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OSMANLI'DA iLiMLER DiZiSi 13
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ERCAN ALKAN OSMAN SACiDARI
i SAR Y A·Y I NLARI
uf
iSAR Yayınları 1 15
Osmanlı'da ilimler Dizisi ı 3
Osmanlı'da ilm-i Tasawuf
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Ercan Alkan Osman Sacid Arı
1. Baskı, Aralık 2018, istanbul
ISBN 978-605-9276·12-2
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ömer Said Güler
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Katalog Bilgileri
Osmanlı 'da ilm-i Tasawuf 1 ed. Ercan Alkan· Osman Sacid Arı ı istanbul
2018 (1.bs.) i iSAR Yayınları- 15/ Osmanlı'da Ilimler Dizisi · 3 I ISBN:
978-605-9276-12·2116.5 x 24 cm. - 863 s. 11. Tasawufve Tarlkatler_ Osmanlı Devleti 2 . Sosyal Yasam ve Gelenekler 3. ilimlerTarıhi
Ottoman Dönmes between Kabbala (Jewish Mysticism) and Sufism
Cengiz Şişman University of HÔuston-Clear Lake.
The aim of this presentation is to contextualize Sufi Dönmes in the larger his to·
ry of Onoman Sufism. The Dönmes are the followers of a Jewish Kabbalist and
rabbi, Sabbatai S evi, who created one of the biggest messianic mavemen ts in the
Ottoman Empire in 1665-1666. His mavement and its subsequent developments
represent one of the most enigmatic and paradoxical ep isodes in Onoman and
Jewish history in_ early modem and modem times. When Sabbatai Sevi was
forced to convert to Islam by the Ottoman authorities in ı666, a smail number of
believers followed in him and became Muslim; an other smail group ofbelievers
remained in the Jewish folds, and yet anather group converted to Christian
ity in later centuries. Because of its mysterious nature, Sabbataians or better
known Dönmes have been the object of mu ch specularion by different people
such as Jewish rabbis, Muslim officials, Christian missionaries, and conspiracy
theorists since i ts inception. Depending on the observers, the Sabbataians were
labeled as "Ma'amin/believers", "New Muslims" "Donmes/pseudo-converts",
"Mamzarim/bastards", "heretics", "Muhammedan Jews," or "crypto-believers."
One of the most curious questions about the Dönmes, who practiced Islam
in public, and post-messianic Judaism in accordance with the principles of
Lurianic atzilut world privately, was as to how they maintained their enigrnat
ic identity over centuries. Based on the Onoman, Jewish, European and mis
sionary records, I first discuss the interaction between the Kabhalistic and Sufi
worlds within the Onoman context; then I show how these former Kabbalists
transformed into Sufis; and then I conclude with the argument that a good
number ofDönmes survived their enigmatic identities by adhering to "hetero
dox" Sufi orders, such as Bektashiye, Melamiye and Mevleviye, mainly located
Osmanlı"da ilm-i Tasavvuf ~ 827
in SaJonica. In these tariqas, the Dönmes were able sustain their "heterodox" practices and double idenrity not only as dervishes but also as shaykhs as re
flecred in the life of a famous Mevlevi shaykh and of Dönme descent, Selanikli
Mehmet Esad Dede. A discussion on this topic would aiso help us to under
stand the relarionship between the Ottoman Su.fi world and non-Islamic mys
tical circles, a subject that is relatively unknown in Ottoman history.
From the earliest days, the Dönmes attended Sufi lodges for both pragmatic
and religious reasons. O nce m aso ni c lodges began to appear in Salonica at the
en d of the nineteenth century, the assimilated ones increasingly shifted their
attendance to this new type ofbrotherhood. From a strictly orthodox Dönme
po int of view, it was an abamination to be a ınember of another brotherhood
in which you share your "secrets" with new brothers. D esp i te the ban, howev
er, some Dönmes attended both.
To address how the Dönmes preserved their enigmatic identity throughout
the centuries, in my previous works I argued that the Sufi world provided them
with a safe spiritual haven where they created a hybrid Kabbala-Sufi identi
ty.1 Similar arguments are stili put forwardina number of studies.2 However,
based on the written and oral sources, I now believe that not all the Dönmes
had in fact chosen this path, and that therefore the impact of Sufism on the
Dönmes' existence was not as great as we had once imagined. The majority
of Dönme men and almost all Dönme women kept their enigmatic identity
alive by fallawing the principles of the Neo-Lurianic Dönme Kabbala There
fore, rather than forming a new "syncreric'· religion that com~ined elements
from Kabbala aiıd Sutism, they created a meta-religion within a po~t-messian
ic Jewish framework, which was different from all the ex.isting religions. This
meta-religian was inherently, in Kafadar's terminology, meta-doxic, a state of
being beyand all kinds of"doxies."3 Despite the rabbinical ban, Sabbateanism
and its failure strongly encouraged the study of Kabbala apıong the Ottoman
Jews rather than restraining it, as had occurred in Westem Europe.4 The out
standing example of this trend was the bo ok Hemdat Ya m im that was also most
likely studied by the Dön m es along with the ir own mystical texts.
Sabbatai's interest in Sufism is well known. Friedlander claimed that the no
tion of taf.:iyye was of Shi'a origin, and that it was transferred to the Sabbatean
1 Sisman, , pp. 74-75.
ı For example, see Baer, , pp. S- 7, 16, 243.
3 Kafadar, , p. 76.
4 Jacob Barnai, "From Sabbateanism to Modernization," p. 75.
828 r Osmanlı'da ilm-i Tasavvuf
culture via Sufism.5 Likewise, Scholem asserts that "the justifi.cation of their
taJ..:iyye may as easily be considered a paraHel to Sufi. conceptions asa result of
Sufi-Bektashi influences."6 Elqayam goes even further and claims that "Sevi's
utterances of the Ineffable Name, as well as his exelamation 'Beside me there is
no God' marks himasa Sufi mystic, like Al-Bişçami and Al-:E:Ialliij ." Rapoport
draws some parallels between Sabbateanism and the Bektashis intheir liberal
treatment of women.i Baer argues that their syncretic religion was a spiritual
synthesis based on two religions that incorporated elements of Kabbala and
Sufism.8 All of these arguments are partly true, since during their formative
period, the S~bbatean communities borrowed some "forms" from Sufi prac
tices such as the master-disciple relationship, takiyye (dissimulation), andzikr (mystical recitation). But, as their numerous prayer and hymns books, mystical
texts, and oral traditions suggest, Dönme Kabbala have remained essential
ly within the framework of the post-messianic Jewish mysticism. I agree with
Bitek, who said that one could detect the effect ofSufism on Sabbateanisİn on
the surface, but in i ts core it remained a b ran ch of Jewish mysticism.9 To an
other contemporary Dönme elder, Islamic and Sufi elements became part of
Sabbateanism as long as they did not contradict the main Sabbatean tenets.10
Although limited, the interaction and overlapping of Sufi and Kabbala practices
resulted in creative hybrids. After all, Salonica was famous for its Sufis and Sufi
lodges, and some Dönmes developed a genuine interest in Sufism.U A recently
fo und Harvard manuscript containing Dönme hymns tesrifres to the level of in
teraction already happening in the middle of the eighteenth centuryPAn exam
ination of the manuscript shows that the Ottoman couplets and distiches, which
set the hymns' melodic tones, were not randem but leamed choices whose
meaning reflects the deveticnal Sephardic hymns, expressed as a yeaming for
the beloved, God, or the messiah.13 Most of the Dönme liturgical hymns and
prayers were produced in Hebrew and Ladino, but since the early eighteenth
5 Friedlander, "Shitic lnfluence in Juda ism", pp. 235-300.
6 Scholem, "The Crypto-Jewish," p. 153.
7 Rapo port, , pp. 15-56.
8 Baer,, pp. 17; also 5-7 and 243.
9 Personal communication with Haluk Bitek, summer 2010.
10 Personal communication with a contemporary Dönme, summer 2012.
11 For example, Ekrem Ayverdi mentions the existence of forty different lodges, belonging to
different orthodox and un-orthodox Sufi orders in the nineteenth century. See his, , vol 4: ,
IV: 253- 267.
12 Harvard Ms. #80. Harvard University Library.
13 Si sman, "Dönme Şarkı ve ilahileri", pp. 12-15.
Osmanlı'da ilm-i Tasavvuf , 829
century, the Turkish language and music infiltrated the Sabbatean liturgy. As
seen in the Harvard Manuscript, Attias and Amarillo collections that consist of
Ladino and Turkish songs and hymns written in Hebrew characters, Turkish already had becoıne part of the Sa b batean liturgical world by the mid-eighteenth
century. At the tum of the nineteenth century, Dervish Efendi's commentary
cites the original Hebrew text of the Bible and was written in normative Ladi
no, ".yjth some additional Hebrew and Turkish words. He, for exarnple, refers to
Sevi as Tsadik temel del mundo (the righteous man [in Hebrew], the foundation
[in Turldsh] ·of the world [in Ladino]). Schauffler's encounter with the Dönmes
in the mid-nineteenth century, and communication with them in Turkish, also
confirms that theDönmeseven produced Kabhalistic textsin Turldsh.'4
Most of the liturgy was composed for communal worship and religious assem
blies in the seeret synagogues and private houses. As Ben Zwi hinted, it is clear
from the eight prayers in Attias's book in which the word 'arnen' recurs twelve
times, and the sixth prayer in which the phrase "the Lord is God" recurs twen
ty-five times, that these songs and hymns were chanted together in the meet
ings. Meetings were led by religious leaders, known as Hocas and singers/poets
known as paytanim, who in some cases also composed the hymns they recited.
Today, we know of the existence of al most 1,500 hymns and songs belonging to
different periods of the Dönmes, and they are yet to be published. Bi tek told me
that they used to meet in a house called Ortaeui, surrounded by big walls, and
maintained by an elderly couple, and sang songs and hymns, including the fa
mous M elise/da that Sabbatai S evi loved so mu ch, as well as the fallawing on es:
Cennetin Kapısı, (The gate of paradise)
Cevahirdir yapısı (M ade out of precious s ton es)
Yosef Açar kapısı, (That will be opened by Joseph)
Konvenyamos konverdad (hey, let us come together araund the truth)
Başımın tacı Sabetay (Sabbatai, the crown of my head)
hey başım tacı Sa be tay (Oh, Sabbatai, the crown of my head)
Direk direk mumları (Rows of mighty candles)
Görecegiz onları (These we •vill see)
Kim görürse onları (Whoever sees theın)
Görecektir Allah' ı hey (Will see God)
Gün olsa biz de görsek (Wish to attain the day to see)
Efendimizi görsek (Wish to see o ur Lord)
Muradımıza ersek (Wish to realize our desire)
14 Schauff\er, "Shabbathai Zevi and His Followers", pp. 3-4.
830 r Osmanlı'da ilm-i Tasavvuf
Klipalar ölecek (The qelippot will perish) Dünya bize kalacak (The world will be ours) David'ler oynayacak (The Davids will dance and celebrate)
Refrain.
Devotional songs and liturgies could not be imagined withôut music. I was
not surprised when I heard that one of the most important S ab batean prayer
phrases were sung to the melody of a famous Turkish Mevlevi composer Itri's
(1640-17U) widely-known tekbir. Instead of Alliihu Akbar Alliihıı Akbar La I/aha
· I7/ii Alliihu Alliilıu Akbar, the Sabbatean prayer goes with the same melody as
Sabbatai SeviSahatay Sevi esparamos a ti ISahatay SeviSahatay Sevi no es un otro
komoa ti.
The Dönmes' pragmatic interest in unorthodox Sufi orders was not coinciden
tal. As Salonica was located geographically on the outer limits of central gov
emmental authority, the unorthodox Su.fis were likewise positioned on the mar
gins of the central religious authority. Especially the Melamis (lit: condemned)
and Bektashis were notorious for their gnostic and antinamian tendencies. In
these lodges, the Dönmes could maintain their beliefs and practices without
being harassed by the orthodox Islamic authorities. Also, the early Sabbate
ans believed that other religions could also contain "sparks" of the Truth, and
therefore it was not a bad idea to penetrate in to other religions. Regardless of
whether they were Sufis or not, however, all the Dönme males had to attend
Friday prayers and Islamic high-holiday prayers in mosques, since these were
obligatory rituals for Muslim males. Therefore, the Dönme knowledge of Is
lam and Sufism could also stern from hearing these sermons and prayers.
In time, Yaktıbis developed an interest primarily in the Melami Sufis, Kapaners
mainly in the Mevlevi Sufis, and the Karakaş mainly in the Bektashi Sufis. A
few attended other Sufi orders, including the Nakşibendiyye. But we do not
know when and how many of them developed indinations toward particular
orders. The Bektashi order, which had been historically associated with the
Janissaries, was abolished in ı8ı6; their lodges, including the ones in Salonica, were closed and their members were persecuted and even executed.15 Because
of this, it was difficult to publicly remain a Bektashi un til the en d of the Tan
zimat period, after which the pressure on them was slowly lifted.16
15 The Bektashi convents, such as the Kara Baba Tekkesi, located at the center of Salonica, and
Bayezid Baba Tekkesi, located in Babaköy, ne ar Salonica, were dos ed and their properties were
confiscated. For the fate of other Bektashi convents in the Balkans, see BOA, MAD, # 977.
16 ilber Ortaylı, "Tarikatlar ve Tanzimat Dönemi Osmanlı Yönetimi", pp. 281-287.
Osmanlı'da ilm- i Tasavvuf ~ 831
The fust known Dönme Melamis were the students of Nural-Arabi (d.l888),17
Ali Örfi Efendi, Usturumcalı Hacı Süleyman Bey, and Osman Zevki Efendi, all
of who m served as dervishes and shaykhs in different lodges in the Balkans.
The first known Dönme Mevlevi dervish (la ter, the shaykh) was Karakaş İshak Efendi/Dede, who was affiliated with a Sufi convent, Mevlevihane in 1825.'8
Due to his erudition in mysticism, İshak Efendi is said to have been a Sufi
shaykh and ogan (rabbi) of the Dönme community at the same rime.'9 Among
those Dönmes who were actively involved in Sufi orders, Mehmed Esad Dede
(1843-19Lİ) was perhaps the most interesting.20 He was bom to the family of "Avdeti" Hanuş Hanım and Receb Efendi (Paşarel) Bey, a merchant and one of
the key figures in establishing the Terakki schools.
He had one sister and three brothers: Emin Receb, who married a British wom
an and di ed in Manchester; Refik Receb; and İsmail Receb (1853-1913), who al so married a British woman anddiedin England. All the brothers were in the tex
tile business.21 Note that marrying outsiders had already startedin the second
half of the nineteenth century. Mehmet Esat received his early education from
a Dönme teacher. According to the account that he shared with his students,
Esat had a dream during his childhood that changed the course of his life. In
the dream, he saw himselfas having fallen into a dark pit The prophet Muhammed came and rescued him from the pit, upon which he was "ennobled
with the glory oflslam." He was subsequently initiated into the Mevlevi order,
and then (1864) sought his fortune in Istanbul where he becan1e one of the
most influential M ev le\ i shaykhs at the tum of the twentieth century. He was
appointed the shaykh of the Yenikapı lodge and subsequendy the Kasımpaşa Mevlevihane. Sharing this dream with his students in his advanced age, Meh
met Esat seems to have wanted to set the record straight about himself, that he
"really" converted to Islam. Same of his students were Hüseyin Vassaf, Ahmed
Avni Konuk, Mehmed AkifErsoy, and Tahir ül-Mevlevi. He taught poetry, Ar-
17 About Nural-Arabi and the Melamis, see Abdulbaki Gölpınarlı, (Istanbul: Devlet Matbaasi, 1931). In the nineteenth century, there were two Melami convents in Salonica, one of which was headed by Örfi Dede. Hasluck,, ll: 525.
18 Stavroulakis, , p. 72. There is also a Dönme tradition, daiming that that Hayatizade Emin Efendi, who w as the grandson of Hayatizade Mustafa Efendi and served asa shaykh-ul-islam in 1748, was a Sabbatean believer.
19 He seems to have settled in ızmir after the population exchange, but 1 was not able to con
firm this. His descendants continue to be active in the Sufi lodges, i ncluding his grandson, the
famous Turkish diplomat, Emre Gönensay.
20 For his life, see Hüseyin Vassaf, (Süleymaniye library. Ms. Yazma Bağışlar, 2324/2), 105-11; and
Vassaf 5efine,l: 329-332.
21 Vassaf, Esadname, 106.
832 f Osmanlı 'da Ilm-i Tasavvuf
abic, and Persian in different mosques and madrasas, and wrote extensive com
mentaries on Ibn Arabi's Fuşüş al-Hikam and Rüml's Masnavi, and came to be
known as Mesnevihan (the one who reads and explicates Masnavi).22 Not sur
prisingly, his name was included not only among the holy men (evli ya) of the ord er but also in the bibliographical dictionaries of religious sçholars (ulema),
sin ce he attended madrasas both in Salonica and IstanbuP3 Mehmet Esat nev
er disconnected from his family. One of the descendants of his family, Pamir Bezmen, relates that Esat continued to pay monthly visits to the office of his
grandfather, Halil Ali Bezmen, to receive his "pocket money."24
The Kapancıs' connection to the M evlevis became mo re evidem at the tum of
the century. The children of the Mevlevi shaykhs, for instance, received free education at the Terakki schools, and the shaykhs appeared in their opening
ceremonies.25 One could suspect that these shaykhs were Dönme Mevlevis as
well. W e als o see several Kapancı musicians such as Selanikli O u di Ahmet ~ey
(ı868-1927) and Faiz Kapancı, who actually played in the Mevlevihane, and
composed hundreds of songs. Hasan A.kif's descendant Esin Eden makes frequent allusions to her farnilies' connection to the Mevlevis. Yıldız Sertel tells
how her grandfather Nazmi Efendi enjoyed participating in Mevlevi ceremo
nies.26 And Haluk Bitek, in our conversations, has always said how much he
enjoyed Mevl~vi philosophy and way·oflife.
As discussed so far, although limited, the interaction and overlapping of Sufi and Kabbala practices resulted in creative hybrids in the Ottoman Sufi world.
But a further d iscussion on this topic would also h elp us to understand the re
lationship between the Ottoman Sufi world and non-Islamic mystical circles,
a subject that is relatively unknown in Ottoman history.
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834 f Osmanlı'da Ilm-i Tasavvuf
