Jean Bertrand Aristide

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Jean-Bertrand Aristide 1

Jean-Bertrand Aristide

Jean-Bertrand Aristide

Aristide meeting U.S. President Bill Clinton in the White House in 1994.

49th and 53rd President of Haiti

In office

7 February 199129 September 1991

Prime Minister Ren Prval

Preceded by Ertha Pascal-Trouillot

Succeeded by Raoul Cdras

In office

12 October 19947 February 1996

Prime Minister Smarck Michel

Claudette Werleigh

Preceded by mile Jonassaint

Succeeded by Ren Prval

In office

7 February 200129 February 2004

Prime Minister Jean Marie ChrestalYvon Neptune

Preceded by Ren Prval

Succeeded by Boniface Alexandre

Personal details

Born 15 July 1953

Port-Salut, Sud Department

Nationality Haitian

Political party Lavalas

Spouse(s) Mildred Trouillot (m.1996)

Children Two daughters
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Alma mater College Notre Dame

State University of Haiti

University of South Africa

Occupation Priest

Religion Roman Catholic

Jean-Bertrand Aristide (born 15 July 1953) is a Haitian former Catholic priest of the Salesian order and politician

who served as Haiti's first democratically elected president.[1][2] A proponent of liberation theology,[3][4] Aristide

was appointed to a parish in Port-au-Prince in 1982 after completing his studies. He became a focal point for the

pro-democracy movement first under Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier and then under the military transition

regime which followed. He won the Haitian general election, 1990-1991 with 67% of the vote and was briefly

President of Haiti, until a September 1991 military coup. The coup regime collapsed in 1994 under US pressure and

threat of force (Operation Uphold Democracy) after Aristide agreed to roll back several reforms. Aristide was then

President again from 1994 to 1996 and from 2001 to 2004. However, Aristide was ousted in a 29 February 2004

coup d'tat, in which one of his former soldiers participated. He accused the United States of orchestrating the coup

d'tat against him with support from Jamaican Prime Minister P. J. Patterson and among others.[5] Aristide was later

forced into exile in the Central African Republic[5] and South Africa. He finally returned to Haiti on 18 March 2011

after seven years in exile.[6]

Early life and church career

Aristide was born into poverty in Port-Salut, Sud Department. His father died when Aristide was only three months

old,[7] and he moved to Port-au-Prince with his mother, seeking a better life for him.[8] In 1958, Aristide started

school with priests of the Salesian order.[9] He was educated at the College Notre Dame in Cap-Hatien, graduating

with honors in 1974. He then took a course of novitiate studies in La Vega, Dominican Republic before returning to

Haiti to study philosophy at the Grand Seminaire Notre Dame and psychology at the State University of Haiti. After

completing his post-graduate studies in 1979, Aristide traveled in Europe, studying in Italy, Greece, [10] and Israel.He returned to Haiti in 1982 for his ordination as a Salesian priest, [11] and was appointed curate of a small parish in

Port-au-Prince.

Throughout the first three decades of Aristide's life, Haiti was ruled by the family dictatorships of Franois "Papa

Doc" and Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier. The misery endured by Haiti's poor made a deep impression on

Aristide,[8] and he became an outspoken critic of Duvalierism.[12] Nor did he spare the hierarchy of the country's

church, since a 1966 Vatican Concordat granted Duvalier the power to appoint Haiti's bishops.[13] An exponent of

liberation theology, Aristide denounced Duvalier's regime in one of his earliest sermons. This did not go unnoticed

by the regime's top echelons. Under pressure, the provincial delegate of the Salesian Order sent Aristide into three

years of exile in Montreal.[11] By 1985, as popular opposition to Duvalier's regime grew, Aristide was back

preaching in Haiti. His Easter Week sermon, "A Call to Holiness," delivered at the cathedral of Port-au-Prince and

later broadcast throughout Haiti, proclaimed, "The path of those Haitians who reject the regime is the path of

righteousness and love."[14]

Aristide became a leading figure in the ""ti legliz movement""Kreyl for "little church."[15] In September 1985, he

was appointed to St. Jean Bosco church, in a poor neighborhood in Port-au-Prince. Struck by the absence of young

people in the church, Aristide began to organize youth, sponsoring weekly youth masses.[16] He founded an

orphanage for urban street children in 1986 called Lafanmi Selavi [Family is Life].[17]:214 Its program sought to be a

model of participatory democracy for the children it served.[18] As Aristide became a leading voice for the

aspirations of Haiti's dispossessed, he inevitably became a target for attack. [19] He survived at least four assassination

attempts.

[9][20]

The most widely publicized attempt, the St Jean Bosco massacre, occurred on 11 September 1988,

[21]

when over one hundred armed Tonton Macoute wearing red armbands forced their way into St. Jean Bosco as
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Aristide began Sunday mass.[22] As Army troops and police stood by, the men fired machine guns at the

congregation and attacked fleeing parishioners with machetes. Aristide's church was burned to the ground. Thirteen

people are reported to have been killed, and 77 wounded. Aristide survived and went into hiding.[17]

Subsequently, Salesian officials ordered Aristide to leave Haiti, but tens of thousands of Haitians protested, blocking

his access to the airport.[23] In December 1988, Aristide was expelled from his Salesian order.[24] A statement

prepared in Rome called the priest's political activities an "incitement to hatred and violence," out of line with hisrole as a clergyman.[25] Aristide appealed the decision, saying: "The crime of which I stand accused is the crime of

preaching food for all men and women."[26] In a January 1988 interview, he said "The solution is revolution, first in

the spirit of the gospel; Jesus could not accept people going hungry. It is a conflict between classes, rich and poor.

My role is to preach and organize...."[7] In 1994, Aristide left priesthood, ending years of tension with the church

over his criticism of its hierarchy and his espousal of liberation theology. [27] The following year, Aristide married

Mildred Trouillot, with whom he had two daughters.[28]

First presidency (19911996)

Following the violence at the aborted national elections of 1987, the 1990 elections were approached with caution.

Aristide announced his candidacy for the presidency and following a six-week campaign, during which he dubbed

his followers the "Front National pour le Changement et la Dmocratie" (National Front for Change and Democracy,

or FNCD), the "little priest" was elected President in 1990 with 67% of the vote. He was Haiti's first democratically

elected president. However, just eight months into his Presidency he was overthrown by a bloody military coup. He

broke from FNCD and created the Struggling People's Organization (OPL,Organisation Politique "Lavalas")"the

flood" or "torrent" in Kryl.

A coup attempt against Aristide had taken place on 6 January, even before his inauguration, when Roger Lafontant, a

Tonton Macoute leader under Duvalier, seized the provisional President Ertha Pascal-Trouillot and declared himself

President. After large numbers of Aristide supporters filled the streets in protest and Lafontant attempted to declare

martial law, the Army crushed the incipient coup.

[29]

During Aristide's short-lived first period in office, he attempted to carry out substantial reforms, which brought

passionate opposition from Haiti's business and military elite.[30] He sought to bring the military under civilian

control, retiring the Commander in Chief of the Army Hrard Abraham, initiated investigations of human rights

violations, and brought to trial several Tontons Macoute who had not fled the country.[30] He also banned the

emigration of many well known Haitians until their bank accounts had been examined.[30] His relationship with the

National Assembly soon deteriorated, and he attempted repeatedly to bypass it on judicial, Cabinet and

ambassadorial appointments.[30] His nomination of his close friend and political ally, Ren Prval, as Prime Minister,

provoked severe criticism from political opponents overlooked, and the National Assembly threatened a

no-confidence vote against Prval in August 1991. This led to a crowd of at least 2000 at the National Palace, which

threatened violence; together with Aristide's failure to explicitly reject mob violence this permitted the junta whichwould topple him to accuse him of human rights violations.[30]

1991 coup d'tat

In September 1991 the army performed a coup against him (1991 Haitian coup d'tat), led by Army General Raoul

Cdras, who had been promoted by Aristide in June to Commander in Chief of the Army. Aristide was deposed on

29 September 1991, and after several days sent into exile, his life only saved by the intervention of US, French and

Venezuelan diplomats.[31] In accordance with the requirements of Article 149 of the Haitian Constitution, Superior

Court Justice Joseph Nrette was installed as Prsident Provisoire to serve until elections were held within 90 days of

Aristide's resignation. However, real power was held by army commander Raoul Cdras. [32] The elections were

scheduled, but were canceled under pressure from the United States Government. Aristide and other sources claim

that both the coup and the election cancellation were the result of pressure from the American government. [33][34][35]
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High-ranking members of the Haitian National Intelligence Service (SIN), which had been set up and financed in the

1980s by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) as part of the war on drugs, were inv olved in the coup, and

were reportedly still receiving funding and training from the CIA for intelligence-gathering activities at the time of

the coup, but this funding reportedly ended after the coup.[36] TheNew York Times said that "No evidence suggests

that the C.I.A backed the coup or intentionally undermined President Aristide."[36] However, press reports about

possible CIA involvement in Haitian politics before the coup sparked Congressional hearings in the United

States.[37]

A campaign of terror against Aristide supporters was started by Emmanuel Constant after Aristide was forced out. In

1993, Constant, who had been on the CIA's payroll as an informant since 1992, organized the Front for the

Advancement and Progress of Hati (FRAPH), which targeted and killed Aristide supporters.[38][39][40]

Aristide spent his exile first in Venezuela and then in the United States, working to develop international support. A

United Nations trade embargo during Aristide's exile, intended to force the coup leaders to step down, was a strong

blow to Haiti's already weak economy.[41] President George H.W. Bush granted an exemption from the embargo to

many US companies doing business in Haiti, and President Bill Clinton extended this exemption. [42][43]

In addition to this trade with the US, the coup regime was supported by massive profits from the drug trade thanks to

the Haitian military's affiliation with the Cali Cartel and the drug-affiliated government in the neighboringDominican Republic; Aristide publicly stated that his own pursuit of arresting drug dealers was one event that

prompted the coup by drug-affiliated military officials Raul Cedras and Michel Francois (a claim echoed by his

former Secretary of State Patrick Elie). Rep. John Conyers (D-Michigan) expressed concern that the only US

government agency to publicly recognize the Haitian junta's role in drug trafficking was the DEA, and that despite a

wealth of evidence provided by the DEA proving the junta's drug connections, the Clinton administration

downplayed this factor rather than use it as a hedge against the junta (as the US government had done against

Manuel Noriega). Conyers expressed concern that this silence was due to the CIA's connections to these military

officers dating back to the creation of the Haitian Intelligence service known as SIN, as Alan Nairn's research has

shown: "We have turned a very deaf ear to what is obviously a moving force... it leads you to wonder if our silence is

because we knew this was going on and [because of] our complicity in drug activity..."[44] Nairn in particular alleged

that the CIA's connections to these drug traffickers in the junta not only dated to the creation of SIN, but were

ongoing during and after the coup. Nairn's claims are confirmed in part by revelations of Emmanuel Constant

regarding the ties of his FRAPH organization to the CIA before and during the coup government.

1994 return

Following massive peaceful public pro-Aristide demonstrations by Haitian expats(estimated over 250,000 people at

a demonstration in NY City)urging Bill Clinton to deliver on his election promise to return Aristide to Haiti, US and

international pressure (including United Nations Security Council Resolution 940 on 31 July 1994), persuaded the

military regime to back down and US troops were deployed in the country by President Bill Clinton. On 15 October1994, the Clinton administration permitted Aristide to return to Haiti to complete his term in office on the condition

that he adopt the economic program of the defeated US backed candidate in the 1990 elections, a former World Bank

official who had received 14% of the vote. As "democracy" was thereby restored, the World Bank announced that:

"The renovated state must focus on an economic strategy centered on the energy and initiative of Civil Society,

especially the private sector, both national and foreign."[45][46]

A 1995 USAID report explained that: "An export-driven trade and investment policy [in Hai ti] has the potential to

relentlessly squeeze the domestic rice farmer. This farmer will be forced to adapt, or (s)he will disappear."[47] In

"Free Market Left Haiti's Rice Growers Behind", the Washington Post reports: "From a grass-roots perspective in

Haiti, the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere, it seems undeniable that millions of people have been left

behind in the rush to globalization. That much is evident from the distended stomachs of children in villages likePont-Sonde, the throngs of women seeking jobs at 30 cents an hour in sweatshops owned by U.S. clothing
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manufacturers and the daily street demonstrations through the slums of Port-au-Prince by laid-off government

employees."[48]

Moreover, immediately after the Clinton administration allowed Aristide to return to office, in a series of private

meetings, Administration officials admonished Aristide to put aside the rhetoric of class warfare and seek instead to

reconcile Haitis tiny elite sector and poor majority. The Administration also urged Aristide to stick closely to

neoliberal economics and to abide by the Caribbean nations constitution

which gives substantial political power

to the Parliament while imposing tight limits on the Executive. Administration officials demanded that Aristide reach

out to some of his political opponents in setting up his new government to set up a broad-based coalition regime. The

Administration made it clear to Aristide that if he failed to reach a consensus with Parliament, the United States

would withdraw support for his government.[49]

Aristide disbanded the Haitian army, and established a civilian police force. Aristide's first term ended in February

1996, and the constitution did not allow him to serve consecutive terms. There was some dispute over whether

Aristide, prior to new elections, should serve the three years he had lost in exile, or whether his term in office should

instead be counted strictly according to the date of his inauguration; it was decided that the latter should be the case.

Ren Prval, a prominent ally of Aristide and Prime Minister in 1991 under Aristide, ran during the 1995

presidential election and took 88% of the vote. There was about 25% participation in these elections. [50]

Knight-Ridder reports that "The United States [during both the Clinton and Bush administrations] failed to take

many steps that it had promised to choke the flow of money and goods to the Haitian dictators and their wealthy

supporters. According to documents and interviews with federal officials, investigators and targets of the sanctions,

the U.S. government:

-- Never seized U.S. homes owned by coup supporters, despite a vow to the contrary.

-- Eroded its own embargo by buying baseballs and black-market gasoline from alleged backers of the regime

and training military men who worked for it.

-- Subverted its own goals by granting embargo exemptions to U.S. companies and wealthy Haitians.

-- Delayed freezing Haitian leaders' assets for almost 15 months after the coup. By that time, the Bank ofBoston found only 50.71 Haitian gourdes, worth about $5.07, in the accounts of Brig. Gen. Philippe Biamby,

the Haitian army's chief of staff.

But more serious complaints - such as charges that Texaco distributed tankers of fuel - were allegedly left on the

back burner. Now the U.S. attorney's office and the General Accounting Office are examining the Texaco case and

the handling of the embargo by the Office of Foreign Assets Control, the little-known agency that enforces sanctions.

Investigators want to know if OFAC - or some other agency - bowed to political or business pressures and

deliberately avoided taking action against sanction violators. OFAC says it administered the Haiti embargo

"consistent" with instructions from the White House, the State Department and the National Security Council. It

didn't run an airtight embargo, because it wasn't told to run an airtight embargo." [51]

Opposition (19962001)

In late 1996, Aristide broke from the OPL over what he called its "distance from the people"[33] and created a new

political party, the Fanmi Lavalas. The OPL, holding the majority in the Snat and the Chambre des Dputs,

renamed itself the Organisation du Peuple en Lutte, maintaining the OPL acronym.

The Fanmi Lavalas won the 2000 legislative election in May, but a number of Senate seats which should have had

second-round runoffs were allocated to Lavalas candidates which, while leading, had not achieved a first-round

majority of all votes cast. Fanmi Lavalas controlled the Provisional Election Commission which made the

decision.[52] Aristide then was elected later that year in the 2000 presidential election, an election boycotted by most

opposition political parties, now organised into the Convergence Dmocratique. Although the US governmentclaimed that the election turnout was hardly over 10%, international observers saw turnout of around 50%, and at the
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time, CNN reported a turnout of 60% with over 92% voting for Aristide. [53] Only later did allegations surface

mentioning the above figure of a 10% voter turnout.[54]

Second presidency (20012004)

Aristide called for France, the former colonizer of the country, to pay $21 billion[55] in restitution to Haiti for the

90 million gold francs supplied to France by Haiti in restitution for French property that was misappropriated in theHaitian rebellion, over the period from 1825 to 1947. Later it was revealed that this claim of repayment from France

might have been one of the main reasons behind the coup d'tat of 2004.[56]

2004 destabilization and coup

Despite enjoying widespread support by the majority of Haitians, the Washington Post informed their readers that

regime change was looming on 21 November 2003: "Aristide has pushed with mixed success a populist agenda of

higher minimum wages, school construction, literacy programs, higher taxes on the rich and other policies that have

angered an opposition movement run largely by a mulatto elite that has traditionally controlled Haiti's economy."[57]

After Aristide took office in February 2001, the US played a leading role in forcing hundreds of millions of dollars ininternational aid to be cut off, while bolstering a minority opposition led by Haiti's tiny elite. In the three years

leading up to the coup, the nation's already moribund economy further deteriorated and the government ground to a

halt as the opposition refused to participate in elections. The US ignored pleas from the Aristide government for an

international peacekeeping force as a motley band of armed thugs led by a suspected drug trafficker and fugitive

death squad leaders overran more than half the country. US marines in Haiti made no effort to disarm these rebels.

US policy toward Haiti appeared to be a war of attrition, driven by animosity towards Aristide, a former priest who

rankled Washington with his anti-capitalist sermons and his adherence to liberation theology, a Catholic doctrine that

advocates spiritual and economic help for the poor and oppressed.[58]

On 8 February 2001, the federally funded International Republican Institute's (IRI) senior program officer for Haiti,

Stanley Lucas, appeared on the Haitian station Radio Tropicale to suggest three strategies for vanquishing Haiti'spresident, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. First, Lucas proposed forcing Aristide to accept early elections and be voted out;

second, he could be charged with corruption and arrested; and finally, Lucas raised dealing with Aristide the way the

Congolese people had dealt with President Laurent Kabila the month before. "You did see what happened to

Kabila?" Lucas asked his audience. Kabila had been assassinated. Lucas and IRI, a nonprofit political group backed

by powerful Republicans close to the Bush administration, did more than talk. For six years leading up to the coup,

the I.R.I. conducted a $3 million party-building program in Haiti, training Aristide's political opponents, uniting

them into a single bloc and, according to a former U.S. ambassador there, encouraging them to reject internationally

sanctioned power-sharing agreements in order to heighten Haiti's political crisis.[59]

"[Aristide] was espousing change in Haiti, fundamental populist change," said Robert Maguire, a Haiti scholar who

has criticized American policy as insufficiently concerned with Haiti's poor. "Right away, he was viewed as a threatby very powerful forces in Haiti." President Aristide promised not only to give voice to the poor in the poorest

country in the Western Hemisphere, but also to raise the minimum wage and force businesses to pay taxes. He rallied

supporters with heated attacks on the United States, a tacit supporter of past dictatorships and a major influence in

Haitian affairs since the Marines occupied the country from 1915 to 1934. "He wasn't going to be beholden to the

United States, and so he was going to be trouble," said Senator Christopher J. Dodd of Connecticut. "We had

interests and ties with some of the very strong financial interests in the country, and Aristide was threatening them."

Those interests, mostly in the textile and electronic assembly businesses, sold many of their products cheap to the

United States. The anti-Aristide message had currency around Washington. Mr. Einaudi, the veteran diplomat,

recalled attending the I.R.I.'s 2001 fund-raising dinner and being surrounded by a half-dozen Haitian businessmen

sounding a common cry: "We were foolish to think that we could do anything with Aristide. That it was impossible

to negotiate with him. That it was necessary to get rid of him." A year later, the I.R.I. created a stir when it issued a
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press release praising the attempted overthrow of Hugo Chvez, the elected president of Venezuela and a

confrontational populist, who, like Mr. Aristide, was seen as a threat by some in Washington. [60]

In February 2004, the assassination of gang leader Amiot Metayer sparked a violent rebellion that culminated in

Aristide's removal from office. Amiot's brother, Buteur Metayer, blamed Aristide for the assassination, and used this

as an argument given in order to form the National Revolutionary Front for the Liberation of Haiti.[61] Joined by

other groups[62]

the rebels quickly took control of the North, and eventually laid siege to, and then invaded, thecapital. Under disputed circumstances, Aristide was flown out of the country by the U.S. on 28 February 2004. [63]

Earlier in February, Aristide's lawyer had claimed that the U.S. was arming anti-Aristide troops. [64] Aristide later

stated that France and the US had a role in what he termed "a kidnapping" that took him from Haiti to South Africa

via the Central African Republic.[65] However, authorities said his temporary asylum there had been negotiated by

the United States, France and Gabon.[66] On 1 March 2004, US Congresswoman Maxine Waters (D-CA), along with

Aristide family friend Randall Robinson, reported Aristide had told them that he had been forced to resign and had

been abducted from the country by the United States and that he had been held hostage by an armed military

guard.[67]

After Aristide was removed from Haiti, looters raided his villa.[68] Most barricades were lifted the day after Aristide

left as the shooting had stopped; order was maintained by Haitian police, along with armed rebels and local vigilantegroups.[69] Almost immediately after the Aristides were transported from Haiti, Prime Minister of Jamaica, P.J.

Patterson, dispatched a Member of Parliament, Sharon Hay-Webster, to the Central African Republic. The leadership

of that country agreed that Aristide and his family could go to Jamaica. The Aristides were in the island for several

months until the Jamaican government gained acceptance by the Republic of South Africa for the family to relocate

there.

Aristide has accused the U.S. of deposing him.[5][70] According to Rep. Maxine Waters D-California, Mildred

Aristide called her at her home at 6:30 am to inform her "the coup d'etat has been completed", and Jean-Bertrand

Aristide said the US Embassy in Haiti's chief of staff came to his house to say he would be killed "and a lot of

Haitians would be killed" if he refused to resign immediately and said he "has to go now." [5] Rep. Charles Rangel,

D-New York expressed similar words, saying Aristide had told him he was "disappointed that the international

community had let him down" and "that he resigned under pressure" "As a matter of fact, he was very

apprehensive for his life. They made it clear that he had to go now or he would be killed."[5] When asked for his

response to these statements Colin Powell said that "it might have been better for members of Congress who have

heard these stories to ask us about the stories before going public with them so we don't make a difficult situation

that much more difficult" and he alleged that Aristide "did not democratically govern or govern well".[5] CARICOM,

an organization of Caribbean countries that included Haiti, called for a United Nations investigation into Aristide's

removal, but were reportedly pressured by the US and France to drop their request. Some observers suggest the

rebellion and removal of Aristide were covertly orchestrated by these two countries.[71][72] Jamaican Prime Minister

P. J. Patterson released a statement saying "we are bound to question whether his resignation was truly voluntary, asit comes after the capture of sections of Haiti by armed insurgents and the failure of the international community to

provide the requisite support. The removal of President Aristide in these circumstances sets a dangerous precedent

for democratically elected governments anywhere and everywhere, as it promotes the removal of duly elected

persons from office by the power of rebel forces."[5] In a 2006 interview, Aristide said the US went back on their

word regarding compromises he made with them over privatization of enterprises to ensure that part of the profits

would go to the Haitian people and then "relied on a disinformation campaign" to discredit him. [73]
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Exile (20042011)

After being cast into exile, in mid-2004 Aristide, his family, and bodyguards were welcomed to South Africa by

several cabinet ministers, 20 senior diplomats, and a guard of honour.[74][75] Receiving a salary from and provided

staff by the South African government,[76] Aristide lived with his family in a government villa in Pretoria.[77] In

South Africa, Aristide became an honorary research fellow at the University of South Africa, learned Zulu, and on

25 April 2007, received a doctorate in African Languages.[78]

On 21 December 2007, a speech by Aristide marking the new year and Haiti's Independence Day was broadcast, the

fourth such speech since his exile; in the speech he criticized the 2006 presidential election in which Prval was

elected, describing it as a "selection," in which "the knife of treason was planted" in the back of the Haitian

people.[79]

Since the election, some high-ranking members of Lavalas have been targets for violence. [80][81] Lovinsky

Pierre-Antoine, a leading human rights organizer in Haiti and a member of Lavalas, disappeared in August 2007. [82]

His whereabouts remain unknown and a news article states,"Like many protesters, Wilson Mesilien, coordinator of

the pro-Aristide 30 September Foundation wore a T-shirt demanding the return of foundation leader Lovinsky

Pierre-Antoine, a human rights activist and critic of both UN and US involvement in Haiti." [83]

Return to Haiti

In a 2008 United States Embassy cable, former US Ambassador to Haiti, Janet Sanderson emphasizes that: "A

premature departure of MINUSTAH would leave the [Haitian] government...vulnerable to...resurgent populist and

anti-market economy political forcesreversing gains of the last two years. MINUSTAH is an indispensable tool in

realizing core USG [US government] policy interests in Haiti."[84]

At a high-level meeting on 2 August 2006, top US and UN officials declared: "Aristide Movement Must Be Stopped."

The cable describes how former Guatemalan diplomat Edmond Mulet, then chief of MINUSTAH "urged US legal

action against Aristide to prevent the former president from gaining more traction with the Haitian population and

returning to Haiti."

At Mulets request, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan urged South Africas President Thabo Mbeki "to ensure that

Aristide remained in South Africa."[85]

US Ambassador James Foley admitted in a confidential 22 March 2005, cable that an August 2004 poll "showed that

Aristide was still the only figure in Haiti with a favorability rating above 50%." [86]

After Ren Prval, a former ally of Aristide, was elected president of Haiti in 2006, he said it would be possible for

Aristide to return to Haiti.[87][88]

On 16 December 2009, several thousand protesters marched through Port-au-Prince calling for Aristide's return to

Haiti, and protesting the exclusion of Aristide's populist Fanmi Lavalas party from upcoming elections. [89]

On 12 January 2010, Aristide sent his condolences to victims of the earthquake in Haiti just a few hours after it

occurred, and stated that he wishes to return to help rebuild the country. [90][91]

On 7 November 2010, in an exclusive interview ( the last given before his return to Haiti) with independent reporter

Nicolas Rossier in Eurasia Review and the Huffington Post, Aristide declared that the 2010 elections were not

inclusive of his party Fanmi Lavalas and therefore not fair and free. He also confirmed his wishes to go back to Haiti

but that he was not allowed to travel out of South Africa. [92]

In February 2011, Aristide announced "I will return to Haiti" within days of the ruling Haitian government removing

impediments to him receiving his Haitian passport.[93] Since he was ousted by the US government in 2004, Aristide

has said that he would return to the field of education. [94] This would mark the 2nd return of former political leaders,

as former dictator Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier returned to Haiti in January 2011[95]

An anonymousgovernment official told the Agence France-Presse news agency that the Haitian government had issued a passport
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for Aristide on 7 February, but his lawyer stated that they had not received the document, nor been informed of its

issue by the government.[96]

On 15 March 2011, Aristide's Lavalas party stated in an interview that his return is due to both health reasons for

needing warmer climate as well as to aid earthquake victims.[97]

On 17 March 2011, Aristide departed for Haiti from his exile in South Africa. U.S. President Barack Obama had

asked South African President Jacob Zuma to delay Aristide's departure to prevent him from returning to Haitibefore a presidential run-off election scheduled for Sunday. Aristide's party was barred from participating in the

elections, and the U.S. fears his return could be "destabilizing".[98] On Friday, 18 March 2011, he arrived at

Port-au-Prince airport, and was greeted by thousands of supporters. [99] He told the crowd waiting at the airport, "The

exclusion of Fanmi Lavalas is the exclusion of the Haitian people. In 1804, the Haitian revolution marked the end of

slavery. Today, may the Haitian people end exiles and coup dtats, while peacefully moving from social exclusion

to inclusion."[6]

Former Haiti President Jean-Bertrand Aristide is once again in the cross-hairs of the US government, this time being

accused of pocketing millions of dollars in bribes from Miami businesses. Aristide s lawyer, Ira Kurzban, declined to

comment about the Justice Departments investigation because the ex-president hasnt been charged with any crime.

But, Kurzban said: "I view this as part of the same smear campaign that the United States has orchestrated againstAristide since he was first elected in 1990." The revelation that federal officials are still pursuing Aristide, years after

a U.S. grand jury investigation failed to nab him on drug-trafficking and money-laundering allegations, comes at a

politically charged time in Haiti. Haitian media reported that President Michel Martelly s government had indicted

Aristide for corruption and drug trafficking during his rule, immediately triggering anger among his supporters.

Haitis justice minister told The Miami Herald the reports were false.

Thousands marched through the streets of Haitis capital, singing pro-Aristide slogans while denouncing Martelly, to

mark the eighth anniversary of Aristides ouster from power on 29 February 2004. The demonstration the biggest

anti-Martelly protest since he came to power in May showed that Aristide still enjoys a measure of popularity. He

returned to Haiti from South Africa on 18 March 2011 over the strong objections of the Obama administration.

The trial of Duperval, Haiti Telecos former director of international relations, highlights the U.S. Justice

Departments persistence in pursuing the bribery case and Aristide. Some question the zeal. The U.S. government

may be sending a signal to Aristide, called Titid by his admirers, to think twice about trying to re-enter the political

scene, observers said. "The display of popular support for Aristide is very worrisome to the U.S., so indicting Titid

before a potential comeback makes perfect sense," said Robert Fatton, a Haiti expert at the University of Virginia.

Unless the Justice Department has an air-tight case, arresting Aristide could have volatile consequences, observers

said.[100]

Accomplishments

Under Aristide's leadership, his party implemented many major reforms. These included greatly increasing access to

health care and education for the general population; increasing adult literacy and protections for those accused of

crimes; improving training for judges, prohibiting human trafficking, disbanding the Haitian military (which

primarily had been used against the Haitian people), establishing improved human rights and political freedom;

doubling the minimum wage, instituting land reform and assistance to small farmers, providing boat construction

training to fishermen, establishing a food distribution network to provide low cost food to the poor at below market

prices, building low-cost housing, and attempting to reduce the level of government corruption.[101]
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Achievements in education

During successive Lavalas administrations, Jean Bertrand Aristide and Rene Preval built 195 new primary schools

and 104 secondary schools. Prior to Aristide's election in 1990, there were just 34 secondary schools nationwide.

Lavalas also provided thousands of scholarships so that children could afford to attend church/private schools.

Between 2001 and 2004, the percentage of children enrolled in primary school education rose to 72%, and an

estimated 300,000 adults took part in Lavalas sponsored adult literacy campaigns. This helped the adult literacy rateraise from 35% to 55%.[102]

Achievements in health care

In addition to numerous educational advances, Aristide and Lavalas embarked on an ambitious plan to develop the

public primary health care system with Cuban assistance. Since the devastation unleashed by Hurriance George in

1998, Cuba entered a humanitarian agreement with Haiti whereby Haitian doctors would be trained in Cuba, and

Cuban doctors would work in rural areas. At the time of the 12 January earthquake, 573 doctors had been trained in

Cuba.[103]

Despite operating under an aid embargo, the Lavalas administration succeeded in reducing the infant mortality rate

as well as reducing the percentage of underweight newborns.[104] A successful AIDS prevention and treatment

program was also established, leading the Catholic Institute for International Relations to state, the "incredible feat of

slowing the rate of new infections in Haiti has been achieved despite the lack of international aid to the Haitian

government, and despite the notable lack of resources faced by those working in the health field." [105]

Wikileaks and Aristide

The release of many documents through Wikileaks has provided a great deal of insight into how the international

community (United States, Canada, France and Brazil) has regarded Aristide, his lasting influence, the coup, and his

exile.

November 2004 Dominican President Leonel Fernandez gave a speech in front of other regional leaders in which he

said Aristide commanded "great popular support" within Haiti and called for his inclusion in the country s

democratic future.[106]

January 2005USA pressuring South Africa to hold Aristide, or face the loss of potential UN Security Council seat

"Bienvenu later offered to express our shared concerns in Pretoria, perhaps under the pretext that as a country

desiring to secure a seat on the UN Security Council, South Africa could not afford to be involved in any way with

the destabilization of another country....2 (S) Bienvenu speculated on exactly how Aristide might return, seeing a

possible opportunity to hinder him in the logistics of reaching Haiti. If Aristide traveled commercially, Bienvenu

reasoned, he would likely need to transit certain countries in order to reach Haiti. Bienvenu suggested a demarche to

CARICOM countries by the U.S. and EU to warn them against facilitating any travel or other plans Aristide mighthave.... Both Bienvenu and Barbier confided that South African mercenaries could be heading towards Haiti, with

Bienvenu revealing the GOF had documented evidence that 10 South African citizens had come to Paris and

requested Dominican visas between February and the present."[107]

A June 2005 cable states: "the GOB (Government of Brazil) officials made clear continued Brazilian resolve to

keep Aristide from returning to the country or exerting political influence" [108] "the GOB had been encouraged by

recent South African Government commitments to Brazil that the GSA (Government of South Africa) would not

allow Aristide to use his exile there to undertake political efforts" [108]

Fall of 2008:On Preval's fear Aristide would return to Haiti via Venezuela

President Rene Preval made reference to these rumors, telling the Ambassador that he did not want Aristide

"anywhere in the hemisphere." Subsequent to that, he remarked that he is concerned that Aristide will accept the

Chavez offer but deflected any discussion of whether Preval himself was prepared to raise the matter with


11/17


Chavez.[109]

Criticism

Accusations of human rights abuses

Human Rights Watch accused the Haitian police force under President Aristide and his political supporters of attackson opposition rallies. They also said that the emergence of armed rebel groups seeking to overthrow Aristide

reflected "the failure of the country's democratic institutions and procedures".[110] However evidence indicates that

the rebel groups against the Aristide were armed abroad by US intelligence operations.[111]

Videos surfaced showing a portion of a speech by Aristide on 27 August 1991 where he says "Don't hesitate to give

him what he deserves. What a beautiful tool! What a beautiful instrument! What a beautiful piece of equipment! It's

beautiful, yes it's beautiful, it's cute, it's pretty, it has a good smell, wherever you go you want to inhale it." [112]

Critics allege that he was endorsing the practice of "necklacing" opposition activistsplacing a gasoline-soaked tire

around a person's neck and setting the tire ablaze[113]However, just earlier in the speech, and edited from the

videos, he is quoted as saying "Your tool in hand, your instrument in hand, your constitution in hand! Don't hesitate

to give him what he deserves. Your equipment in hand, your trowel in hand, your pencil in hand, your Constitutionin hand, don't hesitate to give him what he deserves."[112] There is some suspicion that Aristide's speech was edited

to make it sound as if he were advocating "necklacing" when he was actually urging his supporters not to use

violence but to use the constitution and voting instead.[114]

Although there were accusations of human rights abuses, the OAS/UN International Civilian Mission in Haiti,

known by the French acronym MICIVIH, found that the human rights situation in Haiti improved dramatically

following Aristide's return to power in 1994.[115] Amnesty International reported that, after Aristide's departure in

2004, Haiti was "descending into a severe humanitarian and human rights crisis."[116]

Accusations of corruptionSome officials have been indicted by a US court.[117] Companies that allegedly made deals with Aristide included

IDT, Fusion Telecommunications, and Skytel; critics claim the two first companies had political links. AT&T

reportedly declined to wire money to "Mont Salem".[118][119][120][121]

Views

Aristide has published a number of books including an autobiography in 1993 and Nevrose vetero-testamentaire

(1994) with excerpts of his masters and doctoral theses.

In 2000 Aristide published the book Eyes of the Heart: Seeking a Path for the Poor in the Age of Globalization that

accused the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund of working on behalf of the world's wealthiest nationsrather than in the interest of genuine international development. Aristide called for "a culture of global solidarity" to

eliminate poverty as an alternative to the globalization represented by neocolonialism and neoliberalism.[122]

In 2005 the documentary Aristide and the Endless Revolution appeared. In the film Nicolas Rossier investigates the

events leading up to the 2004 coup against Aristide.[123]
http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nicolas_Rossierhttp://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Aristide_and_the_Endless_Revolutionhttp://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Neoliberalismhttp://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Neocolonialismhttp://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Globalizationhttp://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=International_Monetary_Fundhttp://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=World_Bankhttp://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Eyes_of_the_Heart:_Seeking_a_Path_for_the_Poor_in_the_Age_of_Globalizationhttp://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Skytelhttp://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Fusion_Telecommunicationshttp://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=IDT_Corp.http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Amnesty_Internationalhttp://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Human_Rights_Watch


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Publications

(with Flynn, Laura)Eyes of the Heart: Seeking a Path for the Poor in the Age of Globalization, Common Courage

Press, 2000.

Dignity, University of Virginia Press, 1996; trans fromDignit, ditions du Seuil, 1994.

Nevrose vetero-testamentaire, Editions du CIDIHCA, 1994.

Aristide: An Autobiography, Orbis Books, 1993. Tout homme est un homme, ditions du Seuil, 1992.

Thologie et politique, Editions du CIDIHCA, 1992.

(with Amy Wilentz)In the Parish of the Poor: Writings from Haiti, Orbis Books, 1990.

Notes

[1] "Military ousts Haiti's leader, claims power President Aristide en route to France; fighting kills 26" (http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/

1P2-7679593.html). The Boston Globe. 1 October 1991. .

[2] "Haiti: The impact of the 1991 coup" (http://ijrl.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/pdf_extract/4/2/217). International Journal of Refugee Law. June

1992. .

[3] How Our Governments Snuffed Out a Democracy And Kidnapped a President: A Modern Parable (http:/

/

www.

huffingtonpost.

com/johann-hari/how-our-governments-snuff_b_720594.html), Johann Hari, The Huffington Post, 17 September 2010

[4] Damning the Flood (http://www.metamute.org/content/damning_the_flood), Richard Pithouse,Mute Magazine, 14 October 2008

[5] "Aristide says US deposed him in 'coup d'etat'" (http://edition.cnn.com/2004/WORLD/americas/03/01/aristide.claim/). CNN. 2 March

2004. . Retrieved 6 May 2010.

[6] Randal C. Archibold (18 March 2011). "Just Days Before Election, Aristide Returns to Cheers and Uncertainty in Haiti" (http://www.

nytimes.com/2011/03/19/world/americas/19haiti.html?pagewanted=1). New York Times. .

[7] Portrait of a Folk-Hero: Father Jean-Bertrand Aristide (http://www.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti/history/recent/aristidebio.htm)

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[86] "LAVALAS TORN BETWEEN BOYCOTTING ELECTIONS AND MOVING FORWARD" (http://filtradas.org/cables/cable.

php?id=29355) U.S. Embassy Port Au Prince

[87] "Haiti 'to allow' Aristide return" (http://news.bbc.c

Documents

Jean Bertrand Aristide