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MaHikina59011702b

VOLUME I WAI O KE OLA: HE WAHI MO‘OLELO NO MAUI HIKINA A Collection of Native Traditions and Historical Accounts of the Lands of Hämäkua Poko, Hämäkua Loa and Ko‘olau, Maui Hikina (East Maui), Island of Maui

BY

Kepä Maly • Cultural Historian 3 Resources Specialist &Onaona Maly • Researcher

PREPARED FOR

Garret Hew, Manager East Maui Irrigation Company P.O. Box 791628 Pä‘ia, Hawai‘i 96779

January 17, 2001 ©2002 Kumu Pono Associates

Kumu Pono Associates Historical & Archival Documentary Research · Oral History Studies · Integrated Cultural Resources Management

Planning · Preservation & Interpretive Program Development 554 Keonaona St. · Hilo, Hawai‘i 96720 · (ph/fax) 808.981.0196 · (e3mail) [email protected]

Wai o ke Ola – Kumu Pono Associates He Wahi Mo‘olelo no Maui Hikina ii (MaHikina59011702b)

HE LEO HO‘OMAIKA‘I A NUI IÄ ‘OUKOU (ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS) Preparation of this study was made possible because many people agreed to come together and share in the process of contributing to its completion.

To all of you who shared your mana‘o and aloha —

Hannah Akau�Bowman; Janet Akau; Mina Atai; Stephen Cabral; Pekelo Day; Mary Evanson; Florence Harold; Garret Hew; Jackie and Albert Honoka‘upu; James K. Hü‘eu Jr.; Beatrice Kekahuna and Wanda Vierra; Helen Näkänelua; Joseph Range; Joe Rosa and Nalani Magliato; Marjorie Wallett and Lyn Scott; and Helen, Robert and Harvey Wilhelm.

Also, to all of you who shared your thoughts, expertise and recommendations to ensure that the record could be presented with as much clarity as possible — Vicki Creed, Moses Haia; Garret Hew; Alan Murakami; Kenneth Nomura; Patricia Tummons; staff and collection managers of the Hawai‘i State Survey and Land Divisions, the Hawai‘i State Archives, and Mission Houses Museum —

We say — Mahalo nui nö, a ke aloha o ke Akua pü me ‘oukou a pau!

We also wish to note here, that while a sincere effort was made, it was impossible to record everything that could be said about the land and traditions of the lands and families of Hämäkua Poko, Hämäkua Loa and Ko‘olau. We have made every effort to present readers with a detailed overview of the rich and varied history of the region, and to accurately relay the recollections, thoughts, and recommendations of the people who contributed to this study.

mäua nö me ke aloha kau palena ‘ole — Kepä a me Onaona Maly

O ka mea maika‘i mälama, o ka mea maika‘i ‘ole, käpae ‘ia (Keep the good, set the bad aside)

Wai o ke Ola – Kumu Pono Associates He Wahi Mo‘olelo no Maui Hikina iii (MaHikina59011702b)

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY At the request of Garret Hew, Manager of East Maui Irrigation Company, Ltd. (EMI), Kumu Pono Associates conducted a two�phased study of cultural�historical resources in the lands of Hämäkua Poko, Hämäkua Loa, and Ko‘olau, in the region of Maui Hikina (East Maui), Island of Maui (an area that includes some 73 individual ahupua‘a or native land divisions). The study included—conducting detailed research of historical records in public and private collections (Volume I); and conducting oral history interviews with individuals known to be familiar with the cultural and natural landscape, and history of land use in the Maui Hikina study area (Volume II). This study was conducted in conjunction with the Water License Application of the East Maui Irrigation Company, Ltd., to the Board of Land and Natural Resources of the State of Hawai‘i. The specific scope of the study sought to investigate and describe the wide range of issues related to Native Hawaiian and historic practices associated with nä mea wai (water and its usage). In order to understand the cultural�historical context of water resources including — those uses which have been handed down from antiquity, and those which were both protected and permitted in 1876 by King David Kaläkaua, and subsequently licensed by the Republic, Territory and State of Hawai‘i — this study also looks at the larger cultural�historical landscape of Maui Hikina. The historical accounts and oral history interviews cited in the following volumes provide interested readers with foundational information for addressing cultural�historical values attributed to the land, water, sustainable resources, and traditional and customary practices. The study draws on many primary (first hand) literature sources written by — native Hawaiian writers (some not previously available in English); foreign visitors and residents; and quotes lengthy narratives in order to bring a wide range of important documentation into one collection. Also, in the process of conducting the oral history interviews, elder kama‘äina residents of the Hämäkua�Ko‘olau region (with generations of residency upon ancestral lands of the study area), were sought out. The kama‘äina interviewees shared a wide range of information pertaining to traditional and customary practices, as handed down from their elders; traditions of wahi pana (storied landscapes); practices associated with land and water use, and fisheries (including collection practices); historical descriptions of development and management of the East Maui Irrigation System, and water flow; past and on�going resource stewardship practices; and the relationship between regional communities and the East Maui Irrigation Company, Ltd. The interview records demonstrate remarkable continuity between descriptions of landscape, practices, sites and features, and those recorded in historical literature. Nearly all of the interviewees expressed the belief that in a traditional context, Hawaiian traditions, practices and beliefs, are directly tied to the health and well�being of the land or ‘äina, and that wai (water) is that which sustains life upon the land. In regards to the specific issues of water rights and stream flow, the primary discussions and sentiments shared by all of the interview participants (on some level) was the thought that wai (water) is integral to all aspects of Hawaiian culture and life. Most of the interviewees expressed the belief that a balance needs to be reached by which — the health of the streams can be improved; the water needs of the kama‘äina (native) families for cultivation of kalo (taro) and other crops, and water for domestic purposes can be sustained; and other reasonable uses can be met. It was also the observation of the interviewees, that in their life time, the landscape—noticeably the watershed forests, and thus the volume of water flow from mountain to sea—has undergone drastic changes. The forests have receded, the make up of the forest plant community has changed, and the waters no longer flow from mountain to sea in the streams, as they did when the elder interviewees were young.

Wai o ke Ola – Kumu Pono Associates He Wahi Mo‘olelo no Maui Hikina iv (MaHikina59011702b)

CONTENTS INTRODUCTION • 1

Background • 1 Study Guidelines • 3 Archival and Historical Research • 3 Oral History Interviews: Approach to Conducting the Study • 5

KO KA ‘ÄINA, KA WAI, KE KAI, ME KA LEWA (THE ISLAND LANDSCAPE–A CULTURAL CONTEXT) • 6

Natural and Cultural Resources in Hawaiian Culture • 6 An Overview of Hawaiian Settlement • 6 Hawaiian Land Use and Resource Management Practices • 7 Overview of Agriculture and Water Use in Hämäkua3Ko‘olau (ca. 1930s31950s) • 8 Hamakua • 8 The Koolau • 8 Kekähi Mau Mea Mëheuheu Mai nä Mäkua Mai • 11 An Overview of Native Traditions and Customs of Water Management and Cultivation of the Land • 13 The Cultivation of Sweet Potatoes • 15 The Cultivations of Taro • 16 The Waters • 18 Wai o ke Ola (Waters of Life) • 19 “The Water of Kane” • 19

NATIVE TRADITIONS AND HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS OF THE HÄMÄKUAKO‘OLAU REGION OF MAUI HIKINA • 22

Overview • 22 Nä Mo‘olelo Hawai‘i (Native Traditions and Historical Accounts) • 22 He Mo‘olelo no Kamapua‘a • 22 Känehekili – A Tradition of the Päpa‘a‘ea3Ke‘anae Region • 23 No nä Wahi Ilina • 25 Maui Hikina–Traditions of the Pi‘ilani Line • 25 Kahekili and Kalani‘öpu‘u–Shaping Island Kingdoms • 28 Mele (Chant) of Keaulumoku • 29 Kamehameha I on Maui (ca. 1790) • 31 “Na Hunahuna no ka Moolelo Hawaii” • 32 He Mo‘olelo Ka‘ao Hawai‘i no Lauka‘ie‘ie • 33 He Mo‘olelo Ka‘ao no ka Pühi o Laumeki • 38 Traditions of Fisheries and Sharks of Ko‘olau • 40

Wai o ke Ola – Kumu Pono Associates He Wahi Mo‘olelo no Maui Hikina v (MaHikina59011702b)

Maui Hikina–Described by Visitors of the Historical Period (ca. 177931929) • 43

The Journals of Captain James Cook (1779) • 43 Commander Charles Wilkes: The United States Exploring Expedition of 184031841 • 44Makawao and Hämäkua Poko Described in 1846 • 45 Hämäkua Poko3Hämäkua Loa: Plantations and Ranching Interests (1880) • 47 Maui – Communities and Scenery (Wailuku to Ko‘olau, 1880) • 50 Ranching Interests Developed on the Hämäkua Lands (ca. 183031930) • 57

A CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY OF THE LAND AND PEOPLE IN THE HÄMÄKUAKO‘OLAU REGION • 61

A. Känäwai (Pertaining to Water and Water Laws) • 62Ancient Hawaiian Water Rights and Some of

The Customs Pertaining To Them (1894) • 63 A Brief History of Hawaiian Water Rights by Antonio Perry (June 15, 1912) • 67 The Hawaiian System of Water Rights (Hutchins, 1946) • 73 B. Kuleana ‘Äina (Land Tenure) • 80

Claims and Awards of the Mähele ‘Äina (184831855)For Lands of Hämäkua Poko, Hämäkua Loa and Ko‘olau • 85

Summary of Land Use Described by Applicants for Kuleana in Hämäkua Poko, Hämäkua Loa and Ko‘olau • 88 Glossary of Hawaiian Words and Abbreviation Terms Cited in Mähele Claims • 90 Mähele ‘Äina–Miscellaneous Communications • 293 Moku o Makawao (District or Section of Makawao) • 298 C. Historical Communications Documenting Land Use, Residency, and Applications for Land (ca. 18471920) • 305

Nä ‘Äina o Hämäkua me Ko‘olau: Miscellaneous Records Pertaining to the Hämäkua3Ko‘olau Region • 306 Palapala Sila Nui (Royal Patent Grants) Lands of Hämäkuapoko, Hämäkualoa and Ko‘olau (184731879) • 325

Grant Lands – Notes of Survey • 331 Public Lands and Homesteading (ca. 1884 to 1905 • 380 D. Nä Alahele me nä Alanui Aupuni (ca. 18471925): Routes of Access – Trails and Government Roads • 399

Trails and Roads of Hämäkua3Ko‘olau, in Government Communications • 401 E. Forests and Watershed Conservation (ca. 18401924) • 423

A Historical Overview of Forestry in the Hämäkua3Ko‘olau Region • 426

Wai o ke Ola – Kumu Pono Associates He Wahi Mo‘olelo no Maui Hikina vi (MaHikina59011702b)

E ‘OLÄ‘OLÄ ‘ANA KA WAI I NÄ ‘AUWAI—DEVELOPMENT AND OPERATION OF THE EAST MAUI DITCH SYSTEM (1876 TO PRESENT) • 444

E ‘Olä‘olä ‘ana ka Wai i nä ‘Auwai (The Water Murmurs in the Ditches): A Chronological History of the East Maui Ditch System • 444 Historical Records of the East Maui Water Licenses and Ditch Development (ca. 187631988) • 447

ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDIES IN THE HÄMÄKUAKO‘OLAU REGION • 523

Heiau of Maui 3 Recorded by Thrum (1909 &1938) • 523 Archaeology of Maui (ms. 1931) and Sites of Maui (1998) • 524 Kalo Kanu o ka ‘Äina (1995) • 529

CLOSING REMARKS • 530

REFERENCES CITED • 531

APPENDIX A. COPIES OF ORIGINAL MÄHELE REGISTER AND TESTIMONY RECORDS CITED IN STUDY • A1

TABLES Table 13a. Claims Registered for Hämäkua Poko, Hämäkua Loa and Ko‘olau • 92 Hämäkua Poko • 92 Hämäkua Loa • 98 Ko‘olau • 136 Table 13b. Testimony for Hämäkua Poko, Hämäkua Loa and Ko‘olau • 157 Hämäkua Poko • 157 Hämäkua Loa • 170 Ko‘olau • 241 Table 2. Summary of Selected Land Use Activities Described in Mähele Records • 89 Table 3. Palapala Sila Nui (184731886); Hämäkua3Ko‘olau Region, East Maui • 326

ILLUSTRATIONS Figure 1. Study Area– Island of Maui (1929) and Hämäkua Loa3

Ko‘olau Ditch System (HTS Plat 1011, 1915) • 2 Figure 2. Puuomalei Sketch Map (1867) • 313 Figure 3. “Hui Land” Hamakuapoko (Register Map No. 176. J.F. Brown, Surveyor; 1877) • 320 Figure 4. Royal Patent Grant No. 187; John Richardson at Hamakuapoko • 332

Wai o ke Ola – Kumu Pono Associates He Wahi Mo‘olelo no Maui Hikina vii (MaHikina59011702b)

Figure 5. Royal Patent Grant No. 360; Kekahuna at Hamakuapoko • 333 Figure 6. Royal Patent Grant No. 764; R.W. Wood at Hamakuapoko, Maui • 335 Figure 7. Royal Patent Grant 1081; Piohia at Honopou • 336 Figure 8. Royal Patent Grant 1143; Kauwaha at Honokala • 337 Figure 9. Royal Patent Grant 1164; Stephen Grant at Kaliae • 338 Figure 103a. Royal Patent Grant 1257; Kekahuna at Papaaea Komohana • 340 Figure 103b. Royal Patent Grant 1257; Kekahuna (Six Poalima Lois) at Hanawana • 341 Figure 11. Royal Patent Grant 1259; Kolea at Holawa • 343 Figure 12. Royal Patent Grant 1263; Puukoa at Honopou • 344 Figure 133a. Royal Patent Grant 1396; Luka et al, at Makaiwa, Mooloa & Punaluu (267.13 acres) • 345 Figure 133b. Royal Patent Grant 1396; Former Purchases Luka et al, at Makaiwa, Mooloa & Punaluu (124 ½ acres) • 346 Figure 14. Royal Patent Grant 1457; Hanauwaha at Hanawana • 348 Figure 15. Royal Patent Grant 1677; Kahaule at Makaiwa • 349 Figure 16. Royal Patent Grant 1911; Malailua et al. at Waianu & Pahoa • 350 Figure 17. Royal Patent Grant 1915; Mauna at Makaiwa • 352 Figure 183a. Royal Patent Grant 2079; Kaiewe at Puolua & Waipio • 353 Figure 183b. Royal Patent Grant 2079; Kaiewe at Hanehoi • 354 Figure 19. Royal Patent Grant 2080; Kauhaa at Puumaile • 355 Figure 20. Royal Patent Grant 2081; Nakoa and Uilama at Hanawana & Hoalua • 356 Figure 21. Royal Patent Grant 2137; Nahinu at Puumaile • 357 Figure 22. Royal Patent Grant 2140; Hikiau at Makaiwa, Hamakua & Makaiwa, Koolau • 358 Figure 23. Royal Patent Grant 2793; Kuikui at Kapehu • 360 Figure 24. Royal Patent Grant 2797; Kewe at Waiohue and Kapehu • 361 Figure 25. Royal Patent Grant 2916; Kekuahani et al. at Loiloa & Keopuka • 363 Figure 263a. Royal Patent Grant 3101; Kepani at Honopou • 364 Figure 263b. Royal Patent Grant 3101; Kepani (and remnant Government Lands) at Honopou • 365 Figure 27. Royal Patent Grant 3177; Kaihaa at Lakini, Wailuanui (from Reg. Map No. 1760) • 368 Figure 28. Royal Patent Grant No. 3202; Haleole at Mokupapaakua • 370 Figure 29. Royal Patent Grant 3214; Papaiakea at Waipio • 372 Figure 30. Royal Patent Grant 3223; Kaakuamoku and Kailiau at Pahoa3Pauwalu • 373 Figure 31. Royal Patent Grant 3375; Uluhani at Hookuli, Keanae • 374

Wai o ke Ola – Kumu Pono Associates He Wahi Mo‘olelo no Maui Hikina viii (MaHikina59011702b)

Figure 32. Royal Patent Grant 4866; Hannah Awana, at Kupau – Wailuanui • 376 Figure 33. Sketch Map of Authorized Access between New Hana Road and Kupau (1929). • 378 Figure 34. Survey of Opana (H. Howell, 1896) • 381 Figure 35. Alignment of Plantation “Road offered as a gift” between upper Hamakuapoko and Paia 3 Maliko Road (1895) • 421 Figure 36. Koolau Forest Reserve – Honomaele to Makawao, Maui; Register Map 2891 (R. Lane, 1932 & 1934) • 427 Figure 37. Figure 36. Ditch Alignments of the East Maui Irrigation Co. Ltd. • 448 Figure 38. Lands of Keanae3Nahiku Region, Covered in General Leases 520, 538 & 539 (1902) • 492 Figure 39. Maliko Pipe Line — Kauhikoa Ditch; 1915 (Courtesy of EMI Co. Ltd.) • 505

Wai o ke Ola – Kumu Pono Associates He Wahi Mo‘olelo no Maui Hikina 1 (MaHikina59011702b)

INTRODUCTION Background At the request of Garret Hew, Manager of East Maui Irrigation Company, Ltd. (EMI), Kumu Pono Associates conducted a two�phased study of cultural�historical resources in the lands of Hämäkua Poko, Hämäkua Loa, and Ko‘olau, in the region of Maui Hikina (East Maui), Island of Maui. The study included—conducting detailed research of historical records in public and private collections (Volume I); and conducting oral history interviews with individuals known to be familiar with the cultural and natural landscape, and history of land use in the Maui Hikina study area (Volume II). This study was conducted in conjunction with the Water License Application of the East Maui Irrigation Company, Ltd., to the Board of Land and Natural Resources of the State of Hawai‘i. The study area includes some 73 ahupua‘a (native land divisions, generally extending from fisheries to the mountain region) which make up the moku o loko (districts) of Hämäkua Poko, Hämäkua Loa, and Ko‘olau, Maui (Figure 1). Situated on the eastern slopes of Haleakalä, the lands are a part of the region generally known as Maui Hikina (East Maui). These lands comprise a large portion of the rich water producing forest of the East Maui Watershed, which collects rains from the ko‘olau or windward weather systems that prevail upon the Hawaiian Islands. From ancient times, the abundant rains, supported the development of rich forests which are now threatened by invasive species (including both plants and animals). The rains and forests have in turn led to the formation of hundreds of streams (kahawai) and thousands of small feeder tributaries (e.g., waikahe and kahawai li‘ili‘i), that have molded the landscape of Maui Hikina into one with many large valleys (awäwa) and smaller gulches (kahawai). These watered valleys and gulches, and their associated flat lands (kula), have been home to and have sustained Native Hawaiian families for centuries. The specific scope of this study sought to investigate and describe the wide range of issues related to Native Hawaiian and historic practices associated with nä mea wai (water and its usage). In order to understand the cultural�historical context of water resources — including uses which have been handed down from antiquity, and those which were both protected and permitted in 1876 by King David Kaläkaua, and subsequently licensed by the Republic, Territory and State of Hawai‘i — this study also looks at the larger cultural�historical landscape of Maui Hikina.

The above said, the authors point out that this study does not repeat all that has been previously written about the Hämäkua�Ko‘olau Region. The study does draw on many primary (first hand) accounts from — native Hawaiian writers (some not previously available in English); foreign visitors and residents; and quotes detailed accounts in order to bring a wide range of important narratives into one collection. Thereby interested parties gain access to information that is at times difficult to locate. We note, that rather than “rewriting” accounts of substance which have been authoritatively written, we have chosen to include pertinent quotes (some lengthy), and in short introductions, identify selected topics of interest which will be found within the selected quotations. In this way, readers here, receive the information as the original authors or translators intended it to be. It is the goal of this study to provide East Maui Irrigation Company, Ltd., land and resource management agencies, residents and interested parties with a wide range of important historical documentation pertaining to some of the significant traditions, and cultural and natural features (e.g. residency, land use, storied places, access and water flow) of the landscape in the Hämäkua�Ko‘olau region of Maui Hikina.


Study Guidelines The research and interviews conducted for this study were performed in a manner consistent with Federal and State laws and guidelines for such studies. Among the referenced laws and guidelines were the National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA) of 1966, as amended in 1992 (36 CFR Part 800); the Advisory Council on Historic Preservation’s “Guidelines for Consideration of Traditional Cultural Values in Historic Preservation Review” (ACHP 1985); National Register Bulletin 38, “Guidelines for Evaluating and Documenting Traditional Cultural Properties” (Parker and King 1990); the Hawai‘i State Historic Preservation Statute (Chapter 6E), which affords protection to historic sites, including traditional cultural properties of ongoing cultural significance; the criteria, standards, and guidelines currently utilized by the Department of Land and Natural Resources�State Historic Preservation Division (DLNR�SHPD) for the evaluation and documentation of cultural sites (cf. Title 13, Sub�Title 13:274�4,5,6; 275:6 – Draft of December 1996); and guidelines for cultural impact assessment studies, adopted by the Office of Environmental Quality Control (November 1997). A primary objective of the present study was to research and report on documentation that would help readers better understand native Hawaiian customs and practices associated with ‘äina (land) and wai (water) resources, and to provide readers with access to a collection of historical records documenting residency, land and water use, and events in the history of lands in the Hämäkua�Ko‘olau region of Maui. In preparing the archival�historical documentary report for this study, the author reviewed both published and manuscript references in English and Hawaiian—referencing documentation for lands of the immediate study area as well as those for neighboring lands. In an effort to further our understanding of the cultural�historic resources, the author conducted research in several areas which have not received much exposure in past studies. Thus, this study along with other previously conducted studies, provides readers with a well�rounded picture of residency, land and water use, and events in the history of the Maui Hikina study area. Archival and Historical Research In the period between April 9th to November 5th, 2001, the authors conducted an extensive review of archival�historical literature in Hawaiian and English texts. The references that were reviewed included, but were not limited to — land use records, including an extensive review of Hawaiian Land Commission Award (LCA) records from the Mähele ‘Äina (Land Division) of 1848; Boundary Commission Testimonies and Survey records of the Kingdom and Territory of Hawai‘i; and historical texts authored or compiled by—D. Malo (1951); J.P. I‘i (1959); S. M. Kamakau (1961, 1964, 1976, and 1991); the 1779 Journals of Captain James Cook (Beaglehole 1967); J.S. Green (letters of 1840s); C. Wilkes (1845, reprinted 1970); F. L. Clarke (1878); A. Fornander (1916�1919and 1996); G. Bowser (1880); T. Thrum (1909 & 1938); W.F. Martin and C.H. Pierce (1913); Beckwith (1970); Handy and Handy with Pukui (1972); Sterling (1998) and W. M. Walker (ms. 1931); E. Sterling (1998); McGreggor et al. (1995); and numerous other authors (cited in text). Importantly, this study also includes several native accounts from Hawaiian language newspapers (compiled and translated from Hawaiian to English, by the author), which have not been previously available in English. This information is generally cited within categories by chronological order of the date of publication. The archival�historical resources were located in the collections of the Hawai‘i State Archives, Land Management Division, Survey Division, and Bureau of Conveyances; Hawaiian Mission Children’s Society; University of Hawai‘i�Hilo Mo‘okini Library; private family collections; and in the collection of Kumu Pono Associates. Additionally, a week was spent reviewing historical land records in the collections of East Maui Irrigation Company and Alexander & Baldwin. The collections include important records pertaining to land tenure and development of the East Maui Ditch


System. Because the material is housed in private collections, with limited access, the records were primarily used as reference points and guides to documentation that could be found in public collections. Thus, only limited private collection documentation (only that for which permission for use was granted) is cited in this study. In addition to the historical literature, a detailed review of historical maps and field survey books was conducted. Historical maps copied; and maps referenced during interviews (map packets were also provided to interviewees), that help identify sites mentioned in historical narratives include—

• Portion of Makawao (Hamakuapoko), Maui; Register Map No. 186 (Metcalf, 1848);

• Makawao (Hamakuapoko), Maui; Register Map No. 603 (Alexander, Lydgate, Lyons & Brown, 1872);

• Koolau (District Sheet—Keaa to Makaiwa), Maui; Register Map No. 2052 (Alexander, 1877)

• Plan of the Huelo Sugar Plantation (Honopou to Huelo), Hamakualoa Maui; Register Map No. 862 (J. Gay, 1881);

• The Paia Plantation, Hamakuapoko Maui; Register Map No. 1187 (J.M. Alexander, ca. 1885);

• Map of Spreckles Plantation, Wailuku & Waikapu, Maui; Register Map No. 1786 (tracing by C.J. Lyons, 1893);

• Plan Showing Ili of Kupau and the Makai Portion of Wailuanui, Rice and Kula Lands (Pahoa to Wailua Nui), Koolau Maui; Register Map No. 1760 (Kanakanui, 1896);

• Map of the Nahiku Coffee Lands (Pa‘akea to West Honmä‘ele), Koolau, Maui; Register Map No. 2649 (H. Howell, 1897);

• Map of Homesteads at Nahiku, Maui; Register Map No. 2429 (Public Lands Map No. 20�a) (Howell 1899);

• Ke‘anae, Koolau Maui; Register Map No. 2238 (Howell and Kanakanui, 1903);

• Wailuanui, Koolau Maui; Register Map No. 2234 (Howell and Kanakanui, 1903);

• Waianu Valley, Koolau Maui; Register Map No. 2433 (S.M. Kanakanui, 1908);

• Honomanu Homesteads, Koolau Maui; Register Map No. 2467 (Heilbron, 1909);

• Portion of Hamakualoa and Koolau Districts (Peahi to Honomanu), Maui; Register Map No. 2482 (compiled from Reg. Maps 956 & 578; J. Iao, 1915);

• Honopou�West Makaiwa, East Makaiwa�Keopuka, and Honomanu Govt Tracts; Hamakualoa and Koolau, Maui; HTS Plat 1011 (tracing by J. Iao, 1915);

• Koolau Forest Reserve – Honomaele to Makawao, Maui; Register Map 2891 (R. Lane, 1932 & 1934).

• Koolau Forest Reserve, Hana and Makawao (County) Districts, Maui. HTS Plat 1067�A (R. Lane, 1932 & 1934);

• State of Hawaii…Water License, Makawao and Hana District, Maui. HTS Plat 1067�B (S. Hasegawa, January 20, 1987);

• State of Hawaii…Nahiku, Keanae, Honomanu, and Huelo Water Leases, Makawao and Hana District, Maui. HTS Plat 1067�C (tracing by W. Aona, 1988).


Oral History Interviews: Approach to Conducting the Study The oral history interviews conducted as a part of this study were performed in a manner consistent with Federal and State laws and guidelines for such research. While preparing to initiate the oral history interview program, Maly developed a general questionnaire outline to help give direction to the process of conducting the oral history interviews. Prospective interviewees were identified through three primary sources, those known to Maly (through family and previous work); individuals suggested by Garret Hew and Jackie Honoka‘upu of East Maui Irrigation Company; and in consultation with Moses Haia and Alan Murakami, legal counsel of the Native Hawaiian Legal Corporation (representing several Native Hawaiian families of Maui Hikina and the Native Hawaiian organization, Nä Moku Aupuni o Ko‘olau Hui). In between April 11th to November 8th 2001, Maly conducted twelve (12) oral history interviews, including site visits and follow up discussions with seventeen (17) participants. The interviews were recorded with a Sony�Mini Disc (digital recorder, MZ�R70). The interviewees range in age from 90 years old to their late 30s. Additionally, a Board of Land and Natural Resources Hearing, held on May 25, 2001, was attended and portions of the hearing, recorded. A verbatim transcript of statements and testimonies from selected participants in the hearing was prepared by Kumu Pono Associates. The transcript, cited in this study, focuses on: (1) Statements by members and representatives of the Board of Land and Natural Resources, and Alexander & Baldwin/East Maui Irrigation Company, regarding ditch history, the Water License Application, and the review agency process; and (2) testimonies from the public—with particular emphasis on Native Hawaiian tenants of the affected lands—and others who did not support the application, or who raised questions and concerns regarding the nature and extent of the Water License. A number of issues pertaining to cultural�historical resources, raised during the hearing, were also covered during the formal oral history program, a number of which are elaborated upon in the present Volume. Perhaps foremost of the discussions and sentiments shared (on some level) by all of the interview participants was the thought that wai (water) is integral to all aspects of Hawaiian culture and life. Kupuna Joe Rosa of Honopou expressed it in this way, “Wai o ke ola! Wai, waiwai nui! Wai, nä mea a pau, ka wai, waiwai no këlä!” (Water is life! Water is of great value! Water, the water is that which is of value for all things!) (oral history interview of November 8, 2001). Thus, in discussing water and life upon the land, one will naturally find that like water which flows from the mountains to the sea, so run the beliefs, traditions, customs and practices of the Hawaiian people upon the land. It will be seen that the historical records and oral history interviews cited in this study, connect the life and well being of the people (individuals and corporate), and the land to the flow of water.


KO KA ‘ÄINA, KA WAI, KE KAI, ME KA LEWA (THE ISLAND LANDSCAPE–A CULTURAL CONTEXT)

This section of the study provides readers with a general overview of the Hawaiian landscape— including origin of the islands, settlement and population expansion—and Hawaiian traditions, customs and practices of resource management that are the basis of the sustainable relationship shared between the native Hawaiians, the ‘äina (land), wai (water), kai (ocean), their ‘ohana (family), and akua (gods). As noted in the preceding introduction, water matters (nä mea wai) and the related customs and practices of land use are the primary focus of this study. Thus, several important historical narratives which describe those resources in a cultural–spiritual context are cited in this section of the study, and set a foundation for narratives cited in subsequent sections. Natural and Cultural Resources in Hawaiian Culture In Hawaiian culture, natural and cultural resources are one and the same. Native traditions describe the formation (literally the birth) of the Hawaiian Islands and the presence of life on and around them, in the context of genealogical accounts. All forms of the natural environment—from the heavens and mountain peaks, to the watered valleys, kula (flat sloping lands) and lava plains, and to the shore line and ocean depths were believed to be embodiments of Hawaiian gods and deities. One Hawaiian genealogical account, records that Wäkea (the expanse of the sky–father) and Papa�hänau�moku (Papa—Earth�mother who gave birth to the islands)—also called Haumea�nui�hänau�wä�wä (Great Haumea—Woman�earth born time and time again)—and various gods and creative forces of nature, gave birth to the islands. Maui, the second largest of the islands, was the second�born of these island children. As the Hawaiian genealogical account continues, we find that these same god�beings or creative forces of nature (parents of the islands), were also the parents of Hä�loa�naka�lau�kapalili (long stalk quaking and trembling leaf). This Häloa was born as a “shapeless mass” and buried outside the door of his parents house (cf. Pukui and Elbert, 1981:382), and from his grave grew the kalo (taro). And when the next child was born to these god�parents, he too was called Häloa (the long stalk or breath of life), and he is credited as being the progenitor of the Hawaiian race (cf. David Malo 1951:3, 242�243; Beckwith 1970; Pukui and Korn 1973). It was in this context of kinship, that the ancient Hawaiians addressed their environment and it is the basis of the Hawaiian system of land use. An Overview of Hawaiian Settlement Archaeologists and historians describe the inhabiting of these islands in the context of settlement which resulted from voyages taken in canoes, across the open ocean. Archaeologists have proposed that early Polynesian settlement voyages between Kahiki (the ancestral homelands of the Hawaiian gods and people) and Hawai‘i were underway by ca. 400 A.D., with long distance voyages occurring fairly regularly through at least the thirteenth century (cf. Cordy 2000). It has been generally reported that the sources of the early Hawaiian population—the Hawaiian “Kahiki”—were the Marquesas and Society Islands (Emory in Tatar 1982:16�18). For generations following initial settlement, communities were clustered along the watered, windward (ko‘olau) shores of the Hawaiian Islands. Along the ko‘olau slopes, streams flowed and rainfall was abundant, and agricultural production became established. The ko‘olau region also offered sheltered bays from which deep sea fisheries could be easily accessed, and near shore fisheries, enriched by nutrients carried in the fresh water, could be maintained in fishponds and coastal fisheries. It was around these bays that clusters of houses where families lived, could be found, and in these early times, the residents generally engaged in subsistence practices in the forms of agriculture and fishing (Handy and Handy 1972:287).


Handy, Handy & Pukui (1972) report that there were five major population centers on the Island of Maui, noting the importance of the Ko‘olau region in this discussion. These centers, while not exclusive, were—the Kahakuloa region; the deep watered valleys of Nä Wai ‘Ehä (Waihe‘e, Wai‘ehu, Wailuku and Waikapü); the ‘Olowalu to Honoköhau region of Lähainä; The Kula�‘Ulupalakua region; and:

On the northeast flank of the great volcanic dome of Haleakala…the two adjacent areas of Ke‘anae and Wailua�nui comprise the fourth of the main Maui centers and the chief center on this rugged eastern coast. It supported intensive and extensive wet�taro cultivation. Further eastward and southward along this windward coast line is the district of Hana, the fifth great center… [Handy, Handy and Pukui 1972:272].

Based upon early historical observations (ca. A.D. 1778�1850), settlement in the watered valley environments of Hämäkua�Ko‘olau, consisted of permanent residences which centered near the shore and spread along the valley floors. Residences also extended inland along near�shore kula (flat lands or plateaus), and in fewer instances into the upper valleys. Temporary houses from which mountain resources (such as olonä, koa, and birds) were collected, extended into the upper valley areas, among fields on stream flats and on adjacent slopes. Two primary forms of agricultural sites occur in these watered valley contexts, they are the lo‘i kalo (irrigated and drainage taro farming field systems) on the valley floors and slopes; and the kula and kïhäpai dry land farming plots where crops such as ‘uala (sweet potatoes), kö (sugar canes), kalo (taro), mai‘a (bananas and plantains), and wauke (paper mulberry) were cultivated (see Mähele records in this study; and Cordy 1978). Hawaiian Land Use and Resource Management Practices Over the generations, the ancient Hawaiians developed a sophisticated system of land� and resource –management practices. By ca. 1500, in the time Käka‘e and Kaka‘alaneo, the island (moku3puni) ofMaui was divided into some eleven or twelve major districts or moku3o3loko, and smaller subdivisions, which were handed down through time (cf. Malo, 1951:16; Fornander, 1919 Vol. VI�2:313; Beckwith, 1970:383; and King 1942). These (moku3o3loko or moku) included Hämäkua Poko, Hämäkua Loa, Ko‘olau, Häna, Kïpahulu, Kaupö, Kahikinui, Honua‘ula, Kula, Lähainä, Kä‘anapali, and Näpoko or Wailuku. As was the practice, some of these large districts were subdivided into smaller ‘okana or kälana (regions of land smaller than the moku3o3loko) yet comprising a number of smaller units of land. An example of this is Nähiku, in the district of Ko‘olau; and perhaps Makawao, between Hämäkua Poko and Kula, which apparently was an independent division (cf. Lyons 1875 and Coulter 1935). The large districts (moku3o3loko) and sub�regions (‘okana and kälana) were further divided into manageable units of land, and were tended to by the maka‘äinana (people of the land). Of all the land divisions, perhaps the most significant management unit was the ahupua‘a. Ahupua‘a are subdivisions of land that were usually marked by an altar with an image or representation of a pig placed upon it (thus the name ahu3pua‘a or pig altar). In their configuration, the ahupua‘a may generally be compared to wedge�shaped pieces of land that radiate out from the center of the island, extending to the ocean fisheries fronting the land unit. Their boundaries are defined by topographic or geological features such as pu‘u (hills), ridges, gullies, valleys, craters, or areas of a particular vegetation growth (cf. Malo 1951:16�18; Lyons, 1875; and Boundary Commission testimonies in this study). The ahupua‘a were also divided into smaller manageable parcels of land (such as the ‘ili, kö‘ele, mäla, kïhäpai, mo‘o and paukü etc.), generally running in a mauka3makai orientation, and often marked by stone wall alignments. In these smaller land parcels, the native tenants tended fields and cultivated crops necessary to sustain their families, and the chiefly communities they were associated


with. As long as sufficient tribute was offered and kapu (restrictions) were observed, the common people, who lived in a given ahupua‘a had access to most of the resources from mountain slopes to the ocean. These access rights were almost uniformly tied to residency on a particular land, and earned as a result of taking responsibility for stewardship of the natural environment, and supplying the needs of ones’ ali‘i (see Malo 1951:63�67 and Kamakau 1961:372�377). Entire ahupua‘a, or portions of the land were generally under the jurisdiction of appointed konohiki or lesser chief�landlords, who answered to an ali‘i3‘ai3ahupua‘a (chief who controlled the ahupua‘a resources). The ali‘i3‘ai3ahupua‘a in turn answered to an ali‘i ‘ai moku (chief who claimed the abundance of the entire district). Thus, ahupua‘a resources supported not only the maka‘äinana and ‘ohana who lived on the land, but also contributed to the support of the royal community of regional and/or island kingdoms. This form of district subdividing was integral to Hawaiian life and was the product of strictly adhered to resources management planning. In this system, the land provided fruits and vegetables, and some meat in the diet, and the ocean provided a wealth of protein resources. Also, in communities with long�term royal residents, divisions of labor (with specialists in various occupations on land and in procurement of marine resources) came to be strictly adhered to (Malo 1951:63�67). It is in the cultural setting described above, that we find some seventy�two (72) ahupua‘a that make up the three moku of Hämäkua Poko, Hämäkua Loa, and Ko‘olau. Overview of Agriculture and Water Use in HämäkuaKo‘olau (ca. 1930s1950s) Handy, Handy and Pukui (1972), also provide us with first hand accounts of native customs, practices, and traditions associated with lands of the Hämäkua�Ko‘olau region as they learned them from native residents during field visits in the 1930s�1950s. Their description of the lands follows:

HAMAKUA Hamakua Poko (Short Hamakua) and Hamakua Loa (Long Hamakua) are two coastal regions where gently sloping kula lands intersected by small gulches come down to the sea along the northern coast line of East Maui. Maliko Stream, flowing in a gulch that widens and has a flat bottom to seaward, in pre�sugar�plantation days had a considerable number of lo‘i. East of Maliko the number of named ahupua'a is evidence of habitation along this coast. Kuiaha Gulch, beyond Maliko, has a good stream and there were probably a few lo‘i. Two kama‘aina at Ke‘anae said that there were small lo‘i developments watered by Ho‘olawa, Waipi‘o, Hanehoi, Hoalua, Kailua, and Na‘ili‘ilihaele Streams, all of which flow in deep gulches. Stream taro was probably planted along the watercourses well up into the higher kula land and forest taro throughout the lower forest zone. The number of very narrow ahupua'a thus utilized along the whole of the Hamakua coast indicates that there must have been a very considerable population. This would be despite the fact that it is an area of only moderate precipitation because of being too low to draw rain out of trade winds flowing down the coast from the rugged and wet northeast Ko‘olau area that lies beyond. It was probably a favorable region for breadfruit, banana, sugar cane, arrowroot; and for yams and ‘awa in the interior. The slopes between gulches were covered with good soil, excellent for sweet�potato planting. The low coast is indented by a number of small bays offering good opportunity for fishing. The Alaloa, or “Long�road,” that went around Maui passed through Hamakua close to the shore, crossing streams where the gulches opened to the sea.

THE KO‘OLAU The northeast coast of East Maui has precipitous shores eroded by the waves which the tradewinds sweep against its cliffs, islets, and inlets. Here the flank of Haleakala is steep, and as the trade winds blow up across their forested slopes they are cooled and release their moisture, making this the wettest coastal region in all the islands.


O'opuola Gulch marked the boundary between Hamakua and Ko‘olau. Its stream watered small lo‘i areas, as did likewise Waikamoi, Puohokamoa, and Haipuena Streams.

Then, southeastward along the coast comes Honomanu, a large stream with a broad deep valley at its seaward end and a good beach for fishing canoes and gear, facing its broad bay. Anciently Honomanu supported a large population. Old terraces run back into the valley as far as the level land goes, [page 498] a little less than a mile. Above the valley, on elevated flatlands, there used to be some terraces and houses. These upland slopes were doubtless planted with all the plants that flourish where there is much rain, but they were too wet for sweet potatoes.

Just beyond Honomanu is Nu‘uailua [Nu‘a‘ailua], flat bottomed like Honomanu but smaller. Terraces cover the flatlands and much taro was formerly raised, watered by an ample stream; but the valley has long been uninhabited. There are broad slopes above this valley which were presumably inhabited and cultivated. Upland taro should have flourished there.

Because of the unique character, topographical and demographic, of Ke'anae and Wailuanui, the two communities next to be described, they have been designated as our Type Area for windward East Maui… [page 499] …Ke‘anae lies just beyond Honomanu Valley. This is a unique wet�taro growing ahupua‘a… It was here that the early inhabitants settled, planting upland rain�watered taro far up into the forested area. In the lower part of the valley, which is covered mostly by grass now, an area of irrigated taro was developed on the east side. A much larger area in the remainder of the valley could have been so developed. However, we could find no evidence of terracing there. This probably was due to the fact that the energies of the people were diverted to create the lo‘i complex which now covers the peninsula. It is on the broad flat peninsula of lava extending for about half a mile into the sea from the western line of the valley that Ke‘anae’s famed taro patches are spread out�striking evidence of old Hawaii's ingenuity. Polaukulu [Palauhulu] Stream, which breaks through the gap at the northwestern corner of the valley, gives an abundant supply of water to the many wet patches (about half those once cultivated) which are still used for raising wet taro. A flume ( ha wai) carried the water across the narrow channel below the pali. When well tended, the taro growing there was as healthy as any we have seen, indicating that there is ample water. But we are told that there has been taro disease in some of the patches and that some of the lower terraces were abandoned because the earth bottoms, which rest on rough lava, break through in spots and allow the water to drain out. Above the peninsula, but below the highway, there are a few cultivated patches watered by the small stream midway between Ke'anae and Wailua.

The story of the founding of the Ke‘anae lo‘i area is highly interesting. Anciently, according to Henry Ikoa, the peninsula was barren lava. But a chief, whose name is not remembered, was constantly at war with the people of neighboring Wailua and was determined that he must have more good land under cultivation, more food, and more people. So he set all his people to work ( they were then living within the valley and going down to the peninsula only for fishing) , carrying soil in baskets from the valley down to the lava point. The soil and the banks enclosing the patches


were thus, in the course of many years, all transported and packed into place. Thus did the watered flats of Ke'anae originate. A small lo‘i near the western side of the land formerly belonged to the chief of Ke'anae and has the name Ke�‘anae [page 500] (the Big Mullet); it is said that the entire locality took its name from this small sacred lo‘i. Here, as at Kahakuloa, the taro that grew in the sacred patch of the ali'i was reputed to be of great size.

Beyond Ke‘anae is a sizable bay formed by erosion where three streams flow into the ocean. Facing the bay on its west side is a pocket of land which slopes gently seaward from the base of a cliff which corresponds to that separating Ke‘anae Valley from the peninsula… About half the gently sloping land seaward of the cliff was terraced with lo‘i which were watered by Wailuanui (Big Wailua) Stream, the larger of the three that flow into the bay. The land beyond the terraced area, on the Ke‘anae side toward the sea, is too high for irrigation; here sweet potatoes were planted. And on high ground there was a war temple. A road runs down to the bay between the terraced area and the higher ground, and along this road are the houses of the people, and the Roman Catholic church. Wailua has been notable for its continued occupancy and cultivation by Hawaiian families. This has been due, we were told, to the influence of the Catholic mission. Land titles here are very complicated, too much so to be defined correctly by an outsider . There are several small streams between Ke'anae and Wailuanui. They flow in deep small gorges, and the terrain is very rough, but there were a few small lo‘i developments. There are said to have been two springs of fresh water, which were opened by Kane and Kanaloa in their travels on Maui. From these springs, in a valley named ‘Ohi‘a, comes the water that irrigates the lo‘i in Wailua, so says the legend (Ka Nupepa Ku'oko'a, October 4, 1923). The Wailuanui Stream gushes down in a beautiful cascade in its gorge just before flowing into the lo‘i area. This cascade is called Wai�o�Kane (Water of Kane).

Beyond Wailuanui there are a succession of small deep gulches, each one having a few lo'i: East Wailuaiki and West Wailuaiki (Little Wailua) , Kapili‘ula [Kopili‘ula], Waiohue, Pa‘akea, Kapa‘ula, Hanawi. Then comes Nahiku, a settlement spread over gently rising ground above the shore, with a number of groups of lo'i watered from Makapipi Stream. Some wet taro was still grown there when we visited it in 1934.

Throughout wet Ko‘olau, the wild taro growing along the streams and in the pockets high on the canyon like walls of the gulches bespeaks former planting of stream taro along the watercourses, on the side of the gulches, and in the forest above. The same is true of the wild taros seen here and there in the present forest above the road and in protected spots on what was formerly low forest land, now used as pasture.

Eastward from Nahiku there are no large streams or gulches in Ko'olau. The shore is low and the terrain gently sloping and jungle like. From Ulaino to Hana extends a hala forest growing upon recent lava flows which cover [page 501] the coast from Ulaino to Hana Bay. At Ulaino and Honoma'ele there are a number of places where dry taro was still planted by Hawaiians in 1934 together with other small subsistence plantings. Formerly there was scattered planting all along the coast and forest plantations inland, between Ulaino and Nahiku, which are connected by the old Alaloa trail crossing the low� lands near the coast line.


In 1954 there were about ten houses still occupied in lower Nahiku, and a small school in use. There were some Hawaiians and some Japanese. Apparently ranching was the only activity; we saw no taro or sweet�potato patches, but there were some bananas. A number of houses had been abandoned and were falling into decay; others had more recently been vacated. [Handy et al. 1972:502]

Oral history interviews with küpuna Helen Näkänelua, James K. Hü‘eu, Mina Atai, Joe Rosa, Stephen Cabral, Beatrice Kekahuna, and Marjorie Wallett demonstrate continuity in practice, customs and traditions as described by Handy et al., above (see Volume II). Kekähi Mau Mea Mëheuheu Mai nä Mäkua Mai In the nineteenth century several native and foreign writers recorded first�hand accounts of various aspects of Hawaiian life and their relationship with the ‘äina (land), wai (water), kai (ocean), and ‘ohana (family). There are many mëheuheu (customs and practices) handed down from elders of preceding generations (mëheuheu mai nä mäkua mai o nä hänauna mua), that are shared similarly on all islands, and which demonstrate a deep “cultural attachmentΨ” to the Hawaiian landscape. Native Hawaiian historian, Samuel M. Kamakau (also a member of the Land Commission and District Judge on Maui), penned several important narratives which share with readers glimpses into the significance of, and attitudes towards ‘äina, wai, kai, and ‘ohana, in the Hawaiian mind and mëheuheu.

In his “Mo‘olelo o na Kamehameha” (History of the Kamehamehas), Kamakau (1867; Ruling Chiefs, 1961) titled one section of his account “O na Hana ike a me ke Akamai mamua o ka Hiki ana mai o na Misionari” (The Skilled Works and Wisdom—of the Hawaiians—prior to the arrival of the Missionaries). In those narratives Kamakau observed that the Hawaiians were adept at many crafts, they were industrious, skilled agriculturalists, and fishermen. He also noted that on Maui, the men and women both worked the land (unlike divisions of labor that were established on some of the other islands in the group). The narratives also describe some of the hardships forced upon the people under the old system, but he notes that his people are worse off today (ca. 1867�1869), under the foreign innovations than they were in earlier times :

The Hawaiians were in old days a strong and hard�working people skilled in crafts and possessed of much learning. In hospitality and kindness they excelled other peoples of the Pacific. Cultivation of the land was their main industry. With their hands alone, assisted by tools made of hard wood from the mountains and by stone adzes, they tilled large fields and raised taro, sweet potatoes, yams, bananas, sugar cane, and ‘awa; and bartered (ku‘ai ‘ia) their product or used it at home. Always the first food of the harvest was offered to the gods. Parents before they died instructed their children, the sons to plant and fish, the daughters to make and dye tapa and weave mats. The land was fertile, and the principal crop on Kauai, Oahu, and Molokai was wet�land taro cultivated in ponds, artificially constructed patches, along the banks of water courses, or anywhere where the ground was soft and moist.

Ψ “Cultural Attachment” embodies the tangible and intangible values of a culture—how a people identify with, and personify the environment around them. It is the intimate relationship (developed over generations of experiences) that people of a particular culture feel for the sites, features, phenomena, and natural resources that surround them—their sense of place. This attachment is deeply rooted in the beliefs, practices, cultural evolution, and identity of a people.

The significance of cultural attachment in a given culture is often overlooked by others whose beliefs and values evolved under a different set of circumstances (cf. James Kent, “Cultural Attachment: Assessment of Impacts to Living Culture.” September 1995).


On Maui and Hawaii where there was less wet land, dry�land taro was cultivated. On Lanai and Niihau sweet potatoes were the principal crop. On Kauai, Oahu, and Molokai also are to be seen most of the fishponds built to preserve the fish supply; very few occur on the other islands. The Hawaiians built houses of various kinds… [page 237] …The house of a chief was made lofty with a high�peaked roof, and carefully thatched, first with some coarse material laid flat underneath and then with a covering of fine pili grass neatly tied and fastened to give a smooth appearance inside the house. Houses thatched with pandanus, ti, or banana leaves were finished with equal care. Heaps of mats completed the furnishing within. The houses of the commoners were of pili thatch, sometimes with cane leaves or ‘uki grass underneath, or of pandanus or cane leaves folded over, and were often built only just a little higher than the head. Many varieties of grasses were used to put a handsome finish to the house… All the work outside the house was performed by the men, such as [page 238] tilling the ground, fishing, cooking in the imu, and furnishing whatever the women needed in the house. This was the common rule on Kauai, Oahu, and Molokai, but on Maui and Hawaii the women worked outside as hard as the men, often cooking, tilling the ground, and performing the duties in the house as well. At the time when Kamehameha took over the rule from Hawaii to Oahu it was not uncommon to see the women of Hawaii packing food on their backs, cooking it in the imu, and cultivating the land or even going fishing with the men. On Maui the men showed their wives where their patches were and while they went to do other work the women brought the food and firewood from the uplands and cared for the imu. This was why the chiefs of Hawaii imposed taxes on men and women alike and got the name of being oppressive to the people, while the chiefs of Oahu and Kauai demanded taxes of the men alone. Fishing was one of the chief occupations in old days. The fishhooks were made of turtle shell, dog, fish or human bones, prongs of hard wood, and other materials… The Hawaiians, both men and women, were expert in the art of preparing olona fiber from the bark of maoli, ma‘alua, hopue, mamaki, and papakukui. It required intelligence to do this work properly… [page 239] …[I]n old days people who lived in out�of� the�way places were heavily burdened by labor performed for chiefs, landlords, and land agents. But although the work was hard, that today is even more so when families are broken up and one must even leave his bones among strangers. In the old days, the people did not work steadily at hard labor but at several years’ interval, because it was easier then to get food from the fishponds, coconut groves, and taro patches. Hogs grew so fat that the eyelids drooped, bananas dropped off at a touch, sugarcane grew so tall that it leaned over, sweet potatoes crowded each hill, dogs fattened, fish cooked with hot stones in the early morning filled the food gourd, and a man could eat until he set the dish aside. This was the generous way of living under a chief who made a good lord; the people were fed and every wish of the chief was gratified. Labor done in the patch of the chief was a rental paid for the use of the land and everyone was benefited thereby. Today the working man labors like a cart�hauling ox that gets a kick in the buttocks. He shivers in the cold and the dew�laden wind, or broils in the sun with no rest from his toil. Whether he lives or dies it is all alike. He gets a bit of money for his toil; in the house where he labors there are no blood kin, no parents, no relatives�in�law, just a little corner for himself. In these days of education and Christianity there is no


regard for the old teaching of the ancestors. In those days the boys were taught to cultivate the ground and fish for a living, the girls to beat out tapa and print patterns upon it, and to work well and pray to the god, and they were taught that it was wrong to be indolent and take to robbing others. These teachings were held in esteem in old Hawaii, and the land was rich and its products varied… [Kamakau 1961:372]

In another section of his history, Kamakau revisits the attachment�connection shared by the people for the land of their ancestors. He describes this in the context of the land as the burial place of one’s family, and the sanctity of such a relationship:

…In the old days the inheritance of the family burial place, the caves and secret burial places of our ancestors was handed down from these to their descendants without the intrusion of a single stranger unless by consent of the descendant, so that wherever a death occurred the body was conveyed to its inheritance. These immovable barriers belonged to burial rights for all time. The rule of kings and chiefs and their land agents might change, but the burial rights of families survived on their lands. Here is one proof of the people’s right to the land. With this right of the common people to the land is connected an inherent love of the land of one’s birth inherited from one’s ancestors, so that men do not wander from place to place but remain on the land of their ancestors. The Kona man does not wander to ‘Ewa or Ko‘olau, nor does the ‘Ewa man change to Waialua. Whether rich or impoverished and barren, his love is unchanged; he cannot treat the land with contempt. However good the land on which he later lives he will wish to return to the land of his birth. The land so worthless in the eyes of a stranger is good to him. But today the habit of going away for an education or sailing abroad has undermined this old feeling for the land… (Kamakau 1961:376)

An Overview of Native Traditions and Customs of Water Management and Cultivation of the Land The significance of water in all aspects of Hawaiian life is a consistent theme in native traditions, practices, land use, and historical accounts. The continuation of the significance and value of water in the lives of native Hawaiians today, is eloquently expressed in the oral history interviews conducted as a part of this study. In the 1970s, the author (Kepä Maly), regularly visited the kupuna (grand�aunt) of co�author, Onaona Pomroy�Maly. This kupuna, Mary Kawena Puku‘i, dedicated her life to the collection and recordation of native Hawaiian lore and practices. During the visits, tütü Kawena shared recollections and explanations of various aspects of Hawaiian lore with Maly. And among the traditions shared by tütü Kawena was a discussion about the intimate relationship of Hawaiians with the environment around them—specifically the relationship between wai, kalo, and ‘ohana. The following notes (a paraphrased summary of what she shared) were recorded on April 11, 1975, at tütü Kawena’s home in Mänoa, O‘ahu—

‘Ohana is family, relative, kin; this word comes from the Hawaiian word ‘ohä,which describes the offspring of the kalo. The ‘ohä grow and are nurtured by the makua. The makua is the head of the stalk (kalo). The kupuna, the grandparents and ancestors, are those who stand at the spring, literally the source of water, and are above. The keiki (offspring), and the mo‘opuna (grandchildren) are connected back to the spring or source of the family… The Hawaiian word for water is wai. The Hawaiian word for wealth is waiwai; wai doubled, or said twice. When you have wai you have life, the ability to sustain


yourself upon the land. And the water was believed to be from Käne i ka wai ola,Käne the giver of the water of life. The Hawaiian word for a spring of water is puna3wai. Punawai or pu‘una3wai describes a place where water bubbles up from the ground (rising like a hill or a mound), it is the source of water. The Hawaiian word kupuna, may be translated as — ku (standing at) puna (the source of water); ku3puna are those who stand at the source of water. Now this has deeper meaning than standing at the water source. When duplicated, the Hawaiian word wai, is waiwai, and it means wealth. Thus the one who stands at the puna, stands at the source of wealth. In this case, the wealth isn’t in material things, it is that our elders are those who stand at the source of knowledge. They stand at the well�spring gained by the years of their life, and from that which has been handed down to them from their own kupuna, and they in turn, pass their waiwai on to their ‘ohä, keiki, mo‘opuna, mo‘opuna kuakähi, kualua, and on down the generations, from piko (umbilical cord) to piko… (pers. comm. M.K. Pukui).

As recorded in the oral history interviews, and expressed by many people who have spoken about the waters of Maui Hikina, we see that the relationship between water, land, and people remains integral to the well�being of the Hawaiian families of the land, and indeed, is important to all the people of Hawai‘i. The following narratives, penned between the 1860s to 1930s provide readers with detailed descriptions of: (1) Hawaiian customs and practices associated with water and land use; and (2) matters pertaining to pono wai (water rights). These accounts were collected and penned by historians and legal experts (Hawaiian and non�Hawaiian alike). While there is little specific reference made to lands of the Hämäkua�Ko‘olau region, the descriptions are consistent with the nature of subsistence agriculture documented in the historical land records for the immediate study area, and importantly, demonstrate time�depth in the recollections shares by many of the participants in the oral history interviews conducted as a part of the present study. Underling of selected texts is used here to draw reader’s attention to various passages. In writing about “mahi‘ai ‘ana” (cultivation of the land) in Hawai‘i, both dry land and wet land systems, S.M. Kamakau (1976) described various methods of cultivation, environmental (or elevational) zones. He also observed that ceremony was a part of the field preparation, planting, and harvesting process. The following narratives are excerpted from Kamakau’s writings in the late 1860s and early 1870s:

MY PEOPLE HAVE BEEN cultivators from very ancient times; it was by agriculture that they made a living for themselves, for their families, and for those dependent on them. For some it was a favorite occupation. Ka po'e kahiko were not well supplied with proper tools; they had no iron digging implements, no cattle, no horses. Their tools were their hands and their backs—these were their cattle, horses, and carts. Their hands were their lifting implements and their shoulders their carts for hauling rocks, great logs, and all heavy things. If they wanted canoes, or posts for their houses or fences, thatching sticks, or any other kind of wood they might want for themselves or for others, their hands had to serve as axes, ko‘i lipi, adzes, ko‘i holu, koi kahela, ko‘i ho'oma, ko‘i wili, and planes, ko‘i pahi; their hands had to break the wood and carry it to the lowlands. Because of this lack of proper tools, they used adzes of stone, shell (pupu mahaloa) and walahe'e wood—and also their teeth. Fire was a man's plow and his clearing implement. With


his hands he softened the earth, weeded, raked, and spaded, with only the help of a wooden digging stick.

The Cultivation of Sweet Potatoes The methods of planting sweet potatoes were not the same in all places, because the places were different. The place might be on the lower mountain slope, ‘apa‘a; in open country, kula; in the forest, kuahiwi; or on bottom lands, palawai; it might be pitted, or stony, or uneven.

There were two main kinds of sweet potato cultivation in ancient times, one called the malo ‘eka (“dirty malo”), and the other, ha‘aheo ("aristocratic"). The ha'aheo method was used on the bottom lands. These [1976:23] palawai lands were not planted during the wet weather, but in dry weather during the season of Kau [the dry season], when leaves were turning yellow. This is the way the planting was done on palawai lands. About a hundred or more acres intended for planting were set on fire, and after a week had gone by, the land was softened by digging, and all stubbles of grass and brush were removed. Thus it lay for a month, until the moisture in the ground rose to about half an inch from the surface. Then sweet potato slips, lau, were gathered. If they were gotten from a distance, the slips were broken off and allowed to wilt in the sun. Then the leaves were plucked off, leaving about four with the leaf bud. The slips were made up into bundles, from about eighty to a hundred in a bundle, and bound with cords. These were wrapped in ti or other leaves to keep them moist, and left for a week or two before planting… The planting of the slips began with the first row, which was laid out very straight with fish line or rope. The mounds for the potatoes were to be spaced three or four meters apart. It was not well to have them too close together, lest the growing vines become entangled with each other… The men stood along the width of the field with their backs to it and began digging… Women followed with the slips, dropping two into each planting hole and other women placed them side by side and packed the earth down around them with their feet… The sweet potato slips were then left alone until they had sprouted rootlets, then they were cultivated. After that, the vines were allowed to [page 1976:24] grow and spread out from the planting holes, and the mounds were kept softened until the vines had lengthened out to about three or four meters and were becoming entangled. The runners were wound up high on the mounds to prevent them from becoming entangled with each other and to check excessive growth. Then tubers appeared; huge ones that filled each mound, and so big that in order to cook them thoroughly they had to be cut in pieces. There was one great fault with such lands [and that was flooding]. In a sunny winter season (ho‘oilo lola) without heavy rains, the plants flourished and all was well. But when dark rain clouds lowered and the wind blew hard enough to lay the sugar cane prostrate, then racks, haka, were made ready to save the potatoes, ten or more racks for each man's crop. Plenty of wood was required for the rack frames and rails. The land was so flooded that a canoe could sail on it. The sweet potatoes were trampled out with the feet and lifted up onto the racks. Everybody helped himself to them without being rebuked; this was "lost" food anyway (he ‘ai poho ‘ia). The people who planted on the hillsides (‘apa‘a) escaped loss, for the water did not reach there. Wauke was also destroyed by the water, but the sugar cane and bananas were unharmed, except when uprooted and carried away by the flood… [1976:25]


The Cultivation of Taro Taro is a plant food that was raised on “wet” or “dry” lands—‘aina wai or ‘aina malo‘o. On lands where rain fell abundantly, dry taro, kalo malo'o, was planted from before the door of the house to where the kukaepua‘a grass and the ‘ama‘u ferns grew, clear to the edges of the forest and right up to the kuahiwi. Where rain fell less abundantly, dry taro was found under ti [1976:31] plants, ‘ama‘u ferns, and in wooded places. There were two ways of dry plantings, one on fields, mala, and patches, kihapai, that had been burned over, or cleared of ‘ama‘u ferns… The huli were just dropped into the planting holes and when the kihapai was all planted, the cuttings were left until rootlets spread and the plants began to grow. Then the planting holes were pressed closed and mulched with grass. When the planter saw a fine growth of taro from one end of the field to the other, with four or five leaves to a plant, he set the whole field on fire, regardless of the green taro leaves. When all was burned over, the taro grew up again out of the soil so luxuriantly that a man could be hidden among the leaves�providing the soil were mulched again… [1976:32] There were many kinds of wet taro plantings, two important ones being planting on mountain slopes, ‘apa‘a, and planting in marshlands, poho… Cultivation of wet taro in boggy places was marshland cultivating, mahi'ai kalo poho, it was miry work. A man sank into mud up to the thighs, the loins, the chest, while the water rose as high as the chin. This was called kuawehi, "black back," planting because the back of the planter was burned black by the sun… The kama‘aina, however, built up his mound neatly and trimly, whether he shaped it round or square or in whatever shape he chose. The making of a lo'i [irrigated terrace or pond field] required much work. If the planter were a chief, the work was easy, for he had from a hundred to a thousand workers to do his work for him. The chiefs’ lo‘i were therefore large. This was also true of a prominent person or one with a large family (‘ohana) and many kinfolk (makamaka); he too had a large lo‘i. Those who had no help had a small lo‘i,although an industrious man who worked day and night might have a large one. This is how such a new taro patch, a hakupa‘a, was made. For a few days water was flowed over the land selected for the lo‘i, perhaps a kula land, or [1976:33] some other place suitable for such a purpose. A few days later, when the soil was thoroughly soaked, "food" and "fish" were brought to the scene of labor; if pigs were brought they were baked there. When the men had gathered—perhaps to the number of several hundred—most of them were lined up at the lower bank of the patch. If the bank were forty anana [fathoms] in length, they were perhaps in two or three rows. Along the two shorter sides there might also be two or three rows. Then the embankments, the kuauna, were raised by heaping up dirt from below. Two or three meters away from each bank they dug down for three or four feet and, leaving the dirt of the bank to make a solid foundation, they heaped up the dirt to raise the embankment, and leveled the dirt on the bank. They stamped the sides facing the lo'i with their feet to straighten them, then beat in sugar cane tops until they disappeared, then beat in coconut stems, ha niu. To make firm the foundation underneath, they pounded in large flat rocks, covering them with damp soil and pounding that in. When the sides of the three kuauna were even and the foundation smooth, they covered them with fine soil, trash, and grass to prevent them from cracking in the sun.


After that the lo‘i itself was dug out. This digging took from a month to some years to complete. Then it was treaded. On the day of treading the lo‘i was filled with water, and the owner of the patch made ready plenty of “food” (poi), pork, and “fish.” It was a great day for the men, women, and children, and no chief or chiefess held himself too tabu to tread in the patch. Every man, woman, and child bedecked himself with greenery, and worked with all his might�trampling here and there, stirring the mud with his feet, dancing, rejoicing, shouting, panting, and making sport. This treading was done so that the water would not sink into the soil, and to allow the taro to grow. The taro was not planted until the next day, when the mud had settled to the bottom. Select taro cuttings (huli wae) were planted. Among the varieties preferred by ka po‘e kahiko were, the haokea, because it produced many suckers; the ipuolono, the ipulonokea, also called piko; the pi‘iali‘i, also called makohi, the nohu; the ‘ili‘a, the lehuakuikawao, the ka3i; the 'elepaio; and many others. Ka po‘e kahiko were familiar with the nature of their huli, and in cutting them, noted those that were weakening in vigor, and marked their bases with a cross, leaving the select tops unmarked. The planters knew that the marked huli were not to be planted in the row lest the taro decay; their strength was spent and they were worn out. But the select tops were strong, and the plants would last a long time. After the lo'i had been planted with taro, the embankments were planted with bananas, sugar cane, and ti. Fishes such as awa, pua ‘ama‘ama, ‘o‘opu, and aholehole were liberated in the reddish�brown water of the lo‘i. When the huli had grown three or four leaves—the laupa‘i and the lau‘awa leaves—the planter of the new patch gave thanks to the god. He plucked a number of these lau‘awa leaves, made two or more bundles of them, went back home, lighted a fire, cooked them until they were well done, prepared [1976:34] his “food” (poi), and gave thanks to the god, addressing him thus:

E kulia e ikumaumaua e ke akua, Pause and receive thanks, O god, E Kane, e Kaneikawaiola; O Kane, O Kane�of�life�giving�water;Eia ka lu‘au, ka lau‘awa mua o ka Here is lu‘au, the first leaves ‘ai a kakou; of our taro; E ho‘i e ‘ai ke akua; Turn back, and eat, O god; E ‘ai ho‘i ko‘u ‘ohana, May my family also eat, E ‘ai ka pua‘a, The pigs eat, E ‘ai ka ‘ilio. The dogs eat. E ola ho‘i a‘u i ko pulapula, Grant success to me, your offspring, I mahi‘ai, i lawai‘a, i kukulu hale, In farming, in fishing, in house building, A kaniko‘o, haumaka‘iole, a palalauhala, Until I am bent with age, bleary eyed as a rat, dried as a hala leaf, A kau i ka puaaneane; And reach advanced old age; O kau ola ka ho‘i ia. This is the life that is yours to grant. 'Amama, ua noa; lele wale aku 'Amama, the kapu is freed; the la ho'i. prayer has gone on its way.

After his praying and appealing to the god, the planter ate the lau‘awa with his poiuntil satisfied, and gave some to the pigs, This was to signify that he had plenty of “food” (taro); there was enough for the mighty planter and for his pigs too.


When the taro was growing vigorously the weeds were pulled out and the huli pressed firmly into the earth from one side of the patch to the other. In the morning after this was done the planter went to the first bank of the new patch and uttered this prayer and appeal to the god: E ke akua, E Kukulia, E Kukeolowalu, O god, O Ku�[of]�the�striver, O Ku�of�joint�effort, He olowalu ka ulu o kaua kalo, e Make our taro grow prolifically, Kukeolowalu; O Ku�of�joint�effort; He mai‘a ka ha o ka kaua kalo e Ku, Make our taro have stalks like banana, O Ku, He ‘ape ka ha o ka kaua kalo e Ku, Make our taro have stems like the ‘ape, O Ku, Lau mai‘a ka lau o ka kaua kalo e Make our taro have leaves like Ku, the banana, O Ku, Nalowale kanaka ilalo o ka kaua kalo That a man may be hidden; amongst la e Ku our taro, O Ku; E Kukeolowalu, ku‘u akua a hiki O Ku�of�joint�effort, my god i ke o‘o ana o kalo la, e Ku; until the taro reaches maturity, O Ku; Amama ua noa lele wale ho‘i. 'Amama, the kapu is over; the prayer has gone on its way.

After that it was tabu for anyone to go into the lo'i or to cultivate it until the taro matured. The plants on the banks were, however, constantly cared for. It was a matter of pride to the planter to have flourishing plants on the kuauna, and a man skillful in this work was a “chief” (he ali'i he kanaka maiau [1976:35] ma keia hana); [he had an abundance of food, and was therefore as independent as a chief]… [1976:36]

Kamakau's general descriptions of the planting process, the mannerisms, and pride in doing the work are today, still expressed by the Hawaiian practitioners interviewed as a part of this study. Knowledge of one’s landscape, when you depend on all aspects of it, is integral to life. In his writings, Kamakau also provided readers with a discussion of the environmental regions of the kahawai water systems —

The Waters Water flowing from the mountainside is called a kahena wai or a kahawai, awatercourse or stream. The spot from which water begins to flow is the po‘owai, it is the source of the water. The bank on either side is called kapana wai or ka'e no ka wai or ikana wai, and the water amid�stream is called the holomoku or ihiakala. Water that rushes along is called a kololio or kahawai, where it flows in a slow deep current it is a muliwai. A section of rushing water is also called a kololio as well as ko‘ie‘ie. Where the water is turbulent it is called pu‘ewai, and where it eddies, it is called wiliwai. Where the water of a slow moving stream, a muliwai, meets the sea is called a nuku muliwai, and [1976:10] the mouth of a shallow rushing stream, a kahawai, is called a nuku kahawai. Water flowing over a cliff is called a wailele, waterfall. If the water divides in falling (kahe makawalu), it is called a waihi, cascade; if the water sprays (kulu makali'i) in falling over a cliff it is called hunawailele or wai puhia or wai ehu.


The area near the sea, makai of a village or a group of houses, is called kalawa kahaone, curve of beach, or kahaone manawanawa, beach with manawanawa plants, or kahaone pohuehue, beach with pohuehue plants, or kahaone mahikihiki, beach with mahikihiki grass. The part of the beach where 'ohiki crabs live is the one wai, wet sand. These terms apply only to low stretches of sandy beaches; the terms for rocky shorelines are different… [1976:11]

Wai o ke Ola (Waters of Life) In addition to the narratives by S.M. Kamakau, above, we find further discussions on the sacred nature and importance of water in the Hawaiian belief system. Nathaniel Emerson, son of a missionary stationed at Waialua (Water�of�Lua), O‘ahu, took a great interest in the traditions, practices (including mele and hula), and beliefs of the Hawaiian people. He spent much of his life collecting, translating, and writing on Hawaiian lore. Among his accounts is a discussion of water, which was also known as “Wai o Käne” (Waters of Käne). In the following mele (chant) collected by Emerson on Kaua‘i (prior to 1906), is an expression of the great love and esteem of the Hawaiian people for wai (water). Importantly, the mele also includes a reference to a spring of water made by Käne and Kanaloa at Ke‘anae1.

XLI.—THE WATER OF KANE If one were asked what, to the English�speaking mind, constitutes the most representative romantico�mystical aspiration that has been embodied in song and story, doubtless he would be compelled to answer the legend and myth of the Holy Grail. To the Hawaiian mind the aspiration and conception that most nearly approximates to this is that embodied in the words placed at the head of this chapter, The Water of Kane…

This mele comes from Kauai, the island which more than any other of the Hawaiian group retains a tight hold on the mystical and imaginative features that mark the mythology of Polynesia; the island also which less than any other of the group was dazzled by the glamour of royalty and enslaved by the theory of the divine birth of kings. He Mele no Kane The Water of Kane He ù3i, he ninau: A query, a question, E ù3i aku ana au ia oe, I put to you: Aia ihea ka wai a Kane? Where is the water of Kane? Aia i ka hikina a ka La At the Eastern Gate Puka i Hae3hae; a31 Where the Sun comes in at Haehae; Aia i3laila ka Wai a Kane. There is the water of Kane. E ù3i aku ana au ia oe, A question I ask of you: Aia i3hea ka Wai a Kane? Where is the water of Kane? Aia i Kau3lana3ka3la,b31 Out there with the floating Sun, I ka pae opua i ke kai,c31 Where cloud�forms rest on Ocean’s breast, Ea mai ana ma Nihoa,d31 Uplifting their forms at Nihoa, Ma ka mole mal o Lehua; This side the base of Lehua; Aia i3laila ka Wai a Kane. There is the water of Kane.

1 In an oral history interview with kupuna James Keolaokalani Hü‘eu (November 6, 2001), we learn the name of

this spring, and details of how the spring of ‘Öhi‘a, at Waianu, Ke‘anae, was made.


E ù3i aku ana au ia oe, One question I put to you: Aia i3hea ka Wai a Kane? Where is the water of Kane? Aia i ke kua3hiwi, i ke kua3lono, Yonder on mountain peak, on the ridges steep, I ke awàwa, i ke kaha3wai; In the valleys deep, where the rivers sweep; Aia i3laila ka Wai a Kane. There is the water of Kane. E ù3i aku ana au ia oe, This question I ask of you: Aia i3hea ka Wai a Kane? Where, pray, is the water of Kane? Aia i3kai, i ka moana, Yonder, at sea, on the ocean, I ke Kua3lau, i ke anuenue, In the driving rain, in the heavenly bow, I ka punohu,a32 i ka ua3koko,b32 In the piled�up mist�wraith, In the blood�red rainfall, I ka alewa3lewa; In the ghost�pale cloud�form; Aia i3laila ka Wai a Kane. There is the water of Kane.

E ù3i aku ana au ia oe, One question I put to you: Aia i3hea ka Wai a Kane? Where, where is the water of Kane? Aia i3luna ka Wai a Kane, Up on high is the water of Kane, I ke ouli, i ke ao eleele, In the heavenly blue, in the black piled cloud, I ke ao pano3pano, In the black�black cloud, I ke ao popolo3hua mea a Kane la, e! In the black�mottled sacred cloud of the gods; Aia i3laila ka Wai a Kane. There is the water of Kane. E ù3i aku ana au ia oe, One question I ask of you: Aia i3hea ka Wai a Kane? Where flows the water of Kane? Aia i3lalo, i ka honua, I ka Wai hu, Deep in the ground, in the gushing spring, I ka wai kau a Kane me Kanaloa—c32 In the ducts of Kane and [Kana] Loa, He wai3puna, he wai e inu, A well�spring of water, to quaff, He wai e mana, he wai e ola. A water of magic power—The water of life! E ola no, e3a! Life! O give us this life! [Emerson, 1965:257�259]

Footnotes a31 Hae3hae. Heaven's eastern gate; the portal in the solid walls that supported the heavenly

dome, through which the sun entered in the morning. b31 Kau3lana3ka3la. When the setting sun, perhaps by an optical illusion drawn out into a

boat�like form, appeared to be floating on the surface of the ocean, the Hawaiians named the phenomenon Kau3lana3ka3la—the floating of the sun. Their fondness for personification showed itself in the final conversion of this phrase into something like a proper name, which they applied to the locality of the phenomenon.

c31 Pae opua i ke kai. Another instance of name�giving, applied to the bright clouds that seem to rest on the horizon, especially to the west.

d31 Nihoa (Bird Island). This small rock to the northwest of Kauai, though far below the horizon, is here spoken of as if it were in sight.

a32 Punohu. A red luminous cloud, or a halo, regarded as an omen portending some sacred and important event.


b32 Ua3koko. Literally bloody rain, a term applied to a rainbow when lying near the ground, or to a freshet�stream swollen with the red muddy water from the wash of the hillsides. These were important omens, claimed as marking the birth of tabu chiefs.

c32 Wai kau a Kane me Kanaloa. Once when Kane and Kanaloa were journeying together Kanaloa complained of thirst. Kane thrust his staff into the pali near at hand, and out flowed a stream of pure water that has continued to the present day. The place is at Keanae, Maui

In a series of articles published in 1865 in the native language newspaper, Ku Okoa, J. Waiamau, penned an account about the gods Käne and Käneloa, and their association with springs that were formed around the islands. The third article in the series was titled “Ka Hoomana Kahiko, Ka Moolelo no Kaneloa, kona mana a me kana mau hana.” (Ancient Religion. The Traditions of Kaneloa, his power, and the things done by him.), and in it, is mentioned a spring in the Hämäkua region of Maui, that was made by, and which bears the name of Käneloa (unfortunately, the specific location is not given). Summarized, Waiamau wrote:

Kane and Kaneloa had come from Kahiki, and traveled around the island of Hawaii. At various locations they desired to drink awa, and when no fresh water was available, Kaneloa struck his spear into the ground and fresh water poured out. At each of the places where this occurred, there is a spring that bears the name Kaneloa. Once they had completed their circuit around the island of Hawaii, Kane and Kaneloa then traveled to Maui. On their journey around Maui, they arrived at Hamakua, and desired to drink awa, but there was no fresh water. They caused the water to flow, and they then were able to drink the awa. Because they came, and needed water, the water flows, and the spring is called Kaneloa to this day… [J. Waiamau in Nupepa Ku Okoa

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