Homines, Funera, Astra Iacob... · 2014. 9. 29. · BAR International Series 2410 2012 Homines, Funera, Astra Proceedings of the International Symposium on Funerary Anthropology 5-8

BAR International Series 2410 2012

Homines, Funera, Astra Proceedings of the International Symposium on

Funerary Anthropology 5-8 June 2011

‘1 Decembrie 1918’ University (Alba Iulia, Romania)

Edited by

Raluca KogălniceanuRoxana-Gabriela Curcă

Mihai GligorSusan Stratton

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BAR S2410

Homines, Funera, Astra: Proceedings of the International Symposium on Funerary Anthropology. 5-8 June 2011, ‘1 Decembrie 1918’ University (Alba Iulia, Romania)

© Archaeopress and the individual authors 2012

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Cover image: Alba Iulia-Lumea Noua - Human Remains. Trench III/2005, Square B (-0,70-0,80m). Foeni cultural group (4600-4500 BC). Copyright Mihai Gligo

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Aspects of everyday life in Scythia Minor reflected in some funerary discoveries from Ibida (Slava Rusă, Tulcea County)

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Dan Aparaschivei Institutul de Arheologie, Iaşi, Romania

Mihaela Iacob Institutul de Cercetări Ecomuzeale, Tulcea, Romania

Andrei D. Soficaru Institutul de Antropologie „Francisc I.Rainer”, Bucureşti, Romania

Dorel Paraschiv Institutul de Cercetări Ecomuzeale, Tulcea, Romania

Abstract The present study showcases the results of archaeological excavations in the Late Roman cemetery of the fortified town of Ibida (Slava Rusă, Tulcea County). Three of the most representative funeral features are analyzed, with the aim of uncovering and defining certain practices pertaining to the understanding and interpretation of aspects of everyday life in this important town of the Scythia Minor province. Firstly, the content of a crypt is analyzed, the resting place of 39 individuals, which was built using a technique common to several monuments in the region, with wall-paintings and grave goods that place the beginning of the complex in the second half of the fourth century AD. Secondly, there are another two graves, tombs M39 and M116, which included an interesting inventory, allowing for some interpretations in regard to the social status of the deceased individuals. The historical and archaeological research was supplemented by the extensive anthropological analyses carried out on the skeletal remains, which provided estimations of age, height and health status of the deceased individuals. Key words Scythia Minor, tombs, everyday life, social status, rituals It is not an easy thing to intrude in the privacy of the individuals’ lives and consequently in their community’s. Leaving out other sources that can be used for this purpose, cemeteries are able to show faithfully those elements that we may classify as aspects of the city and citizens’ daily life. The grave represents a space of interaction between the spirit of the departed and the beliefs of the survivors; the mirror of a past life. The features of a tomb, its sculptural display, epitaph(s) and ritual activities surrounding it (Cormack 2004, 159) can provide insights that no other source can offer. The correct “reading” of a tomb can help decisively in the analysis of the social status of the deceased or of his/her family, of the common perception of the afterlife and of

the everyday expression of common beliefs. The type of tomb, the quality and quantity of the grave goods or the ‘health” of the deceased are significant features in correlating the individual structure with that of his/her community. One also cannot leave out the available information on the fashion trends of the period, by analyzing the jewelry and clothing, or the food and eating habits, as revealed through the diseases that affected them. The cemetery of Ibida (Slava Rusă, Tulcea County) is a good opportunity for us to follow the thread of these issues, although the present study is certainly no more than a starting point. The walled town of Ibida (Procopius, De aed. IV, 7) is located between the Danube and the Black Sea, in the contact fringe of the Latin-speaking and Greek-speaking regions of Scythia (Ştefan 1977). It benefited from a very favorable trade position on the commercial road traversing the center of the province, which terminated at Constantinople (Figure 1). The available information is scarce on the first three centuries of Ibida’s existence. (Opaiţ 1991, 21-56). To compensate, the data on the Late Roman period are quite abundant, due to the archaeological excavations, several of them in the twentieth century, but mainly the systematic archaeological research carried out since 20011 (Iacob 2002, 61-71; 2009, 61-79; Mihailescu-Bîrliba 2003, 329-336; Mihailescu-Bîrliba and Paraschiv 2004, 163-168; Doboş, Iacob and Paraschiv 2005, 215-219; Paraschiv and Iacob 2006, 63-75; Rubel 2008, 1-8; Paraschiv 2010, 1001-1004; Aparaschivei 2009, 167-182). 1 For the results of the systematic excavations carried out since 2001, see the excavation reports published in Cronica Cercetărilor Arheologice din România (http://www.cimec.ro/scripts/ARH/Cronica/CercetariARH.asp).

Dan Aparaschivei, Mihaela Iacob, Andrei D. Soficaru, Dorel Paraschiv

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Figure 1. Map of Scythia Minor.

Figure 2. Ibida and the necropolis area. a: Late Roman fortification complex of Ibida drawn after Ştefan 1977; b: Late Roman Monastery Complex (fourth-seventh century AD), drawn after Opaiţ, Opaiţ and Bănică 1990; c: “Tudorka” vaulted tomb with

dromos, drawing A. Barabanciuc.


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The Late Roman necropolis of Ibida is spread over a large surface, of several hectares, starting from about 2.5 km from, and ending at, the city wall. All the graves are inhumations, the large majority dating from the fourth to sixth century AD2. Most of the over 156 excavated graves have already been subjected to anthropological analyses (Miriţoiu and Soficaru 2003, 511-530; Soficaru et al. 2004, 329-386). This paper will analyze several that are significant in identifying the features of everyday life that are relevant for the town of Ibida, as well as, in a broader context, for the whole province of Scythia Minor. Therefore, we shall focus on the vaulted tomb called “Tudorka”, as well as to the graves 39 and 116, which will all be treated more in detail in the following pages.

a

b

Figure 3. “Tudorka” vaulted tomb. a: photo; b: plan.

2 The early Roman tombs (1st-2nd century AD) are by no means absent, with the remark that the rite used is the same as for the Late Roman ones (Paraschiv, Doboş and Popescu 2007, 401-408, note 43). The funerary finds include also at least ten late-medieval graves.

“Tudorka” vaulted tomb Approximately 1.5 km SW of the city and 1 km N from the fourth-seventh century monastery excavated in 1987-1988 (Opaiţ, Opaiţ and Bănică 1990, 18-28) an underground vaulted tomb with dromos and funerary chamber, with the axis oriented W-E was uncovered in 2001 (Iacob et al. 2002, 293) (Figure 2). The construction is made of roughly dressed stone with the vault of bricks that is in the most part collapsed (Figure 3). The funerary chamber is rectangular with sides of 4.5 × 4.5 m (including the wall width) and 1.92 m high. The dimensions of the dromos are 1.70 x 1.65 m and 1.65 m high. Within the funerary chamber the deceased were originally laid in wooden coffins, placed on the stone plinths, as shown by the large number of iron nails found. Two such lateral plinths for supporting the coffins have been identified. Another, central one, was probably used for laying the offerings and as support for the lamps. The tomb was paved with flagstones and pavement bricks laid with mortar. In the space between the two lateral plinths there was also a probable small hiding place (for some precious objects), made by removing four flagstones and digging the soil beneath. As a type of monument, this tomb from Ibida is not a unique occurrence in the larger area of Scythia Minor. Funeral constructions with similar features were reported at Callatis (Preda 1980, 16-17; Ionescu, Alexandru and Constantin 2002-2003b, 279-291), Tomis (Barbu 1971, 60-64; Chera and Lungu 1988, 11-14; Bucovală 1993, 207-214), Carsium (Nicolae 1993, 224-226), Durostorum (Dimitrov and Cicikova 1986; Valeva 1990, 113-118; Atanasov 2007, 447-468). One should also mention the martiria crypts of Niculiţel (Baumann 1972, 17-26; 1991, 121-156; 2004), Tropaeum Traiani (Barnea 1978, 181-189) and Halmyris (Zahariade 2001-2003, 143-168; Miriţoiu and Soficaru 2009, 131-150), not necessarily in relation with their ground plan or their use, but as a body of architectural elements specific to the period in which the funerary monument of Ibida is also dated. The construction of such a building was directly dependent on the financial resources of its beneficiary and implicitly on the status it was supposed to display, as well as the traditions, the fashion of the moment, the taste and, last but not the least, the skill of the builder. The dissemination of this type of monument in the region argues in favor of the idea that the craftsmen specialized in funerary arts, such as masons, sculptors, mosaic-layers or painters, were market-oriented to cover the demand, which was supposedly quite significant in the large cities and their neighboring area. The walls of the crypt were rendered and painted a secco. Unfortunately, the quality of the preserved painting is very low, with only a few identifiable features (Figure 4). The wall surfaces were partitioned in panels by stripes of dark-reds and blues. The decoration consists in vegetal motifs with honeycombs. The reds and the blues are accented with tones of black, ochre and yellow. The preserved fragments suggest taste and skill in mixing the colors, arguing for


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talented hands in their creation. The painting in the famous Tomis tombs (Barbet 1994, 25-47; 1998a, 108-111) or Durostorum (Barbet 1998b, 114-117; Atanasov 2007, 448-453) could serve as a base to infer the characteristics of the painted decoration of the Ibida

vaulted tomb (Figure 5). The artistic language of the fourth century painting surprises with its symbol-filled scenes, a few of which approach a well-expressed realism (Valeva 1990, 113-114).

Figure 4. Fragments of tomb painting from Ibida.

a b Figure 5. Ancient tombs from a: Tomis (photo from Barbet 1998a) and b: Durostorum (photo from Barbet 1998b).

Within the Empire as a whole the presence of such specialized craftsmen is documented, but the specifics of their activity remain unknown (Allag and Barbet 1972, 935-1070; Blanc 1993, 859-907; Blanc 1998, 64). The working conditions of the painters and mosaic-layers carrying out the decoration of the tombs were certainly difficult. They were working in semi-dark underground room, while the work was usually urgent. However, the market was good for the craftsmen, especially in cities inhabited by families of substance. One must not gloss over the inherent connection between the architectural and artistic value of the monument and the financial well-being of its beneficiaries.

As for the “inhabitants” of the sepulchrum from Ibida, the anthropology analysis revealed that, in spite of the disturbance suffered by the skeletal remains and the absence of body parts resulting from the repeated robberies, the “population” consisted of 39 individuals, out of which 10 were children (5 of 1-5 years, 3 of 5-10 years and 2 of 10-13 years) and 29 adults (13 male and 16 female between 25 and 78 years) (Miriţoiu and Soficaru 2003, 511-530). It is remarkable that the number of infantile individuals is over 25%. As far as our knowledge extends, this is the most “populous” tomb of its type in Scythia Minor.


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In regard to the juridical status of such a monument, the Roman Law made a distinction between the family tomb, familiaria sepulchra, which was not inheritable, and the hereditaria sepulchra, which could be inherited by means of testament (Digestae XI.7.5 : Familiaria sepulchra dicuntur, quae quis sibi familiaeque suae constituit, hereditaria autem, quae quis sibi heredibusquae suis constituit). The legislation of the period also shows that the tombs were res extra commercium, i.e. were not subject to sale or donation (Ducos 1995, 136; Digestae XVII.1.22). There were, within the Empire, examples of such tombs co-owned by several families (Toynbee 1996, 77-79; Digestae XI.41). Without denying its status as family monument, which was affirmed since its discovery, one should not regard this attribution as irrefutable. One very useful way of proving the consanguinity of the people entombed in the Ibida vault tomb would be DNA analysis, which was not carried out on the skeletal remains uncovered here.

Figure 6. Small finds from “Tudorka” vaulted tomb. a: silver buckle; b: iron buckle; c-d: bronze earrings; e-f: bone combs;

g-l: glass beads; m: amber bead. The remaining grave goods and small finds associated with the deceased are not very spectacular, although there were several interesting items found. The artifacts contribute in establishing the chronology of the monument, as well as in identifying some elements of clothing and apparel specific to the period. We were able to gather only a small sample of the funeral inventory. However, the silver buckle, the earrings and a lamp are quite common items of attire for the second half of fourth century and the first decades of the next (Appendix A 1, 3 and 4). The two coins, badly preserved, dating from fourth and fifth century respectively (Iacob et al. 2002), confirm the chronology. Among the grave goods we could identify one iron

buckle, two fragmentary combs, as well as several beads, which might be dated in the larger interval from the second half of fourth up to the sixth century AD (Appendix A 2, 5, 6 AND 7.a-m) (Figure 6). Without knowing the exact moment of its construction, we can assume it was around the middle of fourth century, a period of dynamic prosperity for the city as a whole. In the same respect, we are unable to date with certain precision the final period of the tomb. Both the corpus of coins and the majority of small finds are dated to the second part of the fourth and the fifth century AD. Only the combs and, possibly, the iron buckle, could extend the dating into the sixth century. Nevertheless, with the few features identified, we may argue that this monument was intensively used in the same period when the city reached its peak development, i.e. in the second half of fourth century and first half of the fifth century AD. Actually, within the cemetery as a whole, the finds dated in the second half of the fourth century AD are the most represented. One provocative discussion can be made on the possible Christian character of this monument or, more precisely, on the affiliation of the entombed to the Church. The W-E alignment, as well as the location of the site, not far from the monastery compound, argue for a Christian burial site, as is the case for several other tombs of this type in Scythia Minor3. Usually, the selection of a site to become the domus aeterna for the departed ones entailed several considerations. The land was purchased, according to the financial substance of the owner, to an adequate acreage for the monument. The tract of land should ideally not be far from the town, and with some sort of road access. In Christian times a location as close to the church as possible was preferred. Such considerations were surely observed in building the vaulted tomb of Ibida. However, the lack of inscriptions or symbols of Christian persuasion does not allow certainty in ascribing the religion of the owners’ family. Another provocative aspect of the problem is the possibility of common usage of the crypt by both the Christian and non-Christian members of the community, regardless of their relation to the owners’ family. One inscription from Tomis raised some heated controversy after the publication. Its principal, a woman named Matrona, expresses her refusal to be buried along her pagan relatives (Barnea 1957, 276). The result of the discussion was that the inscription was incorrectly read and interpreted (ISM II, 372 (208)). However, the emergence of Christian majorities in a number of communities throughout the Empire in the fourth

3 The W-E alignment was not determined solely by religious considerations, but could be caused by the topography, the general cemetery architecture, etc. It must be noted that from the over 150 4th-6th century AD graves of the Late Roman cemetery of Ibida, the majority are W-E aligned, with the seasonal deviations of SW – NE, NW-SE; NNW – SSE; WSW – ENE, but with at least ten graves with E-W alignment, one aligned N-S and one S-N.


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century is proven by the total separation between the pagan burial area and Christian cemetery. This situation is documented in several regions of the Empire. In a cemetery in Britannia, the Christians were buried naked, in a separate lot, while the non-Christians were buried fully clothed, with grave goods and food offerings (Davies1999, 195 cited by Painter 1989, 2049). In regard to the Ibida cemetery as a whole, in the present stage of the research, we cannot yet address the problem of separation of burials between the W-E oriented graves without inventory, assumed Christian ones, and the ones with offerings and grave goods. The archaeological finds accumulated up to the present moment do not provide any insights in this issue. In spite of several sources claiming the separation of Christian from the pagan burials (Cyprian, Ep. 65 and 67.6.2), some recent studies demonstrated the existence of a sort of “cohabitation” (Johnson 1997, 37-59). The situation could be different from one region to another, or even from one community to another. The facts inferred from the Roman law texts suggest that the exclusion or the acceptance of a burial within a crypt, family-owned or not, was not determined by the religion of the owners, but by the juridical context (Johnson 1997, 41). This is corroborated by the almost complete lack of evidence for any control exerted by the Church on the private tombs within the cemeteries. In these conditions, and lacking any Christian epitaphs, symbols or objects is hard to argue for Christian burials in the vaulted tomb of Ibida, or, even more, for an exclusively Christian common tomb. We believe that, at least for the fourth and fifth centuries, the use of the crypt and the cemetery for Ibida was shared between the Christian and pagan communities. It is not our intention to develop a theory of pagan-Christian “cohabitation” in the fourth-fifth century AD, which has been already done in the historiography (Zugravu 1997). We only point out that the exclusivist theories should be regarded with skepticism and treated in a critical manner, using the available evidence and sources. The Christian character of a tomb was often affirmed based on the paucity of the grave inventory. This scarcity of offerings and grave goods, which was common in other parts of the Empire, was also caused by pragmatic motives, beyond the religious-philosophical ones. One cannot pass over the fact that the economic situation of the Empire was declining from the third century AD, thus rendering unacceptable the removing from the market a significant quantity of precious metals by entombing it. Together with the data regarding the individuals and the community they belonged to, one interesting phenomenon is revealed in the form of the grave-robbing as a crime. The crypt from Ibida was robbed in antiquity, several times.

The Roman law regarded the tombs as res religiosa, after the laying of the deceased, mortuum inferendo (Digestae XI.7.2.5; De Visscher 1963, 57). From this moment on any tomb falls under the jurisdiction of the pontifices (Codex Theodosianus 9.17.2) and it is protected against violatio sepulchri by the civil law. Against those who violated the resting place, consisting of the remains, the built monument and the inscription-epitaph, the legislation stipulated penalties ranging from fines to deportation, mutilation and even death (De Visscher 1963, 112-123; Strubbe 1997, 264; Cormack 2004, 128-133). Emperor Constantius, after initially abolishing the capital penalty for this crime, reinstated it in 356, and later reconfirmed it as a probable reaction to the growing phenomenon (Parrot 1939, 154, note 52). The Roman laws, from the early times onwards (Codex Theodosianus 9.17.1-5), as well as magic and curses, were the instruments that were very often used by Romans to ward off the grave-robbers (Strubbe 1991, 41-44), and also to prevent the deposition of undesirable corpses in their tombs, i.e. people from outside the family. (De Visscher 1963, 103-106). Usually the tomb’s owner established the places for each family member within the crypt, his descendants being bound to respect the arrangement “to the letter”, under the threat of dire curses (Cormack 2004, 126-127). Most of the funerary monuments in Scythia Minor were uncovered by the archaeologists only after they had been repeatedly robbed. In close connection to the archaeologically discovered ancient grave-robbing, there are the inscriptions confirming the wide and frequent occurrence of the phenomenon in the region. A number of epigraphic sources detail the fines and the punishments expected to fall on those who disturbed the remains of the deceased. Several such inscriptions originate from Callatis (ISM III, 176), and most of them from Tomis (ISM II, 199, 205, 217, 237, 251, 298, 305, 325, 363). Consequently, we can conclude that the vaulted tomb from Ibida could have been a monument built by a single family from the city’s elite or, equally, the common burial space for several families with significant financial means. The crypt falls in the series of monuments raised in the middle of the fourth century AD, with features that are found throughout the Scythian region, with painting preserved fragmentarily showing similarly dated elements and a poor funerary inventory. However, the scarcity of grave goods in the Late Roman cemeteries in the Lower Danube region is a proven widespread situation. Ibida is not an exception, if one takes into account the cemetery as a whole. There are, though, several individual cases that present a rich funerary inventory. Grave M39 One of these cases is grave M39 (Ibida 2003, S2, square 8, -1.30 m) (Figure 7). The deceased is buried in a sarcophagus built of tiles and orientated SSW-NNE. It lays on the back, arms along the body with the hands on the pelvis and the lower limbs straight and parallel.


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Figure 7. Grave M 39.

The skeleton belongs to a male with an age at death of 25 years. The height is 168.58 cm (Rösing 1988, 586-599)4, in the context of an average stature of the male individuals in Ibida of 164.10 cm (Soficaru 2008, 132). The pathology of the deceased included firstly the enamel hypoplasia from the mandibular and maxillary canines and incisors. Three fragments of the lumbar vertebral bodies show thin spongy tissue typical for tuberculosis (Roberts and Buikstra 2003, 89-96). No other traces of disease were identified due to the poor preservation of the skeletal remains. M39 provided one of the richest inventories uncovered within the cemetery, both as number and value of the items. It consists of a gilded bronze fibula with ends in the shape of onion-bulbs, Zwiebelknopffibel, a silver strap-end of belt in the shape of amphora with two fastening rings, a bronze belt buckle with double mobile, oval plate (Appendix B 1, 2 and 3). Apart from these pieces of apparel (evidently parts of the funeral clothing), the grave goods also included two glass vessels, fragmentarily preserved (Figure 8). The identified metallic items were certainly reflecting one of the contemporary fashions, revealing the social status of the deceased. V. Soupault recently carried out (2003, 107-111) an attempt to build an evaluative model for social status on the basis of the metallic objects found in closed complexes, according to their type: onion-bulb headed fibulae (in precious or common metal) together with the belt fittings (buckle, tongue- ferrule, plates). Within the categories established by Soupault, the highest position is assigned to individuals owning a fibula and belt buckles or belt fittings in 4 According to Pearson’s formulas, the calculation is based on the maximum length of the right femur (47.118 cm) estimated by the dimension F2-F3, the distance from the lesser trochanter to the point where medial and lateral supracondylar lines being parallel (Jacobs 1992, pp. 333-345).

precious metal or made with special decoration. In our case the inventory includes a bronze fibula with ends in the shape of onion-bulbs (although it was gilded) of fine workmanship. The onion-bulb or cross headed fibulae, characteristic from the end of third to the beginning of fifth century AD, are objects that signify the bearer’s distinction and respect within the society, regardless of the metal of their make. However, the precious metal ones were presented in the emperor’s name to high dignitaries, military commanders or even ordinary people, for distinguished services to the Empire, while the bronze ones were usually presented to persons of valor at community level.

Figure 8. Grave goods from M39. a: gilded bronze fibula; b:

silver strap end of belt; c: bronze buckle; d: glass.

An interesting find is the strap-end of a belt, made of high-grade silver alloy (with gold and copper) (Aparaschivei, Vasilache and Sandu 2012. This type of object, used to decorate the extremities of the belt, was usually made of bronze and not of precious metals. Only the belt buckle is a common bronze one, although of sophisticated workmanship. This closed complex is also significant from the chronological point of view, as it brackets the tomb’s date within the third and the fourth quarters of the fourth century AD. By corroborating the archaeological information with the anthropological data, we can conclude that the individual in M39 was from the upper layers of the society. Judging from the type of tomb, with a sarcophagus built from tiles, the quantity and quality of grave goods, of bronze, silver and gold, as well as from his age and physical measurements, we believe he was a military man who was active in the second half of the fourth century AD. We do not possess the same level of archaeological evidence as was provided by the tombs of two military commanders uncovered at Carsium (Goldhelm 1994, Soupault 2003, 9) and Durostorum (Vasilev and Mitanov 1974, 27-43; Soupault 2003, 19), but is certain that the deceased was buried with an inventory that allows for the opinion that he was part of a social minority in the period and region.


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We need to mention the fact that there is a whole spectrum of relativeness that should be considered when attempting to reconstruct the relation between the social status and the grave goods of the uncovered tomb. For example, a rich inventory does not imply that the deceased was also a wealthy person. The situation could be caused by a temporary trend towards extravagance in funerals. On the other hand, the lack of inventory does not automatically mean that the deceased was a pauper. Grave M116 The other significant grave with regards to the inventory is M116 (Ibida, 2006, S2, square 3, -0.80-0.90 m) (Neagu et al. 2007, 341) (Figure 9). This time the deceased was deposited in a simple grave, aligned SW-NE, in dorsal decubitus, with the right hand on the pelvis and the left one laying straight on the side; the pelvis and the femur are slightly displaced towards the left. According with the anthropological data, it is a female of 5-7 years old.

Figure 9. Grave M 116.

This burial shows special significance due to its inventory of grave finds. Together with the two bracelets, one on each hand, the inventory includes one earring found in left temporal area (Appendix C 1, 2 and 3) (Figure 10). Based on those artifacts we are able to date the tomb to the sixth century AD. The profiling of the deceased leads us to presume, with a high degree of certainty, that this young girl was entombed with only one earring. According to a recent study of the Bulgarian colleague M. Ivanov (2008), this possible ritual is common in the cemeteries in the Balkan area, mainly in the Greek area and south of the Danube in the first to fifth centuries AD. Beyond these

statistics, other situations identified in the Empire5, but also the case from Ibida, make us to believe that the dating is comfortably in the sixth century.

Figure 10. Grave goods from M 116. a-b: bronze bracelets; c:

bronze earring. Taking into account the frequency such cases appear (87 such funerals, in the territory of Romania, Bulgaria, Serbia and Macedonia identified by Ivanov (2008, 287-299)) the opinion that the respective tombs can be a good indicator of the status of the deceased seems reasonable to us. According to the author, this custom is symbolically linked to the most important moment in a woman’s life, the wedding. In the Roman and Late Roman society, the marriageable legal age for girls was 12, while the engagement could be agreed formally at an even younger age, seven or earlier, as the contemporary sources show (Digestae XXIII.2.4; Codex Theodosianus 8.18.8; Musca 1988, 147). The impossibility of attaining the age of marriage or the status of married woman due to premature death was a reason for profound grief for the family of the deceased. This situation is demonstrated by the epitaphs on the funerary monuments, as well as symbolically by the grave goods deposited with the entombed by her family (Martin Kilcher 2000; Pizzamiglio 2003). In Scythia Minor several burials of children or adolescents were uncovered with only one earring, at Tomis (Bucovală and Paşca 1991, 205, 219), Histria (Alexandrescu 1966, 223), Callatis (Preda 1980, 90, 91, 102, 108, 113; Ionescu, Alexandru and Constantin 2002-2003a, 225-278; 2002-2003b, 280), Argamum (Mănucu-Adameşteanu 1980, 315-316) and Durostorum (Donevski 2006, 244-245). Therefore the phenomenon is quite representative for the region, mainly due to the Greek cultural influence. There are though several impediments towards accepting the idea that this possible ritual symbolizes the failure to attain marital status, the lack of literary or other sources aside. First of all, the profile identified for women in this category is not exclusively the one of young women of marital or premarital age, (Ivanov 2008, 298-299). In 5 In the site of Heshbon, Jordan, were found four funerals with one earring each in a funeral monument of late Roman epoch, datable to the 5th – 6th centuries. The author of these excavations notices the fact that this might be a Byzantine tradition: Beegle 1975, 211, note 2.


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this case, one cannot speak of the symbolism of a “non-attained wedding”. The argument that these old women did not marry for certain reasons is acceptable but not convincing. And the second problem is that there are girls of premarital age discovered with both earrings, for example in Callatis (Preda 1980, 97, 108, 110). In the latter case, the possibility that the ritual was practiced only partially within the community is real. One might invoke religious differences, the varied social status, the wishes of the family etc. However, the first issue brought into discussion lead us to believe that the possible custom, if accepted as such, was not so strict in its meaning. In the Roman family, the most important event, marriage, must be achieved by the birth of legitimate offspring. The woman’s role in society was truly defined by the procreative function. Childhood-related items from graves might suggest that the Roman family and society were regarding young women, even married ones, as non-adults until they gave birth to a child. This is how puppets are found in the tombs of older women (Arena et al. 2001, 238). The deposition of puppets in women’s tombs does not signify exclusively the virginity or the unmarried statute as one would generally believe, but also appear in the tombs of married women. A notorious case is the tomb of Empress Maria, wife of Honorius, who passed away in 404 AD, aged 17-18. In our opinion, at least in the case of older, or married women, the failure to fulfill such a purpose of marriage as giving birth, might be symbolized the same as in the case of the non-fulfillment of marriage, symbolically appearing as a period of “childhood”. This might also be the explanation for the one earring tombs belonging to older women. Of course, in the case of young girls like the one of Ibida, the earring might indicate her status of virgo, frequently and variedly symbolized in pagan and Christian Roman antiquity (Hersch 2010, 113). This issue of not reaching marriage or marriageable age was marked, we assume, also by the entombment clothing, identical to a bride’s, which is probably the case of the girl in M116 at Ibida6 (Olson 2008, 21-25, Hersch 2010, 69-114). Conclusions The interdisciplinary study of the few burials presented above allowed us to outline several very interesting aspects of daily life in the community of Ibida. Together with the age and height estimations and the identification of diseases, produced by the anthropological analyses, the funeral inventory revealed certain rituals used by several of the social groups of the city population, in various periods, as well as the period fashions in clothing and jewelry. The

6 The bride is wearing special clothes: white woolen tunic (tunica recta), with a waistband, cingulum, a crown of flowers on her head and a flammeum, a transparent veil that partially covered her face.

type of tomb gave clues on the financial power of the owner family, in different periods, and the existence of skilled artists and builders. The analysis of the vaulted tomb of Ibida allowed us to consider the problem of elite burials. Beyond the amount of expenditure reflected by the technical and artistic complexity of the monument, at the core of the problem is power, manifested in raising one’s image as high above others’ as possible. Even though Ulpian wrote that building and decorating funerary monuments is beneficial to the religious process (Ducos 1995, 141; Digestae XI. 8. 1. 5), thereby justifying the large sums expended by the community’s powerful, the city elite desired to perpetuate its superiority and fame beyond earthly life, aiming towards ubiquity and eternity (Cormack 2004, 159). The funerary monument of Ibida also allowed us to point out the exaggerated conclusions often reached in assigning a certain religion to the entombed. We uphold and we believe in the idea that, at least in the fourth and fifth centuries AD, a fracture of the visual language between pagans and Christians was not a reality; the transformation was a stepped transition that shaped, in the end, a specific culture that is Christian (Cormack 2004, 101). In the same respect, there is no spatial discrimination, in our opinion, between the pagan and Christian burial grounds. This division is also improbable in the case of common burial spaces, shared tombs of one or several families, as we believe is the case of the Ibida vaulted tomb. Mixed burials were quite common, especially in the case of familial tombs, while during the fourth century AD, at least, the families were divided between Christians and pagans. The religious “conflict” was resolved, as such, in the grave (Johnson 1997, 59). The information on the practice of grave-robbing, present for the region as in the rest of the Empire, should also be mentioned, as well as its impact on the archaeological research. The social status of the individuals and their families’, accordingly, is also partially revealed in our opinion, by the anthropological and funerary inventory analyses, not only in the area of quantity of objects, but also their quality and value, Therefore, the interpretation of a cemetery also consists of interpreting the way of life of a community, allowing the uncovering of such details that would be otherwise be not known. We are not denying that there might be some relativeness embedded in our commentary, resulting from objective reasons like the funeral decisions of the deceased’s family, the cause of death and perimortem conditions, the rites in use at that time, chance factors and others, but certainly the future archaeological research will be able to answer the remaining questions.


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Appendix Catalog of inventory: A. Vaulted tomb 1. Belt buckle (inv. 45635, ICEM Tulcea, 2001, Figure 6a) Material: Silver Description: The item is a double-loop belt buckle with mobile plate, oval in shape, with three rivets arranged in a triangle (equilateral: 15 mm between each). The needle is shaped like an eagle’s beak and it is bent over the lip of the loop; L=41mm, w=40mm; The object is almost identical to a bronze buckle found in a tomb at Callatis, but without any decoration on the plate (Preda 1980, 176, pl. XLVI.6). In fact, this type is found throughout the space of Scythia Minor exclusively bronze (Iconomu 1969, 105, fig. 24; Vulpe and Barnea 1968, 548, fig. 60.5; Chera-Mărgineanu and Lungu 1983, 222, fig. 1.5). Chronology: second half of the 4th c.-first part of 5th c. AD. 2. Belt buckle (inv. 45909, ICEM Tulcea, 2001, Figure 6b). Material: Iron Description: The buckle is without plate, rectangular with rounded corners, preserved with its needle, which is bent over the buckle lip; L=29.87mm, w=19.77mm, needle length=22.72 mm, weight=8.61g. The iron belt-buckles are seldom found in cemeteries. There are a couple of analogies for it at Callatis (Preda 1980, p. 205, fig. LXXV, M219.2; 210, fig. LXXX, M304.1) and Beroe (Petre 1987, fig.143, 236e). Chronology: This type of buckle is hard to date with accuracy as all have the same shape: the second half of the fourth century to the sixth c. AD. 3. Earring (inv. 45844, ICEM Tulcea, 2001, Figure 6c) Material: Bronze Description: It is a simple piece, in the shape of a small ring. The find pertains to the grave goods of one of the female deceased, perhaps a child, judging from the small size of the item; diameter=15.28 mm, weight=0.48 g. Chronology: 4th-5th c. AD. 4. Earring? (inv. 45845, ICEM Tulcea, 2001, Figure 6d) Material: Bronze Description: The item is elliptical in shape, manufactured by spiral bending a piece of bronze wire (perhaps a needle); diameter=22.38mm, weighs=0.93g. Chronology: 4th-5th c. AD. 5. Comb (inv. 45968, ICEM Tulcea, 2001, Figure 6e) Material: bone Description: Fragment of comb with decorated central plates and used three nails (preserved) corroded, for securing the central panel and strengthening the implement; L=84 mm, w=35 mm; see for analogies in Petre 1987, fig. 132, 210b, 211b. Chronology: 4th-6th c. AD.

6. Comb (inv. 45967, ICEM Tulcea, 2001, Figure 6f) Material: bone Description: Fragment of comb with 4 iron nails for fixing the central reinforcing panel, of which a fragment of about 30 mm is preserved; decorated with band of fine lines; L=80mm, w=35mm; Chronology: 4th-6th c. AD. 7. Beads 7.1. 8 glass beads (inv. 45972, ICEM Tulcea, 2001, Figure 6g) Description: 6 roughly prismatic beads 6,40 to 7,00 mm long, blue and white; one spherical bead, bluish-white, 3.30 mm in diameter; one blue cylindrical bead L=18.47 mm, 14.60 mm in diameter, with painted vegetal decoration and round pinhole 7.2. Parallelepiped glass bead (inv. 45975, ICEM Tulcea, 2001, Figure 6h) Description: White, with round pinhole L=8.93 mm and w=4,62mm 7.3. 3 identical globular glass beads (inv. 45974, ICEM Tulcea, 2001, Figure 6i), white, with round pinhole, 4.28 mm in diameter 7.4. Spherical bead of glass-paste (inv. 45973, ICEM Tulcea, 2001, Figure 6j), green, with round pinhole; 5 mm in diameter 7.5. Parallelepiped glass bead (inv. 45976, ICEM Tulcea, 2001, Figure 6k), with traces of blue pigment, round pinhole, L=6.62 mm, w=5.52 mm 7.6. Parallelepiped glass bead (inv. 45976, ICEM Tulcea, 2001, Figure 6l), white, with round pinhole L=8.60 mm, w=5.80 mm 7.7. Fragment of amber globular pearl (no inv., ICEM Tulcea, 2001, Figure 6m), 7.10 mm in diameter. Chronology of the beads: 4th-6th c. AD. B. M39 1. Fibula type Zwiebelknopffibel (inv. 46261, ICEM Tulcea, 2003, Figure 8a) Material: Gilded bronze Description: Fibula with ends in the shape of onion-bulbs, its central axis shows a 2 mm wide decorative ribbon with vegetal shapes, which continues down to the stem base. The stem is also decorated with two pairs of small knobs, separated by a 12 mm gap; L = 55mm, L cross-arm = 45mm, ends diameter = 8mm; Keller 4A (1971, 34 and 38-41); Prötell 3-4 B (1988, 358-359). Chronology: second half of 4th c. AD. 2. Strap end of belt (inv. 46263, ICEM Tulcea, 2003, Figure 8b) Material: Silver 93.630 % alloyed with gold 3.232% and copper 3.137 % Description: The object is in the shape of an amphora with two fastening rings on the “tailfin” and two rivets (one preserved, the other only as the broken riveting hole). This type of belt-ferrule, found in the Lower Danube region, mainly made of bronze, was used to decorate the extremities of the belt. Its upper end was slotted for the insertion of the belt end; L=30.65 mm, 19.45 mm its body, weight 2.85 grams; Keller «Amphoaraform», variant b, with hinges (Keller 1971,


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65) Sommer B (Sommer 1984, 49); Soupault IIb (Soupault 2003, 49) Chronology: Second half of 4th c. AD. 3. Belt buckle (inv. 46264, ICEM Tulcea, 2003, Figure 8c) Material: Bronze Description: The buckle plate is doubled and oval in shape, with two symmetrical rivets, 2.3 cm from each other. The ring is oval and the pin, square in cross-section at the base, crosses over the circumference of the ring; L=65mm, w= 46mm, pin length 40mm. This type of buckle is common in the cemeteries of the Black Sea region: Keller A (1971, 45), Sommer 1Aa (1984, 18); Soupault I. 1 (2003, 38, fig. 3); see also in Beroe (Petre 1987, fig. 107, 159b). Chronology: second half of 4th c. AD. C. M116 1. Bracelet (inv. 48290, ICEM Tulcea, 2006, Figure 10a) Material: Bronze Description: Preserved as three fragments, decorated on its thickened ends with three concentric circles each. The diameter of the bronze wire in its median area is 3.15 mm, while the ends are thickened up to about 4.10 mm. Its unrolled length is 138 mm. The maximal opening of the item is 36.30 mm, weight=6.25g; Chronology: 6th c AD 2. Bracelet (inv. 48291, ICEM Tulcea, 2006, Figure 10b) Material: Bronze Description: Decorated on its thickened ends with four concentric circles each. The diameter of the bronze wire in its median area is 3.15 mm, while the ends are more thickened than the above, up to about 4.25 mm. The maximal opening of the item is 36.37 mm; weight=7.66g; for analogies for these two bracelets see at Beroe (Petre 1987, fig. 141, 233 d, e, fig. 142, 234 b1-2, 235 b), as well as at Ibida, (Opaiţ 1991, fig. 20. 60) Chronology: 6th c. AD 3. Earring (inv. 48294, ICEM Tulcea, 2006, Figure 10c) Material: Bronze Description: Manufactured from a tied-up piece of bronze wire. One small fragment is missing. We can estimate its diameter at about 15 mm, weight=0.30g. Chronology: sixth century AD. Acknowledgements For Dan Aparaschivei, this work was possible with the financial support of the Sectorial Operational Programme for Human Resources Development 2007-2013, co-financed by the European Social Fund, under the project number POSDRU 89/1.5/S/61104.

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