Upload
artpopulus
View
222
Download
0
Embed Size (px)
Citation preview
In Search of Asherah, The Lost Hebrew Goddess
Mary E. Naples, M.A.
2
Situated on the Mediterranean in today’s northern Syria, Ugarit, a second
millennium Canaanite port city, was the site of a major excavation in 1928 that unearthed
a veritable treasure of cuneiform alphabetic texts. Located in modern day Ras Shamra,
the ancient tablets date back to the fourteenth century BCE and had text very similar to
ancient Hebrew and Aramaic. The cuneiform text, which features the mythology of the
region, had likely flourished for several hundred years. Asherah, called Athirat in Ugarit,
figures prominently as the wife of El, the supreme god. In his preeminent book The
Hebrew Goddess, Rafael Patai asserts: “Asherah was ‘progenitor of the gods:’ all other
gods, numbering 70 were her children, including Baal and Anat, and other chief
protagonists of the Ugarit pantheon.”i For perhaps hundreds of years before Abraham (ca
2200-1700 BCE) migrated to what would become known as Israel, Asherah was revered
as Athirat, Earth Mother and Fertility Goddess.
Upon entering the region, the ancient Israelites soon adopted her and gave her the
Hebrew equivalent name of Asherah. Judith Hadley, professor of Theology and Religious
studies at Villanova University, in her paper “Asherah-Archeological and Textual
Evidence” states: “The discovery of the Ugaritic material has established the existence of
a goddess Asherah at Ugarit without any doubt. Although in Ugaritic her name appears as
Athirat, this is etymologically equivalent to Hebrew Asherah.”ii The Ugarit excavation in
1928 put Asherah, the goddess, on the map again after having lost her place for thousands
of years.
But who was Asherah to the ancient Israelites? And why is she often paired with
Yahweh, their supreme god? Based on scholarly research, historians and archeologists
3
have pieced together Asherah’s narrative finding large chunks of it interwoven in the
artifacts from the region and in the sacred scriptures of the Hebrew Bible itself. The
purpose of this paper is to uncover the lost Hebrew goddess by analyzing both her role
within the ancient Israelite and Judaic cults and her relationship with Yahweh, the
supreme Hebrew god. We will do this by discussing a portion of the archeological
findings associated with Asherah from the region and some of the scholarship
surrounding them. Because evidence suggests that Asherah was observed in ancient Israel
and Judah as early as the twelfth century BCE to a few decades before the fall of the
southern kingdom of Judah (ca 587-588 BCE), we will focus on this pre-exilic period.
Researching the presence of a Hebrew goddess begs the question: how
monotheistic were the pre-exilic Israelites and Judeans? Certainly, the very notion of
polytheism is inherent in the quest for Asherah. Moreover, the many artifacts
representing Asherah and her cult from the region belies the biblical prohibition against
the creation of idols. Although discussing the intricacies of the Bible is beyond the scope
of this paper, we will assess a portion of the scholarly research associated with the bible
pertaining to Asherah the goddess, and asherah, her cult symbol.
Folk Religion versus Book Religion
For the purpose of our study it is imperative to review the differences between
popular or folk religion and the official or book religion of the high priests and ruling
classes in ancient Israel. Folk religion was primarily practiced away from the metropolis,
out in the country or in rural communities, of which most Israelites were a part. In his
paper titled “Women and Religion in the Old Testament,” Meindert Dijkstra maintains,
“In all periods of history, religion in ancient Israel has been more pluriform than the
4
biblical writers wanted to indicate. In many instances they have only superficially
masked this pluriformity in religious tradition.”iii Because most Israelites and Judeans
lived a good distance from the Temple of Jerusalem, they were not as influenced by the
book religion and instead had their own religious beliefs and practiced their faith locally
and in many cases at home.
Dutch scholar of ancient religions, Karel van der Toorn in his book From Her
Cradle To Her Grave suggests, “The official religion is called official because it is the
religion of the upper social class or was so in the past. Folk religion began at the bottom
as a sort of compensation for what could or could not be done in the official religion.”iv It
was very likely that some form of folk religion had been passed down through the
generations making homespun beliefs an integral part of their everyday lives. By way of
contrast, an affinity between the intellectual community and the aristocracy produced a
text, which was written entirely from the perspective of the upper class.
It is important to remember that the Hebrew Bible has an inherent bias in favor of
a particular canonical angle. Therefore the historical accuracy of the tome is subordinated
to stay on message. To be sure, items that seem of minor importance in the Hebrew Bible
could in fact be most illuminating for the purpose of our study.
The Literate versus The Illiterate
In rural communities of the ancient world, literacy was close to non-existent.
Because of this, literary writing was left to the professional scribes in the employment of
those in the ruling classes. In his seminal book titled Did God Have a Wife? William
Dever, Professor Emeritus of Near Eastern Archeology at the University of Arizona
asserts, “In the ancient world generally, the populace was almost totally illiterate. Even
5
priests and kings could not read and depended on a small cadre of professional scribes to
communicate and to carry on their affairs.”v Indeed, even rudimentary writing does not
become widespread until the eighth century BCE at which time many were able to write
their names, numbers and the names of a few commodities for trade but certainly a long
way from being able to read the literary achievement that we find in the Hebrew Bible.
If the Bible were written by and large for the ruling class, how can we know the
way common people worshipped? In addition to looking at artifacts in the region to help
piece the puzzle into place, ironically we can also find many of the rituals practiced by
the common people from the Bible itself. In “Digging Up Deborah,” Susan Ackerman,
Professor of Religion at Dartmouth College writes about a passage in Jeremiah 44:25,
“To be sure, Jeremiah, as part of his efforts to promote a form of Israelite religion
devoted to the worship of Yahweh alone, speaks out against all aspects of the Queen of
Heaven’s cult and against all the goddess worshipers.”vi By and large the biblical writers
were unhappy that Asherah or the “Queen of Heaven” shared the platform with their male
deity, Yahweh and repeatedly tried to dissuade their union. Later in her paper Ackerman
suggests that one can define folk religion as everything that those who wrote the Bible
condemned.
Women and Religion
At this point the role of Hebrew women in the religion must be noted. If the
commoners, that is to say the majority of the population, were marginalized in terms of
their religious beliefs then it would follow suit that women within that population would
be further subjugated. Indeed, life in the agricultural society of ancient Israel and Judah
was difficult for everyone. But in a region known for its dominant men, women in the
6
ancient Near East found themselves relegated into traditional roles, both in their homes
and within the community at large. It is likely that in this environment, women’s voices
often went unheard, muted against those of the authoritative male.
But did women have a role in religious life? Although to date, extra-biblical text
remains scant, thousands of figurines suggestive of female veneration have been found in
the region. Some of these figurines are thought to be associated with fertility and will be
discussed in greater detail later in this paper. Though artifacts are one source in
determining the role women played in religious life, the Hebrew Bible gives us a further
glimpse of women’s participation. Albeit, the Bible generally rails against women and
worship, we learn of several incidents, relating to the cult of Asherah in particular, where
their religious contribution is compelling.
Queen Maacah is one such case, though clearly no commoner, she is chastised for
making an “obscene object” for the Asherah in 1 Kings 15.13. Later, in 2 Kings 23.7 we
find women being scolded for expressing their devotion to Asherah by weaving veils for
her. Lastly, in Jeramiah 7.17 women bake cakes for the Queen of Heaven and are
admonished for having done so.vii These are just a few examples of many more available
in the Bible pertaining to women’s role in religion. Although the biblical writers revile
these women and find them disreputable, nonetheless their presence within the religious
community must have been felt.
Icons and Text
To be sure, aniconism was, and still is, inherent in the Hebrew Bible but ample
archeological evidence suggests that those who lived outside the metropolis—and indeed
sometimes right inside it—idolized statuary and cult objects as part of their popular or
7
folk religion. In A History of God, Karen Armstrong declares, “Men and women created
religions at the same time as they created works of art.”viii While we have no text or
sacred scriptures from the folk religion of this considerable group of people, we do have
much in the way of artifacts from the region. Because artifacts do not have an agenda,
they cannot mislead and therefore tend to be far more accurate in terms of the historicity
than texts alone. Ziony Zevet, in his eminent book The Religions of Ancient Israel: A
Synthesis of Parallactic Approaches asserts, “Israelite religion is most approachable
through its manifestations in physical evidence discovered in archeological excavations
that have uncovered cultic artifacts and structure.”ix Thirty or so years ago most biblical
archeologists were also biblical scholars and tended to accept without examination the
stories we find in the Judeo-Christian Bible as fact. However biblical archeologists today
tend to be more objective and their research more revealing. As a result, most conclude
that archeological evidence is the essential authority for discerning the ancient Israelite
religion.x Iconography tends to be more redolent of the past than mere words and,
examined together with the Bible and extra-biblical text, can provide us with a deeper
understanding of the religio-historical evolution than a purely text-oriented approach.
Because most people in ancient Israel and Judah were functionally illiterate,
iconography was of primary importance to them. From the many tens of thousands of
artifacts excavated from the region we know that the Israelites and Judeans expressed
devotional adherence by statuary and iconography. The idolatry that is often scorned in
the Hebrew Bible is indicative of the prevailing activity of the region.
8
The Inscriptions at Kuntillet Ajrud
Although Asherah is mentioned in the Bible forty separate times, the findings at
Kuntillet Ajrud and Khirbet el-Qom have further solidified the role she played in the
Yahweh “pantheon.” An obscure ancient Hebrew inscription and accompanying diagram
has sparked a lively and at times irascible debate within the academic community.
Excavated in 1975-76 near the river of Egypt in northeast Sinai by Judah’s south border,
Kuntillet Ajrud was a ninth to eighth century BCE Israelite caravanserai with an attached
shrine. The inscriptions under contention were found on sherds from two large pithoi or
storage jars uncovered within the caravanserai. The ambiguous inscription reads: “I have
blessed you by Yahweh of Samaria and his Asherah.” The same text is found a number of
times with geographical differences, leading one scholar to speculate that perhaps the
locations; Samaria, Jerusalem and Teman were sites of Yahweh sanctuaries, as one such
sanctuary is known to have existed for Yahweh in Samaria.xi Thus, the scribe at Kuntillet
Ajrud may have had familiarity with these sanctuaries of Yahweh where the presence of
“his Asherah” ought to have been felt.
As background, it is interesting to note that the possessive pronoun or the Hebrew
pronominal suffix “his Asherah” appears in probably the oldest text we have referencing
the goddess in the Hebrew Bible. In Deuteronomy 33.2-3, “YHWH came from Sinai and
shone forth from his own Seir, He showed himself from Mount Paran, Yea, he came
among the myriads of Qudhsu, at his right had his own Asherah, Indeed, he loves the
clans and all his holy ones on his left.”xii Because “Yahweh….his Asherah” is quoted in
both biblical and extra-biblical texts the phrase must have been widely recognized and
9
perhaps used often in the region indicating a close relationship between the pair within
the cult.
But what is “his Asherah” supposed to mean? Most scholars agree Asherah, the
goddess or asherah, her cult object was associated with Yahweh. In his paper titled “I
Have Blessed You By Yahweh of Samaria and His Asherah,” Dijkstra writes: “From the
outset most scholars differed about the question whether Asherah means the name or title
of the goddess or the word refers to the cultic object which is known from the modern
Old Testament translations as sacred pole.”xiii Regardless if the inscription refers to the
goddess herself or her cult object, the intent remains the same; Yahweh is linked to
Asherah.
The associated cultic object for which Asherah was known was a wooden or
sacred pole, which is referenced many times in the Bible such as in Deuteronomy 16:21-
22, “You shall not plant any wooden thing as an Asherah beside the altar of the Lord your
God which you shall make. And you shall not set up a pillar, which the Lord your God
hates.” That prohibitions need to be set implies observance at some level. Ostensibly,
worship of Asherah was being upheld by the Israelites or else forbiddance would have
been superfluous. Indeed, Asherah’s symbolism alongside that of Yahweh’s suggests a
relationship between the two seemingly antithetical deities. Since the findings of
Kuntillet Ajrud, a preponderance of the academic community is in agreement that likely
Asherah functioned as Yahweh’s consort, if not in the official religion then most
assuredly in the popular religion of the average people.
Whether the inscription refers to a cult object, which symbolized their worship of
her or the goddess herself is largely up for speculation. J.A. Emerton in his paper
10
“Yahweh and His Asherah” talks about how the plural of Asherah is used in some of the
inscriptions, which presents difficulty when referring to a goddess but not so in reference
to her cult object. He discusses several instances in the Hebrew Bible where the plural
term “asherim” is used signifying multiple sacred poles or trees, “An examination of the
places ‘aserim” appears in the Old Testament supports the view that it is, in fact, used as
the symbol of the goddess.”xiv Comparing the grammar used in the Hebrew Bible to that
found in the inscriptions is wise as the same group of people wrote both at approximately
the same time. Although not all scholars agree with his interpretation, most concur that
the inscriptions at Kuntillet Ajrud are referring to Asherah’s cult object and not to the
goddess herself.
The Drawings at Kuntillet Ajrud
Found next to the text of “Yahweh and his Asherah” is a drawing of two figures
in the foreground, and another in the background. Because the sherds contain both the
inscription and the drawing it is assumed by some scholars, though not all, that the sketch
is representative of “Yahweh and his Asherah.” Might this drawing be further proof that
it was Asherah, the goddess and not her cult object who was referred to in the
inscription? But if that is the case, why are there three figures? That question has stumped
many scholars into concluding the text and the drawings are unrelated. Pirhiya Beck in
her paper “The Drawings from Horvat Teiman,” is among one group who argues that the
two figures in the foreground represent the minor Egyptian deity Bes and his female
counterpart and are completely unrelated to the inscription. Part of the reasoning behind
the latter is that the figures were done with a thicker brush than the inscriptions.xv The
most ingenious explanation on what the drawings symbolize comes from Dever who
11
asserts that the lyre player in the background is actually Asherah, the goddess. He has
many reasons for his claim but first and foremost is that the depiction of the lyre player is
similar with respect to dress and manner of other deities from Ugarit in the Late II Bronze
Age.xvi Although Dever’s appraisal is engaging many scholars are not in accordance.
Ultimately, as with most of the findings on Kuntillet Ajrud, the scholarship community is
divided between one which thinks that the diagrams are exhibitive of the inscriptions, and
the other, which finds them to be totally unrelated to each other.
One of the ancillary drawings found near the inscription is of the “Asherah Tree”.
The wooden pole with which Asherah was associated was also symbolic of the “tree of
life.” Mark Smith in “God Male and Female in the Old Testament” writes, “Asherah was
a nurturing mother goddess. The religious symbol of the goddess, the asherah, was in
Israel a wooden pole, or perhaps a tree, representing the ‘tree of life.’”xvii The ‘tree of
life’ was a recurrent theme in the ancient Near East. In an arid region trees were revered
as symbols of life and nourishment and so became associated with the goddess and her
cult. We see this “tree of life” in the Garden of Eden allegory.
In her book When God Was A Woman, Merlin Stone discusses the acrimony the
patriarchy felt toward the “asherim” which she calls a major symbol of the female
religion, “It would not be too surprising if the symbolism of the tree of forbidden fruit,
said to offer the knowledge of good and evil, was included in the creation story to warn
that eating the fruit of this tree had caused the downfall of all humanity.”xviii It would
appear that amongst the average people, much to the disdain of the ruling elite, Asherah’s
name was increasingly linked to Yahweh’s. Because of this union the writers of the
12
Bible may have felt the need to propagandize against goddess worship by integrating the
story of the fall of mankind to a tree that clearly was associated with her.
In addition to the living Asherah tree, the appearance of a lion can be found in this
drawing as well. It should be noted that very often lion iconography accompanies images
of Asherah making her known throughout the region as the “Lion Lady.”xix We will
review more of this imagery a little later in the paper.
Archeological findings at Khirbet el-Qom
In 1968, an inscription was found in an ancient burial ground west of Hebron at a
site called Khirbet el-Qom. The inscription found on a tombstone reads:
Blessed by Uriah by Yahweh, Yea from his enemies by his Asherah he has saved him By Oniah By his Asherah And by his A(she)rah. The inscription has been dated to ca 750 BCE and the syntax has the same ambiguity as
the inscriptions found at Kuntillet Ajrud. As noted previously, “Yahweh… and his
Asherah” was a phrase that had to have been fairly common in the area as sixty or so
miles separates Kuntillet Ajrud and Khirbet el-Qom, not an easy jaunt considering the
limited transportation options available at the time. Furthermore, the inscription was
found at an ancient burial site signifying the sanctity with which the phrase “Yahweh and
his Asherah” was regarded in the region. As with the findings at Kuntillet Ajrud,
scholarship is divided, though most accede that the text refers to asherah as cult object.
In her book Under Every Green Tree: Popular Religion in Sixth-Century Judah,
Susan Ackerman summed it up best:
In the ancient Near East the idol was god. ‘Srth at Kuntellet Ajrud or Kh. el- Qom could refer to Asherah’s cult object, the stylized tree, or even to some
13
hypostatized aspect of the female side of Yahweh. But what was the stylized tree or the hypostasis of the female side of Yahweh to the average worshipper? Nothing other than Asherah, the goddess. xx Indeed when Israelites were revering Asherah’s cult object or sacred pole they were not
worshipping a pole but the symbol of a deity, namely Asherah. Not unlike present day
adherents of any religion venerating an object, which represents to them their sacred
deity.
While the author or authors of both the inscriptions and the drawings can never be
known, there seems little doubt in the academic community that Asherah played a large
role in the belief practices of the pre-exilic Israelite-Judean community and was quite
possibly known throughout the region as a consort of Yahweh.
Figurines of Asherah
Anthropomorphically Asherah is represented many times in various forms
scattered throughout the region. However, for the purposes of this study we will focus on
those which are most prolific in the area: the pillar figurines. The figurines first started
appearing in the late tenth to ninth century BCE and had become very common from the
eighth through the seventh centuries. There is now considerable evidence that these
figurines signify Asherah. The term “Images of Asherah” is used often in the Hebrew
Bible, it is thought that “pillar figurines” are what the writers of the bible had in mind.
The figurines have been found in two varieties: one with an elaborately molded
head and the other with a “pinched nose”. The heads on the “molded head” variety appear
to be mass-produced, yet the bodies are hand-made, leading one scholar to suggest that
the person for whom the figurine was intended individually crafted the figurine’s body.xxi
This would help explain the rough manner in which the bodies were assembled. The
14
“pinched nose” variety was likely for those who were unable to acquire a molded head.
Plain as the pinched nose figurines are, their being found in large quantities underscores
the importance that acquiring one of these figurines may have played in the community.
But what were these figurines meant to convey? And why were they important to
the Judean community? Because the breasts are exaggerated with the hands more or less
supporting them they are thought to symbolize the nurturing aspect of the mother
goddess. Interestingly, although her cult objects are in public worship spaces, the pillar
figurines are found mostly in private houses, which suggest the domesticity of the
figurines.xxii Dever is among a growing number of scholars who assert that the pillar
figurines were representative for women of fertility. He declares, “I am suggesting that
the female figurines were connected principally though not exclusively with
reproduction. They are better understood as images representing the goddess Asherah,
used as talismans to secure her favors.”xxiii Though the figurines may have been used
principally by and for women with regards to fertility, because many of them were found
in tombs, their somber nature is highlighted. Leading Elizabeth Bloch-Smith to assert:
Whether the figurines represented Asherah, the cult symbol asherah, an appeal to Yahweh’s nurturing concerns or simply a superstitious or folk-loric practice, their presence in tombs throughout Judah including Jerusalem indicates widespread concern for adequate lactation to nourish newborns and infants and an acceptance of the use of figurines for sympathetic magic.xxiv Considering survival was the ultimate concern for the average Israelite or Judean,
apprehension about lactation, and perhaps fertility was probably widespread. Sadly
lactation and fertility concerns are indicative of some type of famine for which the
region was prone.
15
At this point it is useful to consider how difficult life was for the average Judean
or Israelite. Surrounded by the resource rich empires of Egypt and Mesopotamia, Israel
and Judah were not only vulnerable to invasion but also lacked natural resources and a
friendly climate for agriculture with which to support themselves. In a capricious world,
religion was wrapped around the quest for survival and appeasing the deities was of
ultimate concern. To an ancient Israelite there was no difference between life and
religion. Indeed, when they were not toiling to support their families, they were engaged
in religious and ritualistic practices both in the cultic community and in their individual
homes. It is in this context that the figurines should be contemplated.
The pillar figurines have mostly been found in the Judah region, many in the
metropolis of Jerusalem itself. Both Bloch-Smith and Hadley concur that these figurines
are small clay counterparts to the sacred wooden asherah poles. Because their elongated
base is suggestive of a tree it is easy to visualize how they might look on a pole. As
discussed previously, trees were symbolic of the nourishing aspect of the goddess,
Asherah.
Hadley adds that “for several centuries asherah poles stood in the temple of
Jerusalem.”xxv Although it is enchanting to speculate that asherah cult objects were in the
First Temple of Jerusalem, could it be true? Surprisingly, Hadley’s assertion is based on
Hebrew Bible itself. In 2 Kings 23 dating from the late seventh century during King
Josiah’s reforms, the biblical writer talks about purging the temple of all the cult regalia
of Asherah. If her cult regalia could be found in the First Temple of Jerusalem then the
Asherah cult was not only revered in the folk religion of the common people but more
importantly her cult was incorporated into the state or official religion as well.
16
Christopher Uehlinger asserts, “Judahite pillar figurines seem to have disappeared some
time during the later seventh century.”xxvi Perhaps along with her figurines, the sacred
poles had also disappeared, as the late seventh century date would be in line with the
biblical timeline mandating the purge of her cult objects from the temple. Sadly, because
of the perishable nature of wood no asherah sacred pole artifacts have been found in any
of the excavations from the region.
It must be remembered that within fifty to one hundred years of this period the
fall of Judah occurred (ca 586 BCE) making it all the more certain for a religious
alteration. As mentioned earlier in the paper, Asherah artifacts and textual references are,
for the most part, restricted to pre-exilic or the period proceeding the destruction of
Jerusalem and the First Temple of Jerusalem. From the vast scholarship on the subject we
know that the Israelites of the post-exilic period were manifestly more monotheistic than
their pre-exilic counterparts.
Conclusion
On our quest to find Asherah she has appeared in some unlikely places. We find
her writ large in the ancient mythology of a neighboring state. Later, in an obscure
blessing from the Hebrew Bible, we are introduced to the now familiar phrase
“Yahweh….and his Asherah.” The blessing, perhaps well recognized in the region,
comes up in a variety of settings, such as in a remote caravanserai and in a burial site
located quite a distance from it. Further, she is found in drawings illustrating her cult
imagery and perhaps depicting the sacred couple themselves alongside the now famous
inscriptions. We learned of her pillar figurines, primarily found in the southern kingdom
17
of Judah, numbering in the thousands and what they might have signified about the
ancient Judeans’ devotion to her.
But nagging questions remain. Was Asherah Yahweh’s consort, as many scholars
believe? Was her worship confined to folk religion only, as we have seen from the
evidence, or was her influence felt in the official cult as indicated in the Hebrew Bible
itself? The artifacts and inscriptions linking her name to Yahweh’s are impressive but
like so much in this field not absolute. And although research finds her cult prominent
within the folk religion of the average person, evidence for veneration of her in the
official religion is inconclusive. Fascinating as it is, examining a topic that dates back
three millennia has its distinct disadvantages. And while there is voluminous scholarship
and artifacts associated with Asherah in the region, there are still a number of pieces
missing to the puzzle. Nonetheless, it has been my attempt with this paper to bring the
discussion into greater focus with the expectation and promise of further scrutiny and
more scholarship to come in this area.
i Raphael Patai, The Hebrew Goddess (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1990), 37. ii Judith M. Hadley, “Yahweh and His Asherah: Archeological and Textual Evidence,” Ein Gott allein? Eds. Walter Dietrich and Martin A. Klopfenstein (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1994), 236. iii Meindert Dijkstra,“Women and Religion in the Old Testament,” in Only One God? Eds. Bob Becking and Meindert Dijkstra (New York: Sheffield Academic Press Ltd, 2001), 165. iv Karel Van Der Toorn From Her Cradle To Her Grave (Wiltshire: Sheffield Academic Press, 1994), 112. v William G. Dever, Did God Have a Wife? (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdsmans Publishing Co., 2005), 28. vi Susan Ackerman, “Digging Up Deborah,” Near Eastern Archeology Vol. 66, No 4 (December 2003): 179. http://ehis.ebscohost.com (accessed October 9, 2010). vii Meindert Dijkstra, “Women and Religion in the Old Testament,” 164. viii Karen Armstrong, A History of God, (1994). Quoted in Jonathan Kirsch, God Against The Gods (New York: Penguin Books, 2004), 1.
18
ix Ziony Zevet, The Religions of Ancient Israel: A Synthesis of Parallactic Approaches, (2001), Quoted in William G. Dever, Did God Have A Wife? 46. x William G. Dever. Did God Have A Wife? 54. xi Meindert Dijkstra, “El, the God of Israel” in Only One God? Eds. Bob Becking and Meindert Dijkstra (New York: Sheffield Academic Press Ltd, 2001), 117. xii Meindert Dijkstra, “El, the God of Israel,” 115. xiii Meindert Dijkstra, “I Have Blessed You by Yahweh of Samaria and His Asherah,” in Only One God? Eds. Bob Becking and Meindert Dijkstra (New York: Sheffield Academic Press Ltd, 2001), 25. xiv J.A. Emerton, “’Yahweh and His Asherah’: The Goddess or Her Symbol?” Vestus Testamentum 49, no 3 (July 1999): 327. http://ehis.ebscohost.com.ezproxy. dominican.edu/ehost/detail?vid=3&hid (accessed Sept, 14 2010). xv Pirhiya Beck,“The Drawings from Horvat Teiman (Kuntillet Ajrud),”Tel Aviv 9 (1982) 27-‐31, quoted in John Day, “Asherah in the Hebrew Bible,” 393. xvi William G. Dever, “Asherah, Consort of Yahweh?” ASOR 16, no. 255 (Summer 1984): 23, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1357073 (accessed October 30, 2010). xvii Mark S. Smith, “God Male and Female in the Old Testament: Yahweh and His ‘Asherah,’” Theological Studies 48, no 2 (June 1987): 334. xviii Merlin Stone, When God Was a Woman, (Orlando, FL: Harcourt Brace, 1976), 217. xix William G. Dever, Did God Have a Wife?, 151. xx Susan Ackerman. Under Every Green Tree: Popular Religion in Sixth-‐Century Judah (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992), 66. xxi Judith M. Hadley, The Cult of Asherah in Ancient Israel and Judah (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2000) 197. xxii John Day, Yahweh and the Gods and Goddesses of Canaan (Sheffield, UK: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), 55. xxiii William G. Dever, Did God Have a Wife? 194. xxiv Elizabeth M. Bloch-‐Smith, Judahite Burial Practices and Beliefs About the Dead (Sheffield, UK: Sheffield Academic Press 1991) quoted in Judith M. Hadley The Cult of Asherah, 200. xxv Judith M. Hadley, The Cult of Asherah, 201. xxvi Christoph Uehlinger, “Anthropomorphic Cult Statuary in Iron Age Palestine,” in The Image and The Book, ed. Karel Van Der Toorn (Bondgenotenlaan:Uitgeverij Peeters, 1997), 133. Bibliography Ackerman, Susan. ‘Digging Up Deborah,” Near Eastern Archeology 66, no. 4 (2003): 172-‐184. ________. Under Every Green Tree: Popular Religion in Seventh-‐Century Judah. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992. Armstrong, Karen. A History of God: The 4,000-‐Year Quest of Judaism, Christianity
19
and Islam. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1993. Quoted in Jonathan Kirsch, God Against The Gods. New York: Penguin Books, 2004. Beck, Pirhiya, “The Drawings From Horvat Teiman (Kuntillet Ajrud),” Tel Aviv 9 (1982): 27-‐31, quoted in John Day, “Asherah in the Hebrew Bible and Northwest Semitic Literature,” Journal of Biblical Literature 105, no. 3 (1986). Bloch-‐Smith, Elizabeth M. Judahite Burial Practices and Beliefs About the Dead. Quoted in Judith M. Hadley The Cult of Asherah in Ancient Israel and Judah, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Cornelius, Izak. The Many Faces of the Goddess. Gottingen: Academic Press Fribourg, 2004. Davis-‐Weyer, Caecilia. Early Medieval Art 300-‐1100: Source and Documents. Englewood Cliffs, NY: Prentice Hall, 1971, 48. Quoted in Leslie Ross, Art and Architecture of the World’s Religions, Vol 2 Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood Press, 2009. Day, John. “Asherah in the Hebrew Bible and Northwest Semitic Literature,” Journal of Biblical Literature 105, no. 3 (1986): 385-‐404. _______. Yahweh and The Gods and Goddesses of Canaan. Sheffield, UK: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000. Dever, William G. “Asherah, Consort of Yahweh?” ASOR 16, no.255 (Summer 1984). http://www.jstor.org/stable/357073 (accessed October 30, 2010). _______. Did God Have a Wife? Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 2005. Dijkstra, Meindert. “El, the God of Israel,” Only One God? eds. Bob Becking and Meindert Dijkstra, 100-‐129. New York: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001. _______. “I Have Blessed You by Yahweh of Samaria and His Asherah” Only One God? eds. Bob Becking Meindert Dijkstra, 5-‐30. New York: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001. ________. “Women and Religion in the Old Testaments,” Only One God? eds. Bob Becking and Meindert Dijkstra, 160-‐185. New York: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001. Emerton, J. A. “Yahweh and His Asherah: The Goddess or Her Symbol?” Vetus Testamentum 49, no. 3 (1999): 315-‐358
20
http://ehis.ebscohost.com.ezproxy.dominican.edu/ehost (accessed September 14, 2010). Gilmour, Garth. “An Iron Age II Pictorial Inscription from Jerusalem Illustrating Yahweh and Asherah,” Palestine Exploration Quarterly 141, no. 2 (2009): 87-‐103. Hadley, Judith M. The Cult of Asherah in Ancient Israel and Judah. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. _________. “Yahweh and His Asherah: Archeological and Textual Evidence” Ein Gott allein? ed. Walter Dietrich and Martin A. Klopfenstein, 234-‐256. Gottengen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1994. Patai, Raphael. The Hebrew Goddess. Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press, 1990. Ruether, Rosemary Radford. Goddesses and The Divine Feminine. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005. Smith, Mark S. The Early History of God. Dearborn, MI: Harpers Books, 2002. Smith, Mark S. “God Male and Female in the Old Testament: ‘Yahweh and His Asherah,’” Theological Studies 48, no. 2 (1987): 333-‐341. http://ehis.ebscohost.com.ezproxy.dominican.edu/ehost/detail?vid+3&hid=12 (accessed September 25, 2010). Stone, Merlin. When God Was A Woman. Orlando, FL: Harcourt Brace, 1976. Uehlinger, Christoph. “Anthropomorphic Cult Statuary In Iron Age Palestine and the Search For Yahweh’s Cult Images,” The Image and the Book: Iconic Cults, Aniconism, and the Rise of Book Religion in Israel and the Ancient Near East, ed. Karel van der Toorn, 99-‐155. Bondgenotenlaan: Uitgeverij Peeters, 1997. Van Der Toorn, Karel. From Her Cradle to Her Grave. Wiltshire: Sheffield Academic Press, 1994. Wiggins, Steve A. A Reassessment of Asherah. Puscataway, NJ: First Gorgias Press, 2007. Zevek, Ziony. The Religions of Ancient Israel: A Synthesis of Parallactic Approaches. 2001. Quoted in William G. Dever, Did God Have A Wife?
21