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GLASNIK

. 58 . 1-2 . 1-178 2014196

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

ARTICLES

: (. ) ......................... 7

Cvetan Grozdanov:New Contributions to the History and the Wall-Paintings of the Holy Mother of God Peribleptos (St. Clement) in Ohrid ......... 7

: ................................................................................... 17

Rajko Brato: An Incident in Emona and the rst civil war betweenConstantinus and Licinius ............................................................................... 17

-: III ................................................................................. 39

Katerina Mladenovska-Ristovska: The Macedonian Kingdom inthe Age of Amyntas III ..................................................................................... 39

: ................................... 55Natalija Popovska: The Heritage of Antiquity in Islam ......................................... 55

Alexandar Atanasovski: The Byzantine Stereotypes in Balkan CountriesContemporary Politics towards Macedonia .................................................... 63

: ............................... 63

: ...... 73Stojko Stojkov: The Crowning of Tsar Samuel and the Myth of the Eunuch Tsar ..... 73

: - ............................................... 93

Makedonka Mitrova:A Review of Vladimir Karis Political EssayisticProduction on the Balkans .............................................................................. 93

: -: .................................................................... 105

Dimitar Ljorovski Vamvakovski: Creating the Greek Nation State:Building the National Myth ............................................................................ 105

3

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-: 1903 1908 ...................................................... 121

Silvana Sidorovska-upovska: A Contribution on the Events in the BitolaVilayet in the Period between 1903 and 1908 ................................................ 121

: - (1942 1944) ......................... 131

Aleksandar Simonovski: The Involvement of Milivoj Trbi-Voje inthe Ravna Gora Movement in Macedonia (1942 1944) ............................... 131

: - (1973 1977) ............................... 143

Marjan Ivanoski: The International Activities of the Movement for the

Liberation and Unication of Macedonia (1973 1977) .............................. 143

PAPERS

, : , (1957 ) ................................................................................................. 155

Marjan Ivanoski, Jeton Doko:A Document from the State SecurityAdministration on the Situation of the Macedonian Immigration in

North and South America, Australia and Western Europe (1957) .................. 155

- REVIES-SURVEYS

, - 1944 1970.: , , 2010, 236.

( ) ........................................................................................ 169Bore Ilievski: The Church Relations between Macedonia and Serbia

1944 1970. Skopje: Faculty of Philosophy, Department of History,2010, 236. (Dragan Zajkovski) ...................................................................... 169

- (, 6 1912 , 19 1980). : ja , 2013, 139.( ) ........................................................................... 172

Vladimir Poleinovski, PhD Life and Work (Kievo, 6thDecember1912 Skopje, 19thJune 1980). Skopje: Institute of NationalHistory Council of the Municipality Kievo, 2013, 139.(Aleksandar Simonovski) ............................................................................... 172

4

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: XX . : , 2014,402. ( ) .............................................................................. 173

Zeir Ramilovi: The Bosniaks in Macedonia in the 20thCentury witha Special Emphasis on Culture and Education. Skopje: BosniakCultural Association in the Republic of Macedonia, 2014, 402.(Lidija urkovska) ......................................................................................... 173

POLEMICS

Post festum 1944 , ( ) .................................... 177

Post FestumPromotional Review on avdar Marinovs BookThe Macedonian Issue from 1944 to This Day. Communismand Nationalism in the Balkans (Marija Pandevska) .................................... 177

ANNOUNCEMENTS

: , . 100- 65 (45 2013, )( -) ................................................................ 187

The Balkans: People, Wars and Peace. International Conference onthe Centennial of the Balkan Wars and the 6thAnniversary of theInstitute of National History (4th5thNovember 2013, Skopje)(Biljana Ristovska-Josifovska) ....................................................................... 187

The Great War: Regional Approaches and Global Contexts. Interna-tional Conference on the Occasion of the First Centennial fof the Beginning of World War One (Sarajevo, 18th21stJune2014) (Silvana Sidorovska-upovska) ........................................................... 192

: . a , (1821 2014) (-) ................................................................................. 192

FP7 International Workshop:Womens Memory of the Rusoo-OttomanWar of 1877/1878. (National Academy of Sciences of Armenia,Yerevan, 2014) (Dominik Gutmeyr ) .............................................................. 195

5

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7 : - 1877/1878. ( ,, 2014) ( ) .............................................................. 195

6

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58 1-2 2014 7-16 ISSN 0583-4961

94:726.54(497.771)"12/15"75.052.033(497.771)"12/15"

(. )

Abstract

1. Identification and Chronology of the Wall Paintings at the Northern Entrance

Considering that the frescoes at the Ohrid church Peribleptos (St. Clement) have not

been studied sufficiently, the author of these contributions presents his views on the errors

of the dating and identification of the individuals in the northern, western and southern

parts of the church entrance. He indicates that the painting in the northern wing of the

facade of the Chapel of St. Gregory the Theologian was not that of the SebastokratorVolkain; then, that there was never an archbishop in Deabolis and that Gregory of

Deabolis should never be referred to as Archbishop of Ohrid. He highlights the fact that

the inscription above the northern entrance actually refers to the Prooimion of the "Chosen

Duchess, pictorially transposed into the composition of the Siege of Constantinople, as

was the case of St. Peter in Prespa, painted around the same time as the frescoes at

Peribleptos.

2. The Heavenly Court on the Western Wall of Peribleptos

In the western part of the entrance there is a large 16th-century depiction of the Last

Judgment, but underneath there is still a layer of a 14th

-century wall painting. Earlier

researchers believed that the painting in this older layer is a depiction of the Last Judgmentas well. However, on a large fragment at the southern end of the west entrance there is a

figure from the older layer, which in our view depicts the Holy Warrior St. Theodore

Stratelates. This very fragment, that is, the whole figure directed towards the center of the

older layer, indicates that it portrayed the great scene of the Heavenly Court, depicted in the

same place at the Zaum church as well. I pointed to this fact to Prof. Voja uri too. As

soon as adequate conservation conditions are provided, we believe that the first layer

underneath the current Last Judgment dating from the 16thcentury will be revealed.

3. Notes on the Wall Painting in the South Wing of the Church of the Holy Mother

of God PeribleptosThe frescoes in the southern wing of Peribleptos have been damaged most severely by

whitewashing, as well as by the weather conditions typical for this side of the church. There

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are still no reliable data to whom the southern chapel next to the altar was dedicated since

the space for the donors inscription isempty. Inside the chapel there are no remains from

the figure of St. Nicholas, to whom it is believed that the chapel was dedicated. The author

of this contribution assumes that one of the figures dressed in a nobleman s vestmentson

the east end of the south wall facing in prayer towards the Holy Mother of God might have

been Lord Nicholas, the eldest son of Sebastokrator Branko, i.e. the eldest brother of Grgur

and Vuk. He is known to have been married to the sister of Volkain and Ugljea, and to

have become a monk (Radohna, Roman) after his wifes death, spending the rest of his life

on Mount Athos as the Megaloschemos Gerasimos.

Keywords: St. Virgin Peribleptos, Nicholas, Grgur, Vuk, Last Judgment, Call of the

righteous, Akathist

1295 , 1951 , - , . XIII () XIV . , , , , . -

, , 10 - -, . , . , . , - .

, , XIV . 19 , .

XIV 19601961 . , .1

1 ., , 1990, 84-99. ; . , -

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, 1975, .16, 186-187. .

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. , , 2, 1966, 215-222. . - , ( -, , XXVIII-XXIX, 2002/3, 97). . . , -- , 16, - 1989, 1993,95-102.

3

1961., . . , . (. ) , 2, 1961, 91. . , , 1961,28, . . VIII.

4. , , 1970, 39 (). - . , , 1965, 85, . 16.

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.5 - , .. - .

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5. , ..., 59.6. , XIV, 1980,

131; . - , , 1969, 39-54.

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7

. , ..., 48-52.8 . , . ( -

) XIV , - XXII-XXIII, 1995/6, 47-68.

9. , , . II, 1995(-), 423-6.

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, , - , . 14 . . . -

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XIV XV , , 1990, 132-146, .

11. , ..., 103-109.

12G. Millet,La Dalmatique du Vaican, Paris 1945, 87-88.

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14 II,13

.

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. 2. , .

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, 1364/5.

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. 4 4.

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58 1-2 2014 17-38 ISSN 0583-4961

94(398)"316/330"904(497.4)"316/330"

PhD in Ancient History, full Professor, University of Ljubljana,Faculty of Philosophy, Slovenia, Ljubljana

Abstract

The background of the incident in Emona in 316the demolition of the statues of

Constantinewas a failed conspiracy attempt against him, orchestrated by his brother-in-

law Bassianus, and particularly Bassian's brother Senicio, with Constantinus's co-ruler and

brother-in-law Licinius in the background. The incident triggered a swift war in the autumn

of 316 in which Constantine defeated Licinius in the Battle of Cibalae in Pannonia and

occupied Western and the EasternIllyricum, or approximately three-quarters of the Balkan-Danubian provinces. Some hitherto seldom-considered medieval sources, such as the Vita

Constantini(Codex Angelicus22) and Leo Grammaticus, for instance, also highlight these

events, with objects with propaganda writings (rings, silver vessels, helmets) in favor of

one or the other emperor as evidence of the preparations for them. Constantine was unsuc-

cessful later in the war in Thrace (Campus Ardiensis), so the territorial division remained

the same as after the Battle of Cibalae. This division of the Balkans stayed the same in the

administration of the state until the late 4thCentury. The traces in the church settlement,

however, appear as late as the Early Middle Ages.

Keywords: Constantine, conspiracy, Bellum Cibalense, division of the Balkans

. 308 ., -

, - , -. , - - , , , (cae-

sares, 309- (filii augustorum),

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, , .

-

, , 307 , -, .1

a: (1) augustus.

, (2) ,

; , , - ( )

. , ,

. ,

.

2

(.1).

(

307-, ), , -

, .

.

, , ,

310- Parentium () Pola (), (

* . -

(12.3.2014),

, -

. -

- -

(13.3.2014).1 : W.

Kuhoff, Diokletian und die Epoche der Tetrarchie. Das rmische Reich zwischen Krisen-bewltigung und Neuaufbau (284313 n. Chr.), Frankurt am Main 2001, 826-840. S. Cor-

coran, Grappling with the Hydra: Co-ordination and Conflict in the Management of Tet-

rarchic Succession, v: Costantino prima e dopo Costantino Constantine before and after

Constantine (ed. G. Bonamente, N. Lenski, R. Lizzi Testa), Bari 2012, 12-14. K naslovu

filii augustorumA. Stefan, Un rang imprial nouveau l'poque de la quatrime ttrarchie:

Filius Augustorum. Prmiere partie. Inscriptions rvises: Problmes de titulature impriale

et de chronologie, Antiquit Tardive 12, 2004, 273-291; A. Stefan, Un rang imprial nou-

veau l'poque de la quatrime ttrarchie:Filius Augustorum. Deuxime partie: Considra-

tions historiques, Antiquit Tardive 13, 2005, 169-204.2

W. Kuhoff, Diokletian und die Epoche der Tetrarchie, 858-859, op. 1634. - Diokletianopolis ( augustus, Konstantin filius augustorum) cf.

A. Stefan,Filius Augustorum(I), 280-282.

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19

, , 310 316 .), .3 25000

310 .4

, . , .5

. 301 . , - . -

, , 30 311 .6 ,

augustus ,, ( - , , - 310-, ) 312-

3Inscriptiones Italiae X, 2, 7 (Parentium); X, 1, 45 (Pola); G. Alfldy, Rmische Sta-tuen in Venetia et Histria. Epigraphische Quellen, Heidelberg 1984, 79, t. 8; 81, t. 19. C.Witschel, Der epigraphic habitin der Sptantike: Das Beispiel der Provinz Venetia et His-tria, v: Die Stadt in der Sptantike Niedergang oder Wandel? (ed. J.-U. Krause, C. Wit-schel), Stuttgart, 2006, 383, t. 5 in 6.

4A. Jelonik, enturska zakladna najdba The entur Hoard, Ljubljana 1973; A. Je-lonik P. Kos, Zakladna najdba entur C The entur C Hoard, Ljubljana 1983. : entur A (ca. 12000 ); entur B (ca. 6000 ); entur C(ca. 5 000 , 2 276 ); entur D (3378 ); entur E( , :Maxenti vincas

Rumule vivas).5 : Jelonik,enturska zakladna najdba, 84; 166-167; J.-P. Callu, Naissance de la dynastie constantini-enne: le tournant de 314316, in: Humana sapit. tudes d'antiquit tardive offertes LelliaCracco Ruggini (ed. J.-M. Carri, R. Lizzi Testa), Turnhout 2002, 114, op. 23; T. Barnes,Constantine. Dynasty, Religion and Power in the Later Roman Empire, Oxford 2011, 71, : W. Kuhoff, Diokletian und die Epoche der Tetrarchie,859, op. 1634 in C. Witschel, Meilensteine als historische Quelle? Das Beispiel Aquileia,Chiron 32, 2002, 349, op. 152. -.

6

R. Brato, Odnos rimskega cesarstva do kranstva v obdobju od Galienovega edikta(260) do Galerijevega edikta (311), in: Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti, Razred zazgodovinske in drubene vede, Razprave 28: Varia (ed. P. tih), Ljubljana 2014, 160-167.

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. - .

7

. - 313- . , -. , , - ( ). - .8

- ,

. , , , . 312- , , , . -

. Emona(), .

,

: diarchia , -. ( ),

7T. Grnewald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus. Herrschaftspropaganda in der zeit-

genssischen berlieferung, Stuttgart 1990, 63-92; W. Kuhoff, Diokletian und die Epocheder Tetrarchie, 882913; T. Barnes, Constantine. Dynasty, Religion and Power, Oxford2011, 80-89.

8 .. : Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica9, 9, 12; 9, 9a, 12 (SC 55,64; 67); gl. T. Christensen, The so-called Edict of Milan, Classica et Mediaevalia 35,(Copenhagen) 1983, 129-175 ( ); K. M. Girardet, Die Konstan-tinische Wende, Darmstadt 2006, 99-105 ( ). - : Origo Constantini13: Sed opresso Maxentio cum recepi-sset Italiam Constantinus, hoc Licinium foedere sibi fecit adiungi, ut Licinius Constantiam

sororem Constantini apud Mediolanum duxisset uxorem. Nuptiis celebratis Gallias repetit

Constantinus, Licinio ad Illyricum reverso. I. Knig, Origo Constantini. Anonymus Valesi-anus, Teil 1. Text und Kommentar, Trier 1987, 40; 110-113. W. Kuhoff, Diokletian und dieEpoche der Tetrarchie, 924-927.

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21

. ,caesar, . - . , , Origo Constantini IV

-.9 ,

, Bssianus, ()

. , , j, , , , () -

. , -

( 293-), - ., j () -, . .10

9Origo Constantini14 (ed. I. Knig,Origo Constantini,40): Post aliquantum deindetemporis Constantium Constantinus ad Licinium misit, persuadens ut Bassianus Caesar

fieret, qui habebat alteram Constantini sororem Anastasiam, ut exemplo Diocletiani etMaximiani inter Constantinum et Licinium Bassianus Italiam medius obtineret. 15. Et Lici-nius talia frustrante, per Senicionem Bassiani fratrem, qui Licinio fidus erat, in Constanti-

num Bassianus armatur. Qui tamen in conatu deprehensus Constantino iubente convictus et

stratus est. Cum Senicio auctor insidiarum posceretur ad poenam, negante Licinio, fracta

concordia est, additis etiam causis quod apud Emonam Constantini imagines statuasque

deiecerat. Bellum deinde apertum convenit ambobus. : T. Barnes,Constantine and Eusebius, Cambridge (Massachusetts), London 1981, 66-67; I. Knig,Origo Constantini,113-118; J. ael, Opera selecta, Ljubljana 1992, 806-808; T. G. Elliott,Constantine's Explanation of his Career, Byzantion 62, 1992, 223-232; V. Neri, Medius

princeps. Storia e immagine di Costantino nella storiografia pagana, Bologna 1992, 253-268; B. Bleckmann, Konstantin der Groe, Hamburg 1996, 79-82; J.-P. Callu, Naissance dela dynastie constantinienne: le tournant de 314-316, 111-114; E. Herrmann-Otto, Kons-tantin der Groe, Darmstadt,2007, 102-105; O. Schmitt, Constantin der Groe (275-337),Stuttgart 2007, 174-178; 302 .13. j, - 315. , : T. Barnes, Constantine. Dynasty, Religion and Power, 101-103;K. Rosen, Konstantin der Groe, Stuttgart 2013, 215-218.

10J.-P. Callu, Naissance de la dynastie constantinienne: le tournant de 314-316, 112; F.

Chausson, Une soeur de Constantin: Anastasia, in : Humana sapit. tudes d'antiquittardive offertes Lellia Cracco Ruggini (ed. J.-M. Carri, R. Lizzi Testa), Turnhout, 2002,138.

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, , , . , (fidus) - (Senicio) j, -

( - AniciiNumii Albini Seneciones) -. , (auctor insidarum) , j -. , . j, , . , - , 313- , -

. , (bellum Cibelense), , , . 314- : IV , .11

, , - 316., , 317 - : , - II II. - , Origo Constantini, , , ,314 ., .12

11 Consularia Constantinopolitana, a. 314 (Chronica minora I, ed. Th. Mommsen,

MGH AA 9, 231); Hieronymus, Chronica, a. 313(!) (GCS 47, 230a). I. Knig, Origo Con-stantini, 119-123; D. Kienast, Bellum Cibalense und die Morde des Licinius, v: Roma re-

nascens. Ilona Opelt von ihren Freunden und Schlern zum 9. 7. 1988 in Verehrung gewi-

dmet(ed. M. Vissemann), Frankfurt 1988, 149-158.12

(316/7): T. Grne-wald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus, 108-112; J. ael, Opera, 806807; T. G. Elliott,Constantine's Explanation of his Career, 223-225; C. Ehrhardt, Monumental Evidence for

the Date of Constantine's First War against Licinius, The Ancient World 23/2, 1992, 87-94

( 315 . ,

, ); H. Pohlsander, The Date of the Bellum Cibalense. ARe-Examination, The Ancient World 25, 1995, 89-101; Bleckmann,Konstantin, 80-82; M.

Mirkovi, Decennalia des Licinius und die Schlacht bei Cibalae, iva antika 47, 1997, 152 -

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23

, ,

(triennium) . (

317-) , , (sexennio post rupta

pace).13

,

316-, -

. , ,

(vota X). Siscia () Thessalonika()

,

315 .

, - -

(votis X votis XX). - (Panoniae Moesiae) -

, 314 -

.14 Poetovio (),

, (votis X et XXfelic(iter),

.15(. 2).

- ( 11 317 ) -

Sirmium ( ) Naisus () ,

156; C. M. Odahl, Constantin and the Christian Empire, London 2004, 163-164, 337-338,

op. 2; H. Brandt, Konstantin der Grosse. Der erste christliche Kaiser. Eine Biographie,

Mnchen 2006, 72; N. Lenski (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine,New York 2006, 73-74; E. Herrmann-Otto,Konstantin der Groe, 105-106; 232-233, zab.

31; O. Schmitt, Constantin, 178; P. Stephenson, Constantine. Unconquered Emperor, Chris-

tian Victor, London 2011, 165; T. Barnes, Constantine. Dynasty, Religion and Power, 103;

K. Rosen, Konstantin der Groe, 213.13

Aurelius Victor 41, 2 (... anxie triennium quivere...); 41, 8 (... sexennio post rupta

pace...). 41, 6 ( ); Zosimos 2, 20 (

).14

T. Grnewald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus, 111-112; 237-241, nr. 375-400

( PannoniaeMoesiae).15

M. Abrami, Poetovio. Fhrer durch die Denkmler der rmischen Stadt, Wien1925, 103; A. Donati G. Gentili, Costantino il Grande. La civilt antica al bivio tra

Occidente e Oriente, Milano 2005, 148-151.

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. Naissus( , Licini

Auguste semper vincas Sic X Sic XX(. 3). Naisus (Dacia mediterranea) ,

, Moesia Secunda ( -) , ( ) - . 316-, Cibalae (), - , - . 314 , , , , . Origo Constantini , , Sir-

mium ( ) , . : () , , , , ().16

Origo Constantini (bellum aper-tum), - Emona, (apud Emo-nam).

17 , -

- , 313 . - Origo Constantini, . (Codex nge-licus gr. 22, Angelica ) . , V , , ,- , , 425 . ,

. . : ( )

16Origo Constantini16-17 (...Licinius cum magna parte equitatus noctis auxilio per-

volavit ad Sirmium. Sublata inde uxore ac filio et thesauris tetendit ad Daciam); Zosimus 2,

19, 1. I. Popovi, Les productions officielles et prives des ateliers d'orfvrerie de Naissuset de Sirmium, Antiquit Tardive 5, 1997, 133-144. 317 . : Virtus Exercitus

Gall(ici), (Trevirum) : RAC VII, 179 (Treveri); 427-428 (Siscia); 501 (Thessalonike).

17 . 9.

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25

-

,

. ( )

,(dia ton Alpeon esposoumenos eis ten ekeinou archen).18

- ,

Apud Emonam Origo Constantini . ,

, -

, . :

, ,

. , , . , .

.19 ,

, 400 , .

Ad Pirum() (. 4). -

(867 ) IV .-

; -

,

.

, , follis 312/313 . Thessalinica.

. terminus antequem .20 ,

18H. G. Opitz, Die Vita Constantini des Codex Angelicus 22, Byzantion 9, 1934, 535-

593, 554, 3-9 (Vita Constantini12). B. Bleckmann, Die Vita BHG 365 und die

Rekonstruktion der verlorenen Kirchengeschichte Philostorgs, Jahrbuch fr Antike und

Christentum 46, 2003, 7-16.19

H. G. Opitz, Die Vita Constantini des Codex Angelicus 22, 554, 10-15 (= Vita Con-

stantini13).20

T. Ulbert (unter Mitwirkung von U. Giesler, M. Mackensen, D. Steinhilber), Ad Pi-rum(Hruica). Sptrmische Passbefestigung in den Julischen Alpen. Der deutsche Beitrag

zu den slowenisch-deutschen Grabungen 19711973, Mnchen 1981, 3-11; 43-46; 134, t.

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. IV . -, II ,

352 , (to de hsper ton Alpeon teicxos palaion), .21

. , : , . , P. M. Bruun (1966) . D.Barnes(1982),22 316

(Arles), . - , - , 20- 29 316 . Siscia(), . 8 , - , (Cibalae) Panonia Secunda (. 5). -, , : 29 , - 503 ( 749 ) Cibalae

Panonia Secunda, 75 . - ., Sirmium, - 48 , 72 Cibalae.

Emona, - , Cibalae 400 (279), ? : (1)

, - (2) ,

48; P. Kos, The Construction and abandonment of the Claustra Alpium Iuliarumdefence

system in light of the numismatic material, Arheoloki vestnik 63, 2012, 286, tab. 15, no. 3. 21

Iulianus, Oratio3, 17, v. 20 (ed. J. Bidez, Paris 1960, 143). J. ael P. Petru, Cla-ustra Alpium IuliarumI.Fontes, Ljubljana 1971, 25, no. 9d.

22

RIC, Vol. VII. Constantine and Licinius A.D. 313337 (ed. P. M. Bruun), London1966, 76; T. Barnes, The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine, Cambridge (Massa-

chusetts) London 1982, 73.

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27

, -

.23

Pano-nia Secunda,

.24

( - 35000, 20000 ) .

, .

(Hiulca palus), (Ulca),

, (), .25

,

( Cibalae Sirmium), Liciniana vi(n)cit, .26

(fidem Constantino), Ciba-lae, -

.

23Origo Constantini16: Utriusque ad Cibalensem campum ductus exercitus. Licinio

XXXV milia peditum et equitum fuere; Constantinus XX milia peditum et equitum duxit.Caesis post dubium certamen Licinianis viginti peditum milibus et equitum ferratorum

parte, Licinius cum magna parte equitatus noctis auxilio pervolavit ad Sirmium.(I. Knig,

Origo Constantini,40-42; 123-126). Zosimos 2, 18,

2-4. : Hieronymus, Chronicon a. 313(!) (GCS 47, 230); Eutro-

pius

10, 5 (Constantinus ... Licinio bellum intulit ... Ac primo eum in Pannonia secunda

ingenti apparatu bellum apud Cibalas instruentem repentinus oppressit omnique Dardania,

Moesia, Macedonia potitus numerosas provincias occupavit);Epitome de Caesaribus41, 5

(... primumque apud Cibalas iuxta paludem Hiulcam nomine Constantino nocte castra

Licinii irrumpente...); Orosius 7, 28, 19 (Sed Constantinus Licinium, sororis suae virum, in

Pannonia primum vicit, deinde apud Cibalas oppressit universaque Graecia potitus Lici-nium crebris bellis terra marique adsurgentem et repressum tandem ad deditionem coegit;

Sozomenos 1, 6, 6 (SC 306, 134-136).

, , Leo Grammaticus, Chronogra-

phia (CSHB 26, 85), -

BHL 365 (Vita Constantini13; H.-G. Opitz, Die Vita Constantini

des Codex Angelicus 22, 554).24

7-, 260-,351-488 .25

A. Rapan Papea, Topografija Cibala u kasnoj antiki Topography of Cibalae in

Late Antiquity, Opuscula Archaeologica 35, Zagreb 2011, 201-213.26

A. Demandt, J. Engemann (ed.), Konstantin der Grosse, Darmstadt 2007, 150-151;S. Piussi (ed.), Cromazio di Aquileia 388408 al crocevia di genti e religioni, Milano 2008,

110-111; 126.

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28/199

28

58 1-2 2014

, : Remesiana (

) (Naisus) (Serdica), (. 6).27

, (20000 - , ), -

, , , 70 . ,

, , , . (Savus) -

.28

. ,

. ,

(dux limitis) (Dacia ripensis)

- . (Campus

Adriensis) , , .29 , -

, Beroe, - (Byzantium) ,

,

, .30

-

Cibalae. , ( 18 ) , -

( ) (. 1).31

27I. Popovi, Fidelity rings to the emperors of the Constantinian house, Starinar 50,

2000, 187-198 (315317 .).28

Origo Constantini16-17 (I. Knig,Origo Constantini,42; 124126). Zosimos 2, 18,

5; 2, 19, 1. Prim. N. Lenski (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, 74

( Singidunum (), a Sirmium).

! M. Jeremi, The Sirmium Impe-rial Palace Complex in Light of the recent Archaeological Investigations, in: Diocletian,

Tetrarchy and Diocletians Palace on the 1700thAnniversary of Existence (ed. N. Cambi, J.

Belamari, T. Marasovi), Split 2009, 472-480.29

Origo Constantini17; Zosimos 2, 19; Epitome de Caesaribus41, 5; Leo

Grammaticus, Chronographia (CSHB 26, 85). O. Schmitt, Constantin der Groe, 178-186;

K. Rosen, Konstantin der Groe, 218-219; 434-435 (op. 7-12).30

Origo Constantini18; Zosimos 2, 20; Zonaras 13, 1 (PG 134, 1100 B).31

Origo Constantini18-19 (I. Knig,Origo Constantini,124-134); Zosimos 2, 19, 2-

3; 2, 20, 1-2; Petrus Patricius, Frg. 13, v: Excerpta historica Imp. Constantini Porphyroge-

niti. Excerpta de legationibus II (ed. C. De Boor), Berlin 1903, 394 ( - );Epitome de Caesaribus40, 9 (

, ). T. Barnes, The New

7/25/2019 GINI 2014.pdf

29/199

29

316-

-

, . ,

(campis Ardiensis), .

( ) , - ,

(

800 ), ( 500 ) - ( 350 ).

.

.. (CampusErgenus [Serenus]) , -

. -

: , Cibalae, - (!).32 ,

,

IV . - - .

- Laterculus Veronensis, -

(1) Panno-

niae ( Illyricum) , ; (2) Moesiae, 11

, , ( Macedonia, Dacia

.

(Thracia) -

( . 1).33 ( -

2), -

Empire of Diocletian and Constantine, 73 (hronologija); E. Herrmann-Otto, Konstantin,

106-108; T. Barnes, Constantine. Dynasty, Religion and Power, 103; K. Rosen, Konstantin,

219-220.32

Leo Grammaticus, Chronographia(CSHB 26, 85).33

T. Barnes, The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine, 201208, 202

203; 206-207, C. Zuckerman, Sur la liste de Vrone et la province de GrandeArmnie, la division de l'empire et la date de cration des diocses, v: Mlanges Gilbert

Dagron, Travaux et Mmoires 14, Paris, 2002, 617-637.

7/25/2019 GINI 2014.pdf

30/199

30

58 1-2 2014

312 ( , 18 ), ,

, . ,

.

, , , , -

. V ,

.34

, -

, - .35

. !

36 -

.

Serdica() , , ( 324),

, .37

-

(316/17 323/24)

34 R. Brato, Die frhchristliche Kirche in Makedonien und ihr

Verhltnis zu Rom, in: Klassisches Altertum, Sptantike und frhes Christentum. A. Li-

ppold zum 65. Geburtstag (ed. K. Dietz, D. Hennig, H. Kaletsch), Wrzburg 1993, 522-

527; R. Brato, Die kirchliche Organisation in Westillyricum (vom spten 4. Jh. bis um

600) Ausgewhlte Fragen, in Keszthely-Fenkpuszta im Kontext sptantiker Kontinui-

ttsforschung (a cura di O. Heinrich-Tamska), Budapest Leipzig Keszthely Rah-

den/West. 2011, 220.35

Sozomenos 1, 6, 6 (SC 477, 134-136). A. Cedilnik, Ilirik med Konstantinom Veli-

kim in Teodozijem Velikim, Ljubljana 2004, 33-34.36

Petrus Patricius, Frg. 190, in: Excerpta historica Imp. Constantini Porphyrogeniti.

Excerpta de sententiis(ed. U. P. Boissevain), Berlin 1906, 271.37

Codex Iustinianus 1, 13, 1 (316: ... ad Protogenem episcopum). 325 .,

(Do-

mniusSirmium,ProtogenesoSerdika,DacusSkupiBoudios oStobi,Aleksander

oTesalonika, KlaudianosoLarisa,PistosoAthena, StrategiosoHephaistiaia (Lem-

nos) MarkosoEvboja?); R. Brato, Die kirchliche Organisation in Westillyricum (vom

spten 4. Jh. bis um 600, 240; 244246). -

Zonaras 13, 3 (PG 134, 1105 C). R. J. Pillinger, Constantine the

Great and Christian Europe as reflected on the Monuments, Ni i Vizantija 11, 2012, 25(. 5); 26 ( e

, 343 .

7/25/2019 GINI 2014.pdf

31/199

31

. -

(Aquae Iassae) Poetovio. ,

, ,

. , :provisione suae pietatis,

/ (dies Solis). (venerabilis dies Solis)

(321-); ,

(caelestis provisio). (dies Solis) (dies festus),

(quae sunt maxime votiva).38 (-

, , ) -

-

.39

38Imp(erator) Caes(ar)Fl(avius) Val(erius) Constantinus pius felix maximus Aug(us-

tus) /Aquas Iasa[s] olim vi ignis consumptas cum porticibus / et omnib(us) ornamentis ad

pristinam faciem restituit/ provisione etiam pietatis suae nundinas/ die Solis perpeti anno

constituit / curante Val(erio) Catullino v(iro) p(erfectissimo) p(raeside) p(rovinciae)

P(annoniae) P(rimae) Super(ioris). ILS 704; Antike Inschriften aus Jugoslavien I. (ed. V.

Hoffiller, B. Saria), Zagreb 1938, 469; T. Grnewald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus,238, no. 379; B. Migotti,Evidence for Christianity in Roman Southern Pannonia (Northern

Croatia), Oxford 1997, 54 ().39

: nobilissimus Caesar( 306,

a 308 o 310, no. 1, 2, 3); invictus Augustusin maxi-

mus Augustus( 312, mo. 4, 5, 6, 7); maxi-

mus Augustus, Augustus nobilissimi Caesares1. 3. 317 (no. 4, 5,

6, 7); maximusvictor semper augustus ( ,324,

no. 8, 9).

(1) Lychnidos/Ohrid (Epirus Nova, 306308/310; T. Grnewald, Constantinus Maxi-

mus Augustus, 241, no. 396): Dom[i]no nost[r]o F[l]ab(io) Constan[ti]no / nobilis /simoC[ae]sa[r]i.

(2) Stobi(Macedonia, 307. CIL III, 12316; T. Grnewald, Constantinus Maximus Au-

gustus, 241, no. 397): Dd(ominis) nn(ostris)Impp(eratoribus) etCaess(aribus) /Maximia-

no et/ Severo Augg(ustis) et / *[Ma]xi[min]o* et Constantinonn(o)bb(ilissimis) Caess(ari-

bus).

(3) Larissa (Macedonia, 25. 7. 306 308. CIL III, Additamentum 237b: T. Grne-

wald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus, 241, no. 400): na natpisot (25. 7. 306 308/310)

sledat Constantius I, Galerius, Severus, Maximinus, a potoa dodadeno: et ... Constantino /

nob(ilissimo)/ C[aes(ari)].

(4). Thessaloniki (Macedonia, 30. 4. 313

8. 10. 316. L'anne pigraphique 1933,251; T. Grnewald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus, 241, t. 398): Imp(erator) Caes(ar)

F(lavius) / Val(erius) / Constantinus / pi(us) invictus Aug(ustus) / *[ ] * m(ilia)

7/25/2019 GINI 2014.pdf

32/199

32

58 1-2 2014

, ,

,

.40

, , , -

, 324 . - , -

, ( 317, 318, 319, 320, 321,322 323) ( -

317, 319,320, 321, 322), ( -

, 317, 323,324), Naissus(319) Vimana-cium() MoesiaPrima(321). -

, , .

, , 317 . , -

p(asuum) < 1. 3. 317 > kai Kl(audios) / I I I / kai Li(kinios)Kl(audi-

os)L[i(kiniou) hios] / kai Kl(audios)Konstanteinos / hoi epiph(anestatoi)KaisaresI I I I .

(5) Serdica (Dacia mediterranea, 1. 3. 317 321. L'anne pigraphique 1978, 727c;

T. Grnewald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus, 240, no. 390): [Dd[ominis)] nn(ostris)

Im[pp(eratoribus)] Co/n[s]ta[ntin]o [maximoetVal(erio) / LicinianoLi(ci)nio] / s[emper]

Augg(ustis)] et Fl(avio)Iul(io) Crispo et/ Val(erio)LicinianoLicinio iun(iori) / etFl(avio)

Cl(audio) Constantino / nobb(ilissimis) Caess(aribus) / m(ilia)p(assuum)] viii.

(6) Serdica (Dacia mediterranea, krajot na 324 god. V. Beevliev, Sptgriechischeund sptlateinische Inschriften aus Bulgarien, Berlin 1964, 1; T. Constantinus Maximus

Augustus, Constantinus, 240, no. 391): [Dd(ominis)] nn(ostris) Constan/[tino max(imo)]

Val(erio) [Li]cini(ano) [Li]ci[nio / semper Augg(ustis)]Fl(avio)Iul(io) Cri[spo/Liciniano

Lici]n[io Fl(avio) C]l(audio) Cons[tantino / Fl(avio) Iul(io) C]ons[tantio] nobb(ilissimis)

Caess(aribus) / m(ilia) [passuum)]xi.

(7) Serdica(Ihtiman, Dacia mediterranea, 1. 3. 317 321. CIL III, 14207, 37; Gr-

newald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus, 240, no. 393): Dd(ominorum) nn(ostrorum) /

Constantinimax(imi) / Val(eri)Lic(iniani)Licini p[e]rp(etuoroum Augg(ustorum) / Fl(avi)

Iul(i) Crispi/ Val(eri)Lic(iniani)Licini iun(ioris) /Fl(avi) Cl(audi) Constantini/ nobb(illi-

ssimorum Caess(arum).(8) Scupi (Dardania, 18/19. 9. 324. CIL III, 8271b; Gr-

newald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus, 241, no. 394): [D(omino) (nostro)Fl(avio) Con]-

stantin[o/ maximo] victor(i) / [sem]per Aug(usto) / mil(ia passuum) xii.

(9) Philippi(Macedonia,

,18.9.324; L'anne pigraphique 1933, 86 in 1948, 207; T. Grnewald, Constan-

tinus Maximus Augustus, 239, 387): [Imp(eratorem)] Caes(arem)Fl(avium) C[onstantinum

/p(ium)f(elicem)] max(imum) victor[em semper Aug(ustum) / c]onditorem[omnium salutis

r(es)p(ublica) c]oloniae Phili[ppensium devota n(umini) m(aiestati)q(ue) e(ius].40

Eusebios,Historia ecclesiastica10, 8, 10 (SC 55, 115); Eusebios, Vita Constantini1,

49-54; 2, 1-2 (FC 83, 208-226); Sozomenos 1, 7, 1 (SC 306, 136); Origo Constantini 20;Hieronymus, Chronicon a. 320 (GCS 47, 230); Orosius 7, 28, 18. A. Cedilnik, Ilirik med

Konstantinom Velikim in Teodozijem Velikim,2004, 3334; K. Rosen, Konstantin, 253-257.

7/25/2019 GINI 2014.pdf

33/199

33

, -

( ) .41

, .

326 ., (vicennalia)

II, .

, ( 1 4 ) (6 ), (18/21 3 ), -

().42

, ,

. .

.43 ( 325 ), ,

. , 20 .44

(de ruptu virginis), -

1 326 , , .45

, : , ,

, , -

, -,

.46

41T. Barnes, The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine, 73-75 (Konstantin); 82

(Licinij). E. Herrmann-Otto, Konstantin, 110-111.42

T. Barnes, The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine, 77.43

Prim. Eutropius 10, 6, 3;Epitome de Caesaribus41, 15-16; Zosimos 2, 29, 1; Petrus

Patricius, Frg. 191 (Excerpta historica Imp. Constantini Porphyrogeniti. Excerpta de sen-tentiis(ed. U. P. Boissevain), Berlin 1906, 271.

44D. Liebs, Unverhohlene Brutalitt in den Gesetzen der ersten christlichen Kaiser, v:

Rmisches Recht in der europischen Tradition (ed. O. Behrens, M. Disselhorst, W.E.

Voss), Eberslach 1985, 89-116; D. Liebs, Konstantin als Gesetzgeber, v: Konstantin der

Groe. Geschichte Archologie Rezeption (ed. A. Demandt, J. Engemann), Trier 2006,

97-107; Y. Rivire, Constantin, le crime et le christianisme: contribution l'tude des lois

et des moerus de l'Antiquit tardive, Antiquit Tardive 10, 2002, 327-361 ( -

).45

Arnold Martin Jones .46

Codex Theodosianus9, 24, 1. D. Liebs, Unverhohlene Brutalitt, 95-96. Prim. A. H.M. Jones, Constantine and the Coversion of Europe, New York 1962 (2. izd.), 199 (

edict its violent, almost hysterical, tone).

7/25/2019 GINI 2014.pdf

34/199

34

58 1-2 2014

. -

, 326 ( 6 ),

, , Pola

() - , , .

. - Pola. , , / -

, .

, , ,

, , , , . -

.47

.48

47 : (1) Eutropius 10, 6, 3; (2) Consularia Constantinopolitana a.

326 (Chronica minora I, MGH AA 9, 232); (3) Chronicon Paschale, a. 325, 2 (Chronica

minora I, MGH AA 9, 232); (4) Hieronymus, Chronicona. 325 (GCS 47, 231:

); a. 328 (232: ); (5) Hieronymus,De viris illustribus80, 3 (CSEA

6/1, 2009, 352: ); (6) Ammianus Marcellinus 14, 11, 20 ( ); (7) Prosperus, Epitoma Chronicona. 326 (MGH AA 9, 450); (8) Polemius Silvius,

Laterculus I, 62 (Chronica minora I, MGH AA 9, 522); (9) Aurelius Victor 41, 11; (10)

Epitome de Caesaribus41, 11-12; (11) Orosius 7, 28, 26; (12) Sidonius Apollinaris,Epistu-

lae5, 8, 2 ( : , -

); (13) Chronica Gallicaa. 511, 462 (Chronica minora I, MGH AA 9, 643); (14) Philos-

torgios 2, 4 (GCS 21, 14-16); (15) Sozomenos 1, 5, 1-2; (16) Zosimos2, 29, 2-3; (17) Eua-

grius Scholasticus,Historia ecclesiastica3, 40 (PG 86/2, 2684-2685); (18) Ioannes Antio-

chenus, Frg. 196 (ed. S. Mariev, CFHB 47, 2008, 356, Evtropija); (19)

Suida, Lexikon, s.v. Krispos (ed. A. Adler, Leipzig 1928, vol. 3, 190-191); (20) Artemii

passio45 (GCS 21, 14-15); (21) Vita Constantini35 (OPITZ,Vita Constantini,1934, 565);(22) Zonaras13, 2 (PG 132, 1105 A).

48 : T. Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 1981, 220-221; T.

Barnes, The The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine, 77; 84 (); D.

Liebs, Unverhohlene Brutalitt,99, . 72; G. Marasco, Costantino e le uccisioni di Crispo

e Fausta (326 D.C.), Rivista di filologia e di istruzione classica 121, 1993, 297-317; F.

Paschoud, in: Zosime, Histoire nouvelle, Tome 1, Paris 2003, 234-240, . 39 (

Zosimus 2, 29); C. M. Odahl, Cons-

tantine, 203-211; 351-352, n. 7-8; E. Herrmann-Otto, Konstantin, 143-146; 239-240, op.

148-156; O. Schmitt, Constantin, 221-229; K. Olbrich, Kaiser in der Krise religionsund

rechtsgeschichtliche Aspekte der 'Familienmorde' des Jahres 326, Klio 92, 2010, 104-116;T. Barnes,Constantine,Dinasty and Power, 144-150; K. Rosen, Konstantin, 309-317. -

.

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35/199

35

, . - ( 22), .

, , . , -. , , : -, , , - .49 . - ,

. : (1) -, , , (augusta); - -. , , . : ; ; ; , ; . ,

, . , ( II, , ) . , , . - , .

,

( 330-), , .50, .

49 Zosimos 2, 29, 2-3,

Sozomenos 1, 5, 1-2 (SC 306, 128-130) Euagrius Scholasticus, Historia

ecclesiastica3, 40 (PG 86/2, 2684-2685). e -

, G. Marasco, Costan-

tino e le ucisioni di Crispo e Fausta,299-301.50 T. Barnes, The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine, 77-80.

(Moesiae) ,

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36/199

36

58 1-2 2014

:

BHG Bibliotheca hagiographica Graeca. Ediderunt Socii Bollandiani (Bruxelles21909).

CFHB Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae (Berlin, New York).

CIL Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin).CSHB Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae (Bonn).

FC Fontes Christiani (Freiburg, Turnhout).

GCS Die Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller (Berlin).

MGH AA Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Auctores Antiquissimi (Berlin, 2. izd.

Mnchen).

PG Patrologiae Graecae cursus completus (ed. J.-P. Migne, Paris).

RIC The Roman Imperial Coinage (ed. C.H.V. SutherlandR.A.G. Carson, London).

SC Sources Chrtiennes (Paris).

. 1. 4 , : A. Cedilnik, Ilirik

med Konstantinom Velikim in Teodozijem Velikim, Ljubljana 2004).

victor ac triumphator (o 333 o.), -

Thracia (Haemimontus)

. Cf. T. Grnewald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus, 243, no.412 (Mesembria/); no. 413 (/); no. 414 (). Cf. V.

Beevliev, Sptgriechische und sptlateinische Inschriften aus Bulgarien, 152; 170; 189.

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37/199

37

. 2. (crustulum)

(Petoviona)

10-

, : M. Abrami,

Poetovio. Fhrer durch die Denkmlerder rmischen Stadt, Wien 1925, 103).

. 3. Naissus

10-

, : R. Noll, Vom

Altertum zum Mittelalter, Wien 1974,

. 20, . 23; 14).

. 4. Claustra Alpium Iuliarum, T. Ulbert, Ad Pirum (Hruica). Sptrmische

Passbefestigung in den Julischen Alpen, Mnchen 1981, . 3, 1).

: 1. ; 2. .

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38/199

7/25/2019 GINI 2014.pdf

39/199

7/25/2019 GINI 2014.pdf

40/199

40

58 1-2 2014 -

-

. II -

, III (393/392370/369

. . ..).2

, .. ( II) I. , -, -. , . . III -

, . , - .

, III : , , . -

, ., , - , - . , , .

, - -

, -

.

,

2 -

. (Diod., XIV, 89, 2; XIV, 92, 3 XV, 60, 3 ), III

, (Sync., 495 500) .

, , o

, -

e (393/392370/369 . . ..).

7/25/2019 GINI 2014.pdf

41/199

41

III

, . ,

, -

. - -

, - . , -

, -

.

, - , III -

. .

, -

, - . -

III, ,

. ,

, - ,

. ,

, oj

(395/394 . . ..). -

- .

.

,

-

, III , -

, -

. , III

,

, , - , -, , - , .. II 432 .3 , , III .

- . ,

4

3E. N. Borza,In the Shadow of Olympus..., 182.4Tod GHI, no. III 393 . . .. . . . (N.

G. L. Hammond and G. T. Grifith, A History of Macedonia, vol. II, Oxford, 1978, 173)

7/25/2019 GINI 2014.pdf

42/199

42

58 1-2 2014 -

.5 , ( III) -, . , . -

. , , - .,

, - -. - - , -

, -, . :

.

. - ,

, .

, , ... ...

, -, ;

...6, ,

. , III - , , - , -

- . -,

.

, -

, , (), - . ,

391 . . .., . . -

III (E. N. Borza,In the Shadow of Olympus..., 183).5. , , Historia Antiqua Macedonica 8, ,

2004, 207.6IG, 135; Tod GHI, no. III.

. ( ..., 207). : S. Hornblower, The Greek

World, 479-323 B.C., London and New York, 1983, 205; John Wickersham and Gerald

Verbrugghe, Greek Historical Documents: The Fourth Century B.C., Toronto, 1973, no.

12. : F. Geyer (Makedonien bis zur Thronbesteigung Philipps II,

Munich and Berlin, 1930, 112) J. R. Ellis (Amyntas III, Illyria and Olynthos, 393/2

380/79,Makedonika9, 1969, 3).

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43

III

, -

. , -

, , , .

, - - -

, ,

-

,

.

. ,

,

.

III. , , - , - .

, III -

, -

.

. -

. - , -

. , , -

, . -

III -

.

, 393 . . ..,

,

. III , , -

: .7

,

, III . :

7Just., VII, 4, 6.

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44/199

44

58 1-2 2014 -

, , ,

, -

, . , -

, 24 .8

,

, .

III , , .

-

, ,

. : , ,

a ,

.9 ,

393/2 392/1, . -

.10

, . - .11

, .12 (394/393 . ...), III ,13

, . ,

, , ,

. ,

. -

8Diod., XIV, 92, 3.

9Diod., XIV, 92, 3.

10 385383 . .

.. (: J. R. Ellis, Amyntas III, Illyria..., 58), -

,

(Xen.,Hell., V, 2, 13). -

.11

S. Islami S. Anamali M. Korkuti F. Prendi,Les Ilyriens, Tirane, 1985, 5758.

, . 12N. G. L. Hammond and G. T.Grifith,A History of

, 172, 175, 176; . . (E.

N. Borza,In the Shadow of Olympus..., 296) .13

Porphyr. Fr. I,FHG3, 691.

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45/199

45

III

, ,

.

, - .14

, - . -

-

.

. . :

III

(XIV, 92, 34 XV, 19, 23).

,

. , , , 393 383/2 . . .. -

, (VII, 4, 6)

III

.15

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III .16 , -

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?) ,18

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14. , ..., 205; E. N. Borza,In the Shadow of Olympus..., 182.15

E. N. Borza,In the Shadow of Olympus..., 180.16

N. G. L. Hammond and G. T. Grifith,A History of..., 173.17. , IV-II ...., Historia Antiqua

Macedonica 4, , 1996, 73.18

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Geyer,Makedonien..., 113 ; J. R. Ellis (Amyntas III, Illyria..., 1 -8)

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29Xen.,Hell., V, 2, 1120.

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(N. G. L. Hammond and G. T. Grifith, A History

of..., 177178).

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History of..., 179).44

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E. N. Borza, Timber and Politics in the Ancient World: Macedon and the Greeks,Proceedings of the American Philosophical Association131, 1987, 40.

46Demosth., 49, 2630.

47Aesch., II, 28.

48Lisa Kallet, Iphikrates, Timotheos, and Athens, 371-360,Greek, Roman and By-

zantine Studies24, 1983, 239252.49

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58 1-2 2014 55-62 ISSN 0583-4961

930.85:28(560)"652"

1

Abstract

The paper The Heritage of the Antiquity in the Islamaccentuates the importance of the

connection of the Islam and the Hellenic civilisation through several examples. I focused on

the translation of the work from the famous Greek thinker and father of the modern

medicine Hippocrates, which in 1475 was mentioned in the vakafnama of the Skopjes

governor (kraishnik) Issa Bey, among the books in his library in Skopje. The second

example that I have observed is the image of the Alexander the Great and its appearance in

the theology, literature and the culture through the transcription Iskender. The parallels

drown between the image of Alexander the Great and that of the image, work and the

symbols of the Albanian national hero George Kastriot Skenderbey create one whole wherethe tradition, the history and the Balkan culture are intertwined.

Keywords: Alexander III, Iskender Zulkarnein, Skender-bey, Islamic civilization,

Hellenic civilization, translation, two horns legend

2(198218/813833.)3. ,

, , .

, : ?

, . , -

: ?

, .

1 -

, IRCICA , 2010.2M. Rekayaal-Ma'mun, The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol VI, ed. Clifford Edmund.

Bosworth, etc., Brill, 1991, 331.3 .

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59

-

, . . , . .11 /, - / . ,

. - - .12 - - -, . - - , .

,

- : , , -, . - ( ) , . - , , . - . , -

- . :... 19- ,

( ).13

11, (XV

XIX .), , 2008, Cantemir Dimitrie, History of South-East European and OrientalCivilzations, Bucharest, 1973; Salname-i vilayet-i Kosova 1314 (1896) Uskup, Rumeli Turkleri kulturve Dayanismaderhegi yayinlary No.3, Istanbul, 2000, 341,. .30.

12 Franz Rosenthal, The Classical Heritage in Islam, California Press University,

Oakland, California 1975, 17-22. Hrvatska srednjovjekovna proza I., Legende i romani,

Aleksandrida, 277- 369, Matica hrvatska, Zagreb 2013.13

. ., - , -, , 2003, 535.

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, -, , - , ., :

( ) , .

, - , , -.14

-

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-,

, .. -.15

,-

,

. 1634 -,

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14Marinus Barletius, Vita et tres gestae Christi Athletae Georgii Castrioti, Epirota-

rum Principis, qui propter heroicam virtutem suam a Turcis olim Scander-beg., i.e

Alexander Magnus cognominatus est, libris XIII. Zagrebiae, 1734.

, . , .. , ,

2008, 32.15

, , , , 1974.16

-,

,

, (14051468), , 600 , , , 2006, 193-201.

http://www.hum.au.dk/sfinx/TidsskriftetSFINX.html, 10.06.2014.

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(360281 . ..) .17 ,

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/19, ( -, , ),

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17

(British Museum) .18

James Edwards,"Two Horns, Three Religions. How Alexander the Great ended up

in the Quran". American Philological Association, 133rd Annual Meeting Program

Philadelphia, 5 January 2002) 36, under Reception of Classical Literature, No. 5.19

Plut. Al. 44, Diod., XVII, 75, Arr., III, 23-24.20

Andrew Runni Anderson, "Alexander at the Caspian Gates". Transactions and Pro-

ceedings of the American Philological Association 59, 1928 130-163. http://jstor.

org/stable/282983. , ( , ),

-

, , Portae Caspiae/

,

,

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21

, -

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-, . . , , :

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,

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.21

Quran, Sura 83-98.

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58 1-2 2014 63-71 ISSN 0583-4961

94(495.02)930.85(495.02)

32:94(497.7:497)

BYZANTINE STEREOTYPES IN THE BALKAN COUNTRIES

CONTEMPORARY POLITICS TOWARDS MACEDONIA

Aleksandar Atanasovski

Full Professor at the History Department of the Faculty of Philosophy

At the Ss. Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje

, , , -

.

, ,

, ,

.

, ,

. : -

?

: , , , , ,

In order to distinguish the Byzantine stereotypes in the Balkan states contem-

porary politics towards Macedonia, one must first examine Byzantiums state poli-

tics towards Macedonia and its present-day neighbors. The answer to this question

depends on the period of Byzantine history being discussed, as well as on whether

it is a matter of domestic or foreign policy.

When it comes to Byzantiums foreign policy towards Macedonia, one should

take into account the presence and the influence of the ancient and Hellenic tradi-

tion. This is quite logical, since Byzantium was the successor to Ancient Rome andits ideology, mixed with the ideology of the Hellenic states.

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The Byzantine Empire took the Hellenistic monarchy of Alexander the Great

as an example of the political idea of unitary government, which was seen as a re-

placement of the polis with the territorial monarchy.1These Hellenistic ideas found

their way to Byzantium through the politics of the Roman emperors, who included

Macedonia in their titulature in order to present themselves as successors and heirsof Alexander the Greats state in front of the people. That was needed in order to

keep the Macedonian people under control, so they often imitated Alexander theGreat, celebrated his birthday, organized games to commemorate his death, as well

as his victory over Persia, and they even undertook campaigns against Persia toshow they adhered to his politics. During the establishment of their own govern-

ment, the name Macedonia was present in the administrative division of the Roman

Empire.In the wake of the unsuccessful wars against Rome in 168 BC, Macedonia was

conquered and divided into four regional districtsmerideseach with its owncapital. No communication whatsoever between the districts was allowed: no trad-

ing, no economic ties, and no marriages. The use of the Macedonian language was

also strictly prohibited. This division lasted until 148 BC, when, after an unsuc-cessful uprising, Macedonia was turned into a Roman province, first of its kind on

the Balkan Peninsula, and thus became the principal starting point for further Ro-man conquests in the Balkans. Each newly-acquired Balkan territory was annexed

to the province of Macedonia.2It was not until 29-28 BC that new Balkan provinc-

es such as Dalmatia, Moesia and Thrace began to emerge. In 27 BC, the provinceswere divided into senatorial and imperial,3with Macedonia under the Senates ju-

risdiction. The prohibition regarding the use of the Macedonian language was still

in force.A new administrative reform was carried out during the reign of Diocletian

(297 AD), when the so-called dioceses, larger administrative units than the prov-inces, were formed. The Diocese of Moesia, therefore, incorporated ten provinces,

including Macedonia. Diocletians successor, Constantine I, continued his prede-cessors reform policies. He divided the Empire into four districts (prefectures).

Macedonia was included in the prefecture of Illyricum. During the 4th century,

around 325 AD, the Diocese of Moesia was divided into two parts: Dacia and

Macedonia. In this way, before the official dissolution of the Empire, Macedonia,in terms of historical significance, was not only a province, but also a larger admin-istrative unita diocese.4

1 ,. 1999, 284.

2Titi Livi Ab urbe condita libri, ed. M. Mueller, Lipsiae 1897, XLV, 29-30;

,1949, 160-170. For the

boundaries of the Roman province of Macedonia, compare: ,

. 1985, 17-22.3 , ,18.

4 , I, 229.

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and the Byzantine-oriented, fled Macedonia for the seaside towns. Byzantium ban-

ished them to Thrace, around the town of Odrin, and formed a military unit, a

themecalled Macedonia out of them. That name was later passed on the territorypopulated by the armed forces.8

At the same time, Byzantium also included Macedonia in both its domesticand foreign policies. Unlike the other Sclaviniae in the Balkans, which were all

given general names, those of Macedonia were referred to as either Macedonian

Sclaviniae or the Sclaviniae of Macedonia (tj kat tn Makedonan

Sklauinaj).9 Byzantium often went to war with these Sclaviniae because it

wanted to conquer them, but those campaigns were only effective in the short run

since the majority of the Macedonian Sclaviniae remained independent. After the

forming of the new Bulgarian state in 681 AD, part of the Balkan Sclaviniae were

included in its territory. It was the first medieval state in the Balkans formed on

Byzantine territory that was recognized by Byzantium. Thus, Byzantium acknow-ledged the existence of another state, different from its own. The Sclaviniae of

Macedonia remained independent. As a result, the Byzantine emperors constantlytried to conquer them.10However, the Macedonian Sclaviniae continued to exist all

the way to the 9thcentury, when in 836/37 AD were mentioned in the records forthe last time.11

Throughout the whole of its existence, Byzantium conducted a persistent and

firm policy of assimilation, i.e. Romanizing its subjects of foreign ancestry.12

Byzantine society, with its established physiognomy (not only in theoretical, but in

practical terms as well), with its religion, culture, law and order, and historical tra-dition, stimulated the continued process of including the stranger into the Roman

identity, the Homo Byzantinus.13Romanization was carried out through Chris-

tianizing, awarding honorary titles, and finally through marriages. Children bornfrom mixed marriages were considered Roman.14This is why, when a peace treaty

was signed between Byzantium and Bulgaria in 864 AD, which saw part of Mace-

8 , , 31.; About theme Macedonia, see: p. 52-69.

9Teophani Cronographia,rec. C. de Boor, I, Lipsiae 1883, 430;,III, 265;-

, I, 1955, 222;236; 230 .41; , . . . 1,

1985, 129.10

For the battles of the Byzantines with the Slavs in Macedonia, compare: -

, VII . -

.

. 60. 2007, 275-288 and the other literature which is listed there.11

,I, 255 . 5-6;

. , 1981, 51;

, , 149; , IX .

, 1, 195-196.12 , . 1995, 108.13

Ibid. p. 108.14

Ibid. p. 109.

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donia annexed to Bulgaria and another one to Byzantium, the Bulgarian ruler Boris

agreed to adopt Christianity from Byzantium. His son Simeon (803-927 AD) was

driven by the idea of becoming a Byzantine emperor and constantly led battlesagainst Byzantium. However, his endeavours were unsuccessful.15After his death

in 927 AD, his son Peter made a peace treaty with Byzantium. Byzantium recog-nized his title of Tsar of the Bulgarians, arranged a marriage for him with a girl

from the Lekapenos clan, which made him a part of their family, and recognized

the Bulgarian Patriarchate.16

Up until 927 AD, Byzantine authors distinguish between the Macedonian

Sclaviniae and the Sclaviniae in the service of Bulgaria. After this year, a large sec-

tion of Macedonia, stretching 22 km from Thessalonica, became part of the Bulgar-

ian state, so the terms Bulgaria and Bulgarians started appearing in some Byz-

antine sources, the latter as the name for the people who were subjects of the state.

All events that took place in Macedonia were said to have happened in Bulgaria.Similarly, the Byzantine authors wrote that the state of Tsar Samuel was estab-lished on Bulgarian soil.

17

Throughout the existence of Samuels state (969-1018 AD), Byzantium led

continuous attacks against it. Byzantium did not officially recognize this creation,

alongside Samuelscrown, awarded to him by Rome. Byzantium also failed to rec-

ognize the existence of the Orthodox Ohrid Archbishopric as a separate church, butrather considered it an extension of the Bulgarian Archbishopric, dissolved in 971

AD and added to the Patriarchate of Constantinople.18In the wake of the dissolution of Samuels state in 1018 AD, Byzantium con-

ducted a series of military and administrative reforms that included Macedonia as

well. A larger part of Macedonia was included into the Theme of Bulgaria withSkopje as its capital, and that is precisely why all the sources concerning the events

in Macedonia document that they happened in Bulgaria. This was done in order topush out the name of Macedonia from the region, whereas the same name contin-

ued to be used as a theme name in Thrace, outside the historical core of Macedo-

nia. As an simpler approach, the Byzantine administration skillfully used a foreignname whose existence it had previously recognized, and since Macedonia had been

a part of the Bulgarian state before the creation of Samuels empire, this made

sense to Byzantium and its doctrine of assimilating the Macedonians and neglect-ing their ethnic identity. The Bulgarians could no longer claim any ancient state

15About the war between Simeon and Byzantium, see: -

, ,247-250; , -

. 1998, 49-55.16

, ,271-277;

, . 63.17

, , 198; -

, 78, . 332.18 About Samoils state, see: , .

-

, 1985, also compare: ,

, 64.

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traditions in the Balkans and that certainly went in Constantinoples favor. Their

ruler, Tsar Peter, was included into the order of relatives of the Byzantine emperor

when he was crowned as Tsar of the Bulgarians, not disturbing the already estab-lished dogma of the existence of a single Christian kingdom, that is, Byzantium.19

At the beginning of the 13th

century, Byzantium was torn apart by the crus-aders of the Fourth Crusade. A Latin Empire with a whole line of vassal Latin

states was formed instead. On those territories where the Latins could not establish

their rule, three states were formedNicaea, Trebizond, and Epiruswhich adopt-

ed the legal and state tradition of Byzantium. In the end, after hard-fought strug-

gles, the Empire of Nicaea re-established Byzantium in 1261 AD, and Macedoniawas a part of this new state. Byzantine armies were constantly present in Macedonia

in order to prevent the neighboring tribes and peoples from raiding the territory.20

In the thick of those struggles in 1219 AD, the exiled Byzantine patriarch in

Nicaea appointed Sava as the Archbishop of Pe, thus recognizing the independ-ence of the Serbian Church whose parishes belonged to the Archbishopric ofOhrid,21as well as the royal crown of the Serbian ruler. A similar thing happened

in 1235 AD, when Macedonia was a part of the Bulgarian state; with the permis-sion of Nicaea, in Trnovo, the Trnovo or Bulgarian Patriarchate22was established,

with parishes appropriated from the Ohrid Archbishopric. This is emphasized be-

cause even today, Bulgarian historians claim that the Ohrid Archbishopric is Bul-garian. Had that been the case, it would have been more logical for the Ohrid

Archbishopric to be proclaimed a patriarchate, on account of its historical back-ground, and in 1235 AD it was a part of the Bulgarian state. However, this scenario

did not become a reality because there was an independent Ohrid Archbishopric,

and the Bulgarian ruler asked for a Bulgarian patriarchate to be formed, whichindicates that he did not consider the Ohrid Archbishopric Bulgarian. During the

1280s, the Serbs began populating the Macedonian territory. In 1299 AD, a dealwas made between Byzantium and Serbia, supported by a marriage between the

dynasties of King Milutin and Simonida.23 With the marriage, Milutin became amember of the Byzantine emperors family, whereas the territories he had con-

quered in Macedonia were given to him as a dowry. According to Byzantine law,

19 , , 32.

20 , , 392-422.

21About that question, compare: ,

. 1997, 275;-

, XIV .

. . 56.

2003, 32; Ibid., XIV . 2009, 245.22

,, III, 361-389; ,

II,65-110; . -, -

1235 . . .

XXVIII, 1968, 136-150; ,

, 493.23

.VI, 46-48; 50-53; 168-171; 605-607.

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should the marriage dissolve, Byzantium would have the right to claim those terri-

tories back (the bride had the right to take back what she had brought into the mar-

riage). Milutin, on the other hand, had the authority to govern that territory, nowpart of the Serbian state. The Serbs, much like the Bulgarians, had no ancient tradi-

tions of statehood and presented no potential threat to the exclusive right Byzanti-um had on the world empire, as long as their ruler was included into the medieval

family of the Byzantine emperor and did not infringe on the established practice of

the supremacy of imperial authority.

At the beginning of the 14thcentury, Macedonia was under a threat of division

again, this time between the Latin titular Emperor Charles Valois and the Serbian

King Milutin. The deal was made in 1308 AD24

and suggested dividing Macedonia

into two parts, but nothing came of it.

During the reign of the Serbian ruler Stefan Duan, a larger part of Macedonia

was under Serbia. The Macedonian towns and areas were often a bone of conten-tion in the negotiations between Duan and Byzantium. Duan, following the ex-ample of the Bulgarian ruler Simeon, was driven by the idea of creating a new

Serbo-Roman kingdom instead of Byzantium, and therefore, in 1346 AD, pro-

claimed himself the Tsar of Serbia and Romania, but that title wasunrecognized

by Byzantium, so a schism followed.25

Although for most of the 14thcentury Macedonia was on Byzantiums borders,the names Macedonia and Macedonians were not erased from Byzantine

sources, i.e. Macedonia was still considered a part of Byzantium. Byzantine histo-rians, such as Nicephorus Gregoras and John Kantakouzenos used the name of

Macedonia to describe the events that happened in the real Macedonia as op-

posed to the theme of Macedonia.26

This was also done by Demetrius Cydones,in his correspondence with John Kantakouzenos. It became a practice in interna-

tional (interstate) affairs as well. In the institutions and names of some official let-ters from Islamic subjects to the Byzantine emperor, the terms Macedonia and

Macedonians were used as synonyms for prestige. For example, the letter of the

Mamluk Sultan Nasir al-Din Mohammad from 1340-41 AD to EmperorAndronikos III Palailogos (1328-1341 AD) reads [in translation]: To the noble

Andronikos the sword of the Macedonian Kingdom, of the honorable Hellenic

military system, Emperor of Bulgaria, Wallachia, and Alania, the absolute ruler ofRussia, Iberia and the Turks, heir of the Roman Empire, ruler over two seas and

24 II 1308 -

. : , :

. -

, II, 1977, 436-439 and the other literature which is listed there.25

, , 34; ,-

XIV , 52; 75-76.26

According to: ,

, XIV .

. , 27

(53). 2000, 61-73.

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-

. , :

1. (976 .), ;2

- .

2. ,3 980 . 997 1000, -

, .4

,

,

: Stephenson

P., The Legend of Basil the Bulgar-Slayer, Cambridge, 2003, 30, 8, CatherineHolmes, Basil II and the governance of Empire (9761025), New York 2005, 17, . 2,Vladimir R. Petkovic, Une Hypothse sur le Car Samuel, Paris, 1919, 1325.

2Schlumberger G.,L'pope byzantine la fin du Xe sicle,Paris 1925, 600, 601, 606

980 .; . ., ,

, . III, 1927, 7, Runciman Steven,A History of the First Bul-garian Empire, London 1930, 219, 980 ., , .

3Schlumberger, L'pope, 615,

(?), . Runciman,A history..., 226 . 2., -

Benedict VII, II 981/982 . ,

, . 2, (-

), 1926, . 2,33, 34,

, . , , -, . 1, 1985, 433437, -

,

; 996 1000 .,

V (996999 .).

-

. ., , , . 3, 1985, 48, ,

, 1999, 79.4 981982 . -

, (-

). 9971000 .

, . -

III, ,

(

, !).

.

, , (

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75

3.

. ( 997 .).5

, , , ,

, .6

.7

4. ,

986 .

.8

,

.) ( !) .

(, , 1992, 361

Obolensky D., Vyzantium and the Slavs, New York 1994, 62)

.5, , . 1, . 2,

1994,703, 704, , ..., 433-434, , -

( VII

XI .), , VI-XII .,

1985 , 179, , , 1988, 40, ,

, , , 1997, 146., , , 2000, 372, Obolensky, Vyzantium..., 62, Stephenson,

Byzantiums..., 61, Fine John, The Early Medieval Balkans, A Critical Survey from the sixth

to the Late Twelfth Century, Michigan, 2008, 195. -,

994 . ., , 1992, 230,

(The Oxford dictionary of Byzantium, v. I, ed. Kazhdan A., New York Oxford

1991, v. III, 1838). , , 1999,197.6 , -

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