIII


crush the strongest parties. The second characteristic of these elections was the binding

of the King`s authority to the government: instead of representatives the government КaЖ fВЕАed Вf ГeВГle КhВ КeЕe ЗЕИЖЗed bМ Зhe KiБg . The elections themselves were ЗakeБ aЖ Зhe KiБg AlekЖaБdaЕ`Ж ГeЕЖВБal АaЗЗeЕ . MВЕeВveЕ, Зhe ЕeЖИlЗЖ Вf ЗheЖe elections could also bring further changes. According to these results out of a total of 25

seats in Vardar Macedonia the Radical Party got 12, and the Democratic Party 13

seats.45 The nomination of the Croatian Peasant Party (CPP) could bring disharmony

between these two parties in Vardar Macedonia. On the one hand the election campaign

of this party known by the name People`s Peasant Party was looking quite positive,

because it was seen as an alternative for the Serbian parties. On the other hand, it could

attract Albanians and Turks who were ГЕeviВИЖlМ DНeАeЗ`Ж vВЗeЕЖ . (ВКeveЕ, ЗhiЖ ГaЕЗМ was forced to withdraw from the elections under police pressure, and lead its

supporters to vote for the Union of Farmers or the Democratic Party.46

Generally speaking, although the elections in Vardar Macedonia 1920-1928 were deАВcЕaЗic , Зhe MacedВБiaБ ГeВГle КeЕe ЖЗill БВЗ giveБ Зhe chaБce ЗВ vВЗe fВЕ a Macedonian political party because the political life was dictated by Belgrade.

Elections for representatives in the People`s Assembly of the Kingdom of

Yugoslavia (1931-1939)

The elections for representatives in the People`s Assembly of the Kingdom of

Yugoslavia, in the period 1931-1939 were conducted according to the electoral

legislation.47

On the elections from 8 November 1931, in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and with ЗhaЗ iБ VaЕdaЕ MacedВБia aЖ Кell, ЗheЕe КaЖ a gВveЕБАeБЗal НeАЖka caБdidaЗe liЖЗ the

holder of which was the current president of the government, General Petar Zhivkovik.

Due to the fact that this was the only candidate list, the elections were in a way very

close to a people`s referendum. They were described in this manner several times in the 45 Arhiv Srbije: Zbirka plakata 46 On 7 September 1931 the King issued the Law on electoral lists; on 10 September 1931 the Law on election of people`s representatives for the People`s Assembly/ with amendments and changes from 28 September 1931 and 24 March 1933 on 18 September 1931 the Law on Associations and agreements and on 30 September 1931 the Law on senator election. Prof. D-r. Ferdo Chulinovich, Dokumenti o Jugoslaviji, Zagreb, 1968, 312 47 Stokov: 115

-- јј IIIIII


foreign newspapers. WiЗh Зhe LaК ВБ Зhe БaАe aБd diviЖiВБ Вf Зhe KiБgdВА Вf YИgВЖlavia ВБ adАiБiЖЗЕaЗive ИБiЗЖ fЕВА OcЗВbeЕ , a БeК adАiБiЖЗЕaЗive diviЖiВБ of the land was conducted and the entire Kingdom was divided into 9 districts. As an

administrative, territorial unit in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the Vardar district, with

the capital Skopje consisted of the territory of the Vardar part of Macedonia, a part of

southern Serbia and Metohija. The Belgrade authorities connected the Macedonian

territory with the Serbian quite intentionally, because in this way they were able to

negate the existence of the Macedonian people. The civil opposition abstained from

these elections; because it was still not organized on a level which would allow it to

oppose the Government, and CPY was illegal.

According to the results from the elections, out of a total of 306 people`s

representatives in the People`s Assembly, 37 were from the Vardar district48, 25 of

which were from Vardar Macedonia.49 The public was well acquainted with the way in

which these elections were conducted, the abstinence of the voters, the falsifying of the ЕeЖИlЗЖ. The falЖifМiБg КaЖ cВБfiЕАed bМ Зhe diЖcИЖЖiВБ iБ Зhe PeВГle Ж AЖЖeАblМ. )З КaЖ also part of a discussion in the Verification council of the Assembly. All of this was an

indicator that the elections conducted in this manner were simply a sham and false

democracy. They also did not lead towards true liquidation of the Dictatorship and

successive democratization of the country. 370 people`s representatives were supposed

to be elected on the elections from 05 May 1935. The number of the seats was increased

due to the fact that every administrative district was now a constituency. The elections

were conducted according to the Law on elections from 10 September 1931 (partly

amended in 1933). According to this Law only those political powers able to issue a

unique zemska list will also be able to nominate their people`s representatives. The

holder of this list must be able to guarantee 30 signatures from voters, at least in half of

the constituencies from at least 6 districts.50

The Vardar area was divided into 4 electoral districts (from No.32 to No. 35). The

announcement of the parliamentary elections created a stirring in the otherwise quite

peaceful political life. All political parties and groups became more active. On these

elections in the Kingdom Yugoslavia and with that in Vardar Macedonia as well there

48 SЗaЗiЗЖika iНbВЕa БaЕВdБih ГВЖlaБika Нa ГЕvИ jИgВЖlВveБЖkВj ЖkИГšЗiБИ ВdЕНaБih БВveАbЕa godina: 299 49 SЗeБВgЕafЖke beleške БaЕВdБe ЖkИГšЗiБe KЕaljeviБe JИgВЖlavije. VВБЕedaБ ЖaНiv Нa / : -15 50 V. VЕeАe , XV, NВ. , BelgЕade, 07/02/1935, 1

-- јј IIIIII


were 4 lists created: the governmental list with 59 seats, the holder of which was the

president of the government Bogoljub Jeftik; the United Opposition list with 30

candidates and the same number of deputies , the holder of which was Dr. Vladimir

Machek; Bozhidar Maksimovik`s list with 30 candidates and Dimitrije Ljotik with 30

candidates51. It is important to emphasize the fact that the candidates of the united

opposition in Vardar Macedonia were strongly supported by the Communist Party. The

United Opposition (UO) was formed on 07 February 1935. It consisted of the Serbian

civil parties: The Democratic Party led by Ljuba Davidovikj; the Agricultural Party led by

Jovan Jovanovikj on one side, and Peasant Democratic Coalition (PDC consisted of CPP

and PDP of Svetozar Pribichevich) on the other side. The UO was more of a technical

than political association due to the fact that all opposing parties of which it consisted

could not agree on a joint electoral platform. This was as a consequence of their

different views on certain state issues, especially on the federative or unitary form of

state government.52

According to the results from the elections Bogoljub Jeftik`s government won

303 seats, and the United Opposition only 67. In the Vardar area the governmental list

won 44 seats, while the list of the United Opposition won only 1. There were 30 seats

from Vardar Macedonia, 29 of which were from the governmental list and only 1 from

the list of the United Opposition.53 The elections for people`s representatives from 11

December 1938, were very similar to the elections from 5 May 1935. Both, the election

campaign and the elections themselves, were marked by two opposing sides regarding

the state`s form of government, the political system, the internal and external policy, the

economic and social organization and solving the state`s problem i.e. Зhe CЕВaЗiaБ iЖЖИe . TКВ АajВЕ ГВliЗical gЕВИГЖ КeЕe ВБ Зhe ЗКВ ВГГВЖiБg ЖideЖ. OБe Вf ЗheА КaЖ Зhe governmental political party – Yugoslav Radical Union (YRU54), and the other was the

United Opposition.

YRU formed coalition with several parties on these elections.55 It also defended

the current situation and was opposed to any changes. Creating the Block of Agreement

The Block of Agreement was created by the Croatian opposition (represented by the

51 Cvetkovska, 1996: 18-19 52 Ibid: 26-27 53 Ibid, 19-25, 31-35 54 Ibid, 38-3 55 Ibid, 35-36

-- јј IIIIII


Peasant-Democratic coalition from SDC) and the so-called Belgrade United Opposition

(which consisted of the Democratic Party, the Agricultural Party and the radical group

of Aca Stanojevikj)56. On 08 October 1937, the United Opposition issued a Declaration

which proclaimed the common struggle for fulfillment and implementation of the

political and state program (asking for changes, according to the Constitution and the

Election Law)57. The Declaration caused great public interest in Vardar Macedonia. For

these elections as well, the Macedonian people were directed towards the Serbian

political parties.

Namely, regarding the municipal (1936) and parliamentarian elections (1938) in

the period between 1935-1938 several action agreements were accomplished between

the representatives of the civil political parties of the United Opposition (from the

Democratic and Agricultural Party which acted in Vardar Macedonia) on the one side

and the representatives of the Macedonian Communist and National Liberation

movement on the other side.

Despite the fact that the Serbian civil politicians refused to treat the Macedonian

people as a separate nation, they made action agreements with the Macedonian

Communist and National Liberation movement due to their interest in the voters from

Vardar Macedonia. There were attempts for action agreements with the civil politicians

in the elections from 1938. Ljuba Daidovik (from the Democratic Party) maintained his aЗЗiЗИde ЗВКaЕdЖ Зhe MacedВБiaБ iЖЖИe. FВЕ hiА MacedВБia КaЖ ЖЗill Зhe cЕadle Вf Зhe SeЕbiaБ ЖГiЕiЗ , aБd Зhe MacedВБiaБ iЖЖИe КaЖ ЖВlved iБ 58. He was against action

unity and he promoted his attitude in the negotiations with the Macedonian students.

There were Macedonian students at the Zagreb and Belgrade University, as well as at

the faculty of Philosophy in Skopje, which was a clone to the Belgrade University.

Among these students there were communists. These students initiated the formation

of MANAPO - MAPEMO (Macedonian People`s Movement) which was active from 1936

to 1938 During these negotiations he insisted on including these students in the

Democratic Party.

An agreement was accomplished for organizing and supporting the political

meetings of the Agricultural Party in Vardar Macedonia during the negotiations

between Jovan Jovanovik (from the left wing of the Democratic Party) and the 56 Ibid, 39-42 57 Ribar, 1948: 29-30 58 Cvetkov s.l: 109-110

-- јј IIIIII


Macedonian students (in April 1938). This meant that during these meetings

Macedonian young representatives talked in Macedonian language.59 Despite the action

agreements the Serbian attitude towards the Macedonian issue remained unchanged.

The protests of the Macedonian people due to derogation of the national integrity, and

their aspirations to be accepted as separate national individuality were not supported

by the parties of the United Opposition. The Macedonian people were convinced that БВЗ ВБe Вf Зhe ГaЕЗieЖ cВБЗiБИВИЖlМ acЗive in Macedonia was willing to fulfill their ЕeДИeЖЗЖ 60.

On the elections from 1938, 3 candidate lists were presented in Vardar

Macedonia: the candidate list of the YRU, held by Milan Stojadinovikj, the candidate list

of the United Opposition held by Dr. Vladimir Machekj and the candidate list of the АВveАeБЗ ZbВЕ held bМ DiАiЗЕije LjВЗikj.61

According to the results for the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the list of M.

Stojadinovikj won 306 seats, V. Machek`s list won 67 seats, and D. Ljotikj`s list did not

win any seats. In the Vardar area M. Stojadinovikj`s list won 42 out of 45 seats, V.

Machek`s list 3 and D. Ljotikj`s list did not win any seats. In Vardar Macedonia there

were 30 people`s representatives (in 29 districts and the city of Skopje), 27 of which

were from M. Stojadinovikj`s list and 3 from V. Machek`s list.62

Namely, on these elections the public once again showed their dissatisfaction

and discontent from the falsification of the election results by the government in order

to assure the majority vote and seats for M. Stojadinovikj.

According to the nationality and the population the Serbs dominated in all

organs of the authorities in the period between the two world wars. They also had very

dominant positions in the Parliament of the Kingdom of SCS/Yugoslavia. The

domination of the Serbs was justified with the ideology of the national Unitarianism. It

was determined by law that the Members of the Parliament, regardless the place they

were chosen in, were supposed to represent the united Yugoslav people. This meant

that all the representatives in the Parliament, from any nationality represented the

interests of all Yugoslav peoples. It did not make any difference at this point which

parties were included in the government, because they were Serbian parties which

59 Cvetkov:112-114 60 V.Juzna stvarnost:13 61 Cvetkovska,1996:116-120 62 Ibid, 120-121

-- јј IIIIII


represented the interests of the other peoples as well. However, the national Unitarians

favored this stand as long as they were in power and abandoned it when they were not.

In order to be able to present the national structure of the Assembly we will hereby

present the two periods in its development - 1923 and 1927. Some features of the

development of the national relations can be seen in these two years: in 1923 when the

national crises reached its peak the separation was more emphasized between the

radical and the democrats. There were also representatives from other nations (among

which Macedonians as well). In Croatia the Republican Peasant Party (CRPP) consisted

only of Croats; and the Slovenian People`s Party (SPP) consisted only of Slovenes.

However, in 1927 when the issue of the state form of government was outside the

political struggles, the representatives were not preoccupied with the national

problems. There were Croats among the radical and democrat representatives, and in

the Peasant-Democrat Coalition (PDC) there were significantly more Croats and

Slovenes.

A part of the representatives who declared themselves Serbs came from Vardar

Macedonia and Montenegro. These were not able to publically declare their nationality.

The situation was a little bit different from the Macedonians. The only possibility for

them was to declare themselves Serbs, because they could take part only in Serbian

political parties. Therefore, the Macedonians did not enter the Assembly as

representatives of their own country, but through the political organizations of the SeЕbiaБ ГaЕЗieЖ. NВЗ ВБlМ КaЖ VaЕdaЕ MacedВБia cВБЖideЕed a ЗМГical SeЕbiaБ diЖЗЕicЗ bИЗ iЗ alЖВ КaЖ cВБЖideЕed EldВЕadВ fВЕ all Вf ЗhВЖe ГВliЗiciaБЖ, cВАiБg АaiБlМ fЕВА the capital (Belgrade), who were looking for the easier way to gain seats in the AЖЖeАblМ. GeБЗleАeБ, ЗheМ dВ БВЗ allВК Зhe ГeВГle ЗheЕe VaЕdaЕ MacedВБia, - NB) to

have their representatives in the People`s Assembly, so that the voice of their pain can

be heard through theЖe Еeal ЕeГЕeЖeБЗaЗiveЖ Вf ВИЕ ГeВГle iБ SВИЗh SeЕbia , heЕe iБ Зhe Parliament. It is always said that it`s early for a complete freedom of this people. They

are to choose those that we want. And do you know how they are chosen there? They

are all chosen iБ Зhe ГlaceЖ КheЕe ЗheМ caБ ИЖe fВЕce aБd ЖcaАЖ ЗВ geЗ ЖeaЗЖ , Зhe representative Nastis Petrovikj, said in his discussion.63

Therefore the majority of the representatives in Vadar Macedonia, chosen as candidates

of the Serbian Civil parties, were not Macedonians by origins, but belonged to the group

63 SЗeБВgЕafЖke beleške БaЕВdБe ЖkИГšЗiБe KЕaljeviБe S(S, / :

-- јј IIIIII


of the so-called hВБВЕed БaЗiВБal КВЕkeЕЖ КhВ КeЕe КВЕkiБg fВЕ Зhe deБaЗiВБaliНaЗiВБ of the Macedonian people.64

Furthermore, in Vardar Macedonia candidates for people`s representatives were

usually people frВА ЗhiЖ aЕea КhВ КeЕe БaЗiВБallМ ЕeБВКБ aБd КhВ ЖИГГВЕЗed Зhe regime`s policy. Also candidates could be people who had lived longer in Vardar

Macedonia, although they were not born there, as well as those who were once chosen

as people`s representatives. Namely, the leaders of the biggest Serbian civil parties

unscrupulously favored their candidates in Vardar Macedonia, decreasing the number

of the Macedonian candidates. For instance, on the elections in 1923, 8 Serbs and 6

Macedonians were chosen, in 1925 only 4 Macedonians as opposed to 17 Serbs, and in

1927 only 2 Macedonians and 20 Serbs65

The situation was not improved on the elections in the period 1931 – 1939. It

can be said that it was insisted that less Macedonians are chosen and even those who

were chosen, were deputies. However, although the data for the Macedonians on the

elections are not entirely precise, the essence is the following: only those who favored

the Serbian national interest could be representatives in Vardar Macedonia. Therefore,

it was not a coincidence when during a discussion in the Assembly one of the ЕeГЕeЖeБЗaЗiveЖ Жaid: GeБЗleАeБ, КheБ МВИ Зalk ГЕivaЗelМ КiЗh aБМ ЕeГЕeЖeБЗaЗive bВЕБ iБ SВИЗh SeЕbia VaЕdaЕ MacedВБia – NB) from the parties of government majority,

they will talk differently, more honestly than when they talk officially. This is due to the

bad regime and the unsatisfactory administrative personnel. We have to be clear that a lВЗ Вf Зhe ГeЕЖВББel dВКБ ЗheЕe aЕe БВЗ cВАГaЗible… UБfВЕЗИБaЗelМ, Зhe iБЗeЕeЖЗЖ Вf Зhe ГaЕЗМ aЕe ГЕevailiБg. 66

It is certain that the assumption that the parliament of the Kingdom of SCS/

Yugoslavia, according to its social structure suitable to the social structure of the ГВГИlaЗiВБ ЕeГЕeЖeБЗЖ a ГeaЖaБЗ aЖЖeАblМ iЖ БВЗ cВЕЕecЗ. (ВКever, occasionally it

could be expected all social classes are represented in the assembly. The manner of

electing the representatives played a big part here. In the previous election laws in the

Yugoslav countries the constituencies were represented by the bigger cities. After the

new election laws (from 1929 and 1931) in the Yugoslav republics part of the

constituencies were also the rural municipalities. These laws (especially the one from 64 History of the Maceodnian people: 1969: 22 65 Ibid 1969: 38 66 SЗeБВgЕafЖke beleške БaЕВdБe ЖkИГšЗiБe KЕaljeviБe S(S, / :

-- јј IIIIII


1920) favoured the village more than the city, especially the notion of regional

candidates. This meant that people from the villages and smaller regions could also be

people`s candidates (in most cases). This prevented the cities of having strong economic

influence (in the industry, craftsmanship, commerce etc.) in the Assembly. Therefore

there were negative remarks on the electoral system which influenced the cities not to

be present in the Assembly67 Similar remarks came from the representatives of the

working class: this manner of election, excluding the city centres, leads to the working

class being less present in the Assembly68 The structure of the elected candidates

according to their vocation, i.e. the social structure of the parliament of the Kingdom of

SCS/Yugoslavia in the period between the two world wars, asks for a detailed analysis.

The most noticeable thing is what can be called a paradox condition; there very few

representatives in the Assembly from the villages; on the contrary the biggest part of it

consisted of representatives from the cities. Moreover, this was the non-productive part

of the population – the intellectuals. The biggest parts of the representatives were

lawyers, public officials, professional politicians, teachers or priests. Most of them were

professional politicians whose vocation was the electoral agitation or high public ВfficialЖ fВЕАeЕ АiБiЖЗeЕЖ , fВЕАeЕ ГeВГle`Ж ЕeГЕeЖeБЗaЗiveЖ , КhВ КeЕe alЕeadМ aБ inseparable part of the state. They did not carry any responsibility to their voters, but

felt responsible to their party headquarters which nominated them. According to their

social class these representatives could not respond to the economic and social requests

of the people. The social and economic policy depended on the leadership of the

political parties. The social structure of the people`s representatives in Vardar

Macedonia in the parliament of the Kingdom of SCS/Yugoslavia between the two world

wars no different from the structures of the representatives in the entire parliament.

There was a great variety regarding the vocation and the social class. It consisted mainly

of rich people from the higher class, supporters of the regime, government people or

those who supported it, presidents of municipalities, landowners, clerks, merchants,

lawyers, doctors, farmers and people who retired from higher public officials. Most of

them were not Macedonians or did not live in Vardar Macedonia, so they were not

acquainted with the needs of the Macedonian people. The Macedonian people in Vardar

Macedonia were greatly disappointed by their formal representation in the parliament

67 Mišič, : , NedeljkВvič, : 68 LjaГЕevič, 1927:97-98

-- јј IIIIII


of the Kingdom of SCS/ Yugoslavia and by its condition. This dissatisfaction was

expressed by passive ignorance or by voting for CPY, especially in the first years of the

elections. The Macedonians gave their votes for Serbian civil parties on the basis of false

promises, personal interests or sometimes they were forced to do so by blackmail and

violence which was not the case in the other parts of the country.

-- јј IIIIII


Summary

The parliamentary elections in Vardar Macedonia within the Kingdom of

Yugoslavia (1919-1939) represent an essential segment in the social, economical and

political life in Vardar Macedonia. These elections manifested the idea of national

sovereignty and the democracy as a form of ruling.

In the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS)/ Yugoslavia, and in this

context in the Vardar part of Macedonia, in the period between the two world wars,

according to the electoral system based on the election laws, i.e. the way in which the

elections for Parliament were conducted, the institution of elections went through three

phases:

a)Elections for representatives in the provisional People's Representative Council;

b) Elections for representatives in the Constituent, i.e. People`s Assembly of the

Kingdom of SCS (1920-1928);c)Elections for representatives in the People`s Assembly

of the Kingdom of SCS (1931-1939);

According to the nationality and the population the Serbs dominated in all

organs of the authorities in the period between the two world wars. They also had very

dominant positions in the Parliament of the Kingdom of SCS/Yugoslavia.

The social structure of the people`s representatives in Vardar Macedonia in the

parliament of the Kingdom of SCS/Yugoslavia between the two world wars no different

from the structures of the representatives in the entire parliament. There was a great

variety regarding the vocation and the social class. It consisted mainly of rich people

from the higher class, supporters of the regime, government people or those who

supported it, presidents of municipalities, landowners, clerks, merchants, lawyers,

doctors, farmers and people who retired from higher public officials. Most of them were

not Macedonians or did not live in Vardar Macedonia, so they were not acquainted with

the needs of the Macedonian people. The Macedonian people in Vardar Macedonia were

greatly disappointed by their formal representation in the parliament of the Kingdom of

SCS/ Yugoslavia and by its condition. . This dissatisfaction was expressed by passive

ignorance or by voting for CPY, especially in the first years of the elections. The

Macedonians gave their votes for Serbian civil parties on the basis of false promises,

personal interests or sometimes they were forced to do so by blackmail and violence

which was not the case in the other parts of the country.

-- јј IIIIII


BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. SЗeБВgЕavЖke beleške PЕivЕeАeБВg БaЕdВdБВh ГЕeЖЗavБišЗva KЕaljЖЗvВ S(S. ) sveksa, 21 redovni sastanak-14 maja 1919, Zageb, 1920.

2. Vesnik "Hrvat", Zagreb, 20.I.1919.

3. SЗeБВgЕavЖke beleške PЕivЕeАeБВg БaЕdВdБВh ГЕeЖЗavБišЗva KЕaljЖЗvВ S(S. )) sveksa, 20 redovni sastanak-21 maja 1919, Zageb, 1920.

4. NadeНda, CveЗkВvЖka . . MakedВБЖkВЗВ ГЕašaБje vВ jИgВЖlВveБЖkiВЗ parlament megu dvete svetski vojni, Skopje, INI.

5. SЗeБВgЕavЖke beleške PЕivЕeАeБВg БaЕdВdБВh ГЕeЖЗavБišЗva KЕaljЖЗvВ S(S. ) sveksa, 13 redovni sastanak-5 april 1919, Zageb, 1920.

6. NadeНda, CveЗkВvЖka. . PВliЗičkiЗe ГaЕЗii vВ ГaЕlaАeБЗaЕБiЗe iНbВЕБi bВЕbi vo vardarskiot del na Makedonija (1919-1929), Skopje,INI.

7. Sluzbene novine, Beograd,1920.

8. SЗaЗiЖЗički ГЕegled iНbВЕa БaЕВdБih ГВЖlaБika Нa UЖЗavВЗvВЕБИ ЖkИГšЗiБИ KЕaljeviБe SЕba, (ЕvaЗa ) SlВveБaca, iНvЕšeБih Бa daБ БВveАbЕa , Beograd, 1921.

9. SЗaЗiЖЗički ГЕegled iНbВЕa БaЕВdБih ГВЖlaБika Нa UЖЗavВЗvВЕБИ ЖkИГšЗiБИ Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata I Slovenaca, odrzanih 18 mart 1923. Izradio: D-r Laza M.KВЖЗič, BeВgЕad, .

10. SЗaЗiЖЗički ГЕegled iНbВЕa БaЕВdБih ГВЖlaБika Нa UЖЗavВЗvВЕБИ ЖkИГšЗiБИ Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata I Slovenaca, odrzanih 8 februar 1925, Beograd, 1926.

11. SЗaЗiЖЗički ГЕegled iНbВЕa БaЕВdБih ГВЖlaБika Нa UЖЗavВЗvВЕБИ ЖkИГšЗiБИ Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata I Slovenaca, odrzanih 11 septembra 1927. Izradio:

D-Е LaНa M.KВЖЗič, BeВgЕad, . 12. SЗaЗiЖЗički ГЕegled iНbВЕa БaЕВdБih ГВЖlaБika Нa UЖЗavВЗvВЕБИ ЖkИГšЗiБИ

Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata I Slovenaca, odrzanih 28 novembra,Beograd, 1920.

13. SЕhiv SЕbije, BeВgЕad, ZbiЕka ГlakaЗa, ВАВЗ beН daЗИАa PЕВglaЖ Бa S.Radič "Svi ГЕijaЗeljiАa ) ГЕiЖЗašaАa БaЕВdБe Жeljačke ЖЗЕaБke И MakedВБijИ ) ВЖЗalВj Srbiji" od 26 avgusta)

14. TВdВЕ SЗВjkВv, OГВНicija И vЕeАe šeЖЗВjanuareske diktature 1929-1935,

Beograd, 1969.

-- јј IIIIII


15. SЗaЗiЖЗika iНbВЕa БaЕВdБih ГВЖlaБika Нa ГЕvИ jИgВЖlВveБЖkИ ЖkИГšЗiБИ ВdЕНaБih БВveАbЕa gВdiБa. )НЕadiВ: MilВje M.SВkičħ, BeВgЕad, . 16. SЗeБВgЕafЖke beleške NaЕdВБe ЖkИГšЗiБe KЕaljeviБe JИgВЖlavije. VaБredan

saziv za 1931/32 godina. I Knjuga, Beograd 1932.

17. Nadezda Cvetkovska, Graganskite partii voi Vardarskiot del na Makedonija(

1935-1941), INI, Skopje, 1996.

18. )vaБ RibaЕ, PВliЗički НaГiЖi, )V, BeВgЕad, . 19. Sekavanje na Ljuben Cvetkov

20. Vesnik "Juzna stvarnost"

21. SЗeБВgЕafЖke beleške БaЕВdБe ЖkИГšЗiБe KЕaljeviБe S(S, RedВvaБ ЖaНiv Нa 1927/28. IV knjiga, XXXVI redovni sastanak-5 marta 1928, god.VII, br.36,

Beograd, 1928.

22. Istorija na makedonskiot narod, kn.III, Skopje, 1969,22.

23. Mišiħ, DiАiЗЕije, PЕivЕeda ) ГВlitika, Trgovinski glasnik, Beograd, 26.10.1928,

1,2.

24. NedeljkВviħ M, PЕivЕedБi ЖaveЗ , ГЕivЕedБi ГЕegled, BeВgЕad, . . , . 25. LjaГЕevič, DЕagiša, PВliЗička ЖiЗИacija , RadБički ГВkЕeЗ, )V, BeВgЕad, .

-- јј IIIIII


-- јј IIIIII


.. --

„„ЈЈ јј ,,

„„ .. КК јј ,, јј ,,

јј

1.01 ј

К . 255.8(4) 342.071.1(4)(091)

ЈЈ

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

In our contemporary communication, the term Europe has two widespread meanings. In

first narrower sense, it is a synonym for the European Union, and in second broader

meaning it is a Continent encompassing (besides members of the EU) several other

countries which are (still) not part of the Union. The European civilization and

European culture are some of the many other terms for values closely connected to this

distinctive territory. However, at the beginnings of its use, the Europe has many other

connotations, sometimes not even close to its modern significance. Through

comparisons between different sources and authors, this essay will try to reveal several

concepts of the meaning of Europe during antiquity, a period when this term originated.

KKEEYY WWOORRDDSS: Europe, Antique, idea, mythology, civilization.

-- јј IIIIII


Ј

„ , . , . , ј ј , , , ј . 69

, ќ , ј ј , „ ќ ѓ ј ј . , ј , ј , . 70 , ј ј ј , ј ј , , ј . ќ , ј ќ ѓ , ј , ќ ј .

„ ј . , ј ѓ ќ , . 71 ј , ј . , , ј ј , ј . . . ј ј : „ , ј ќ - ј , ј

69 PagdeБ AБЗhВБМ, The idea Вf EИЕВГe , CaАbЕidge: CaАbЕidge UБiveЕЖiЗМ PЕeЖЖ, , . 70 GИeЕЕiБa RВbeЕЗa, EИЕВГe-(iЖЗВЕМ, )deaЖ, )deВlВgieЖ : LВБdВБ, (ВddeЕ AЕБВld, . 71 DelaБЗМ GeЕaЕd , )БveБЗiБg EИЕВГe- Idea, Identity, RealitМ : LВБdВБ, PalgЕave-MacMillaБ, .

-- јј IIIIII


. 72 , , ј ј , ј . ј ќ , ј . , ј . , ј ј ј . ј , , ј , ѓ , ј ј , ј ј ј , ј . ј ј , , , , , ј , ј . , јќ ј : „ , ј ѓ ј ј . 73 ј ј ѓ ј , ј ј ј ј , , . , ј , ј ј , ј ј . ј ј ј , . , ј ј ј ј ј . ј ј, ј . „ јќ ј ј , ј , ј ј . 74 , ј ј . ј

72 , „ ј : , , . 73 )bid, . 74 Pagden, AБЗhВБМ, , .

-- јј IIIIII


. „ , ј ј ј , , ј . ј . ј , . ј , ј ј ј , , , ј . 75 ј , ѓ , - - ј . , , , , ќ . , . , ј ј ј , ј ќ ј . ј , ј , ј . ј , ј , ј , . ј , , . „ ѓ ј , : ,

. 76 . , „ ј , ј . ј ј , ѓ ј . 77 , ј ј , , , „ ј ќ 75 SИleiАaБ, SИЖaБ RИbiБ The idea Вf EИЕВГe , EИgeБe: UБiveЕЖiЗМ Вf OЕegВБ ГЕeЖ., , . 76 , , . 77 DavieЖ NВЕАaБ, EИЕВГe, a (iЖЗВЕМ , OЛfВЕd: OЛfВЕd UБiveЕЖiЗМ PЕeЖЖ, , . Лvi

-- јј IIIIII


ј , ј . 78

Ј Ј

ј ќ , , ј . , „ erebus ј riqis , , . , ј ј ц , ј , ј . eurus ( ophrys ѓ ops , eu rheo , . . 79 „

eu ( ripa . 80 „ ј ј . 81 „ ј ј ј acu asu , erib erebu . , asu ј erib ј . 82 ј ј , : „ Europa ј ј ј ц . ц ц . ј ј ј ј . 83

78 PagdeБ AБЗhВБМ, , . 79 C. David GЕИeБdeЕ, The idea Вf EИЕВГe-iЗЖ cВААВБ heЕiЗage aБd fИЗИЕe , NeК YВЕk: PЕВfeЖЖВЕЖ WВЕld Peace AcadeАМ, , . -16 80 SИleiАaБ, SИЖaБ RИbiБ, , . 81 GИeЕЕiБa RВbeЕЗa, . 82 Mikkeli (eikki, EИЕВГe aЖ aБ idea aБd ideБЗiЗМ LВБdВБ: MacАillaБ PЕeЖЖ lЗd. , . 83 den Boer, Pim The (iЖЗВЕМ Вf Зhe idea Вf EИЕВГe MilЗВБ KeМБeЖ: The OГeБ UБiveЕЖiЗМ , .

-- јј IIIIII


„

- polis) ј . . . ј ѓ ј . , „ zoon politikon , ј ј ќ ј eudaimonia. 84 ј ј ј , ј ј ј ј ј ј . ј , ј ј ќ ј . „ , ј , princeps

urbium) ѓ orbis terrarum , .85 , ј , , ј ќ , . „ ѓ , ѓ ј ј , ѓ ј . 86 ј . . ., „ è , , , ј è . , ј , ј ј ј ј ј . 87 ј ј . , ј ѓ ј , - ј . . . ј , 84 Ibid, . 85 Ibid, . 86 (aМ DeБМЖ EИЕВГe: The EАeЕgeБce Вf aБ idea EdiБbИЕgh: EdiБbИЕgh UБiveЕЖiЗМ PЕeЖЖ , . 87 Ibid

-- јј IIIIII


, ј „ ј ј ѓ ј , , è . 88 „ ј - ј . . . ј ѓ ј . 89 ј , barbaros ј è . ј . ј ј è ј ј , ј , јќ јц , ј , . ј , „ ј ј ѓ .90 ј ј , ј ј , ѓ , . „ ј , ј ј , . 91 ј , ј ј , ј , ј ј ј . „ ј , . „ ј ј , ј . 92 , ј ј ѓ ј јц „ , ј , 88 Mikkeli Heikki, 1998, . 89 GИeЕЕiБa RВbeЕЗa, . 90 Mikkeli (eikki, , . 91 PiА deБ BВeЕ, , . 92 GИeЕЕiБa RВbeЕЗ , .

-- јј IIIIII


, „ , , „ ј ѓ ј , ј „ ј ,93 ј ј ј . , ј ј „ ѓ ј ј ј , ј ј . 94

„ ѓ ќ . ј ј , ј , . 95 ј ќ ј . ј ј , ј „ , ј јќ . , , ќ ќ ј , ј . 96 ј , . . ј , ќ ј „ ј ј ј , ѓ , , . 97 ј , ј ј , 93 Mikkeli (eikki, , . 94 PiА deБ BВeЕ, , . 95 GИeЕЕiБa RВbeЕЗa, . 96 DelaБЗМ GeЕaЕd , . 97 Pim deБ BВeЕ, , .

-- јј IIIIII


„ ј , ќ , ј ј . 98 ј , , ј ќ ј „ ќ , ј 99, ј , ј è, ј . ј ѓ „ ј . 100 , ј ќ , ј ј , . „ ѓ , ј ј ј , ѓ Ј . 101 ј ѓ ќ ј : „ ј ѓ ј , , ј . ј , ј , . ј ј ѓ јц ј ѓ ѓ . ј ј „ ј . 102 ј

, ј pars orientalis pars occidentalis. ќ , ј ј . . . . ј ј , „ , ј , . 103 , ј ѓ ,

98 DelaБЗМ GeЕaЕd , . 99 PagdeБ AБЗhВБМ, , . 100 DelaБЗМ GeЕaЕd , . 101 Hay, Denys, , . 102 PiА deБ BВeЕ, , . 103 , , .

-- јј IIIIII


ј . , ј ќ ј , ј , ј . „ ј , . è , . 104 , ј „ ј ј , 105 јќ , ј , ј . „ , , . ј , , ј ј , . , ј , mare nostrum, . 106 „ ј ќ , . ј ј , ѓ , ј ј . 107 „ ј ј , ј . ѓ ј , . 108

ј ј . . „ . ј , è, ј ќ ј , è

104 DelaБЗМ GeЕaЕd , . 105 GИeЕЕiБa RВbeЕЗa, . 106 Hay, Denys, , . 107 Ibid 108 )bid, .

-- јј IIIIII


, ј è .109 , è ј , ј . „ , ј ј orbis terrarum, јќ ј ј , ј ј ј . 110 è , . ј , ј . ј , ќ ј ј . , ј ј , јќ „ , јц ј , , . 111 ј ј è , . ј ј è . „ , , Christendom 112.

109 DelaБЗМ GeЕaЕd, . 110 )bid, . 111 )bid, . 112 Ibid

-- јј IIIIII


è ј . „ ј è ј ј , . ј è . - , ј . 113 pax romana, ј ќ ј , ј ќ ј , ј . pax

romana ќ , è ј . ј , ј , ѓ , ќ ј , ѓ ј ј . , ј , . , ѓ ј ј ј . ј , ј ј . ј , ј ј , ѓ ј , ќ ј ј , , ј 113 Delanty Gerard , .

-- јј IIIIII


ј . „ è ќ , ј ј , ј . ј , , ј . ј ј , . Christendom. 114 , ј ќ . „ ј ј . 115 ј ј , , orbis terrarium. , , ј . ј ј , , . ј ј , „ ј ј . 116 „ ј ѝ , ј ј ѝ ѝ ј ј ј . , ј ј , ј . 117 , , ј , ј , ј . 118 ј , ј . ј 114 Mikkeli (eikki, , . 115 )bid, . 116 Ibid 117 PagdeБ AБЗhВБМ, , . 118 )bid, .

-- јј IIIIII


јќ ј ј . „ , ј ј ќ , ј ј . 119 ј . ј , ј ј , . ј , , ј . ј ј ќ , ј . ј ј , ј „ . 120 ј , ј , ј , ќ . ј , , , ј . ј . ѓ ј , ј , . , , , ј . , „ , , ј ј ј ј ј ј . , ј , ј , ј ј , , ѓ , јќ ј ј . 121

119 )bid, . 120 Ibid 121 )bid, .

-- јј IIIIII


, , ѓ ј . , ѓ , ј ј , . ј ј , ј ј . „ јц ј ј , ј ј , ј . 122 ј , ј „

- ј . 123 , ј ј . „ , ј , , , ј , ј . 124 - , ј ј ј јќ ј ј , ј . ј ј ј , „ ј ј ј ј , ј - ј . 125

ј . ј ј , ј , . ј ј , ј ј . ј , ј 122 , , . 123 Ibid 124 )bid, . 125 DelaБЗМ GeЕaЕd, .

-- јј IIIIII


. è ќ . , ј , , јќ ј , ј ј . , ј , . , . ј , . ѓ ј ј , ј . ј Christianitas, ј ј .

-- јј IIIIII


ЈЈ

C. David Gruender, The idea Вf Europe-iЗЖ cВААВБ heЕiЗage aБd fИЗИЕe , New

York: Professors World Peace Academy, 1992

Davies Norman, EИЕВГe, a (iЖЗВЕМ , Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996

DelaБЗМ GeЕaЕd , )БveБЗiБg EИЕВГe- )dea, )deБЗiЗМ, RealiЗМ : LВБdВБ, PalgЕave-

MacMillan, 1995

den Boer, Pim The (iЖЗВЕМ Вf Зhe idea Вf EИЕВГe MilЗВБ KeМБeЖ: The Open

University 1993

, „ ј : ,

GИeЕЕiБa RВbeЕЗa, EИЕВГe-(iЖЗВЕМ, )deaЖ, )deВlВgieЖ : LВБdВБ, (ВddeЕ AЕБВld, 2002

Hay Denys EИЕВГe: The EАeЕgeБce Вf aБ idea EdiБbИЕgh: Edinburgh University

Press 1957

Mikkeli Heikki, EИЕВГe aЖ aБ idea aБd ideБЗiЗМ London: Macmillan Press ltd.

1998

Pagden Anthony, The idea Вf EИЕВГe , Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

2002

Suleiman, Susan Rubin The idea Вf EИЕВГe , Eugene: University of Oregon pres.,

2006

-- јј IIIIII


-- јј IIIIII


.. -- ––

„„ЈЈ јј ,, „„ .. КК јј ,, јј ,,

јј

1.01 И ч ј

УДК .342.1-027.236.343.037

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

The criminal acts against the state are in fact political criminal acts. In the Macedonian

Criminal Code part of the incriminations fall under the category of absolute political

criminal acts, and the others fall under the category relative political criminal acts,

where the subjective element is the main political focal point between these two. This

defines the criminal law protection, which is envisaged as an ultimate measure of

protection or ultima ratio, which operates through incrimination of the criminal acts

which threaten the normal functioning of the state. The criminal acts against the state

were the main focus in the concept of the instrumental criminal law, which is opposite

of the modern liberal concept of the criminal law where the protection of the individual

rights and freedoms of the citizens are of upmost importance. An example which clearly

demonstrate this progress can be found in the modern criminal codes, which their

primary incriminations are criminal acts against the life and the body, acts against

rights and liberties of the citizens and at the end they incriminate criminal acts against

the state. The author is this article presents an analysis on the trend of expansion of the

system of incrimination of political criminal acts for the protection of the state.

KKEEYY WWOORRDDSS:: Political Criminal Acts, Political System, Criminal Code, Criminal

Legislation, Criminal Measures

-- јј IIIIII


, è . , , , , ѓ , , . ultima ratio) ј ј ј . , , , . ј , ѓ , , , ј , , , ., .

. ѓ ј , ѓ ј ј ј ј .

-- јј IIIIII


ј

Iter criminis ј ј . , , ј ј ј , ј post

delictum . , , ј , , , ј .126 ј ј ј . .127

њ

ѓ , ј ј ј јќ . , , ј , ј ј non bis

in idem ј ј . ќ ј ќ . ќ ј ј 126 К , ј . / , / , / , 43/2003, 19/2004, 81/2005, 60/2006, 73/2006, 7/2008, 139/2008, 114/2009, 51/2011, 135/2011, / , / , / , / , / , / , / , / , / , / / , . . 127 . К , . , – , ј , , .

-- јј IIIIII


, ќ ј . ј . Ratio- ј ј , , , ј .128 , ј , ѓ , .129

ј ќ ј , , , „ . , : , ј , , , ј , , , , , ј . , ј , ѓ . - , . – ј , . – ј . – . , , ј . – ј , . – ј , . - 128 .К , – , ј , , . 129 Ѓ. ј ќ, . К , – , ј , , .

-- јј IIIIII


ј , . – , . – , . - ј . - . : - . ј - . . . – . – , , , ј , . – ј , . – ј ј , . - ј , ј , : ј . – ј ј . , , ќ . – ј , . - ј ј , . – . . – , ј ј , . post

delictum, . , , ј .130 , : ј , . - ј , ј , , ј ќ , , . 131 ј , ј : 130 . , – , ј , , . 302 131 : , . ј , . 132/2014

-- јј IIIIII


. њ , ,

, .132 ј , „ , . ј , ѓ , . , ј ј . , , ѓ ј ј , , , , , . , ј , ј , . ј , . : , , ј . ј . . њ ј ј .133 , , . ј , , ј , ј , ј , : , , ј , ,

132 , . 133 )bid., .

-- јј IIIIII


, , . ј , ј , ј , ј , – . ј ј , , ј .134 , . , ќ ј . ј ј ј . , , . 3. .135 ј ј „ . , , , , , ј . ј , ќ , , , . ѓ , è .

134 .К , . , – , . 135 К , .

-- јј IIIIII


. ќ . ј ј ј , , ј ј ј , ј / . ј јќ , ј ј , , ѓ . , ј ј . , .136 ј ј . . ј , . ј , ј ј ј ј . ј ќ ј . ј ј ј . ј , . ј ј , ј . ј 136 ц ц , ј . / ; / ; / ; / /

-- јј IIIIII


, ќ .137 ј ј ј . ј ј . . њ ј . . , , ., ј , ј ј јќ ј . ј . ј , ј , ј , ј . ј . ј ј , ј , , , .138

. ј ј . , ј . ј ј :

137 . , - , . . 138 , , . .

-- јј IIIIII


ј

2004 3 4 2

2005 27 1 1

2006 4 1 1

2007 2 1 1

2008 15 / /

2009 2 / /

2010 / 1 1

2011 6 / /

2012 13 1 1

2013 15 4 4

. ј ј , ц

: www.stat.gov.mk

, - ј ј , ј . ј , ј ј .

, , ј :

ј

2009 / / 2010 1 ј ј

2011 / / / / 2012 1 , ,

2013 4 , ,

. ј ц , , ц

: www.stat.gov.mk

http://www.stat.gov.mk/

http://www.stat.gov.mk/

-- јј IIIIII


, ј , , , , ј , % .

ј „

, ј , ѓ ј , , ј . , , , , ј ј . ј ј „ , , , ј , , , ј . ј - ј ј , . . ј – ј , ќ . . , – . ј , ј – .

-- јј IIIIII


ј , ј , ј .139 , ј ј ј ј ј . , ќ ј .

њ

ќ ј . ј ј , ј - . , ј ј , , ј ј , ј , . , , ј , ј . „ ј , ј ј . ј , . 139 ј – ј , ј , hЗЗГ://ККК.ВЖЖkВГje .Аk/NВvВЖЗi.aЖГЛ

-- јј IIIIII


И Е А И Е А А

. К , . , – , ј , , .К , – , ј , , , . ј , . / Ѓ. ј ќ, . К , – , ј ,

2010,

ц ц , ј . / ; / ; / ; / /

К , ј . / , 80/1999, 4/2002, 43/2003, 19/2004, 81/2005, 60/2006, 73/2006, 7/2008,

139/2008, 114/2009, 51/2011, 135/2011, 185/2011, 142/2012, 166/2012, / , / , / , / , / , / , / 132/2014,

. , - , ј – ј , ј ,

http://www.osskopje1.mk/Novosti.aspx

ККК.ЖЗaЗ.gВv.Аk

-- јј IIIIII


-- јј IIIIII


.. -- ЈЈ ЈЈ --

„„ЈЈ јј ,,

„„ .. КК јј ,, јј ,,

јј

1.01 И ч ј

УДК .342.56.342.4(73)

ЈЈ

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

The phenomenon of judicial supremacy is subject to criticism in contemporary

constitutional theory in the United States. The contemporary constitutional theory

focus on the idea of the role of the courts, and especially the role of the US Supreme

Court, in the interpretation and application of the Constitution, even after more than

200 years of practicing the institute of judicial control of constitutionality. This interest

is motivated by: 1) one of the characteristics of modern constitutionalism in the United

States – judicial activism and 2) the established practice of the Supreme Court of the

United States.

Finally, the activist approach of the Supreme Court of the United States and the

need to find solutions that would have prevented the transformation of ,,democratic

self-governance" in ,,government by judiciary", prompted many different interpretations

of what the Constitution is.

KKEEYY WWOORRDDSS: judge, supremacy, USA, fenomenon

-- јј IIIIII


ЈЈ

George Washington, , ј ,, ќ ѓ , ј . , ј , 140. ј , , ј . , . ,, . , ј , . , , , ќ ј ј ,, (during good behavior), ј , ј ј , 141. , , . ј - - . , 140GeЕВge WaЖhiБgЗВБ ЗВ Зhe JИЖЗiceЖ Вf Зhe SИГЕeАe CВИЕЗ, aГЕil, , . The FВИБdiБg Fathers, Marbury V Medison-And So What?. Maeva Marcus. Constitutional Justice under Old Constitutions. Kluwer Law International.The Hague. Netherands.1995.p.24 141Article 3.Constitution of USA.

-- јј IIIIII


ј , , . ј . ј ј , ј , , . , ќ . , . , , ThВАaЖ J (iggiБЖ ќ ,,k ј ќ 142, ј . ј ј , . , ј MaЕbМЕМ v. MediЖВБ. , ј ј , . ј ј ,, Justice Marshall, ј ,, ,,We Зhe ГeВГle .

142Judicial review unmasked. Thomas J. Higgins. The Christopher Publishing House. West Hanover. Massachusetts.1981.p. 51

-- јј IIIIII


ј ,,

, ј . Judiciary Act ј ќ , . ј ј ,, . ј , ,, , 143. , ќ Mc Closkey ј ,, ј ќ ј 144. ј Chief Justice Marshall ,, јќ , ќ . ј Marbury v Medison ѓ .

, , ј ќ ј , јќ . John Marshall :

1. ц ј - leЛ ЖИГeЕiВЕ , ; 143The American Suprene Court, RobeЕЗ G.Mc ClВЖkeМ, The UБiveЕiЖЗМ Вf ChicagВ PЕeЖЖ, . . 144The AАeЕicaБ SИГЕeБe CВИЕЗ, RВbeЕЗ G.Mc ClВЖkeМ, The UБiveЕiЖЗМ Вf ChicagВ PЕeЖЖ, . .

-- јј IIIIII


2. ц ј - , ј ѓ , ; 3. К ц - ќ , , . ј . ј ј ј , . , , , , ј ј . , , , ј , ј ќ . , ј ј ј . , MaЕЖhall ,, , - ј , ј . MaЕЖhall, ѓ , . , ј , ј ј ј , , , ј ј . MaЕbury v. MediЖВБ ќ judicial review. , MaЕЖhall, ,, ,

-- јј IIIIII


. , ј ј ј ,, --- --- . , ќ ј , ј . ј ј ј ќ ј . ,, ј ,, ј , . , ј , ј ќ ј , ,, , , ј . ј , ј . ј ј Chief Justice Charles Evans (ИgheЖ ј ,, ,

ќ 145.

ј ј ј ј . ќ ј . , , . Marshall 145http://c250.columbia.edu/c250_celebrates/remarkable_columbians/charles_hughes.html

-- јј IIIIII


, . , ј Marbury v Medison ,, 146. , Marshall ќ . Mc Closkey ,,

ј ј

ц 147. ќ , ј . ј ј , ј ј . , ј ј Scott v.Stanford (Dred Scott Case) 148. ј ј ј ,, 146Zakonodavna supremacija I sudski aktivizam u SAD-u.Bacic Petar. Politicka misao.god46.br.3.2009.p.175 147The AАeЕicaБ SИГЕeБe CВИЕЗ, RВbeЕЗ G.Mc ClВЖkeМ, The UБiveЕiЖЗМ Вf ChicagВ PЕeЖЖ, . . 148 ScВЗЗ v.SЗaБdfВЕd ВbiЗeЕ dicЗИА , ј. ј , , ѓ , ј ј . ј, Chief JИЖЗice RВgeЕ B. TaБeМ MiЖЖВИЕi CВАГЕВАiЖe . , јќ ј ј . , ќ ј .

-- јј IIIIII


149. ,, ј ј ј , . , Scott v.Stanford , ,, ј 150.

ј ѓ ј . Chief Justice Marshall ј ј ј ј Gibbons v. Ogden . ј McCulloh v. Meryland . ј ј . ј ј . ј ј ј ј ј ј 151. ј Lochner v. New York 152. Lochner v. New York 149Scott v Standford: The Courts most dreadful case and how it changed history.Finkelman Paul. http://www.cklawreview.com/wp-content/uploads/vol82no1/Finkelman.pdf 150The Supreme Court. Lawrence Baum. Ohio State University.1992.p.20 151 ј ќ ѓ . ј ј ј ј ј ј ј ј . . ј ј ј - . , ј . . ќ KВБЗЕВla ИЖЗavБВЖЗi НakВБa. GaЖВ.MijaБВvih. SaЕajevВ. .Г. 152 LВchБeЕ v. NeК YВЕk, ј NeК YВЕk ј ј , .

-- јј IIIIII


ј - ј Counter-majoritarian difficulty). , Lochner case , 153. , ќ . ј . , Lochner v. New York ј . ,,jИdicial БИllificaЗiВБ , ,,jИdicial veЗВ ,,jИdicial ГaЕaАВИБЗcМ ,,jИdicial ЕevieК ј . ќ јќ , ј ј ,, , ,, ѓ . , 154. ќ ,, , 155. ј ј ј , ј ѓ . , , ј ј ќ . , ј , ј ј ј . ,, , , , , , . ќ hЗЗГ://ККК.laК.cВЕБell.edИ/ЖИГcЗ/hЗАl/hiЖЗВЕicЖ/USSC_CR_ _ _ZS.hЗАl 153Zakonodavna supremacija I sudski aktivizam u SAD-u.Bacic Petar. Politicka misao.god46.br.3.2009.p.181 154Judicial review unmasked. Thomas J Higgins,SJ. Massachusetts.1981.p. 56 155ibid

-- јј IIIIII


,, ј , ,, ј 156. ,, ј , ќ Franklin Roosevelt. . New Deal legislative programme, ј ј , ј ј . The Agricultural Adjustement Act, The National

Industrial Recovery Act, TheFederal Trade Commision Act, The Frazier-LemkeFarm

Bankruptcy Act . . ,, . ј. . , , ,, ј SИЗheЕlaБd, VaБ DevaБЗeЕ, BИЗleЕ McReМБВldЖ ќ .

New Deal legislative programme, Roosevelt ќ , ,,no-АaБ`Ж laБd ј 157. , , ќ . The

Court-packing plan.

, ј , , ј , . , , . ,, . ј , . Court- 156Ibid p.57 157Zakonodavna supremacija I sudski aktivizam u SAD-u.Bacic Petar. Politicka misao.god46.br.3.2009.p.183

-- јј IIIIII


packing plan (The Judiciary Reorganization Act) ј. , ,, ,, ј , ј ј ј ј ј ќ , ј ј ј . ј, ќ . , ј , Chief Justice Charles Evans Huges Justice Owen Roberts . Justice Owen Roberts West Coast Hotel vs. Parrish ќ ,, Зhe ЖКiЗch iБ ЗiАe ЗhaЗ Жaved Зhe БiБe , ј ќ ,, .

ќ ѓ . Baum ј ,, ќ ј , , 158. ,,Кild АВВd ЖКiБgЖ , ј . ј Chief Justice Earl Warren, ј ј . . ј ѓ , Earl Warren ,,ќ ј ќ ј 159. ј a

158The Supreme Court. Lawrence Baum. Ohio State University.1992.p.23 159Zakonodavna supremacija I sudski aktivizam u SAD-u.Bacic Petar. Politicka misao.god46.br.3.2009.p.184

-- јј IIIIII


, ј Brown v. Board of Education 160. Brown v. Board of Education ј ј ј . ј ј ќ ќ ,, Plessy v Ferguson ќ . ј Marbury ,, ѓ . ќ ј ќ ј ,, 161. , Brown v. Board of Education ј ј ј . . ќ ј ќ ј ј ѓ Civil Rights Act ) . ќ ќ ј . 160 ј BЕВКБ v BВaЕd Вf EdИcaЗiВБ BЕВКБ NaЗiВБal Association for the Advancement of Colored PeВГle U.S. DiЖЗЕicЗ CВИЕЗ fВЕ Зhe DiЖЗЕicЗ Вf KaБЖaЖ ј PleЖЖМ v FeЕgИЖВБ . ј LiБda BЕВКБ , ј ќ ј , ј . , ј ј ј ј , јќ PleЖЖМ v FeЕgИЖВБ, . BВaЕd Вf EdИcaЗiВБ. ј ј, ј , џ ј , . ј ќ ќ ј ,, , , ј , . , Chief JИЖЗice EaЕl WaЕЕeБ ќ : ј ј , , . , ј ,,ЖeГaЕaЗe bИЗ eДИal , ј ј . hЗЗГ://ККК.laК.cВЕБell.edИ/ЖИГcЗ/hЗАl/historics/USSC_CR_0349_0294_ZS.html 161 ќ JИdicial ЕevieК ИБАaЖked. ThВАaЖ J (iggiБЖ,SJ. MaЖЖachИЖeЗЗЖ. .Г.

-- јј IIIIII


ј . . , Justice Brennan, Deputy Chief, ј ј ј . , Green v. Country School Board 162, ј School Board of New Kent County, Virginia ј

,, , ц ,

ј Brown v. Board of Education,

ц .

,

ц ј ц . ,

ј ,, ј ј

ц ц

ц , ,

, , .

ј ,, kВja

ц ј . ј

,, ,

.

ј ј ј ,

. ј ј Baker v. Carr

163. ј

ќ ќ

ц ј . ц ј

162 hЗЗГ://ККК.laК.cВЕБell.edИ/ЖИГcЗ/hЗАl/hiЖЗВЕicЖ/USSC_CR_ _ _ZO.hЗАl 163 ChaЕleЖ BakeЕ JВe CaЕЕ, Зhe SecЕeЗaЕМ Вf SЗaЗe Вf TeББeЖЖe . , , ј ј . ѓ . hЗЗГ://ККК.laКБiЛ.cВА/caЖeЖ/baker-caЕЕ.hЗАl http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/historics/USSC_CR_0369_0186_ZS.html

-- јј IIIIII


, ц ц

ц ц . ј

ц ј . ј

.

,

.

ц

ц јќ ј

, ј

Equal Protection Clause . Bacic

ќ ј

ј ќ ,, ц ц ј 164.

Baker v. Carr ќ ј

Bickel . ј .

ј ј ј ќ ј -

ѓ ,

ц

. ,

, ј ќ ѓ

ј ц

, . judicial paramountcy ј

ќ ј .

ќ

ј ј ц ј - ц ј

ј

. , ј

,, ц

,, ц ц ,

ј ,

164Zakonodavna supremacija I sudski aktivizam u SAD-u.Bacic Petar. Politicka misao.god46.br.3.2009.p.188

-- јј IIIIII


ј ц

ц .

Chef Justice Earl Warren . ,,

ц ј ќ Chief Justice

Warren E.Burger koj ц ј ј

. ,, ј ц ј

. ј ,, ј ј Benjamin

A. Neil, Chief

Justice William H. Rehnquist165. ј ќ

ј ќ

ц

, ,

ј - ц . United States

v. Leon ј ј

ј ц

166. .

,,

ќ

ј .

,

ц ј ј ј ,, bona

fide . ц ,

,

ц ј .

165Activist judge-it means different thing to different people.Benjamin A.Neil. Journal of legal issues and business.p.4 http://www.aabri.com/manuscripts/10436.pdf 166 ј AlbeЕЗВ LeВБ ,, ј . ј ј ј ќ . hЗЗГ://caЖelaК.lГ.fiБdlaК.cВА/cgi-bin/getcase.pl?court=us&vol=468&invol=897

-- јј IIIIII


Lawrence Baum ј

ј

Miller v .California 1973 167. Miller v. California

. ,, ј ј ,

168.

ц

Chief Justice Rehnquist , ц

ќ ј ј ј ,

ј ц ј ,

ц ј , ,

.

ц ј ,

ц . Burger Court ј %

, , Chief

Justice Rehnquist % . К ,

ц

,

ј ц . ј

Rehnquist

ц ј ј , ј

ц 169.

,

167The Supreme Court. Lawrence Baum. Ohio State University.1992.p.24 168 ј ј , : ј ј ј ј ј . ј MilleЕ v. CalifВЕБia ,, ј ј ј . ј ј ќ . . , , . ѓ ,, . ј . RВЗh v. UБiЗed SЗaЗeЖ . 169How Conservative is Rehnquist Court-Three Issues one Answer.Staci Rocshe. Fordham Law Review. Vol.65 issue.6.aricle 10.p.2706

-- јј IIIIII


јќ %

,

%

.

,

ц ј јќ ц

ќ ,, Chief

Justice Rehnquist . Burger- , ј

EaЕl WaЕЕeБ 170.

,,

Rehnquist ј ,

јќ

. judicial supremacy, ј

K ,

ј ц . ц ј ј

ј ј

ј Justice Harlan ј ќ ,,

ц , ,

јќ ј ,

ц , ,

ц ј ј

ц ѓ 171.

170Ibid p. 2727 171 ќ JИdicial ЕevieК ИБАaЖked. ThВАaЖ J (iggiБЖ,SJ. MaЖЖachИЖeЗЗЖ. .Г.

-- јј IIIIII


ј ј ј

ј ј . ј , , , ќ , . јќ , judicial review ј , . , Frederick Shauer ј , ,, 172. ј , ј . ѓ , ѓ , ,, , ј ј judicial supremacy ј ј judicial review. ќ . ј ј ,,

, ,, , ,, , . ќ , . 172Judicial Supremacy and the Modest Constitution. Frederick Shauer. California Law Review. Vol.92.issue 4.art.4. 2004.p.1067

-- јј IIIIII


ј ј ј ,,democratic self-gВveЕБaБce ,,gВveЕБАeБЗ bМ jИdiciaЕМ , . ј , , ќ , 173. ј ,, ј ѓ 174. ј ,, ѓ ј ј ј 175, ј . , per se judicial supremacy ,, ѓ , , . ќ ,, -

(Modest Constitution). ј ј , . ,, - , ј . , Schauer ,, ј ѓ ј . ј . ј ј . , 173 The RiЖe aБd Fall Вf Jdicial Self-Restraint. Richard A. Posner. California Law Review. vol.100. Issue 3. Article 1. 2012.p.535 174ibid 175Constitutional Faith. LeviБЖВБ SaБfВЕd. . JИdicial SИГЕeАacМ aБd Зhe MВdeЖЗ Constitution. Frederick Shauer. California Law Review. Vol.92.issue 4.art.4. 2004.p.1064

-- јј IIIIII


Schauer . judicial supremacy, ј . congressional

supremacy176. ќ ј ќ ј ј . , - . ј ј (judicial pragmatism judicial minimalisam ќ ,, (Living Constitution). ќ ,, ј , ј 177. ј , ј , . , ј , . ј ј . , ј , , . . ј , ј . ќ (Limited constitution), (Symbolic

Constitution) (Constitution behind the constitution) ќ Living constitution) . , ќ ј ј , ,, ј ј ј . 176 JИdicial SИГЕeАacМ aБd Зhe MВdeЖЗ CВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБ. FЕedeЕick ShaИeЕ. CalifВЕБia Law Review. Vol.92.issue 4.art.4. 2004. 177The Living Consitution. David A Strauss. 2010.http://www.law.uchicago.edu/alumni/magazine/fall10/strauss

-- јј IIIIII


ј . (Judicial minimalism) , , ј . ѓ ј ј. ј ј ј . ,, , . , ј ј , ј ќ ј, ј ј , , . , ј ј ,, , ј ќ ј . , . ј , : . ј , , ј . ј ј . self-restrain

doctrine, ј shallow rather than deep narrow rather than

wide).

-- јј IIIIII


Cass R. Sunstein 178. , ј de

facto . ѓ , ѓ ј ј ѓ ј . ј ј ј ј ј Dred Scot Case. Siegel , , 179. јќ ј , ј . ј , ј , ј , ј , . , ,, ВБe caЖe aЗ Зhe ЗiАe , , ј

178Beyond Judicial Minimalism. Cass R. Sunstein. Harvard University Public law and legal Theory. No.08-40.2008. p.2 179 TheВЕМ )Б SeaЕch Of a CВИЕЗ, aБd iЗЖelf: JИdicial АiБiАaliЖА aЗ Зhe SИГЕeАe CВИЕЗ. Neil S Siegel. . P.1963

-- јј IIIIII


180. judicial pragmactivism ј judicial activist judicial

passivist, ј ј . ј ј , ј ј , ј 181. , ј , . ј ќ ј ќ . ј ј ј ј ј . ј , ј ј . ј , . ќ ќ ј . 180 ќ ј Reckless Caution: The Perils of Judicial Minimalism. Tara Smith. New York University Journal of law and Liberty. Vol.5:347.2010 181Judicial pragmactivism: a Definition. Randy E Barnet. Cato Journal.vol4. 1985.p.855

-- јј IIIIII


, Randy E.Barnett ј ј , . ќ ќ , ќ ј , ќ living constitution) ќ ј . ј ќ ќ . , ј , ј ј , . , ц ј ј .

ц

ј ј , . Alexander Bickel ј ,, - 182 ј ,, ќ . Berman ј ј ј ,, ј – 183. , , 182AleЛaБdeЕ M. Bickel, The LeaЖЗ DaБgeЕВИЖ BЕaБch 183CONSTITUTIONAL DECISION RULES. Berman.N.Mitchell. Virginia law review.vol.90. . 88-106

-- јј IIIIII


, . , - . , ј , ј , , , ј , ј .

-- јј IIIIII


– – , ј , ј ј ј , ј . ,, ј ј , ј ј ѓ , , . , ј - ј :

ц ѓ ј

, ,, Кe Зhe ГeВГle

. , ј ј - , ,, ѓ ,, ј ј .

, ј ,, ј , ј , ј , . ј , ј ј . , ј ќ .

-- јј IIIIII


::

1. Attanasio John B. EveЕМАaБ’Ж CВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБal LaК: A TheВЕМ Вf Зhe PВКeЕ Вf JИdicial Review. Georgetown Law Journal. 1984.

2. Bacic Arsen. O sudskom aktivizmu ili o politickoj ulozi sudova. Politicka Misao

vol.XXXV br.2. 1998.

3. Bacic Arsen. Ustavne promjene i dileme konstitucionalizma. Zbornik radova

Pravnog fakulteta u Splitu. God.46, 4/2009.

4. Bacic Petar. Zakonodavna supremacija I sudski aktivizam u SAD-u. Politicka

misao.god46.br.3.2009.

5. BacicPetar. Suvremeni konstitucionalizaА ) ,,БВva’’ diВba vlaЖЗi. Zbornik radova

Pravnog fakulteta u Splitu.4/2009.

6. Barry Friedman Errin B. Delaney. Becoming Supreme: The federal foundation of

Judicial Supremacy. Columbia law review. Vol.100:2. 2011. Public law and legal

theory research paperseries,no11-61.

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Politics. Yale University Press. 1986.

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journal of policy history, vol,20, No.12008.

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Bureaucratic Impact, International and Interdisciplinari Perspectives. Cambridge

University Press. 2004.

11. Graglia Lino.A. Its Not Constitutionalism, Its Judicial activism. Harvard Journal od

Law and Public policy.1996.vo.19.issue 2

12. Jamal Green. Giving the Constitution to the Courts. The Yale Law Journal.

Princeton University Press. New Jersey.2007.

13. John Agresto. The Supreme Court and Constitutional Democracy. Cornell

University press. 1984.

14. Jonathan Crowe. What`s so bad about judicial review?. Policy.vol24.no4

15. Richard.A. Posner. The Rice and Fall of judicial self-restraint. California Law

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REV. 129, 144 (1893)

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1.01 Original scientific paper UDC No.343.3/.7:177.82


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This article analyzes the contemporary problem of hate crimes, through the prism of the

criminal law. In order to understand this contemporary problem, we must examine it

through the prism of the criminal law. Through the criminal law and the criminal policy

of the courts against hate crimes, we can establish two approaches: The extensive

approach, which stipulates that hate crimes are strictly envisaged as criminal acts and

as such are punished accordingly by the full extension of the law, and the second is the

restrictive approach, which implies that hate crimes are not envisaged as separate

crimes, but they represent qualitative forms of the given criminal acts in the Criminal

Code, which means that a harsher punishment is envisaged, if committed. Republic of

Macedonia has adopted the second approach in its criminal legislation, and so far

progress is made just in theory and legislation, not practice.

KKEEYY WWOORRDDSS: Hate Crimes, Criminal Code, Criminal Policy, Courts

-- јј IIIIII



Introduction

Modern societies are liberal and multicultural with the full respect of human rights

and liberties to all citizens, regardless of their race, skin color, sexual, political views,

ethnicity and nationality. However there is a growing concern over the inadequate

treatment of the hate crimes in different criminal legislations. The multicultural

character of the modern societies implies the need of establishing new principles and

social, ethical and legal rules of behavior, which primary function will be development

of interculturalism, coordination and integration as a condition of development of

harmonic society. To understand this contemporary problem, we must examine it

through the prism of the criminal law. Through the criminal law and the criminal policy

of the courts against hate crimes, we can establish two approaches: first is the extensive

approach, which stipulates that hate crimes are strictly envisaged as criminal acts and

punished accordingly. The second is the restrictive approach, which implies that hate

crimes are not envisaged as separate crimes, but they represent qualitative forms of the

given criminal acts in the Criminal code. Republic of Macedonia has adopted the second

approach in its criminal legislation. The duty of every state, especially the member

states in the EU, which is symbol for respect of the fundamental rights, must secure

respect and protection of the human rights and liberties upon the principles of equality

and freedom. The severity of the problem of intolerance, hate, hostility and violence ЗВКaЕdЖ Зhe diffeЕeБЗ ВБeЖ iЖ ЕeflecЗiВБ Вf Зhe ДИeЖЗ fВЕ БeК ЖВlИЗiВБЖ, fВЕ ЕeЖВlviБg the social conflicts, which in the worst cases can represent source of social instability.

That quest for solutions is motivated by the need of elimination of any form of

discrimination and unlimited restriction of the right of equality of human rights and

liberties and right to develop other certain cultures in any given society. On the meeting

of the Ministerial Counsel of the Member States and the Organization for Security and

Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in 2003 in Maastricht, very important decisions were

adopted, which are supporting the prevention of the criminal acts, which are motivated

-- јј IIIIII


by intolerance towards certain social gЕВИГЖ, ВЕ Зhe ЖВ called (aЗe CЕiАeЖ .184 These

decisions obligate the Member States to promote and enhance the application of anti-

discriminatory laws or to strengthen the prosecution of hate crimes. Simultaneously a

special mandate for coordinating and monitoring the activities of the states is delegated

to the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (the ODIHR). The ODIHR has

a role of a gathering point for information and statistical data for committed hate

crimes, and present it to the public.185 Mutual interest of the states, Member States of

the EU and non member states, such as Republic of Macedonia, is the development of

the new criminal legislation which will be compatible to tackle hate crimes and their

derivative hate speech, and in the same time to improve the role of the courts, by

making them more active in the prevention of these crimes. The states must develop a

new prevention concept which will be appropriate answer to the requirements of the

modern age, which are confrontation with the fact of cultural, sexual, national, ethnical

and religious diversity and the challenges of the information society. The development

of the system of preventive measures against intolerance and discrimination represents

the determination and the capacity of the states in respecting the fundamental human

rights and liberties.186 With the creation of the new system of sanction the states are

sending clear message to the organizers and perpetrators of hate crimes and other

extreme outbursts of discrimination would not be tolerated. Those states and societies Кhich dВБ З ЕeЖГecЗ ЗheЖe ГВЖЗИlaЗeЖ caББВЗ be cВИБЗed aЖ civiliНed, hИАaБiЖЗic, jИЖЗ aБd democratic. Regarding the Republic of Macedonia, major legislative changes were made,

starting with the promulgation of the Law on Protection and Prevention of

Discrimination, in 2010, and envisagement of new forms of hate crimes and crimes of

hate speech, in the reforms in the Criminal Code from 2004 – 2013.187 This Article

elaborates the basic tendencies of the criminal legislation of Republic of Macedonia and

the member states of the European Union in combating hate crimes and hate speech aБd ЗheiЕ deЕivaЗeЖ aЖ Кell aЖ Зhe defiБiЗiВБ Вf Зhe ЗeЕА (aЗe CЕiАeЖ aБd (aЗe SГeech 184 Barbara Bukovska, Regulating Hate Speech(OSCE Regional Conference on dealing effectively with the hate crime and hate speech phenomena, 22 May 2012) 25 185 OSCE Ministerial Council Decision NВ. / , TВleЕaБce aБd NВБ-DiЖcЕiАiБaЗiВБ , SВfia, DeceАbeЕ 2004 186 Kambovski Vlado, Hate Crimes and Criminal and Legal aspects of Hate Speech, OSCE Regional conference on dealing effectively with the hate crime and hate speech phenomena 187 Kambovski Vlado, Komentar na krivichniot zakonik na Republika Makedonija(1st edition, Kultura 2011)

-- јј IIIIII


and the creation of the special legal concept for their prevention, as a condition for

effective application of the criminal laws.

What Are Hate Crimes

Hate Crimes or criminal acts of hatred represent complicated social and criminal

phenomena, which very much differ from the other criminal acts. Main difference in

these crimes is the motive of the perpetrator, as a subjective element. This means that

every criminal act (can)not be reported as a hate crime. This is very dependable on the

motives of the perpetrator, whether they are hatred or discrimination of the victim,

because of its different ethnicity, religion, skin color, sexual orientation etc. Another fact ЗhaЗ АakeЖ ЗheЖe cЕiАeЖ ИБiДИe iЖ Зhe ObjecЗ Вf ГЕВЗecЗiВБ , which personified in this

case is clearly a crime is directed towards the integrity, dignity and other specific marks

of certain group.188 The complexity of detection of hate crimes, is the reason for the

severe difficulties in discovering these crimes and prosecuting them as a special form of

a criminality which is different from the other criminal offences in the Criminal Code. A

hate crime is a criminal act, which its perpetration is motivated by discrimination and

hatred directed towards the ethnicity, sexual orientation, religion and other special

characteristics of the victim. The methodological problems and the special treatment in

identifying the hate crimes, complexes with the fact that hatred or the discriminatory baЖiЖ aЖ a АВЗive fВЕ Зhe cЕiАe dВБ З Бeed ЗВ be АaБifeЖЗed ЗhЕВИgh Зhe ВbjecЗive characteristics of the crime, but they are determined throughout the criminal

procedure, with the help of indications.189 The problem of identification of such crimes

is an obstacle for gathering relevant data for tracking down this phenomena. Only

relevant data so far are the cВИЕЗ Ж jИdgАeБЗЖ iБ eveЕМ cВИБЗЕМ, bИЗ if Зhe cЕiАiБal legiЖlaЗiВБ dВeЖБ З ЕecВgБiНe Зhe haЗe cЕiАeЖ aЖ a cЕiАeЖ КiЗh ЖГecial ДИalificaЗiВБЖ, ЗheБ they are left out of the official statistics. In order to resolve these methodological

problems, it is necessaЕМ ЗВ eЖЗabliЖh cВБЖiЖЗeБЗ legal cВБceГЗ Вf (aЗe CЕiАeЖ , aЖ a special category in the Criminal Code which would include: Precise definition of the

188 James B. Jacobs and Kimberly Poter,Hate Crimes: Criminal Law and Identity Politics (Oxford University Press, 1998) 189 (aЕiЖ O BВМle, Law on European Convention of Human Rights(2nd edition, Skopje, 2009)

-- јј IIIIII


ЗeЕА (aЗe CЕiАeЖ aБd eЖЗabliЖhiБg ЖГecial ЖМЖЗeА Вf ЖaБcЗiВБЖ aБd АeaЖИЕeЖ. )Б ЗhaЗ caЖe, leЗ Ж ЗЕМ ЗВ defiБe Зhe ЗeЕА (aЗe CЕiАeЖ .190 The ЗeЕА (aЗe CЕiАe caБ be defiБed iБ ЗКВ АeaБiБgЖ: cЕiАiБВlВgical aБd criminal - law meaning of this word. The criminological meaning of this word implies

every negative conduct of individuals, which are motivated or have a purpose to create

hatred towards other individuals or groups on the basis of racial, ethnical, religious, sex

and other discrimination. On the other hand the criminal law meaning of this term,

implies that hate crimes are crimes strictly envisaged in the Criminal Code, and which is АВЗivaЗed bМ haЗЕed aБd diЖcЕiАiБaЗiВБ Вf Зhe vicЗiА Ж ЖВcial backgЕВИБd, ЕeligiВБ, ЖeЛИal ВЕieБЗaЗiВБ, eЗhБiciЗМ aБd ЖkiБ cВlВЕ. TheЖe АeaБiБgЖ Вf Зhe ЗeЕА (aЗe CЕiАeЖ give Зhe baЖic defiБiЗiВБ Вf Зhe ЗeЕА (aЗe CЕiАeЖ . They contain three important

elements, which are:

- (aЗЕed , a ЗeЕА Кhich illИЖЗЕaЗeЖ ЖИbjecЗive feeliБgЖ aБd ГВЖiЗiВБЖ, manifested in different types (Intolerance, hostility, violence etc.)

- Criminal act, which presents violent restriction of the equality and

fundamental human rights of others

- Special status of the victim, as a member of certain group (ethnic, religious,

sexual etc.)

Hatred or hostility

There is high level of consent, that the criminal acts inspired by hatred differ than Зhe ЕeЖЗ Вf Зhe cЕiАiБal acЗЖ bМ ЗheiЕ ВБЗВlВgical БaЗИЕe. TheМ aЕe ЖВ called MeЖЖage CЕiАeЖ . BМ cВААiЗЗiБg a haЗe cЕiАe, Зhe ГeЕГeЗЕaЗВЕ ЖeБd cleaЕ АeЖЖage ЗВ Зhe members of certain group, that they are unwanted and in the near future can expect a

repetition of such attacks. Hatred is defined as a repulsion from someone or something. SigАИБd FЕeИd defiБeЖ haЗЕed aЖ egВ Кhich ЗeБdЖ ЗВ deЖЗЕВМ Зhe ЖВИЕce Вf iЗЖ unhappineЖЖ , aБd ВБ Зhe ВЗheЕ haБd iБ Зhe АВdeЕБ ГЖМchВlВgical dicЗiВБaЕieЖ Зhe haЗЕed iЖ defiБed aЖ deeГ ГeЕАaБeБЗ aБd ЖЗЕВБg feeliБg, Кhich caИЖeЖ aБiАВЖiЗМ, aБgeЕ 190 Human Rights First, Hate Crime Survey(1st online edition 2008)

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aБd hВЖЗiliЗМ ЗВКaЕdЖ ВБe ГeЕЖВБ ВЕ a gЕВИГ . UБfВЕЗИБaЗelМ dedИcЗed fЕВА ЗheЖe definitions, hatred is not temporary emotional state, but permanent attitude of the

person towards another person, group. 191

Hatred is a subjective element or motive for committing violence towards an

individual or a group of persons on the basis of their national, ethnic, religious, social

and other origin. This definition leads us to the definition of the hate crime, which is

different in every criminal legislation but united under the meaning which contain.

According to the Macedonian criminal legislation, hate crime is defined as:

- Criminal act for which, the perpetrator has a special motive, which is part of

the subjective element of the guilt and

- Criminal acts, which is directed toward inspiring hatred against an individual

or a group on the basis of their national, ethnical, religious origin.

Hate crimes are characterized with hostility, directed toward the victim which stems

from a prejudice, attitude, belief of the perpetrator which has wide social relevance. The

direction of the hostility can be directed toward an individual or group. It is often the ЗeЕА haЗe cЕiАe iЖ АiЛed ИГ КiЗh Зhe ЗeЕА biaЖed cЕiАe . The ЗeЕА BiaЖed cЕiАe ВЕ BiaЖed АВЗivaЗed cЕiАe * haЖ a КideЕ АeaБiБg fЕВА Зhe haЗe cЕiАe aБd iЗ iЖ defiБed aЖ AЗЗiЗИde ЗВКaЕd a ГeЕЖВБ Кhich iЖ baЖed ВБ Жome form of prejudice on his

characteristic as a member of certain ethnic group, religion and sexual orientation.

Criminal Acts of Hate Crimes

The hate crimes are special types or species of the violent crimes. For the criminal

concept of the hate crimes, only the direct or the personal violence is relevant.

Unfortunately there is still no unified, consistent legal definition for direct personal

violence. The only way which we can define personal (direct) violence is through

deduction of various definitions of certain types of violence which are envisaged in

international human rights conventions and other documents for prevention of violence

and discrimination. In the most common sense of the ЗeЕА viВleБce iЖ defiБed aЖ negative influence of the basic human needs and infringement of the basic human rights

191 Milan Mesic, Prijepori oko kolektivnih (kulturnih) prava [2007] 115: Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta u Zagrebu vol.57,No.3

-- јј IIIIII


and liberties through threats of use of force. According to the Norwegian researcher and

professor Johan Galtun, there are three types of violence:

1. Direct (Personal) violence, which is manifested as a act of aggression of an

individual against other person or group, with severe consequences upon their

rights and liberties.

2. Structural violence, which is incorporated in the system of government which is

manifested as unequal treatment and social injustice towards individuals or

groups, based upon their ethnicity, religion or race. As an example of this is

(unequal opportunities for education, etc).

3. Cultural violence, which is manifested through the aspects of violent culture

(justification, approval and covering) of direct or structural violence, such as:

ideology posters, racist anthems, portraits of political leaders etc.

The concept of violence is an extensive term which only the direct (personal)

violence is the most relevant type of violence in relation to hate crimes, because in the

categorical system of the criminal law, the criminal act is the main component which

stems from certain human action. Secondly criminal acts are those acts which are

envisage by the Criminal Law as such. The other two forms of violence (structural and

cultural) only create the social climate for the direct – personal violence.192 The term of

direct(personal) violence understands acts of use physical and psychological toward a

person or a group. Physical violence is a criminal act which causes destruction (murder,

body injury), and on the other hand the psychological violence is an act of threat,

molesting, blackmailing, insulting, humiliating, ridiculing, accusing and every other acts

which causes psychological suffering of another person. Usually physical and

psychological violence go hand in hand, for the first one is easy to detect, due to the

injuries or death, but second one is harder to detect.193

192 Edwin Baker, Autonomy and Hate Speech in Ivan Hare and James Weinstein, Extreme Speech and Democracy(OUP 2009) 139-158 193 )vaБ (aЕe, BlaЖГheАМ aБd )БciЗeАeБЗ ЗВ ReligiВИЖ (aЗЕed iБ )vaБ (aЕe aБd JaАeЖ WeiБЖЗeiБ, Extreme Speech and Democracy (OUP 2009) 125- 130

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Victims of Hate Crimes and Their Role

Main characteristics of hate crimes are the selection of the victim as a member of

certain social group. The victim is used as a channel to relay message to that group. The

purpose of the perpetrator is to hurt not just the individual victim, but also the group in

which that victim belongs. In the objective sense, that particular action raises the

objective and subjective unlawfulness of that action and usually leads to more intensive

form of attacks against the individual victim. Every criminal act causes consequences,

not just to the victim, but to the society as well.194 Every murder causes public reaction,

and usually is in the form of condemnation and request for severe punishment of the

perpetrator. But in the hate crimes, we have certain specifications, for example the act

of violence is directed toward a victim, but at the same time it is directed toward the

social group that victim belongs. The consequences for the group are usually of

psychological nature and are manifested as: collective revolt, anger, fear, feeling of

subordination etc. But examples in practice usually show that sometimes, the

committed hate crimes result with physical violence, conflict and war. When we use the ЗeЕА gЕВИГ, iБ Зhe cВБЗeЛЗ Вf Зhis criminal action is directed against an individual or ceЕЗaiБ gЕВИГ , Кe have ЗВ deЗeЕАiБe КhaЗ iЖ Зhe АeaБiБg Вf ЗhaЗ ЗeЕА aБd ЗЕМ ЗВ defiБe it. The essence of this term is consisted of two dimensions: quantitative and qualitative

dimension. The first one refers to number of the members in certain group, which

according to the Macedonian Criminal Code in article 122 section 28, under a group of ГeЕЖВБЖ ИБdeЕЖЗaБdЖ: GЕВИГ, Кhich iЖ cВБЖiЖЗed Вf АiБiАИА ГeЕЖВБЖ Кhich aЕe associated together in a group fВЕ Зhe ГИЕГВЖe Вf cВБdИcЗiБg cЕiАiБal acЗЖ . )Б ЗhiЖ caЖe this definition must be considered as a terminus technicus which has a narrow meaning aБd ИЖИallМ iБ Зhe MacedВБiaБ jИЕiЖГЕИdeБce iЖ ИЖed ЗВ defiБe Зhe ЗeЕА CЕiАiБal AЖЖВciaЗiВБ , Кhich iЖ iАГВЕЗaБt for legal classification for acts under organized crime. UБfВЕЗИБaЗelМ ЗheЕe iЖ БВ ГЕeciЖe defiБiЗiВБ Вf Зhe ЗeЕА GЕВИГ aЖ a vicЗiАЖ Вf haЗe crimes in the Macedonian Criminal Code.195 The quantitative dimension of the group

can be determined from the special status of the group as a subject to a certain

collective rights. The concept of hate crimes is criminal concept through which we can

determine the definition of violence and hatred based on discrimination. This is possible 194 Johan Galtung, Kulturelle Gewalt; in:Der Burger im Staat (2nd edition 2009) 195 Vlado Kambovski, Kazneno pravo – opst del (4th edition, Kultura 2011- Skopje)

-- јј IIIIII


only if the connect the hate crimes with the special values of certain social group. The

quantitative concept remains in the shadow of the qualitative concept, which refers to

the special characteristics of one social group in contrast of the other.196 The

breakthrough of multiculturalism as most influential social movement and theoretical

model, results with constant requests for recognition of special status and group

(cultural) rights of different social groups. This movement relates to lot of questions

about the values and virtues of the social groups and of course recognition of special

legal status of the group, which acknowledge protection from discrimination, prejudices

and violence. Certain social groups are subjects to their collective rights, where its

members are conscience about their distinctive characteristics, which distinct them

from another group (ethnicity, nationality, religion etc.), and which connects them with

conscience for collective rights. Accordingly the groups are divided into: Natural Groups

(race, gender, religion) and imaginative groups such as: nation, religion and political

parties). The next characteristics of the group is the existence of the same collective

rights among its members and finally the last characteristic of the group is that every

group, must be subjected to certain legal rights under which the group must accept the

basic and universal human rights. The acknowledgement of the collective rights of the

groups by the states, represents mandatory element of the concept of universal human

rights in the international human rights conventions. Hate crimes are acts of

discrimination, violence against individuals as members of certain social groups, or the gЕВИГЖ ЗheАЖelveЖ, bИЗ Зhe veЕМ ЗeЕА gЕВИГ caББВЗ be defiБed in legal criminal defiБiЗiВБ Вf haЗe cЕiАeЖ, aЖ clВЖed ЗeЕА. AlЖВ Зhe chaЕacЗeЕiЖЗicЖ Вf Зhe gЕВИГ Кhich distinct from other groups and which represent basis for discriminatory and violent

behavior, cannot be legally fixated. This problem is solved by the definition of the OD)(R, Кhich iЖ GЕВИГ caБ be baЖed ИГВБ Зhe cВААВБ chaЕacЗeЕiЖЗicЖ aЗЗЕibИЗable ЗВ their members, which are: race, color, religion, gender, age, physical and mental haБdicaГ, ЖeЛИal ВЕieБЗaЗiВБ aБd ГВliЗical ВЕieБЗaЗiВБ . The FЕaАeКВrk Decision of the

Council of Ministers of the EU, from 2008 on Prevention of Certain Forms of Expression

of Racism and Xenophobia, as special characteristics of a group, in article 1 points out:

race, color of skin, Religion, Nationality and Ethnicity. On the other hand in the

Macedonian legislation in 2010 was promulgated the anti discrimination law or Law on

196 Carolyn Bys, Legislation and Prosecution of Hate Crime, OSCE Regional conference on hate crimes and hate speech phenomena, 2012 - Skopje

-- јј IIIIII


Prevention and Protection from Discrimination, which for the first time the term DiЖcЕiАiБaЗiВБ iЖ defiБed aБd cВБЗaiБЖ ГЕВviЖiВБЖ ВБ ЖaБcЗiВБiБg the aiding in

discriminatory conduct on the basis on gender, religion, ethnicity, nationality, social

genesis and other basis which are envisaged by law or international agreement.

Regardless of the definition of discrimination, this law provides, certain other basis of

discriminations are not envisaged, such as the discrimination on the LGBT population.

This oversight of the sexual discrimination, more notably the LGBT population, tightens

the very nature of this law, and basically condones hate crimes against the members of

the LGBT community. The hate crimes as we mentioned before, can be directed against

certain group or towards an individual, which in the mind of the perpetrator, he

personalizes the group in which he belongs to. This goes for the minority and the

majority groups in a given country, every citizen is a potential victim of limitation of

his/hers equal guaranteed rights.

Special Legal Treatment of Hate Crimes

It is the general conclusion that hate crimes present qualified forms of infringement

or violation of basic human rights and liberties. By committing hate crimes, the

perpetrators are violating the fundamental legal postulate, which is the equality of

rights and liberties in the society, which on the other hand is the foundation of the

modern democratic legal state. Hate crimes are severe forms of criminal acts against the

basic give postulates (Tolerance, Rule of Law and Non-Discrimination). The negative

consequences of these acts are expressed as:

- Consequences on the victims of such crimes in the form of psychological

violence and dementia, identity crisis of the victim;

- Consequences on the target social group, through creation of a state of

constant panic, terror and fear;

- Consequences on other vulnerable groups such as minority groups, LGBT

Community and all other groups which are different from the majority group;

- Consequences on the social relations and communication in the form of social

disharmony, tensions and social conflicts;

-- јј IIIIII


- Escalation of the hatred and the hostility in even more radical forms of

conflict, such as: war crimes, genocide, ethnic cleansing etc.

The different modifications of the definition of hate crimes is making the negative

consequences even more complex for understanding, for example:

- The hatred, bias, prejudices which are motive for violence, can have a

different basis: racial, gender, ethnical, religious and cultural;

- The modus of commitment of the hate crimes is consisted in the form of

violence personified in physical violence, damage of property, safety

endangerment, verbal attacks, hate mail etc.

As a social phenomenon, they reflect the current state of affairs in given society

which consist of political, economic, cultural and other factors in the respect of

fundamental rights and liberties. If these crimes are given sound criminal sanctions and

prevent further outbursts of discrimination toward individual or groups as victims, only

then social cohesion is possible. The special criminal treatment of the hate crimes,

implies harsher punishment for the perpetrators of such crimes, classification of the

hate crimes as a qualified form of the basic criminal acts and envisaging harsher

punishments in the Criminal Codes. This special treatment of the hate crimes presents

new additional theoretical arguments, which do not collide with the basic postulations

of the criminal law. The basic concept of the criminal law is based on the criminal act as

an injustice through which basic human rights and liberties are infringed. Opposite from

this concept is the concept where the criminal law is based on the perpetrator as social

liability and endangerment for the society, which in its basic concept neglects the

criminal act and it is focused only on the subjective elements of the person as a basis for

criminal law reaction (motive, intent and hatred).197 The modern conception of the

criminal law is based upon the criminal act but in no case does not exclude the

subjective elements of the perpetrator which together, constitute the objective meaning

and the weight of the hate crimes. The criminal law protection is of a complex nature. It

presents prevention via repression, repression for a bigger prevention. In the light of

this postulate, the promulgation of a special concept of criminal law reaction to hate

crimes, can project strong preventive factor which will decline the social conflicts and

197 Annual reprt 2008, European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights

-- јј IIIIII


tensions, which are created through the creation of differences between the individuals

and the groups they belong to.198

Conclusion

The establishment of a certain criminal law concept for the hate crimes, as a form

of criminality which is destroying the stable and harmonic social development, is a

mandatory requirement for the purpose of creating a state on the democratic principles,

based on the respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms and their equality

expressed through culture and the right of mutual respect and tolerance in a

multicultural society. This concept represent strong legal framework, which is very

important for the respect of the fundament postulates which represent the preventive

and repressive activities of the society in prevention of discrimination, hatred and

prejudices against certain social groups or their members, which are manifested as an

introduction of iБЗeБЖified fВЕАЖ Вf cВБflicЗЖ iБЗВleЕaБce aБd viВleБce. )З Ж iАГВЕЗaБЗ ЗВ state that in the Macedonian criminal legislation, the entire concept of hate crimes,

begun its implementation through the reform of the Criminal Code from 2009, with the

common provisions on sentence determination. (Article 39 from the Macedonian

Criminal Code), which implies that the courts in the process of judgment of any crime

must treat as a aggravating circumstance any criminal act committed by hatred based

on discrimination. This concept is influenced by the latest recommendations from

Council of Europe and the obligations from any ratified international agreements

against hate crimes. On the end the basic question remains, what is the best cure for

hate crimes? Is it severe criminal punishment, envisaged in the Criminal Code or simply

social punishment by disqualifying such acts as unwanted in the democratic society.

198 OSCE Ministerial council Decision no.4/03, Maastricht, 2003

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ИИ ЕЕ АА ИИ ЕЕ АА АА::

Barbara Bukovska, Regulating Hate Speech(OSCE Regional Conference on dealing effectively with the hate crime and hate speech phenomena, 22 May 2012)

Kambovski Vlado, Hate Crimes and Criminal and Legal aspects of Hate Speech,

OSCE Regional conference on dealing effectively with the hate crime and hate speech phenomena

Kambovski Vlado, Komentar na krivichniot zakonik na Republika Makedonija(1st

edition, Kultura 2011)

James B. Jacobs and Kimberly Poter,Hate Crimes: Criminal Law and Identity Politics (Oxford University Press, 1998)

(aЕiЖ O BВМle, Law on European Convention of Human Rights(2nd edition, Skopje,

2009)

Human Rights First, Hate Crime Survey(1st online edition 2008)

Milan Mesic, Prijepori oko kolektivnih (kulturnih) prava [2007] 115: Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta u Zagrebu vol.57,No.3

Edwin Baker, Autonomy and Hate Speech in Ivan Hare and James Weinstein, Extreme Speech and Democracy(OUP 2009)

)vaБ (aЕe, BlaЖГheАМ aБd )БciЗeАeБЗ ЗВ ReligiВИЖ (aЗЕed iБ )vaБ (aЕe aБd

James Weinstein, Extreme Speech and Democracy (OUP 2009)

Johan Galtung, Kulturelle Gewalt; in:Der Burger im Staat (2nd edition 2009)

Vlado Kambovski, Kazneno pravo – opst del (4th edition, Kultura 2011- Skopje)

Carolyn Bys, Legislation and Prosecution of Hate Crime, OSCE Regional conference on hate crimes and hate speech phenomena, 2012 - Skopje

Annual report 2008, European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights

OSCE Ministerial council Decision no.4/03, Maastricht, 2003

OSCE Ministerial Council Decision NВ. / , TВleЕance and Non-DiЖcЕiАiБaЗiВБ , SВfia, DeceАbeЕ

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MMaarrjjaann VVUUCCHHKKOOVVIIKKJJ,, MM..SScc




1.01 Original scientific paper UDC No.316.344.5-054

CCOONNNNOOTTIINNGG CCIIVVIILL SSOOCCIIEETTYY AANNDD IITTSS RROOLLEE IINN

EETTHHNNIICCAALLLLYY FFRRAAGGMMEENNTTEEDD SSOOCCIIEETTIIEESS

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What should be stressed is that the civil society can be defined in wider ways, where the

sphere of the Civil Society and CSOs includes everything except the Government and its

institutions as ministries and other agencies even though they might include help from

civil society, as there are cases.

Different ways of understanding of the civil society as a term, can resume with lot of

difficulties and problems in a way that includes business sector as a part of the civil

society, although, that field is market oriented field, and it is not typical representative

of the CSOs and non-profit organization. On the other hand, the narrow understanding

of the civil society, as it is case in this paper, defines civil society as a sphere where CSOs

work, including NGOs, foundations, sport clubs, and similar organizations that try to

influence on the Governmental institutions, in a way to improve the interest of the

citizens in a domain which they are active to.

KKEEYY WWOORRDDSS:: CSOs, interethnic relations, peacebuilding, fragmented

societies

-- јј IIIIII


CCOONNNNOOTTIINNGG CCIIVVIILL SSOOCCIIEETTYY AANNDD IITTSS RROOLLEE IINN

EETTHHNNIICCAALLLLYY FFRRAAGGMMEENNTTEEDD SSOOCCIIEETTIIEESS

SigБificaБce Вf Зhe cВБceГЗs Вf Зhe civil sВcieЗМ aБd CSOs

The idea of civil society has had a long history in the tradition of western politics

though. Its roots go back to Christian natural law, while its modern pronunciation in the ScВЗЗiЖh EБlighЗeБАeБЗ. ReЖИЕЕecЗed iБ Зhe Ж, iБ Зhe ЖЗЕИggleЖ aАВБg the Polish

Workers Movement and the state apparatus, in recent years, been central to political debaЗeЖ iБ EaЖЗeЕБ aБd WeЖЗeЕБ EИЕВГe aЖ Кell aЖ iБ Зhe USA .199 The ЗeЕА civil ЖВcieЗМ haЖ alКaМЖ beeБ allied КiЗh Зhe fВЕАaЗiВБ Вf Зhe ГaЕЗicИlaЕ ЗМГe of poliЗical aИЗhВЕiЗМ. The ЗeЕА civil ЖВcieЗМ caАe ЗВ ГЕВАiБeБce dИЕiБg Зhe ЗЕaБЖiЗiВБ from absolutist monarchies to the modern state, although it had a prehistory in ancient aБd Аedieval ЗiАeЖ . 200

Prof. Gorge Ivanov, in his book Civil Society – New contradictions of the old debate, defiБeЖ Зhe civil ЖВcieЗМ aЖ … aЖЖВciaЗiВБ Вf fЕee aБd iБ ЗheiЕ hИАaБ ЕighЗЖ eДИal individuals, and in the relations of co-operation and competition try to satisfy their БeedЖ. 201 MИch like ЗВdaМ, Зhe eАeЕgeБce Вf Зhe idea Вf civil society in the later seventeenth and eighЗeeБЗh ceБЗИЕieЖ 202 was the result of crisis in social order and a breakdown of eЛiЖЗiБg ГaЗЗeЕБЖ Вf Зhe idea Вf ВЕdeЕ. The geБeЕal cЕiЖiЖ Вf Зhe ЖeveБЗeeБЗh ceБЗИЕМ –

the commercialization of land, labor and capital; the growth of market economies; the age Вf diЖcВveЕieЖ .203

But the renaissance of the term civil society began with anti-communist dissent in EaЖЗeЕБ EИЕВГe Кhich gave civil ЖВcieЗМ iЗЖ aЖЖВciaЗiВБ КiЗh ВГГВЖiЗiВБ АВveАeБЗЖ aБd a ГaЕallel ГВliЖ ЗВ Зhe ЖЗaЗe .204 These oppositions among the individual and the social, Зhe ГЕivaЗe aБd Зhe ГИblic, egВiЖА aБd alЗЕИiЖА, aЖ Кell aЖ life gВveЕБed bМ ЕeaЖВБ aБd 199Seligman, A. B; The Idea of the Civil Society; Princeton University Press; 1992, pg ix 200Kaldor, M; Global Civil Society – An Answer to War; Polity Press 2003, pg. 17 201 , Ѓ; – ; , . 202Ibid, pg 15 203Ibid 204Rosenblum, N, and Post, R; Civil Society and Government; Princeton University Press; 2002 pg 1

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one governed by the passions, have in fact become constitutive of our existence in the

modern woЕld .205

We can find a variety of civil society definitions. Some of them are used in this paper, a

clearer view about the civil society and the definition of it.

Civil society, aЖ a ЖeЗ Вf ЖВcial iБЖЗiЗИЗiВБЖ, iЖ alЖВ ГИblic iБ ЖeБЖe ЗhaЗ ЕefeЕЖ ЗВ Зhe space of choice, action in which individuals, largely through membership in a variety of

(more or less voluntary) associations, shape their individual and collective identities aБd, iБ ЗИЕБ, gave eЛГЕeЖЖiВБ ЗВ a ГИblic ВГiБiВБ .206

Civil society as a term is nothing else but the definition set above. But, can it be said that

exactly this definition of the civil society give what is needed for clearer picture? We can

be sure that there are a lot of other ways and definitions that try to explain the idea of

civil society, and should go through few of them.

Going deeper in political philosophy, reaching to Adam Ferguson, and his book Essay on

the History of Civil Society, КheЕe he ИЖeЖ Зhe ЗeЕА cВБjecЗИЕe ЗВ deЖcЕibe Зhe КaМ ГhilВЖВГheЕЖ iАagiБe a ЖЗaЗe Вf БaЗИЕe ЗhaЗ accВЕdЖ КiЗh ЗheiЕ ВКБ cВБceГЗiВБ aБd ГЕefeЕeБce. FВЕ ThВАaЖ (ВbbeЖ, ВБ Зhe ВЗheЕ haБd, faАВИЖlМ, iЗ КaЖ Зhe …КaЕ, aЖ iЖ Вf every man, against every man, a condition of cultural fear, and danger of violent death,

in which the life of man is soliЗaЕМ, ГВВЕ, БaЖЗМ, bЕИЗiЖh aБd ЖhВЕЗ. 207 FВЕ JВhБ LВcke, Зhe ЖЗaЗe Вf БaЗИЕe КaЖ АВЕe ГЕВБe ЗВ КaЕ ЗheБ civil ЖВcieЗМ 208, while fВЕ RВИЖЖeaИ, Зhe ЖЗaЗe Вf БaЗИЕe КaЖ a КВЕld iБ Кhich АaБ lived fВЕ hiЖ ЖeБЖИal pleasures in a state of idleness, guided both by self-prevention and sympathy with ВЗheЕЖ 209.

Lester Salamon calls the partnership among the government and the civil society as a ЗhiЕd ГaЕЗМ gВveЕБАeБЗ 210. On the other hand, Will Kymlicka says that: SiБce libeЕal egaliЗaЕiaБЖ valИe iБdividИal fЕeedom, people must be free to make

different choices about the good life, and be held responsible for the costs of these

choices. But people should not suffer as a result of brute luck about their social position

or place in the natural lottery 211.

205Seligman, A. B; 1992, pg. 25 206Rosenblum, N and Post, R; Civil Society and Government; Princeton University Press; 2002, pg. 130 207Kaldor, M; pg 15: 208Ibid 209Ibid, pg 15 210Rosenblum, N and Post, R; 2002, pg 17 211Kymlicka, W; A Liberal Egalitarian Perspective; in: Rosenblum, N and Post, R; 2002, pg. 79

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When classical libeЕalЖ БВЕАallМ ИЖe Зhe ЗeЕА civil ЖВcieЗМ ЗheМ ЕefeЕ ЗВ aБМЗhiБg bИЗ gВveЕБАeБЗЖ… civil ЖВcieЗМ ЕefeЕЖ ЗВ a clИЖЗeЕ Вf ЗhiБgЖ ЗhaЗ baЕe a faАilМ ЕeЖeАblaБce to one another but shared on common essence, apart from being nongovernmental

forms of assВciaЗiВБ 212.

Another definition that creates the modern way of understanding the civil society,

which Douglass and Friedman in their book Cities for Citizens: planning and the rise of

civil society in a global age offer: Civil ЖВcieЗМ iЖ ЗhaЗ ГaЕЗ Вf ЖВcial life which lies beyond Зhe iААediaЗe Еeach Вf Зhe ЖЗaЗe aБd Кhich … АИЖЗ eЛiЖЗ fВЕ a deАВcЕaЗic ЖЗaЗe ЗВ flower. It is the society of households, family networks, civic and religious organizations

and communities that are bound to one another primarily by shared histories, collective АeАВЕieЖ aБd cИlЗИЕal БВЕАЖ Вf ЕeciГЕВciЗМ 213. TheВЕieЖ Вf deАВcЕaЗiНaЗiВБ Жeek ЗВ ИБdeЕЖЗaБd Зhe facЗВЕЖ ЗhaЗ iБflИeБce ВБ Зhe development and success of the formal property of modern democracy in particular ЖВcieЗieЖ .214 MaБМ КВИld iБclИde Зhe ЕИle Вf laК aГГlied bМ aБ iБdeГeБdeБЗ jИdiciaЕМ and the resistance of human rights. Such theories are increasingly disposed to attribute a ЕВle iБ deАВcЕaЗiНaЗiВБ Вf Зhe civil ЖВcieЗМ 215.

What need to be cared for, because of its imГВЕЗaБce, iЖ Зhe eДИilibЕiИА aАВБg Зhe civil ЖВcieЗМ aБd Зhe ЖЗaЗe . AlЗhВИgh ЖВАe АighЗ ЖaМ ЗhaЗ fВЕ a deАВcЕaЗic ЖЗaЗeЖ ЗheЕe АИЖЗ be only one postulate, the formal democratic elections and constitutions216, still that

could not be the only one, but what is needed is a delicate balance between the society

and the state. Still, cases can be found where the state is more important for the

democratic outcomes, and still it is possible civil society to develop some autonomy and

play a democratizing role even under repressive state. Eastern Europe under

communism provided some famous examples, but that of Turkey is also instructive, for ЗКВ АaiБ ЕeaЖВБЖ: FiЕЖЗ, becaИЖe ЗhiЖ iЖ [TИЕkeМ] a MИЖliА АajВЕiЗМ ЖВcieЗМ iБ Кhich Islamic groups form a considerable part of empirical civil society, and second, because it ЖhВКЖ Зhe difficИlЗieЖ Вf aЗЗeАГЗЖ aЗ ЖВcial eБgiБeeЕiБg iБ civil ЖВcieЗМ 217.

212Ibid, pg 49 213Douglass C. and Friedman J; Cities for Citizens: Planning and the Rise of Civil Society in a Global Age, Chichester Wiley, 1998, pg 2 214Herbert, D; Religion and Civil Society – Rethinking Public Religion in the Contemporary World; Ashgate Publishing Limited; 2004; pg. 63 215Ibid 216 Ibid 217Ibid; pg 64

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It is also very important to recognize and take in mind the role of other parts of the

society, [civil society organizations - CSOs], in the contribution for democratization of

the society.

Stepan and Linz do so in their Comparative study of the conditions of democratic

transition and consolidation in Southern and post-Communist Europe and South America.

They suggest that five factors are critically important for the democratization:

Free and lively civil society,

Stable, uncontested territorial state with an effective bureaucracy,

Rule of law,

Political society and

Economic society.218

At each level of the components mentioned above, Stepan and Linz emphasize that cЕИcial eleАeБЗ iЖ Зhe ГЕeЖeБce Вf iБЖЗiЗИЗiВБЖ available ЗВ gИaЕaБЗee Зhe iБЗegЕiЗМ Вf each ЖГheЕe . )Б ЗhaЗ ЖЗМle, civil ЖВcieЗМ ВЕgaБiНaЗiВБЖ aЖ ВЕgaБiНaЗiВБЖ Вf Зhe fЕee aБd livelМ civil ЖВcieЗМ aЕe efficieБЗ to assure the integrity of the different spheres. They are

also capable of guaranteeing the integrity of the interethnic relations, pivotal for the

democracy in ethnically divided societies as Balkan countries, also concerning Republic

of Macedonia.

This paper will elaborate more profoundly in the following chapters, capabilities of civil

society organizations to promote equality, stability, aspiration and confidence among

ethnic groups, by quality work and effectiveness. Interethnic relations are considerable

factor for stability of modern democracies, and civil society organizations in general can

strength inter ethnicity.

The importance of the civil society organizations and their role in the interethnic

relations can be stressed through examples and theoretical debate further in this paper.

But, first of all it should be clearly interfaced the definition of the civil society

organizations in the upcoming issue.

218Stepan A and Linz J.; Problems of Democratic transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America and Post-Communist Europe; Baltimore and London: John Hopkins University Press, 1996

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Definition of the civil society and civil society organizations

EvideБЗlМ civil ЖВcieЗМ aБd iЗЖ ВЕgaБiНaЗiВБЖ ГlaМ veЕМ effecЗive ЕВle iБ Зhe ГЕВceЖЖ Вf democratization of the society, and political ambiance, but what we need to understand

are the mechanisms of the civil society, especially, the role of the civil society

organizations [CSOs].

In order to understand the mode of the civil society organizations, at first we should

define them. One problem of working with civil society organizations [CSOs] can be seen

in the different meanings of the term. Some civil society organizations represent large,

international non-governmental organizations [NGOs] like: World Vision, CARE, Save

the Children, etc. OЗheЕ civil ЖВcieЗМ ВЕgaБiНaЗiВБЖ cВЕЕeЖГВБd КiЗh ЖАall village - level groups which

may be worthy, but probably do not make a big impacЗ ВБ develВГАeБЗ ГЕВbleАЖ 219.

A lot of variations and diversities are reached when civil society organizations and their

meaning are mention. But in Macedonia [and the region], the terms NGO and CSO also

stood for different meanings. RaЗheЕ ЗhaБ beiБg a subset of the NGO universe, civil society and CSOs becomes the

larger universe, which is divided into NGOs [formal, officially registered bodies] and

non-formal organizations [NFOs, which may be long or short-lived and about well-ВЕgaБiНed] 220.

Having this in mind, one should perceive that in the further use in this paper, term CSOs

mostly will apply to the term NGOs, except if it is not explained. Shortly, the history of

CSOs working in the humanitarian and conflict fields can be traced back to 1807, when

Britain abolished the Slave Trade thus instigating a growth of organized, non-profit

based movements whose mission was to address the plight of slaves, and the existence

of slavery itself. After the Second World War a second generation of NGOs appeared,

whВ, ВfЗeБ Зackled ГЕВbleАЖ ГЕeviВИЖlМ haБdled КiЗh АiЖЖiВБaЕМ ЖВcieЗieЖ 221.

We can understand civil society organizations in the following two complementary

ways:

219AKDN civil society programme and INTRAC, Beyond NGOs; Civil society organisations with development impact; Case studies compiled in June 2007, pg. 4 220Blair, H; Blue, R; Popovski, M; Trajkovski I; Aassessment of the civil society sector in Macedonia; U.S. Agency for International Development / Macedonia, August 28, 2003, pg. 7 221Fitzduff, M; Civil Societies and Peacebuilding- the new Fifth Estate?; 12 February 2004, pg. 2

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1. All ВЕgaБiНaЗiВБal ЖЗЕИcЗИЕeЖ КhВЖe АeАbeЕЖ have ВbjecЗiveЖ aБd responsibilities those are of general interest and who act as mediators among

public authorities and citizens. This definition clearly emphasizes the

associational character of civil society, while also accentuating its

representational role. Civil society would include a variety of organizational

types, including, NGOs, mass movements, cooperatives, professional

associations, cultural and religious groups, trade unions and grassroots cВААИБiЗМ gЕВИГЖ CSOЖ , eЗc 222.

2. A ЖГace fВЕ vieКЖ, ГВlicieЖ aБd acЗiВБ ЖИГГВЕЗive Вf alЗeЕБaЗiveЖ ЗВ Зhose

promoted by government and the private sector. This definition places the

emphasis social inclusion, social and political pluralism and the rights of eЛГЕeЖЖiВБ ЕedevelВГiБg a ГaЕЗiciГaЗВЕМ deАВcЕacМ 223.

An argument about the CSOs and their role in the policy making process it is certain that

CSOs, as we perceive them today, are recent phenomena of our contemporary world, in Зhe develВГed ВЕ iБ Зhe develВГiБg cВИБЗЕieЖ. WheЗheЕ gВveЕБАeБЗЖ like ВЕ diЖlike NGOs, the organizations cannot be washed away. Thence, we will have to live with NGOЖ, eveБ if Кe caББВЗ lВve ЗheА. 224

NGOs and their role in the well-established democratic societies are not a conditio sine

qua non, but they are relevant domain in the society in a broader context.

Moreover very common role of the CSOs is supplementary, due to represent an

important part of the society. If we certify that society, as a state form, compounds of ЗhЕee ЖegАeБЗЖ: БaЗiВБ, ГВliЗical ЖМЖЗeА aБd Зhe ЕeЖЗЖ aЕe ЖЗЕИcЗИЕeЖ aБd ВЕgaБiНaЗiВБЖ without modern society can lose its identity, then the CSOs in this third segment have a ЕВle Вf ГЕВАВЗiБg, cВББecЗiБg aБd ЖАВВЗheБiБg Зhe ЖВcial ГheБВАeБВБ 225.

If we examine the role of the CSOs in the civil society, we can find that there are four

important sectors where the prejudice about CSOs in a democratic society is desirable: The fiЕЖЗ ВБe iЖ Зhe aЕea Вf aЕЗicИlaЗiВБ aБd ВГeБiБg Вf iАГВЕЗaБЗ iЖЖИeЖ iБ Зhe ЖВcieЗМ aБd ЗheiЕ ГЕВАВЗiВБ .226 This area is the broadest by its meaning, and has an

222Sterland B and Rizova G; Civil ЖВcieЗМ ВЕgaБiНaЗiВБЖ’ caГaciЗieЖ iБ Зhe КeЖЗeЕБ BalkaБЖ aБd TИЕkeМ; pg. 3 223Ibid 224Agam, H; Working With NGOs: A Developing World Perspective; 13 Colo. J. Int'l Envtl. L. & Pol'y 39; 2002, pg. 2 225Atanasov, P; The Role of Non—GovernmentalOrganizations, Macedonia10 Years after: Elements for Multi-Ethnic security doctrine;pg. 173 226Ibid

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exceptionally important role. In this area the role of the media as a factor of promotion iЖ ЖigБificaБЗ, aЖ Кell aЖ edИcaЗiВБ Вf Зhe ГИblic fВЕ cЕИcial iЖЖИeЖ. (eЕe Зhe ГИblic iЖ БВЗ considered just as people, but all relevant factors in the state as well. The opening of the

topics and speaking about them by itself represents a first step toward their ЖВlИЗiВБ 227. The ЖecВБd aЕea iЖ Зhe ГЕeЖЖИЕe ЗhaЗ Зhe NGOЖ caБ ГИЗ ВБ Зhe facЗВЕЖ iБ Зhe ЖЗaЗe 228,

the political one, first. Here comes across an action and function that literally means acЗiВБ. The ГЕeЖЖИЕe Кhich caБ be Аade, АaМ be caЗegВЕiНed iБЗВ ЗКВ fВЕАЖ, big pressure which means protests, marches, rallies, boycott, again large media support;

and, small pressure, mailing protest letters, faxes, e-mails, showing transparencies,

blВckiБg Зhe eБЗЕaБceЖ Вf ГИblic iБЖЗiЗИЗiВБЖ, eЗc 229. The ЗhiЕd aЕea iЖ ЗЕaБЖГaЕeБcМ Вf kБВКledge, deeГeЕ elabВЕaЗiВБ bМ eАiБeБЗ ЕeГЕeЖeБЗaЗiveЖ Вf Зhe ЖВcieЗМ iБ diffeЕeБЗ iЖЖИeЖ Вf gЕeaЗ iАГВЕЗaБce .230 This area cВБceЕБЖ Зhe CSOЖ ЗhaЗ deal КiЗh ceЕЗaiБ iЖЖИeЖ ЗhaЗ ЖhВИld be Жaid ВБ aБ acadeАic level or scientifically based, with a possibility for public presentation of knowledge,

ideas and experiences about the real problems in the country as a direction for solving ЖВАe Вf ЗheА 231. The fВИЕЗh aЕea iЖ Зhe ЖecЗВЕ КheЕe aЖЖiЖЗaБce iЖ giveБ ЗВ iБdividИalЖ, gЕВИГЖ, aЖ Кell aЖ КhВle ЕegiВБЖ . ThiЖ aЕea ИЖИallМ iБclИdeЖ Зhe acЗiviЗieЖ Вf Зhe hИАaБiЗaЕiaБ organizations, which offer assistance in clothing, food, accommodation, health

protection, etc. In this area the activity is mainly directed toward giving one time or

several times material assistance, but here are also the NGOs that have a SOS telephone

lines, that offer protection to discriminated persons on different grounds, that offer

assistance in areas that have suffered natural disasters, but also help in the area of eБviЕВБАeБЗ ГЕВЗecЗiВБ 232.

Generally speaking, civil society organizations, as institutions of the civil society are in ЖВАe КaМ ЖИcceЖЖВЕЖ Вf Зhe ЖВcial АВveАeБЗЖ, MaЕМ CaldВЕ ЖaМЖ iБ heЕ bВВk Global

Civil Society: An answer to war. Civil society organizations as a modern type of

227Ibid, pg 174 228Ibid 229Ibid, pg 174 230Ibid 231Ibid, pg 175 232Ibid

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ВЕgaБiНaЗiВБЖ Вf Зhe civil ЖВcieЗМ aЕe iБЖЗiЗИЗiВБal aБd geБeЕallМ ГЕВfeЖЖiВБal .233 Surely,

civil society organizations as professional and institutional bodies of the civil society

working with in a constitutional framework represent important factor in a deeply

divided ethnic societies. But, the role of the CSOs in profoundly disaffected democracies

will be stressed further in this chapter.

CSOs and their role in ethnically divided democratic societies

The ЕВle Вf Зhe CSOЖ aЖ a ЗhiЕd ЖecЗВЕ aЖ iЗ КaЖ АeБЗiВБed befВЕe, caБ cВveЕ diffeЕeБЗ issues, areas of work, and always depend on the strength of the CSO to bring changes in Зhe ЖВcieЗМ, bМ lВbbiБg aЗ Зhe fЕВБЗ dВВЕ Вffice Вf Зhe gВveЕБАeБЗ ВЕ ВЗheЕ iБЖЗiЗИЗiВБЖ, or by other means also mentioned before.

Specifically in Southeast Europe as a region, and more specific, for Republic of

Macedonia, the role of the CSOs and their work in the deeply divided societies, is that

CSOs manage to work, with measures that influence on the [de-]stabilization of the

situation etc. The first of all should be emphasized the phenomenon of the CSOs and

their role in the deeply divided societies. Policy determent on ethnicity issues continues

to dominate political discourse and institutions in the post-conflict regions, also

referring Balkans. DeГeБdiБg ВБ eЛЗeЕБal iБЗeЕveБЗiВБ aБd blВcked ВЕ delaМed ГВliЗical aБd ecВБВАic development, including the process of integration in to European and Euro - Atlantic

structures. Very often it is argued for a more dynamic and process oriented approach to

accommodate ever-chaБgiБg iБЗeЕeЗhБic ЕelaЗiВБЖ 234.

We must not forget the catastrophes in Yugoslavia and elsewhere, as well as the

realization that it may be easier to stipulate with conflicts at the earliest stage that has

led to developing consensus on the importance of conflict prevention in the United

Nations and between frequent (trans-) governmental and non - governmental

organizations.

Edwin Bakker in his paper Early Warning by NGOs in conflict areas defines these

relevant institutions, groups and organizations that can be (a combination of):

233 Kaldor, M; pg 86 234Ibid

-- јј IIIIII


. The ГЕВЖГecЗive vicЗiАЖ aБd gЕВИГЖ aЗ risk;

2. The perpetrators (in order to deter them);

3. Trans-governmental organizations, such as the Organization for Security and Co-

operation in Europe and NATO, as well as United Nations agencies;

4. Governments of nearby/neighboring countries willing/able to provide good offices;

5. The secretary-general and Security Council of the United Nations;

6. Non-governmental organizations concerned with relief.

7. The mass media and public; . EАiБeБЗ ГeЕЖВБЖ КhВ caБ leБd cЕedeБce ЗВ Зhe eaЕlМ КaЕБiБg 235

If we omit other organizations mentioned above, and focus only to the non-

governmental organizations, that can be useful in the deeply divided societies and that

can prevent conflicts, we must agree that NВБ- governmental organizations are now seen as essential partners of the United

Nations, not only in mobilizing public opinion, but also in the process of deliberation

and policy formulation and - even more important - in the execution of policies, in work ВБ Зhe gЕВИБd 236.

It is not only the UN, however, that has perceived the capacity of CSOs to assist

international institutions in delivering on their objectives. The WВЕld BaБk RecВgБiНeЕ Зhe Бeed fВЕ eБgageАeБЗ 237 with the CSOs. BЕieflМ ЗheЖe dВАeЖЗic ВЕ iБЗeЕБaЗiВБal CSOЖ АaМ АВБiЗВЕ cВБflicЗЖ aБd Гrovide insight

into particular conflict, convene the adverse parties by providing neutral forum and/or Гave Зhe КaМ fВЕ АediaЗiВБ. 238 TheМ alЖВ АaМ caЕЕМ ВИЗ edИcaЗiВБ aБd ЗЕaiБiБg fВЕ conflict resolution, building an indigenous capacity of coping with ongoing conflicts and helГ ЗВ ЖЗЕeБgЗheБ iБЖЗiЗИЗiВБЖ fВЕ cВБflicЗ ЕeЖВlИЗiВБ 239 OveЕ ЗhiЕЗМ cВИБЗЕieЖ aЕe cИЕЕeБЗlМ eАbЕВiled iБ viВleБЗ cВБflicЗ .240 At same time cВИБЗЕieЖ iБ Зhe Middle EaЖЗ aБd NВЕЗh AfЕica eЛГeЕieБciБg КideЖГЕead ИГheaval ЗhЕВИgh ciЗiНeБ acЗiВБ have jВiБed ЗhiЖ gЕВИГ Вf cВБflicЗ ЖЗaЗeЖ 241.

235Bakker, E; Early Warning by NGOs in conflict areas; pg. 3 236Fitzduff, M; 2004, pg. 4 237Ibid 238Ibid 239Bakker, E; pg 7 240See: Uppsala Conflict Data Program data base, http://www.pcr.uu.se/research/ucdp/database/ 241Poskitt, A and Dufranc M; Civil Society Organisations in Situations of Conflict; CIVICUS:April 2011, pg 6

-- јј IIIIII


Nevertheless the decreasing of the space for CSOs to behave and less opportunities to

participate in governance procedures are major challenge for CSOs working in

situations of conflict in deeply divided societies.

With insufficient feasibility of influence on government policies, and achievement of

social changes, due to either the circumstances of the conflict or being deliberately ЗaЕgeЗed, Зhe effecЗiveБeЖЖ Вf CSOЖ caБ be ЖigБificaБЗlМ cВАГЕВАiЖed. LiАiЗed fЕeedВА of expression, restrictive legislation and divided society, all present challenges to the

legitimacy of CSOs and their ability to wВЕk iБ БeЗКВЕkЖ 242. But are CSOs always КelcВАed bМ Зhe ЖЗaЗeЖ aБd gВveЕБАeБЗЖ iБ Зhe cВБflicЗ НВБeЖ aБd divided ЖВcieЗieЖ?! The criticism of many CSOs by the varying UN peacekeeping forces in particular is also

legendary, resulting in CSO proliferation, not always being welcomed by all sections of

the UN and other international CSOs. Their complexity, freedom and numbers often ceЕЗifМ ЕealiЗМ diЖcВБceЕЗed ЗВ Зhe deЖiЕe Вf ГeacekeeГiБg ВЕgaБiНaЗiВБЖ Кhich develВГ collective and strategic approaches to the resolution of conflict and post-conflict ГЕВbleАЖ 243. The most ordinary method that government uses to limit the activities of

the CSOs refers to introduction of restrictive legislation. Examples of these represent

variable anti-terror laws, complex registration processes, limits on access and

publication of information, restrictions of right for peaceful assembly and limits on

funding sources. A civil society organization representative from Northern Uganda says ЗhaЗ GВveЕБАeБЗЖ ЗeБd ЗВ dicЗaЗe ВБ КhaЗ civil society should do and sometimes they face clВЖИЕe if ЗheМ dВ БВЗ abide bМ Зhe deАaБdЖ Вf Зhe gВveЕБАeБЗ 244. Commentary

indicates that the most national CSOs which work in countries that have political

conflict had experienced greater government regulation. It appears that greater

regulation can be found in post-conflict and fragile situations:

242Ibid, pg. 4 243Fitzduff, M; 2004, pg 7 244Poskitt A and Dufranc M; 2011, pg 8.

-- јј IIIIII


Graph No.1: The impact of conflict on government regulation of civil society organizations

Source: Poskitt Adele and DufrancMathilde; Civil Society Organisations inSituations of Conflict; CIVICUS:

World Alliance for Citizen Participation; April 2011, pg 9

Despite the criticisms leveled by ЖВАe CSO Ж, Кhich aЕe ЖeeБ aЖ ЖigБ Вf АaЗИЕiЗМ aБd increasing power in the field, their involvement in assistance in conflict prevention and

management is likely to continue and even expand. They increasingly prove themselves

as indispensable players in many situations where governmental processes have proved

to be either too self interested, or possessed of instruments such as economic or

military power that is often too extreme for the sensitivities of conflict necessities. In

particular, they prove themselves to be important in actual, and potential activities in

the following areas of conflict prevention and management:

NGO Ж caБ acЗ aЖ )БdeГeБdeБЗ MВБiЗВЕЖ aБd КaЗchdВgЖ. NGO Ж caБ iБcЕeaЖe Зhe cВБЖЗiЗИeБcieЖ fВЕ Гeace.

NGO Ж caБ be cЕeaЗive iБ ЕefВЕАiБg conflict problems

NGO Ж caБ be ИЖefИl advВcaЗeЖ fВЕ jИЖЗice aБd hИАaБ ЕighЗЖ

NGO Ж caБ aЖЖiЖЗ dialВg beЗКeeБ ГВliЗiciaБЖ

NGO Ж caБ bЕiБg bИЖiБeЖЖ leveЕage ЗВ baЕe ВБ a cВБflicЗ

NGO Ж caБ helГ ИЖe Зhe ГВКeЕ of the media

NGO Ж caБ helГ bМ addЕeЖЖiБg iЖЖИeЖ of safety and security245

245Ibid, pg. 8 -13

-- јј IIIIII


Consequently the comparison of the advantages of non-governmental organizations

above, evidently neither CSOs nor state actors can be considered to be ultimately best

suited for issue of early warnings. Both, CSOs and state actors, are confronted with

specific and common difficulties and challenges. But still if we analyze the capability and

the challenges that CSOs see for their organization, during the situation of conflict, in a ЖИЕveМ iБ Аade bМ C)V)CUS, % Вf ЕeЖГВБdeБЗЖ eАГhaЖiНed Зhe ЖecИЕiЗМ ЕiЖk, whereas only 21% and 24% respectively noted that a lack of knowledge and lack of

sМЖЗeА КaЖ a ЖigБificaБЗ challeБge 246 , the responses can be seen illustrated in the

graph below.

Graph No 2: Main accountability challenges for CSOs during conflict

Source: Poskitt Adele and Dufranc Mathilde; Civil Society Organisations inSituations of Conflict; CIVICUS:

World Alliance for Citizen Participation; April 2011, pg. 11

All iБ all, cВБclИЖiВБ caБ be Аade, ЗhaЗ CSO Ж aЕe fiЕАlМ bВИБd КiЗh Зhe civil ЖВcieЗМ aБd look likely to significant increase in growth, outreach, and funding over the coming

decades. Increasingly they are becoming more professional and more policy oriented in

their approach. They have begun to develop significant partnerships at both the policy

and the funding levels with the UN and other CSOs over the last decade. They have also

developed significant expertise in many of the tools necessary to prevent and manage cВБflicЗ. AlВБg КiЗh ЗheiЕ КВЕk, cВБЗiБИal effecЗiveБeЖЖ ЖhВИld be ЖВВБ ГeЕceГЗible, ЗheМ 246Poskitt A and Dufranc M; 2011, pg. 10

-- јј IIIIII


will need to ensure they have an increasing influence at governmental, national and

international players, how can ensure that the lessons that CSOs are learning, are

constructive mainstream in to governments and societies in all levels. 247

Role of the CSOs in a conflict resolutions and peace building

There is no international actor that can takes single-handed the weight of management

in post-conflictpeace-bИildiБg. TheЕe iЖ a cleaЕ lack Вf defiБiЗiВБ ЕegaЕdiБg КhВА, within the international community, should lead the coordination of post conflict ЕehabiliЗaЗiВБ aid 248. Among the various actors that participate in these processes,

non-governmental organizations [NGOs], fulfill a central role in terms of establishment

and maintain essential service, assisting the refugees and internally displaced

population and help in strengthen societies. CSO sector gain important part in the

framework of official aid of the society sector.

Graph No.3: Synthesis conflict transformation cycle diagram Source: Veronique Dudouet – SИЕviviБg Зhe Гeace, ChalleБgeЖ Вf КaЕ-to-peace transitions

fВЕ civil ЖВcieЗМ ВЕgaБiНaЗiВБЖ

247Fitzduff M; 2004, pg. 14 248Andy, C; Conflict Resolution: A role for international NGOs, pg 1

-- јј IIIIII


The explosion of inter-state conflicts have become more complicated, and hИАaБiЗaЕiaБ АaБdaЗe Вf ЖИch ageБcieЖ haЖ eЛГaБded beМВБd eАeЕgeБcМ Еelief interventions. Some agencies now insist, not only that they must do something to

relieve the effects of armed conflicts, but that they must also respond to the conflict

itself. It is a veЕМ iБЗeЕeЖЗiБg facЗ ЗhaЗ BЕiЗaiБ iЖ hВАe fВЕ a gЕВКiБg БИАbeЕ Вf diveЕЖe International non - governmental organizations [INGOs] specializing in conflict ЕeЖВlИЗiВБ aБd ГЕeveБЗiВБ 249.

When we debate about the CSOs, and their mechanism of intervention in conflict

societies, the most appropriate will be ЗВ ДИВЗe: WheБ Зhe ВБlМ ЗВВl iБ МВИЕ ЗВВlbВЛ iЖ a hammer - all ГЕВbleАЖ ЖЗaЕЗ ЗВ lВВk like a Бail. 250 This opinion characterizes many

CSOs iБЗeЕveБЗiВБЖ iБ cВБflicЗ, iБ ВЗheЕ КВЕdЖ, Кe dВ КhaЗ Кe caБ Кhich iЖ БВЗ necessarily what is the most needed to be done. The conflict transformation theory, has

produced several models depicting intra-state and international conflicts as passing

through a series of linear chronological phases. In a recent publication models (graph

No.3) and their limits before elaborating a synthesis conflict transformation cycle

diagram with eight main stages:

peaceful social change,

latent conflict,

nonviolent confrontation,

violent confrontation,

conflict mitigation,

conflict settlement,

(negative) peace implementation, and

(positive) peace consolidation251

At the beginning of the twenty-fiЕЖЗ ceБЗИЕМ, БeaЕlМ cВИБЗЕieЖ aЕe iБ cВБflicЗ ВЕ have ЕeceБЗlМ cВАe ВИЗ Вf cВБflicЗ 252 , and, usually, countries are poor and undeveloped. SЗaЗeЖ fail КheБ ЗheМ caББВЗ ГЕВvide ГВliЗical gВВdЖ ЗВ ЗheiЕ ЖВcieЗМ aБd lВВЖe legiЗiАacМ iБ Зhe face Вf ЗheiЕ ciЗiНeБЖ 253. Among the distinct actors that participate in

these processes, we can also say that CSOs play colossal role and maintain essential

249Ibid 250Ibid 251Ibid, pg 20 252Peinado, M; The role of NGOs and the civil society in peace and reconciliation processes; Centro de Investigación para la Paz Madrid Spain, pg. 4 253Ibid

-- јј IIIIII


services, assist in refugee and internally displaced population and help to strength the ЖВcieЗieЖ. The CSO ЖecЗВЕ iЖ gaiБiБg iАГВЕЗaБce iБ Зhe fЕaАeКВЕk Вf Вfficial aid. 254

All in all, the influence role that CSOs play in the crisis regions, where peace building is

expected, sometimes results with risks that CSOs can cause by their work. Some risks of

the actions of the CSOs that work on a pace building can be seen in the work of the

CSOs publicity, and implicate impressions that are doing something, which in many

occasions can be quite effective, but not guaranteed .255 And along with what is even

more important, there is a risk of the work of the CSOs, that frees the public authorities

of their responsibilities! 256. In certain contexts, CSOs are presuming tasks and provide

services that are governmental responsibility. Another important problem, that can be

mentioned, is large number of CSOs that appear in the field, some of them do not have

any experieБce. OБ Зhe ВЗheЕ haБd, ЗheЕe iЖ Зhe ЕiЖk ЗhaЗ Зhe dВБВЕЖ ГЕВvide fИБdЖ ЗВ Зhe CSOЖ ЖВ ЗhaЗ ЗheМ ЖiАГlМ КВЕk aЖ iАГleАeБЗeЕЖ Вf ГЕВjecЗЖ 257 . With CSOs, many of

them were founded out of an emergency context, and faced huge problems. Amongst

them one could be mention: Lack Вf АeaБЖ ЗВ acЗ aБd ИЗЗeЕ deГeБdeБce ВБ eЛЗeЕБal fiБaБcial ЕeЖВИЕceЖ; lack Вf qualified human resources; vulnerability to governmental pressures; deficient level of

articulation among themselves and with international networks. All these factors make iЗ haЕd ЗВ cЕeaЗe a civil ЖВcieЗМ Ж ageБda fВЕ ЗheiЕ cВИБЗЕМ Ж fИЗИЕe. BИЗ Зhe CSOЖ/NGOЖ play a crucial role in raising public awareness and prompting action for the promotion Вf ceЕЗaiБ valИeЖ, ideaЖ aБd acЗiВБЖ 258.

Ordinarily speaking, CSO need to explain the themes they work on, and the activities

they pursue to the society, public authorities and other social sectors. The information

they produce are instrumental and their purpose should be improvement of the

people's live quality, and the quality of the civil society. In the future, it is worth to develВГ NGOЖ aБd Зhe civil ЖВcieЗМ Ж caГaciЗМ Вf elabВЕaЗe aБd diЖЖeАiБaЗe ЗheiЕ АeЖЖageЖ aБd ГЕiВЕiЗieЖ, aЖ Кell aЖ Зhe Аedia Ж caГaciЗМ Вf cВБveМ diffeЕeБЗ ГeЕЖГecЗives

from the dominant discourse, alongside the priorities of the different groups in the civil ЖВcieЗМ 259.

254Ibid 255Ibid, pg 6 256 Ibid 257Ibid 258Ibid, pg 8 259Ibid

-- јј IIIIII


CONCLUSION

Central issue of this paper has the role that CSOs [in a narrow understanding], have in

the interethnic societies, and how they can organize and influence on the policy in the

interethnic democracies, or even how far they can go in their influence on the peace

making process. Dominantly, it was presented the cooperation among the United

Nations and the CSOs in a way that peace building is not only in the interest of the

traditional Governmental Institution, as UN or other organizations, but the process of

peace building can be even more successful if CSOs from local, national or even

International level, are willing to take part in the process of peace building.

What is important for the CSOs and their work in the process of peace building is the

important role of the donors that are willing to ensure financial support for CSOs that

would like positively to influence in the interethnic societies, by projects that in the

same time can be very expensive.

Nevertheless, what should be underlined is the importance of CSOs and their role in

interethnic societies.

-- јј IIIIII


BBIIBBLLIIOOGGRRAAPPHHYY

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, Ѓ; – ; 1994

-- јј IIIIII


-- јј IIIIII


-- јј ЈЈ

„„ЈЈ јј ,,

„„ .. КК јј ,, јј ,,

јј

1.02 ј

К . 327.7-027.21

ЌЌ ЊЊ ЈЈ

ЈЈ

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

The ideal of constructing "a self-organizing community of free and equal citizens,"

Habermas turn it into reality through the face of what he calls 'deliberative democracy'.

His enormous efforts for popularization of procedural democracy in which exist two -

way relationship: on one hand, government who must respect the rights and freedoms

of its citizens, and on the other, citizens must obey government legitimacy, remained

indomitable, despite the tensions that this theory provoked between republican and

liberal tradition. In such a circumstances, a new question arises: Can deliberative

democracy be an alternative between these two conflicting traditions?

KEY WORDS: deliberative democracy, deliberative (public) sphere, procedural

democracy, structural transformacyof the public sphere.

-- јј IIIIII


ј ј ј ј ј ј . ј ќ , ј Ј Џ , ј . ј ј ј , ј ј ј ј ѓ . ј ј ј . . ј , ќ ј ќ : , ј ; , ј ј ѓ - . : ј ѓ ј , ; ј ѓ ѓ , ј , ј ј é ј , . ј ј ј ќ , ќ ј ќ .

-- јј IIIIII


ј

ј , . , ј ј , ј Ј ј ј ј . ј ќ ј ѓ ј ј ј ј - ј ј . Ј ј ќ . ј ј , ј . . , ј , јќ . , ј . ј , . , ј ј , ј ј , , ј , . ј ќ

-- јј IIIIII


ј ј ѓ ј . ј , ј ќ , ј ѓ . . ј ѓ ј ? , ј ј ј ќ ј , - ? . ј ј ј , ј . ј , . . ѓ ѓ , ј ј ј ј ѓ . , . , ј . ј ј :

-- јј IIIIII


ј ј ј ј ќ - : 1) ј ј ј ј ј ; 2) ј ј ј , ; ј јќ , ј ј , ј ј . ј ѓ , ј ѓ . : ј , ј ? , ? , ј ј . ј .260 . , ј , ј Ј ј . , ќ . ј ј . , ј , , ј . ј ј .

260 Jürgen Habermas, Drei normative Modelle der Demokratie, in Die Einbeziehung des Anderen. ( Suhrkamp1996) 277

-- јј IIIIII


, , ., ј ј . - ј . ј ј ѓ , . ј ј , ќ , ќ , , , ј , : ј - ј , , ј . 261

ј

ј ј , . ј , ј ј ј . 262 ј ј ј , ј ј , . 263 ѓ ќ ј , , јќ ј ќ 261 Michel Rosenfeld and Andrew Arato , Habermas on Law and Democracy: Critical Exchanges. ( University of California Press 1998) 305 262 Ј“ЕgeБ Habermas, Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit (VI The Transformation of the Public Sphere's Political Function). FRD: Luchterhand (Verlag, Darrnstadt and Neuwie 1962) 222 263 JВhБ SiЗЗВБ , The liАiЗaЗiВБЖ Вf (abeЕАaЖ Ж ЖВcial aБd ГВliЗical aЕgИАeБЗ, iБ (abeЕАaЖ aБd contemporary society. ( Palgrave 2003) 121-140

-- јј IIIIII


, ј ј . ј ќ , ќ ј ќ ј ј , , . 264 , : ј 265, ј ј ј . , ј ј ѓ , . Ј ј , ј ј , јќ ј , ј ќ. ј 266, . ј ј , ј , јќ . ј . ј ј ј ј ј . 267 ј ј , ј 264 Hercules Bantas, Jürgen Habermas and deliberative democracy Australia: (The Reluctant Geek 2010) 4 265 Jürgen Habermas, Faktizität und Geltung (Suhrkamp Verlag GmbH und Co. KG 1992) 359 266 JВЕge AdЕiaБВ LИbeБВК, PИblic SГheЕe aБd delibeЕaЗive deАВcЕacМ iБ J“ЕgeБ (abeЕАaЖ : TheВЕeЗical Model and CЕiЗical DiЖcВИЕЖeЖ iБ AАeЕicaБ JВИЕБal Вf SВciВlВgical ReЖeaЕch, [ ] -71 (DOI: 10.5923/j.sociology.20120204.02) 267 Jürgen Habermas , Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns. (Suhrkamp Verlag GmbH und Co. KG 1981) 140-141

-- јј IIIIII


ј ј ј ј ј . . ј ј Ј , ќ ј : , ѓ ј ј . ј , ѓ ј , ѓ , ј ј . , ѓ ј , ќ , ѓ ј ј . ј ј , ј ј ј . .

, јќ ј ѓ ј .268 ј ј , ј ј ќ , ѓ ѓ . .

268 Jürgen Habermas, Political Communication in media society: Does democracy still enjoy an epistemic dimension? The impact of normative theory on empirical research. ( Johann-Wolfgang Goethe Universitat Frankfurt 2006) 26.

-- јј IIIIII


ј ј ј ј ј ј Ј . ј ј ј : - ѓ ? ј ? ј ј ? ќ . ј , , , , . , ј ј Ј ? ј ј ј - ѓ ј . ј ј . Џ , ј ј :

1) ќ ј ; ј ; ј ; ј

-- јј IIIIII


; ј ј ј .269 ј ѓ . ј ј ѓ ј , јќ , ќ . , ѓ , јќ . ј Џ ј . ј . ј ј , é ј џ . ј ј , . 270 ј , ј . ј , . ќ , . , ќ , . ј , , , ј . 269 Maeve CВВke. Five aЕgИАeБЗЖ fВЕ delibeЕaЗive deАВcЕacМ iБ DeГaЕЗАeБЗ Вf PВliЗical SЗИdieЖ, University College Dublin, , [2000] vol. 48, 947–969. 270 Charles Taylor. Cross Purposes: The Liberal-Communitarian Debate: Liberalism and the Moral Life, (edited by N. Rosenblum, Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press 1989).

-- јј IIIIII


ј . , ј . , ј ј ј . ј ј ј ј - ј . ј , , , . , ; ј ј ј ј ј ; ј ј , ј ј ј ; . ј . ј . . ј , ј , ј ќ ј .

-- јј IIIIII


, ќ ј ј ј .

ј

ќ ј јќ ј ? . ј ј ј ј , ќ , , . 271 ј ѓ , ј. , ј ј Ј ј . ј ќ : , , ј . ј ј ј ј , ј ј . ј ј . ј , ј . 271 Jürgen Habermas. Faktizität und Geltung. (Suhrkamp Verlag GmbH und Co. KG,1992) 349.

-- јј IIIIII


ѓ ? , ѓ , ? . , ј , ј , ѓ . , é ѓ ј . ј .

-- јј IIIIII


ќ ј ј , ј . , . , ј ј ј ј . , ј . ј . ј ј ј ј ј , јќ , , , , . ѓ , ѓ é ј , ј . ј, ј ј , : ј , ѓ , , ј .

-- јј IIIIII


Jürgen Habermas, Drei normative Modelle der Demokratie, in Die Einbeziehung des Anderen. ( Suhrkamp1996)

MICHEL ROSENFELD AND ANDREW ARATO , HABERMAS ON LAW AND DEMOCRACY: CRITICAL EXCHANGES. ( UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS 1998)

ЈÜRGEN HABERMAS, STRUKTURWANDEL DER ÖFFENTLICHKEIT (VI THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE PUBLIC SPHERE'S POLITICAL FUNCTION). FRD: LUCHTERHAND (VERLAG, DARRNSTADT AND NEUWIE 1962)

John Sitton , The liАiЗaЗiВБЖ Вf (abeЕАaЖ’Ж ЖВcial aБd ГВliЗical aЕgИАeБЗ, in Habermas and contemporary society. ( Palgrave 2003)

Hercules Bantas, Jürgen Habermas and deliberative democracy Australia: (The Reluctant Geek 2010)

Jürgen Habermas, Faktizität und Geltung (Suhrkamp Verlag GmbH und Co. KG 1992)

JВЕge AdЕiaБВ LИbeБВК, PИblic Sphere and deliberative democracy in Jürgen Habermas : Theoretical Model and CЕiЗical DiЖcВИЕЖeЖ iБ AАeЕicaБ JВИЕБal Вf Sociological Research, [2012] (DOI: 10.5923/j.sociology.20120204.02)

Jürgen Habermas , Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns. (Suhrkamp Verlag GmbH und Co. KG 1981)

Jürgen Habermas, Political Communication in media society: Does democracy still enjoy an epistemic dimension? The impact of normative theory on empirical research. ( Johann-Wolfgang Goethe Universitat Frankfurt 2006)

Maeve CВВke. Five aЕgИАeБЗЖ fВЕ delibeЕaЗive deАВcЕacМ iБ DeГaЕЗАeБЗ Вf Political Studies, University College Dublin, , [2000] vol. 48,

Charles Taylor. Cross Purposes: The Liberal-Communitarian Debate: Liberalism and the Moral Life, (edited by N. Rosenblum, Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press 1989)

Jürgen Habermas. Faktizität und Geltung. (Suhrkamp Verlag GmbH und Co. KG,1992)

-- јј IIIIII


-- јј IIIIII


DDrraaggaann AALLCCHHIINNOOVV,, MM..SScc..




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This paper analyzes a draft amendment to the Constitution of the Republic of

Macedonia which introduces the constitutional complaint as legal remedy for the

protection of human and civil rights. The main theses of the paper is that the draft

amendment should contain all the rights and freedoms guaranteed with the European

Convention of Human Rights and that a new regulation needs to be adopted with the

purpose to prepare the Constitutional Court for the enlarged jurisdiction. We compare

the experiences from the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Slovenia- both

neighboring and post-Yugoslavian states which have already introduced the

constitutional complaint in their legal systems. By observing their examples we come to

conclusions which support the thesis of the paper- namely, we learn that both states

give protection to all the rights and freedoms (and not just to a closed list) and in

practice both had (or in the case of Serbia- still have) problems with the high number of

complaints lodged in front of the Constitutional Courts. Therefore, we offer a solution-

by following the positive example of Slovenia we propose to adopt regulation

concerning the subject of the complaint and the organization of the Court. If the thesis of

this paper be applied we believe that the Constitutional Court of the Republic of

Macedonia shall become a real defender of the human and civil rights and freedoms and

shall overcome the practical problems which shall inevitably become reality.

KKEEYY WWOORRDDSS:: Constitutional Complaint, Constitutional Courts, Amendments,

Comparative Constitutional Law

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Introduction

On the 27th of June 2014 the Government of the Republic of Macedonia

announced an initiative for amending the Constitution. This initiative was submitted to

the Parliament on the 1st of July, and on the 16th of July the Parliament with two-thirds

majority of the MPs decided to start the process of constitutional changes. The initiative iЖ cВБЖiЖЗed Вf dЕafЗ aАeБdАeБЗЖ Кhich accВЕdiБg ЗВ Зhe GВveЕБАeБЗ Ж ЖЗaЗeАeБЗ should bring new quality, more precise regulation, economic enhancement and setting

which are higher criteria for the functioning of the whole system. Namely, the following

changes are proposed: defining marriage as a community between a man and a woman;

establishment and organization of international financial zone; change of the name of Зhe ceБЗЕal baБk fЕВА Зhe NaЗiВБal BaБk Вf Зhe ReГИblic Вf MacedВБia ЗВ Зhe BaБk Вf Зhe ReГИblic Вf MacedВБia ; iБЗЕВdИcЗiВБ Вf Зhe SЗaЗe AИdiЗ Office aЖ a cВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБal category; defining the fiscal rules considering the budget deficit and the public debt;

change of the composition of the Judicial Council; and the introduction of the

constitutional complaint.

This paper will focus on the last proposed amendment which introduces the

constitutional complaint. In this research we shall see how this institute is defined and

afterwards we shall observe the draft amendment. Thus we shall compare the definition

of the constitutional complaint in the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Slovenia.

The comparative practices of these two countries and the Opinion of the Venice

Commission on the proposed amendments will help in more precise regulation of this

new institute in the legal system of the Republic of Macedonia.

The basic thesis of this paper is compiled from two parts: (1) The draft

amendment should include all the rights from the European Convention of Human

Rights (ECHR) and therefore all guaranteed rights should be subject of the

constitutional complaint; (2) New regulation will be adopted which is going to regulate

the procedure of the constitutional complaint in front of the Constitutional Court and

this should serve as a preparation of the Court so that the anticipated problems will be

-- јј IIIIII


overcome. Namely, I suggest that instead of the closed list of freedoms and rights (as

proposed in the draft amendment) to introduce protection of the human and civil

freedoms and rights as guaranteed by the ECHR. Afterwards, it is necessary to adopt

changes in the Rules of Procedure of the Constitutional Court (or to adopt a Law on the

Constitutional Court) which will regulate the procedure concerning the constitutional

complaint. We should also ask the question for changes in the organization, work and

constitution of the Court in order to make this more effective in the conditions of

enlarged jurisdiction. Is the Court going to be prepared to meet all the raised

constitutional complaints (we can assume quite large number of lodged complaints if

we have into account the inefficiency of the judicial system)? The analysis of the

mentioned countries show certain problems in the practice which are inevitably going

to occur in the legal system of the Republic of Macedonia. This paper offers normative

solutions which if applied are going to help the Constitutional Court to become real

defender of the human rights and freedoms and the anticipated problems are going to

be overcome.

First, we shall begin with the definition of the constitutional complaint of

institution and the importance of the same in the legal systems. Further, the paper is

divided into three parts therefore every part corresponds to a part of the thesis. In the chaГЗeЕ SИbjecЗ Вf Зhe CВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБal CВАГlaiБЗ aЗ Зhe begiББiБg Зhe ЖИbjecЗ Вf Зhe complaint is analyzed according to the draft amendment is, and afterwards the method

of regulation is observed about the subject of the complaint in the above-mentioned

countries. The next chapter is considering some of the practical problems which the

constitutional courts are faced with and which are direct consequence of the

introduction of the constitutional complaint. The given solutions to these problems are

also observed. The last part, namely, the Conclusion is speaking of the need of adopting

regulation which will regulate the procedure of the constitutional complaint, and also

about the need of reform of the Constitutional Court so that this institution will be

better prepared to face the increased activity which is caused by the new instrument of

the protection of human rights and freedoms. The Conclusion is actually the answer to

the anticipated problems from the second part.

-- јј IIIIII


DefiБiЗiВБ Вf Зhe legal iБsЗiЗИЗe CВБsЗiЗИЗiВБal CВАГlaiБЗ

A constitutional complaint is a specific subsidiary legal remedy against the

violation of constitutional rights, primarily by individual acts of government bodies

which enables a subject who believes that their rights have been affected to have their

case heard and a decision issued by a Court authorized to provide a constitutional

review of disputed acts272. The constitutional complaint is a kind of concrete protection

of constitutionality. The continental legal systems treat the constitutional complaint as a

specific legal instrument which can be used if the national legal system does not offer

any other methods of protection of the affected rights. This means that the

constitutional complaint can be used after the exhaustion of the possibilities offered by

the rest of the legal methods for protection of human rights273.

The constitutional complaint is not an entirely new institution; its forerunner

may be found in the Aragon law of the 13th to 16th Century; and in Germany from the

15th Century onwards; while Switzerland introduced a special constitutional complaint

in the Constitution of 1874 and in the Statutes of 1874 and 1893. Austria has introduced

the constitutional complaint from 1868. Liechtenstein has introduced the constitutional

complaint in 1921. The constitutional complaint is very common in systems of

constitutional/judicial review. It exists in many European countries and many countries

around the globe: Albania, Andorra, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Cyprus, Hungary,

Latvia, Malta, Montenegro, Poland, Russia, Slovakia, Spain, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Georgia,

Papua-New Guinea, South Korea, Taiwan and others. The constitutional complaint

appears in some African countries and in Brazil274.

The constitutional complaint is especially important in the frame of the post-

communist countries because of the ineffective judicial systems, but also because of the

weak civil society, the fragmental political society and the undeveloped political culture.

The judicial protection of the constitutionality, and therefore of human rights, can play a

major role in the prevention of the emergence of totalitarian regimes, but often in the

unconsolidated democracies the decisions for constitutionality of an act of the

272 MaЕjaБ AЕБe Mavčič, ')ND)V)DUAL COMPLA)NT AS A DOMEST)C REMEDY TO BE EX(AUSTED OR EFFECTIVE WITHIN THE MEANING OF THE ECHR Comparative and Slovenian Aspect' (www.concourts.net 2011) <http://www.concourts.net> accessed 20.11.2014 273 S Sokol and B Smerdel, Ustavno pravo (1st, Informator, Zagreb 1998) 118-119 274 Mavčič Б

-- јј IIIIII


authorities can transform into another field where the political battles between the

government and opposition will take place. Because of all this it is important to open the

possibility of lodging a constitutional complaint against the acts and deeds of the

authorities so that the judicial protection of constitutionality will be depoliticized and iЗ Ж giveБ Зhe ГВЖЖibiliЗМ Вf Зhe ciЗiНeБ БВЗ ВБlМ ЗВ Зhe ГВliЗical ГaЕЗieЖ ВЕ ВЗheЕ legal

subjects) directly to seek judicial protection of his/her rights and freedoms without

having other political agendas on mind. With the introduction of this legal mechanism

the citizen becomes stronger player in the political-legal system, but also the position of

the constitutional court is strengthened. All of this has positive impact over the

development of the rule of law, the separation of powers and the process of democracy

of the society.

Subject of the constitutional complaint

With the draft amendment XXXIX to the Constitution of the Republic of

Macedonia, paragraph 1, new authorizations are given to the Constitutional Court. The dЕafЗ aАeБdАeБЗ XXX)X, ГaЕagЕaГh ЖЗaЗeЖ: DecideЖ ВveЕ Зhe cВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБal cВАГlaiБЗ lodged by a natural or legal person, against individual acts or actions of the state

authorities, the local government or other holder of public authority which caused

violation of the human and civil freedoms and rights, including: equality of the citizen in

the freedoms and rights regardless of gender, race, color, national and social origin,

political or religious beliefs, property and social status, the right to life, prohibition of

torture, inhuman or degrading treatment, punishment and forced labor, the right to

freedom, the right to presumption of innocence and fair trial, freedom of personal

conviction, conscience, thought and public expression of thought, freedom of speech,

public address, public information and the free establishment of institutions for public

information, freedom and inviolability of correspondence and all other forms of

communication, security and confidentiality of personal data, freedom of religion,

freedom of association, freedom of assembly and expression of public protest, the

respect and protection of the privacy of personal and family life, dignity and repute,

inviolability of the home, and the right of free movement, when exhausted or either ЗheЕe aЕe БВ ВЗheЕ dВАeЖЗic ЕegИlaЕ ВЕ eЛЗЕaВЕdiБaЕМ ЕeАedieЖ fВЕ ЗheiЕ ГЕВЗecЗiВБ.

-- јј IIIIII


Paragraph 2 and 3 of the above mentioned draft amendment extend the jurisdiction of

the Constitutional Court in other areas, but is not a subject of this paper.

The current regulation (Article 110, line 3 of the Constitution) provides the Court

with jurisdiction over protection of a limited catalogue of freedoms and rights, namely

the Court protects the man and his social freedoms and rights also the freedom of

conviction, conscience, thoughts and public expression of thoughts, political association

and activity as well as to the prohibition of discrimination among citizens on the basis of

sex, race, religion or national, social or political affiliation. The protection procedure of

the freedoms and rights from Article 110, line 3 of the Constitution is regulated with the

Rules of Procedure of the Constitutional Court.

The proposed amendment XXXIX to a significant extent increases the catalogue

of the rights protected by the Constitutional Court. The highest court instance in the

state guarantees the human and civil freedoms and rights and protects them from

violations caused by acts and actions of the state authorities. Undoubtedly the draft

amendment strengthens the position of the man and citizen in the legal and political

system of the Republic of Macedonia. It is indisputably true that the academic

community and the legal profession should welcome and support the willingness to

introduce this additional mechanism for protection of human and civil rights and

freedoms.

Yet it is necessary to consider for the content of the draft-amendment, especially

in the part of the list of rights and freedoms which about the constitutional complaint is

introduced. In this paper we shall introduce several comparative experiences for the

subject of the constitutional complaint, and afterwards we shall take in view some of the

observations of the European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice

Commission).

-- јј IIIIII


Subject of the constitutional complaint in the Republic of Serbia

Within the constitutional complaint in the Republic of Serbia all the rights and

freedoms are protected, and not just some of the rights and freedoms. There is no

limited list of rights and freedoms which are subject of the constitutional complaint. In

Serbia in the frame of the constitutional complaint can be required protection of all

rights and freedoms guaranteed with ratified international treaties. The constitutional

complaint was introduced with the Constitution of Serbia from 2006, with the Article ЗhaЗ ЖЗaЗeЖ: A cВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБal aГГeal АaМ be lodged against individual general acts

or actions performed by state bodies or organizations exercising delegated public

powers which violate or deny human or minority rights and freedoms guaranteed by

the Constitution, if other legal remedies for their protection have already been applied ВЕ БВЗ ЖГecified. WiЗh ЗhiЖ БeК legal ЕeАedМ Зhe CВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБal CВИЕЗ iЖ БВКadaМЖ ЕecВgБiНed bМ Зhe ГИblic aЖ a cВИЕЗ Вf ВЕdiБaЕМ ciЗiНeБЖ 275.

Within the Law of the Constitutional Court (entered into force 06.12.2007) the

constitutional complaint and the procedure thereof has been additionally regulated in

the articles 82-90.

The Article 170 of the Constitution and the Article 82 of the Law of the

Constitutional Court as well, gave the opportunity to constitutional complaint to be

lodged for the violation of any human or minority rights or freedoms, in case other legal

remedies for their protection have already been applied or are not specified. The Law addЖ ИГ: ВЕ if Зhe ЕighЗ ЗВ Жeek jИdicial ГЕВЗecЗiВБ haЖ beeБ ГЕВhibiЗed bМ laК. A limitation of the constitutional complaint does not exist as to regard of that against

which state authorities the complaint can be lodged against, so the complaint can be

lodged against any state authority or organization with public authority. There is not a

closed list of rights and freedoms which could limit the subject of the constitutional

complaint, so it can be lodged against any violation or limitation of any human or

minority right. The Constitution of Serbia makes no distinction between rights and

freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution. Also, the Constitution guarantees direct

implementation of human and minority rights and freedoms prescribed by ratified

international treaties. The conclusion can be that the Court has to give the same

constitutional level to all his rights and freedoms, individual and collective, guaranteed

275 Natasa Plavsic, 'Individual Constitutional Complaint: Serbian model' [2008] Co.Co.A. , 2

-- јј IIIIII


by the Constitution, without any distinctions concerning the place and position that they

have in the Constitution and regardless to way of their implementation into Serbian

legal system, directly by the Constitution or through international conventions276.

The Law mentioned above additionally regulates that the constitutional

complaint can be lodged even if not all legal remedies are exhausted, in case when the

right of trial within a reasonable time of the appellant is violated (Article 82, Paragraph

2). The cause for the introduction of this modality of the constitutional complaint as an

effective legal remedy in interest of the citizens of the Republic of Serbia was the

necessity of harmony of the national protection system of human rights with the

standards which are set forth in the European Convention for Human Rights and

Fundamental Freedoms. Within the judgments of the European Court for Human Rights

it was determined that besides the fact that in the Republic of Serbia did not exist legal

remedy for trial within reasonable time, there was also no mechanism for the protection

of human rights when it comes to protection of the right of trial within a reasonable

time which was set forth in the Article 6 of the Convention. The constitutional

complaint, similar to the constitutional complaint in the Republic of Croatia, should fix

this systematic mistake. But, the real capacities of the Constitutional Court call into

question the longevity and the sustainability of this legal instrument277. The reality of

the Serbian legal system, the existing practice and the cases in front of the European

Court of Human Rights show that the majority of the cases are in violent relation with

the right of trial within a reasonable time. This is the reason why the Law for the

Constitutional Court contains a special exception for lodging a constitutional complaint

in case when not all legal remedies have been exhausted, but it happens to be a violation

of the right of trial within a reasonable time.

276 Ibid 4 277 SЗevaБ Lilic, Da li je ИЖЗavБa žalba efikaЖБi ГЕavБi lek Нa ЖИđeБje И ЕaНИАБВА ЕВkИ? [ ]

-- јј IIIIII


Subject of the constitutional complaint in the Republic of Slovenia

According to the Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia, subject of the

constitutional complaint is the protection of human rights and the basic fundamental

freedoms from violation caused by individual acts. This institution was introduced in

the legal system of Slovenia with the Constitution in 1991. It is interesting to mention

that in the legal system of the Republic of Slovenia there are two institutions that offer

to the citizen access to the Constitutional Court: the constitutional complaint and the

constitutional petition. Like we already said, the constitutional complaint protects the

rights and freedoms from violation caused by individual acts of the state authority, the

local government or some other holders of public authority. Within the constitutional

petition the right to initiate a judicial review of the constitutionality or legality of any

general act to anyone who has legal interest in it.

The Article 160 of the Constitution of Slovenia regulates the jurisdiction of the

Constitutional Court; thereby in the paragraph 1, line 6 states that the Constitutional

Court decides on constitutional complaints stemming from the violation of human rights

and fundamental freedoms by individual acts. Further on in paragraph 3 of the same

Article the Constitution states that the Constitutional Court decides on a constitutional

complaint only if all legal remedies are exhausted, unless otherwise provided by law.

According to the same paragraph, the Court decides whether to accept a constitutional

complaint for adjudication on the basis of criteria and procedures provided by law.

The Constitutional Court Act (CCA) has been amended for few times till now.

What is important for us as we think of the scope of the subject of the constitutional

complaint is to know that with the changes of the Act were modified some important

procedure rules concerning the constitutional complaint. With these changes the scope

of the cases in which the constitutional complaint can be lodged has been decreased.

These changes were introduced within the goal to reach efficiency on the Constitutional

Court in fulfilling its role as a protector of the rights and freedoms. Namely, until 2007 a

constitutional complaint could be lodged against all individual acts by which a state

authority, local community authority, or bearer of public authority decided on the

rights, obligations, or legal entitlements of individuals or legal entities. The right to

claim the violation of a human right could be exercised in all disputes, regardless to the

value of the subject of a dispute or the type of a dispute, for in no judicial proceeding can

-- јј IIIIII


the possibility of violation of human rights or fundamental freedoms be excluded in

advance. The absence of restrictions to review constitutional complaints caused over

the years enormous backlog and seriously endangered the effective performance of the

functions of the Court. The legislator responded to the problem by passing a law

amending the CCA. The most significant amendments regarded the criteria for the

admissibility of a constitutional complaint. The goal pursued by the amendments of the

CCA was to ensure that the Constitutional Court would be able to effectively perform its

role as a guardian of constitutional democracy and human rights278. The mentioned

amendments to the CCA have got impact on the reduction of the number of

constitutional complaints. Namely, according to Article 55a, paragraph 1 of the CCA the

constitutional complaint is not admissible if the violation of human rights or

fundamental freedoms did not have serious consequences about the complainant; and

according to paragraph 2 of the same Article it is deemed that there has been no

violation of human rights or fundamental freedoms which had serious consequences

over the complaint with regard to individual acts if the constitutional complaint has

been issued in small-claims disputes, or if only a decision on the costs of proceedings is

challenged by the constitutional complaint, or if it is issued in trespass to property

disputes or it is issued in minor offence cases. The paragraph 3 of the Article 55a leaves

the possibility open for the Court to make an exception in especially well founded cases,

and it defines the well founded case as one which concerns an important constitutional

question which exceeds the importance of the concrete case.

It must be mentioned that in Slovenia the access to the Constitutional Court for

an individual is in principle widely open: there are no limits as to which human rights

may serve as a justification to lodge a constitutional complaint - in addition to all the

rights established by the Constitution, also any human right laid down in any ratified

and published international document may give rise to constitutional complaint. In

examining constitutional complaints the Constitutional Court applies directly also

provisions of the European Convention on Human Rights and interprets the extent of

constitutional provisions in the light of jurisprudence of the European Court in

Strasbourg. If the Court decides that the act which is subject of the constitutional

complaint (or better said: against which the complaint is lodged) is based on a law or

other general act which is not in accord with the Constitution, then the Court can nullify

278 T Melart and L Zore, 'The Individual Constitutional Complaint in Slovenia' [2008] Co.Co.A., 4-5

-- јј IIIIII


the act. No fees are paid for the lodging of the complaint, nor there is a requirement as

to legal representation279.

The Opinion of the Venice Commission concerning the amendment XXXIX

As we could see above in the observations of the legal systems of the Republic of

Serbia and of the Republic of Slovenia, both systems offer protection of human rights

and freedoms regardless of whether those rights and freedoms are protected with the

Constitution or with ratified international treaties. The Republic of Macedonia needs to

adopt this solution and apply it to the subject of the constitutional complaint. That КВИld be iБ accВЕdaБce КiЗh Зhe AЕЗicle Вf Зhe CВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБ, Кhich: The international agreements ratified in accordance with the Constitution are part of the

internal legal order aБd caББВЗ be chaБged bМ laК. The VeБice CВААiЖЖiВБ haЖ remarks on the subject of the constitutional complaint, as proposed by the Government. AccВЕdiБg ЗВ CВААiЖЖiВБ Ж ВГiБiВБ, ЖВАe veЕМ iАГВЕЗaБЗ ЕighЗЖ Кhich aЕe ИБiveЕЖallМ cВБЖideЕed aЖ baЖic aЕe БВЗ mentioned in the Amendment. For example, it will not be

possible for an individual whose property was taken by the State to submit a

constitutional complaint, although respect for property is guaranteed both by Article 30

of the Constitution and by Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 to the European Convention on

Human Rights. Some other important rights– such as the right to strike (Article 38 of the

Constitution) or the right to vote (Article 22)– are not mentioned in the Amendment

either. It is worth mentioning the remark of the Commission that the right to a fair trial

is not guaranteed by the Constitution, but is part of the ECHR280.

Taking into consideration the comparative experiences, the remarks of the

Venice Commission and the legal logic I consider that it is necessary and useful to

replace the standardization by name of the rights and freedoms from the draft

amendment XXXIX by including all the rights and freedoms of man and citizen gИaЕaБЗeed bМ Зhe EC(R. ) ЖИggeЖЗ Зhe aАeБdАeБЗ ЗВ ЖЗaЗe: Decide ВБ cВБЖtitutional

complaint submitted by a natural or legal person filed against an individual act or action

of a state agency, a unit of local government and public authorities which violate the

rights and freedoms of man and citizen guaranteed by the European Convention on 279 Mavčič Б -17 280 VeБice CВААiЖЖiВБ, OГiБiВБ ВБ Зhe SeveБ AАeБdАeБЗЖ Вf Зhe CВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБ Вf The fВЕАeЕ YИgВЖlav ReГИblic Вf MacedВБia AdВГЗed bМ Зhe VeБice CВААiЖЖiВБ aЗ iЗЖ th PleБaЕМ SeЖЖiВБ , [ ]

-- јј IIIIII


Human rights when exhausted or there are no other domestic regular or extraordinary

remedies for their protection.''

Implications of the introduction of the constitutional complaint

The introduction of the constitutional complaint shall mean a greater protection

of the human and civil rights and freedoms, but in the practice it shall impose large

number of complaints to the Constitutional Court. The experiences from the Republic of

Serbia and the Republic of Slovenia very clearly affirm this assumption.

The numbers speak of the inefficiency of the legal system of Serbia, which has

direct influence over the inefficiency of the institute constitutional complaint. Namely, accВЕdiБg ЗВ Зhe daЗa ГИbliЖhed iБ Зhe БeКЖГaГeЕ PВliЗika . . 3) until the 12th

of July 2013 there were 13.688 lodged constitutional complaints that the Court had not

decided yet. 7.995 from those 13.688 complaints were lodged in the previous years and

5.693 were lodged from the beginning of 2013 till July. Here we do not speak only of

responsibility of the Court itself, but the error is of systematic character. In the words of

the President of the Constitutional Court Dr. Dragitsa Slijepcevic (from the interview КiЗh PВliЗika . . , ГЕeciЖelМ Зhe eЛГaБded jurisdiction of the Court which

occurred within the introduction of the constitutional complaint is the reason for the

inefficiency of the Court. Therefore, it is necessary to relieve the Court from the cases in

which the subject is the violation of the right to trial within a reasonable time and the

jurisdiction over these cases to be transferred to the appellate courts. On that way the

Serbian judicial system would be structurally and functionally laid on foundations that

would provide efficient realization of the civil right to a trial in a reasonable time in

accordance with the provisions given in the European Convention on Human Rights and

Fundamental Freedoms and the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights

relating to Serbia281. But, it is also necessary to adopt changes to the procedure of the

constitutional complaint and to change the organizational structure of the

Constitutional Court for it to function and to be an effective guardian to the rights and

freedoms of the man and citizen.

281 Lilic (n 6) 10

-- јј IIIIII


In the Republic of Slovenia the number of lodged constitutional complaints had a

continual growth since the moment of introduction of this institute in the legal system

until 2007. The Constitutional Court received 883 complaints in 2004, 1310 in 2005,

2546 in 2006 and 3937 in 2007. As a reaction to the significantly increased number of

complaints, the Parliament adopted the amendments to the Constitutional Court Act

which ruled out the possibility to initiate complaint in some cases282. However, despite

these legislative changes still the number of complaints remained high for the first

years, but marked a tendency to decrease. We can conclude that these legislative

changes were successful. As we previously said, according to the Article 55a, paragraph

1 of the CCA the constitutional complaint is not admissible if the violation of human

rights or fundamental freedoms did not have serious consequences for the complainant;

and according to paragraph 2 of the same Article it is deemed that there has been no

violation of human rights or fundamental freedoms which had serious consequences for

the complaint regardless to individual acts if the constitutional complaint has been

issued in small-claims disputes, or if only a decision on the costs of proceedings is

challenged by the constitutional complaint, or if it is issued in trespass to property

disputes or it is issued in minor offence cases. But, in addition these limitations, the

procedural rules and the organization of the Court were adapted to answer to the need

to speed the procedure. The procedure has two steps. The first step is done by three

judicial panels, each of them composed of three judges: a panel for civil cases, a panel

for criminal cases and a panel for administrative cases. These judicial bodies are

empowered only to decide on admissibility and (manifest) illfoundedness283. The panel

decides for the acceptance or the rejection on the lodged complaint unanimously, but if

the panel does not reach unanimity in the assessment if procedural prerequisites of the

complaint then it is rejected if any five judges of the Court decide that is should be

rejected within 15 days. If the panel fails to reach unanimity regarding whether the

conditions are fulfilled for acceptance of the complaint in cases concerning violation of

the human rights or fundamental freedoms which have serious consequences on the

appellant or if some constitutional question of higher importance is the subject of the

complaint, then the complaint shall be accepted if any three judges of the Court within

15 days decide toward accepting the complaint. If the panel decides on favor of the

282 Melart and Zore (n 7) 16 283 Mavčič Б

-- јј IIIIII


applicant, the Constitutional Court decides on the complaint in full composition. The

only exception of this general rule is the case when the Constitutional Court has already

decided on the same constitutional matter and granted the complaint. In such a case the

decision by which it grants the constitutional complaint is issued by a panel284.

TheЖe legiЖlaЗive chaБgeЖ have iЗЖ ЕeЖИlЗЖ. NaАelМ, accВЕdiБg ЗВ Зhe Overview of Зhe WВЕk fВЕ iЖЖИed bМ Зhe CВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБal CВИЕЗ Вf SlВveБia, a cВБЗiБИal decЕeaЖe in the number of lodged constitutional complaints is noted. That trend began in 2008

(which coincides with the amendments of the CCA). In the year 2012 were lodged 1.203

complaints, and in 2013- 1.031 complaints (which is 14.3% less than the previous year).

The difference is evident if we compare the number of lodged complaints in 2007

(3.937) and in 2013 (1.031) which with doubt speaks of the efficiency of the

amendments285. For the purpose of illustration we shall compare the number of lodged

complaints to the Constitutional Court of Serbia (5.693) and the number of lodged

complaints to the Constitutional Court of Slovenia (1.031).

Conclusion

The experiences of the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Slovenia point to

the conclusion that the introduction of the constitutional complaint as a legal

mechanism for protection of human and civil rights and freedoms shall produce a high

number of lodged complaints in front of the constitutional courts. That would indicate

that the courts cannot effectively fulfill their function of protectors of the rights and

freedoms. They also need to evaluate the constitutionality and the legality of the

adopted laws and other general acts. By comparing the experiences from these two

countries we can conclude that the legal system of the Republic of Macedonia shall face

similar problems.

The doubt that the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Macedonia shall not be

able to effectively perform all the entrusted functions is completely reasonable.

Following the above examples we can assume that for only few years since the 284 Melart and Zore (n 7) 13 285 Зhe daЗa КeЕe ЗakeБ fЕВА Зhe CВБЖЗiЗИЗiВБal CВИЕЗ Вf Зhe ReГИblic Вf SlВveБia AБ OveЕvieК Вf Зhe WВЕk fВЕ , Г.

-- јј IIIIII


introduction of the constitutional complaint there will be thousands of complaints filed

to the Court. According to the data given in the Opinion of the Venice Commission,

during 2013 the citizens of the Republic of Macedonia lodged in total 22 complaints to

the Constitutional Court and lodged more than 500 complaints to the European Court

for Human Rights. The Commission considers that there is a real risk of large increase in

the number of cases which the Court will have to consider after its jurisdiction will be

enlarged. Therefore, it is needed even before the practical introduction of the

constitutional complaint to adopt regulation which shall regulate the procedure, but

also regulation which will bring organizational changes which shall enlarge the capacity

of the Court in order to prepare the Court for the enlarged activity. Also, an enlargement

of the Court needs to be taken in consideration.

Having in consideration the weak efficacy of the judicial system and the

experiences of the neighboring countries and with the purpose to avoid the presumed

problems it is needed to amend the Rules of Procedure in front of the Constitutional

Court of the Republic of Macedonia which will incorporate procedural and

organizational changes that will give the Court real capacity to bear the enlarged

jurisdiction. Namely, it is necessary to regulate the procedure following the example of

the Republic of Slovenia- to introduce two-step procedure: in the first step a Plenum of

3 judges to decide on the admissibility of the lodged complaint, and in the second step-

the Court on a plenary session. The possibility of specialization of the Plenums by

different areas of law needs to be considered. Also, it is necessary to impose limitations

over the subject that will limit the right to lodge a complaint in cases related to violation

of human rights and freedoms with minor consequences. On this way the Court shall be

better prepared to bear the new jurisdiction, and in doing so not to neglect the

evaluation of the constitutionality and legality of the general acts and the other

functions.

My opinion, the application of the thesis of this paper shall contribute to make

the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Macedonia a real protector of the human and

civil rights and freedom and thereby to effectively fill out its function. The introduction

of all rights and freedoms guaranteed by the ECHR as a subject of the constitutional

complaint will enlarge the authority of the Court in the matter of protecting all rights

and freedoms. On the other hand, by imposing the proposed procedural and

organizational mechanisms, it will contribute to avoid excessive increase in the number

-- јј IIIIII


of appeals that otherwise will certainly block the work of the Court and it will impair the

efficiency of the protection of the rights and freedoms.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Constitutional Court of the Republic of Slovenia. An Overview of the Work for

2013.

Lilic, Stevan. 2008. Da li je ИЖЗavБa žalba efikaЖБi ГЕavБi lek Нa ЖИđeБje И

razumnom roku? Anali Pravnog fakulteta.

MaЕjaБ Mavčič, AЕБe. 2008. Individual Complaint as a Domestic Remedy to be

Exhausted or Effective Withing the Meaning of the ECHR- Comparative and

Slovenian Aspect.

Melart, Tea, and Zore, Lea. 2008. The Individual Constitutional Complaint in

Slovenia. University of Trento.

Plavsic, Natasa. 2008. Individual Constitutional Complaint: Serbian model.

University of Trento.

S Sokol and B Smerdel, 1998. Ustavno pravo. 1st edition, Informator, Zagreb

Venice Commision. 2014. Opinion to the Seven Amendments to the Constitution of

Зhe FВЕАeЕ YИgВЖlav ReГИblic Вf MacedВБia CВБceЕБiБg iБ PaЕЗicИlaЕ Зhe JИdicial

Council, the Competence of the Constitutional Court and Special Financial Zones,

Adopted by the Venice Commission at its 100th Plenary Session. Rome

-- јј IIIIII


-- јј IIIIII


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CCyypprruuss

1.02 Scientific paper - review

UDC No. 316.483:2(674.1)

RREELLIIGGIIOOUUSS OORR SSEECCTTAARRIIAANN CCOONNFFLLIICCTTSS IINN

CCEENNTTRRAALL AAFFRRIICCAANN RREEPPUUBBLLIICC

AABBSSTTRRAACCTT

The Central Africa Republic has been in a serious predicament of humanitarian

assistance since December, 2013. It started with the ousting of former president FЕaБcВiЖ BВНiНe fЕВА ГВКeЕ bМ Зhe Seleka ЕebelЖ . WhaЗ ЖЗaЕЗed aЖ Еebel cВaliЗiВБ against an autocratic, corrupt, nepotistic government was now descending along

religious divide. It is believed that the conflict was triggered by the activities of the Seleka ЕebelЖ КheБ ЗheМ fВЕcefИllМ kicked out the government from Bangui. The anti

Balaka Christian self-defense group was formed in order to defend Christian

communities. This group in retaliation started committing atrocities against the

Muslims. According to the European Commission on humanitarian Aid and Protection

the number of people that has been domestically displaced is 600.000 and 160.000 are

in the political capital Bangui. The displaced population is in neighboring countries like

The Republic of Congo, Niger, Cameroon and Chad. Both sides are engage in fragrant

human rights violation. Thus human right groups are investigating to identify and

crackdown the perpetrators responsible for the crimes. However, despite the

international aspiration to rescue the situation, the conflict still remains the same as

more atrocities continue to reign in CAR.

KKEEYY WWOORRDDSS:: RReelliiggiioonn,, AAffrriiccaa,, CCoonnfflliiccttss,, UUnniioonn,,

-- јј IIIIII


RREELLIIGGIIOOUUSS OORR SSEECCTTAARRIIAANN CCOONNFFLLIICCTTSS IINN CCEENNTTRRAALL AAFFRRIICCAANN RREEPPUUBBLLIICC

Introduction

The central Africa is a landlock small country of about 4.6 million people in

Africa. It shares boundaries with Cameroon, Sudan, Chad and Congo. It is rich in natural

resources like goal, diamond and uranium. Despite these rich natural resources, the

country is still suffering from abject poverty. It got her independence in August 13, 1960

from France with David Dacko as the first president. Since independence it has suffered

several military coups. In December, 1965, a military coup oustedthe first President

Dacko from power which was masterminded by Col. Jean Bethel Bokassa who declared

himself emperor of CAR Empire. He was overthrown in 1981 and Dacko was brought

back to power. In the elections of 1981,Dacko was elected but was later overthrown by

Gen. Andre Kolingba in a fierce battle. Nevertheless, the parliament passed a bill

legalizing multi-party politics in 1991. The first multi-party election was organized in

1993 which brought Ange-Felix Pattasse to power. Several coups attempts were

organized against the President. On a trip abroad in March 2003, Gen. FranciosBozize

seized power which consequently gave rise to different militia arm groups in CAR. In

2012, the Seleka arm group was formed as grievances among the Muslims minority was

growing. This group mostly Muslims rebel coalition led by Michel Djotodia has its base

in North Eastern part of Central African Republic.

In March 2013, the capital of the Central African Republic Bangui was in total

anarchy after an alliance of Seleka militias toppled President Francois Bozize and the Seleka Еebel leadeЕ DjВЗВdia declaЕed hiАЖelf PЕeЖideБЗ. The acЗiviЗieЖ Вf Зhe Seleka rebelЖ afЗeЕ ЗakiБg ГВКeЕ iБ Зhe cВИБЗЕМ КaЖ caЗaЖЗЕВГhic ЗВ Зhe civiliaБ ГВГИlaЗiВБ especially Christians. This triggered the mobilization of a Christian self-defense group

known as Anti-Balaka or Anti-Machete a Christian dominated militia.

A new civilian government was formed with CatherinePanza as transitional

president and with an interim national assembly. Different measures were put in place

by the transitional government to calm down the situation. The present government is

facing a lot of challenges to bring situations to normal as the anti-Balaka continues to

attack Muslims.

-- јј IIIIII


The Muslim population in CAR now is experiencing the same trauma caused by the

Seleka on Christians when they took power.

Actors

The Supporters of former President

Strategy: LoМaliЖЗ Вf BВНiНe Ж CВБveЕgeБce NaЗiВБale KКa Na KКa aЕe АВЖЗlМ Christian dominated population. Members of the former government are

supporting the anti-Balaka a Christian self-defense group. They see the attack on

Muslims as what the Arsh Bishop of BangИi haЖ called a ЕeЗИЕБ АaЗch . TheiЕ grievances are with the Seleka minority Muslim group who toppled the deАВcЕaЗicallМ elecЗed PЕeЖideБЗ. TheМ КaБЗ ЗВ Жee Зhe АiliЗia gЕВИГ КiГed ВИЗ from their country.

Position: The deposed president FranciosBozize accused Chad of supporting

terrorist groups in his country. His party supporters are calling for his return

back from exile and be reinstated as the President.

Outcome: Former ministers of Kwa Na KwaBozize party have been included in

the transitional government. Despite all the effort to bring back supporters of the

old government, atrocities still continues against the Muslims in the Central

African Republic.

The transitional government

Strategy: A transitional government headed by the former Mayor of Bangui

Catherine Samba-Panza has taken over from Michel DjotodiaSeleka rebel leader.

This transitional government has been empowered by the African Union,

European Union in support of a United Nation resolution to organized elections

in18 months. In this government there are representatives of all groups trying to

bring peace and reconciliation.

Position: The transitional government is on the side of the international

community in the Central Africa crisis. The interim President has been making

much attempt to talk face-to-face with leaders of anti-Balaka and Seleka rebels as

a means to end the violence. The transitional authorities stand in the middle of

the conflict.

-- јј IIIIII


Outcome: The Seleka has been disarmed and violence is still going on; initiative

between Muslim and Christians leaders to end the violence has been put in place.

The transitional government is in need of material and logistics support to

effectively carryout it mission in bringing stability and peace in the country.

The Seleka Rebel groups

Strategy: The ЗeЕА Seleka АeaБЖ ИБiВБ iБ Зhe SaБgВ БaЗive LaБgИage. The Seleka cВБЖЗiЗИЗe diffeЕeБЗ fЕacЗiВБЖ Вf ЕebelЖ КiЗh ЗheiЕ baЖeЖ iБ Зhe NВЕЗh Eastern parts of Central African Republic. The militia was formed as a result of

the corrupt, dictatorial, nepotistic and tribalistic leadership of FranciosBozize.

They accused the government of discriminate allocation of national cake.

Position: The Seleka rebels a Muslim dominated group is accusing France for

siding with the Christians. They accused France and the international community

for not guaranteeing the security of Muslims communities after their

disarmament. Their leader Michel Djotodia who filled the power vacuum in CAR

dissolved the militia group after becoming President. He was determined in

solving the crisis but was still fueling the crisis by associating blame to Bozize

supporters. Despite the African Union call for a return to civilian government,

Djotodia made several tours within Africa and accepted to respect the 18 months

transitional period. The new leader banned the militia group that brought him to

power. The International peace keeping forces intervened and Seleka rebel

group was disarmed.

Aftermath, Seleka АiliЗia gЕВИГ caАe ИБdeЕ iБЗeЕБaЗiВБal cВБdeАБaЗiВБ aЖ iЗ was regarded as extremists group. France has indirectly supported the Seleka

which she now regards as an extremist group having links with Al Qaeda. The

Seleka rebel leader was compelled by regional leaders in Ndjamena Chad to step

down. Secondly, the activities of the Seleka rebels triggered the rise of a Christian

self-defense group known as anti-Balaka. Unbearable killings and displacement

have been committed by both sides since December 2013. The Selekarebel are

no longer in power, they have been disarmed, and violence is still going on in the

poor African country with minority Muslims suffering more. What really went

wrong? It is simple but complicated.

-- јј IIIIII


The Anti-Balaka militia group

Strategy: The anti-Balaka militia is a Christian dominated group initially formed

in the 1990s as a Christian self-defense group. TheSeleka militia overthrown the

President FranciosBozize (Christian) and Seleka rebel leader Djotodia (Muslim)

became President in March 2013. The activities of the Seleka rebels caused

Christians to retaliate under the umbrella of the anti-Balaka Christian self-

defense group. The strategy of anti-Balaka can better be understand by what the AЕЖh BiЖhВГ Вf BaБgИi haЖ ЗeЕА a ЕeЗИЕБ АaЗch . Position: The spokesperson for the group made it clear that the Anti-Balaka can ВБlМ ГИЗ dВКБ iЗ КeaГВБЖ if Зhe iАГВЕЗed baБdiЗЖ aЕe ГИЖh ВИЗ Вf Зhe cВИБЗЕМ. He also said that after putting down their weapons they will only stay with those

Muslims that were born in their country.

Outcome: Seleka has been flushed out from the Christians dominated area and

scattered to the North Eastern parts. The few Muslims left behind are now

paying the price for the atrocities that were caused by the Seleka rebels. The

Seleka militias as well as Anti-Balaka have been engaged in a cycle of hИАaБiЗaЕiaБ aЗЕВciЗieЖ. The UБiЗed NaЗiВБЖ deЖcЕibed aЖ cВАГleЗe chaВЖ aБd FЕaБce КaЕБed iЗ iЖ a geБВcide . (ИБdЕedЖ Вf ГeВГle have beeБ diЖГlaced aБd others dead.

France

Strategy: French Africa is usually considered as France backyard. The former

colonial master is carrying its mishaps into the CAR, pulling Africans into

barbarism. It was a big burden for France to manage when the crisis started in

2013. She cried for military and logistics support from her European allied to

bring back peace and political stability in her former colony. The USA and

Belgium reacted by giving her material and military support to restore order in

the CAR couple with the Boko Haram threat in Nigeria, Islamists in Northern Mali

which has connections with Al Qaeda. In December 28, 2013 France launched an aЗЗack ЗВ ВveЕЕИle Зhe Seleka ЕebelЖ aЖ aБ effВЕЗ iБ ЕedЕeЖЖiБg Зhe eЕЕВЕ iЗ Аade bМ ЖИГГВЕЗiБg Зhe Seleka ЕebelЖ . Position: The French interference in independent African states affaires is

questionable. When Bozize was in power France was indirectly supporting his

-- јј IIIIII


politicalfailure. Nevertheless, when the Seleka finally toppled the government

and was proving more of extremist France again changed her game plan calling

for the reinstatement of a civilian government. Regarding the urgency of the

crisis, France revealed her game plan to increase the existence of 400 to 1600 of

its forces in the CAR. The security council of the UN gave French-African forces

the mandate to use all necessary means to bring peace and stability in the CAR.

Outcome: First, the French military force aided in the disarmament of the Seleka rebels.

Also, France mounted pressure on the rebel leader Michel Djotodia to resign.The

outcome of the disarmament of the Seleka by the French is unbearable. The Muslims

communities are now vulnerable to attacks from Anti-Balaka militia. Thousands of

Muslims have been pushed and scattered out of Bangui to Northern parts and Chad. The

Muslim community criticized the French for taking side and for not protecting them

against the Anti-Balaka after their disarmament. The international community is in a

better standpoint in restoring reconciliation and stability in the CAR. But, there is no

present drift and experienced force, stabilizing authority out of Bangui and other parts

of the CAR. Coupled with this challenge is that the French/African Union led forces are

insufficiently trained and not ready for action. In addition to their difficulties the poor

state of infrastructural development of the CAR makes it very challenging for the forces

to move around. As a result the Anti-Balaka group is still instigating chaos in the CAR.

The hatred for France is growing among Muslims groups as many think that France is

using it old colonial policy of divide and rule in the CAR.

Today with the interim President and Transitional parliament in place, France is still

demanding for regime change. She earlier announced that elections be held before the

end of 2014. This means that any mining contract signed with the former rebel leader

Djotodia will be cancelled. This makes Africans to doubt the independence of their

states.

The African Union and Regional Bloc (CEMAC)

Strategy: Peace keeping forces from the Economic Community of Central African

States (CEMAC) have been on the ground to maintain peace and order. The

African Union decided to step up the forces by forming an African Union led

International support force. Nevertheless, the crisis was still degenerating in the

presence of these forces.

-- јј IIIIII


Position: The UN resolution of December 5, 2013 set a one year arms blockage

and to provide a fact finding mission on the crisis committed. The organization

reiterated the reinstatement of a civilian government and the rebel leader was

forced by regional leaders in Njamena Chad to resign.

Outcome: As a result of the resignation of the militia leader a civilian interim

government took over and is headed by former mayor of Bangui Catherine

Samba-Panza and Andre Nzapayeke as acting prime Minister. A transitional ГaЕliaАeБЗ КaЖ fВЕА aБd ЖВАe АeАbeЕЖ Вf BВНiНe CВБveЕgeБce NaЗiВБaleKКa Na kКa ГaЕЗМ aГГВiБЗed iБ gВveЕБАeБЗ. BИЗ ЗhiЖ АВve haЖ БВЗ halЗed Зhe situation.

Chad

Strategy: The CAR shares borders with Chad in the North. Chad was at the ceБЗeЕ Вf Зhe cЕiЖiЖ. The CeБЗЕal AfЕicaБ ReГИblic iЖ ИЖИallМ cВБЖideЕed aЖ Chad Ж playground. Chad has been masterminding the rise and fall of leaders in CAR. It

forces collaborated with French forces in bring peace in the CAR. It contributed

the largest number of troops in the CAR in order to guarantee the security of the

region as instability in the region will have a negative impact on its oil.

Position: President Deby of Chad invited the Seleka rebel leader Michel Djotodia

in a regional meeting held in Njamena Chad, he compelled the rebel leader

Michel Djotodiato resign. Chad is not a member of United Nations Security

Council but Chad was rejecting UNSC of sending troops in the CAR based on the

fact that it is an African problem which will be solve by Africans. The truth is that

France has been using the military strength of Chad in the region by pushing

forward it political agenda. It is the Chadian troops that collaborated with the

French in Northern Mali.

Outcome: There are accusations that Chad supported the Seleka rebels. With the

skeptical view of Chadian intervention in CAR and numerous criticisms Chad was

compelled to withdraw her troops.

-- јј IIIIII


Propose Framework in Resolving this conflict

In the last century, the Central African Republic has never had a history of religious

conflict, even though there have existed political instability since independence. The

leadership has been characterized by nepotism, dictatorship, tribalism, corruption and

weak state institutions. Those are the factors that gave birth to the rebellious groups in

the country, which is now putting the poor and failed state at the mercy of the

international community. However, the endeavor of the international community

through peacekeeping forces in the country to bring back peace and stability seem not

to be effective since December of last year. What really went wrong that Violence is still

continuing in the country?. The Arch Bishop of Bangui has attempted an answer in what he deЖcЕibed aЖ a ЕeЗИЕБ АaЗch . Nevertheless, there is no problem on earth without a solution and seeing events in the

Central African Republic one will begin to wonder why the international community has

failed to halt down the crisis for more than five months now. There is much we can

borrow from an African perspective in conflict resolutions. Dialogue has always been

and will continue to be the ultimate solution in building genuine peace in the Central

African Republic and dialogue is part of African culture which the international

community must recognized when addressing African crisis. The effectiveness of

dialogue in addressing African problems cannot be over emphasize as already

advocated by African Union leaders in different crisis across the continent. The

organization advocated for dialogue in Libya,Ivory Coast,Sudan, and Zimbabwe just to

name a few. History will prove to us that the above mentioned countries are not in

peace today because dialogue was neglected. It must be noted that peacebuilding cannot

be done by the use of force, though force can be used to calm down atrocities but room

must always be given for dialogue.

Viewing the Central African Republic situation from the lenses of a Pan-Africanist, I will

propose a Nationwide Forum for deliberation as my framework in ending the religious

and sectarian crisis, which will bring back stability and peacebuilding in Central African

Republic.

-- јј IIIIII


The objectives of this forum are as follows

To have detail understanding about the causes of the crisis and the

interest/or position of the parties.

To mobilize the common people and local leadership who are directly

affected by the problem.

To empower the socio-economically and politically underprivilege

communities by providing them a forum to voice out their views on how

peace can be achieve in their own villages or communities.

i) Dialogue Committee

This committee should include religious, traditional or community leaders, civil society

organization, trade unions, women social groups. Any individual will be representing

his/her group or community.

ii) Coordination of the Forum

The Forum can be coordinated by a third party. The African Union, United Nations and

any International Non-Governmental Organization have the greatest role to play. They АИЖЗ be agЕeed bМ bВЗh Seleka MИЖliАЖ , aБЗi-Balaka ChЕiЖЗiaБЖ . AБМ iБdividИal participating in the forum should be willing to engage in civic dialogue, with the

objective of resolving the crisis.

Resolving the conflict entail total recognition by Muslims (Seleka) or Anti-Balaka ChЕiЖЗiaБЖ Зhe civic eБviЕВБАeБЗ Вf lВВЖe delibeЕaЗiВБ aАВБg Seleka MИЖliАЖ aБd aБЗi-Balaka ChЕiЖЗiaБЖ . With the objective of encouraging means to overcome the crisis, I suggest the

establishment of a committee charge in promoting the resolutions taken in the forum.

They should be a follow up committee monitored by the African Union/ Regional Bloc

or the United Nations. They will evaluate the effectiveness and implementation of the

resolutions.

The forum will evaluate the human rights violations issues because there are political

leaders or government officials with blood on their hands and no one is questioning

them. If this example is set to these political leaders others will be scared to instigate

violence for their selfish political ambitions. Also, the political projects in the country

-- јј IIIIII


since independence will be re-examine in the forum providing opportunities for

minority groups such as the Muslims. This will redress the minority issue

constitutionally because Muslims community feel disgruntle with the political system.

Since independence Muslims have not been in higher position of leadership in the

Central African Republic.

Conclusion

In one way or the other, Muslims or Christians are involved in the barbaric language of

force. The Central African interim government, France, African Union and the

International community has a bigger role to play in resolving this conflict. These actors

should accept the political dimension of the conflict and continuing use of force will only

be at the detriment of the vulnerable civilian population. Moreover, the prospects of

debating the essential rights of all Central African citizens cannot be ruled out.

-- јј IIIIII


REFERENCES

Brown, Ethnic Conflict and International Security

Central Africa Republic _Complex Emergency, March 7th, 2014, Fact sheet #7,

Fiscal Year(FY) 2014.

Central Africa Republic: A state of Silent Crisis, Medicins Sans Frontieres,

November 2011.

Central Africa Republic: Anatomy of a Phantom State, Africa Report No_136,13

December 2007.

Central Africa Republic: Better to be Late than Never, Africa Briefing N0_96, 2

December 2013.

Central Africa Republic: Keeping the Dialogue Alive, African Briefing No_69, 12

January, 12 January 2010.

Central Africa Republic: Priorities of the Transition, Africa Report, No_203, 11

June 2013.

Central Africa Republic: Untangling the political Dialogue, Africa Briefing No_55,9

December 2008.

Cohen, Negotiating Across Cultures _ Intermediaries in International Conflict

Dangerous Little Stones: Diamonds in the Central Africa Republic, Africa Report

No_167, 16 December 2010.

Diamond, Louise and McDonald, John, Multi-Track Diplomacy: A System

Approach

European Commission Memo, Brussels, 10th February, 2014.

Fisher and Ury, Getting to Yes: Negotiating Agreement Without Giving In.

Mr.AdamaDieg, On The Human Rights And Humanitarian Situation In The CAR,

1ST November, 2014.

Ramsbotham, et al., Contemporary Conflict Resolution

States Party To The Geneva Convention And Their Additional Protocols.

The Statement of UN SG, Special Adviser on the Preventionof Genocide,

United Nations Peacebuilding Fund, Preventing the Relapse into Violent Conflict

United Nations Security Council, Resolution 2134 (2014) adopted by the Security

Council at its 7103rd Meeting, on 28th January 2014

USAID, Active USG Humanitarian Program in Central Africa Republic

-- јј IIIIII


-- јј IIIIII


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-- јј IIIIII


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ePP Vol. 3