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The Languages of Nusa Tenggara: PAn Reconstruction and Subgrouping
Peter NorquestUniversity of Arizona
[email protected]/2/12
0.0 Introduction
• The majority consensus on the demographic history of the speakers of the Austronesianfamily of languages is that they originated on Taiwan (after having migrated from southernChina), and proceeded through insular Southeast Asia.
• This migration model crucially predicts that linguistic innovations at any point along themigration path must carry over into subsequent areas of dispersal. with phonologicalmergers (and lexical replacements) being unrecoverable once they have occurred.
• The distinctions between *C and *t, *S and *h, and *N and *n have only been recognized inthe Formosan languages of Taiwan, having merged in all extra-Formosan Austronesianlanguages.
0.1 The Problem
• A group of phonological distinctions have been preserved in the Nusa Tenggara (NT) region(which coincides with the Central Malayo-Polynesian node of the above tree), the majority ofwhich have not been preserved in the Formosan languages.
• Several of these distinctions appear to have also been preserved in other parts of theMalayo-Polynesian area.
Here, we will be concerned with the Macro-Sumba subgroup. which includes the languages ofSumba. Savu, Dhao. and Bimanese (spoken in eastern Sumbawa):
[Proto-Sumba [Bimanese [Savu-Dhao 111
0.2 The Present State of Austronesian reconstruction
The consensus inventory of PAn consonants is the following:
(I)
p t C c k q ?b d j z g
s S hm n )1 1]
Nw r R y
*C, *j, *z, *s, *S. *N, and *R are firmly established, but their phonetic interpretation is still debated.*g. *r, *)1,and *c are comparatively low-frequency. and *c also has a restricted geographicdistribution in western Indonesia. limited to frozen monosyllabic morphemes.
2
1.0 Evidence for additional PAn distinctions in Proto-Macro-Sumba
1.1 Implosive vs plain voiced stops
(2) Correspondences for implosive and plain voiced stops at four places of articulation:
PAn PMS Proto Sumba Bima Dhao Savu*b *5 *5 5 b-5 5*b *~ *w w h w*d *0 *0 0 d-o 0*d *r *r r r r*z *J *r 0 J J*z *J *r r J J
*g *g g g g*k *y *y h 7 7
(3) Examples ofPMS *~ < PAn *b
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao Savustone *batu *ba[tltJu *~atu *watu wadu haclu wadubuy, cost *beli *b;}1i *~;}Ii *w;}Ii weli h;}1i W;}1ifruit *buaq *buaq *pua *wua wua hua wue
(4) Examples ofPMS *5 < PAn *5
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao Savuwidow *balu *5alu *5alu *5alu balu 5aluiron *besi *5;}si *5;}si *5;}si 5esi b;}si 5;}hisugarcane *CebuS *t;}5uy *t;}5u *t;}5u do5u d;}5u
(5) Examples ofPMS *r < PAn *d
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao Savublood *daRaq *da(aq *ra7a *ra7a raa raa raaleaf *daSun *dayun *ra7ulJ *ra7ulJ roo r;}u f;}Ualive *ma-qudip *ma-qudip *morip *morip mon muri mun
(6) Examples ofPMS *0 < PAn *0
Gloss Trad. Revised PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao SavuPAn
in(side) *dalem *oal;}m *oal;} *oal;} dara oaraat, above *di (aCas) *di (atas) *di-ata *di-ata di di-dahead *tedulJ *t;}OUlJ *t;}OUlJ *t;}oulJ t;}OU t;}OUcovering
3
(7) Examples of PMS *J < PAn *J
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao Savuroad *zalan *Jalan *Jala *Iara (met.) Jara Jararam *quzaN *quJaA *uJalJ *uralJ ura ~j1 ~j1
(8) Examples ofPMS *J < PAn *J
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao Savufar *zauq *Jauq *Jau *rau 0:>0 J~u J~unear *qazaNi *qaJaAi *Jani *rani oeni
(9) Examples ofPMS *y < PAn *g
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao Savutree *kaSiw *gayiw *yaju *yaju haJu aJu aJulouse *kuCu *gutu *yutu *utu hudu uclu udufear *ma-Cakut *ma-tagut *n-tayut *ndaut-;) dahu clatu datu
(10) Examples ofPMS *k < PAn *k
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao Savusplit *bekaq *6;)kaq *6;)ka *6;)ka b;)ka 6;)kabite *kaRaC-i *ka(at-i *kati *kati kacli kadiscratch *kaRaw *ka(aw *kato *katu kao kao kao
(11) Examples ofPMS *g
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao Savuright (side) *wanaN *[gwJanaA *[gwJana *wana wana gana ganapick, pluck *g;)tu - *guta g;)tu g;)tunight *gadi *gadi gadi
If traditional PAn *g is reanalyzed as *G,the followingdevelopment can be posited between PMSandmore "traditional" languages:
(12) Development of PAn obstruents in PMSvs "traditional" languages:
plain voiced stops implosive stopsPAn PMS Other An PAn PMS Other An*b *P *b *6 *6 *b*d *r *d *0 *0 *d*J *J *J *J *J *J*g *y *k *g *g ???*G *g *g
"'------------------------''-------------- -------------------------------
1.2 Bilabial stop vs labiodental fricative
(13) Correspondences for PMS *p and *f
PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao Savu*p *p *p p p p*p *f *p f 0 0
4
(14) Examples ofPMS *p < PAn *p
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao Savuwarm/hot *panas *panas *panas *panas pana pana panaseven *pitu *pi(t/tlu *pitu *pitu pidu piclu pidufour *Sepat *y~pat *~pat *pat upa ~pa ~pa
(15) Examples ofPMS *f< PAn *f
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao Savudream *S-in-ipi *y-in-ifi *nifi *nipi nifi nii niirice *paj ay *faclaj *fare *pare 'millet' fare are arefire *Sapuy *yafuj *afi *api afi ai ai
1.3 Alveolar stop vs retroflex stop
Until now, *t and *C were distinguished only in Formosan languages. However, PMS *t generallycorresponds to PAn C:
(16) Correspondences for PMS *t and *t
PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao Savu*t *t *t t t t*C *t *t d cl d
(17) Examples of PMS *t < PAn *t
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao Savuthree *telu *t~lu *t~lu *t~lu tolu t~lu t~lupole for boat *tuku *tuku *tuku tuku ta-tukuknee *tuSud *tuyud *tuu ta-tuu tuu tuu
(18) Reflexes of PMS *t < PAn *t
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao Savublind *ma-buCa *ma-6uta *(m)6uta mbuda b~clu 6~dueye *maCa *mata *mata *mata mada macla madaegg *qiCeluR *qit~lu( *t~lu *t~lu dolu cl~lu d~lu
1.4 Alveolar lateral vs retroflex lateral
(19) Correspondences for PMS *1and *1
5
PAn*1*1
PMS*1*1
Sumba*1*1
BimaIr
DhaoIr
SavuIr
(20) Examples ofPMS *1< PAn *1
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao Savusail *layaR *Iaja( *Iaja lod3a lai laifive *lima *lima *lima *Iima lima I:)mi I:)miday *qalejaw *qal:)9.aw *1:)9.0 *1:)00 liro 1000 1000
(21) Examples of PMS *1< PAn *1
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao Savuear of grain *buliR *buli( *puli *wuli wun huri wunskin *kuliC *gulit *yulit *ka-lit huri ka-furi k-urieight *walu *wa1u *wa1u *walu waru am am
1.5 Alveolar fricative vs palatal stop
(22) Correspondences for PMS *s and *c
PAn*5*5
PMS*5
*c
Sumba Sima Dhao*5 5 5
*£ c c
Savuhh
(23) Examples ofPMS *s < PAn *s
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao SavuIron *besi *6:)si *6:)si 6esi b:)si 6:)hitorch *suluq *suluq *su1u *sulu sum humripe *ma-[C]a- *ma-ta-:)sak *ma-tasa ntasa ma-9.asa
esak
(24) Examples ofPMS *c < PAn *c
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS Sumba Bima Dhao Savuone *isa *ica *ica *i~a ica :)ci :)hinine *siwa *ciwa *ciwa *~iwa ciwi ceo heosated *ma- *ma-6:)cu( *m-6:)cu *mb:)[s/~]u mbocu b:)cu 6:)hu
besuR
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2.0 Interpretation of other PAn phonemes
2.1 PAn *j and *R as retroflex *<1.and *r
(25) ReAexes of PAn *cl and *( in various Austronesian languages (from Blust 2009: 572, 582)
ReAexes of PAn *g,Acute Grave
td kdz g
ReAexes of PAn *(Acute Grave
wd k
gs{\
n
rcj
x1]
o
s{\z
n
(r
jI..j
x1]
R
Note that PAn *cl only occurs in medial and final position, never in initial position, indicating that it'sperception relies on formant transitions from a preceding vowel.
(26) Reflexes of *cl and *( in the Formosan languages
PAn Pazeh Thao Sai Ata Saa Knkn Rukai Bunun Amis Kav Pai Puy
*cl Z, -t 0 Z 0 V I g 0 n n d <tid*( x I ( y, r, 0 r r r,O I l y 0 r
2.2 PAn *8 and *N as palatal *~ and *A
These are the two phonemes that are genuinely distinguished only in the Formosan languages:
(27) Formosan reflexes of dental and palatal sibilants
PAn Pazeh Thao Sai Ata Saa Knkn Rukai Bunun Amis Kav Pai Puy
*~ Z t h h,x s,O c e, s, 0 c c s t s*rr s f f s 0 s s s s s s 0
(28) Formosan reflexes of alveolar and palatal laterals
PAn Pazeh Thao Sai Ata Saa Knkn Rukai Bunun Amis Kav Pai Pu*1 r r l I 0 0, I l h-, l r, y l l*1.. {\ I.. I.. V n I n V n I.. I
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3.0 Conclusion
The revised PAn consonant system suggested here is the following:
(29) Revised Proto-Austronesian consonant inventory
p t t c k q (b d cl J g G
5 <f J iff s " hm n J1 1]
l Aw r r j
Evidence for this system is preserved in the following areas (NS = North Sarawak, WOc =western Oceanic; see Appendix 1 for examples):
(30) Evidence for selected PAn consonants by region
Phoneme*6 *0. *r *A', , j-, ~
*g*f
*t (*C)*l*c
*" (*S)*A (*N)
Formosan
./(indirect)
./
./
PMS././././././
Other AnChamic. Java. northern Borneo, Sulawesi. wacNS, Barrier Islands, Kadorih-Keremoi, wac
Kadorih-Keremoi, wacKadorih-Keremoi
PhilippinesNS. wac, Sulawesi (?)
(indirect)sporadic (initial position only)
The fact that the languages of the NT region preserve as many distinctions as they do presents aproblem for the Out-of- Taiwan hypothesis:
• The evidence may be more consistent with a theory that posits both Taiwan and NT asrefugia that originated when the Sunda shelf became Aooded at the end of the last Ice Age.
• It also calls for a significant reconsideration of what has by now become the acceptedphylogenetic tree of Austronesian languages.
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Appendix 1: Data external to Proto-Macro Sumba
Examplesof the plain vs implosivevoiced stop contrast can be found in Proto-North Sarawak (PNS).Proto-Sabahan (PSab). and Old Javanese (OJ):
(31) Reflexes of PAn *b
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS PNS PSab OJash *qabu *qabu *a~u *abuh *a~u hawufemale *b-in-ahi *b-in-ahi *~inai *~inai wmlfruit *buaq *buaq *~ua *bua7 *~uaq wwah
(32) Reflexes of PAn *6
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS PNS PSab OJweevil *bukbuk *6uk6uk *bu6uk *6u6uk bubukstab *tebek *t:)6:)k *t:)6Qk *tQ6Qk *t:)60k (t:)w:)k)sugarcane *CebuS *tQ6uy *t:)6u *t:)6u *tQ6u tQbu
(33) Reflexes of PAn *d
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS PNS PSab OJblood *daRaq *da(aq *ra7a *ra7a raa raaleaf *daSun *dayun *ra7u1] *ra7u1] roo r:)ualive *ma-qudip *ma-qudip *morip *morip mori murt
(34) Reflexes of PAn *cf
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS PNS PSab OJin(side) *dalem *cfal:)m *cfalQ *cfal:)m dal:)mtongue *lidaq *licfaq *licfa7 Iiclahwall *di1]di1] *di1]di1] *di1]di1] *di1]dip (Upq,ip
(35) Reflexes of PAn *J
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS PNS PSab OJpoint *tuzuq *tuJuq *tuJu (*tufu7) *turu7 tuduhram *quzaN *quJaA: *uJa1] *uJan *uran hudan
(36) Reflexes of PAn *J
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS PNS PSab OJfar *zauq *Jauq *Jau *1J/JJau7 *cfu7 dwahtip *quzu1] *quJulJ *ufulJ *ucfU1]
9
Examples of the voiceless and voiced velar stop contrast can be found in Proto-Western Oceanic(PWOc). Proto-North Sarawak (PNS). and Proto-Barner Islands (PBI):
(37) Reflexes of PAn *g
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS PWOc PNS PBItree *kaSiw *gayiw *yaju *yaju *gajuh *gajulouse *kuCu *gutu *yutu *gutuh *gutufish *Sikan *yigan *iyan *iyan *igan
Examples of the contrast between *p and *f can be found in Proto-Western Oceanic (PWOc) and theKadorih-Keremoi language(s) (KK) spoken on southeast Borneo:
(38) Reflexes of PAn *f
Glossdreamthickfire
Trad. PAn*S-in-ipi*ma-kapal*Sapuy
Revised PAn*y-in-ifi*ma-gafal*yafuj
PMS*nifi*ma-gafal*afi
PWOc*m-nivi
*Q)avi
KK*nuhpi*kahpan*ahpui
Examples of the contrast between *t and *t in intervocalic position can be found in theSeranggorang-Nilanapo language(s) (SN) spoken on Lembata as well as Kadorih-Keremoi:
(39) Reflexes of PAn *t
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS SN KKlouse *kuCu *gutu *yutu *uhtu *kuhtudie *maCay *mataj *mate *mahta *mahtojstone *batu *ba[t/~u *~atu *wahto *bahtu
Examples of the contrast between *1and *l can be found in Proto-Philippines (PPh):
(40) Reflexes of PAn *1
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS PPhegg *qiCeluR *qit<llu( *t<llu *7ikhigfive *Iima *lima *lima *lima7buy *beli *b;:)Ii *P;:)1i *b<l1i7
(41) Reflexes of PAn *l
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS PPhmoon *bulaN *bulfu< *~ulan *bulanten *puluq *fuluq *fuluq *pulu7eight *walu *walu *walu *walu7
10
Examples of the contrast between *s and *c can be found in Proto-North Sarawak:
(42) Reflexes of PAn *s
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS PNSpaddle *beRsay *b~(saj *p~se *b~sajerror *salaq *sa[I/Uaq *sa[I/Ua *sala7flesh *Sesi *y~si *isi *~si
(43) Reflexes of PAn *c
Gloss Trad. PAn Revised PAn PMS PNSwet *ma-baseq *ma-6ac~q *m-6aca *baya7satiated *ma-besuR *ma-6~cu( *m-6::lcu *b::lyurnine *siwa *ciwa *ciwa *yiwa
Appendix 2: Austronesian-Kra-Dai Comparisons
Proto-Tai (PT), Proto-Be (PB), and Proto-Hlai (PHI) forms are compared below with therevised PAn reconstructions proposed here.
Plain voiceless stops are generally preserved as such, and PAn *q regularly merges with *k:
(44) Plain Voiceless Stops
Gloss PAn Proto-Tai Proto-Be Proto-Hlaigrandparent *apu *puuh *phuu7pat, light slap; wing *pik *piik *pi[i]k *phiikseven *pitu *fuuleech *qaAi-mat~q *daakl *taak *faakfart *q~tut *k-trt *tw::lt *fuu[t/c]
Plain voiced stops devoice initially:
(45) Plain Voiced Stops
Gloss PAn Proto-Tai Proto-Be Proto-Hlaimouth *baqbaq *paak *paakbuy; exchange *b::lli *pl::ljweave; make rope *b::lAb::lA *p::l::ln7 *ph::lneat; feed, fodder *ga::ln *kwj1 *kh::lnhold in hand *G<lmG<lm *kamribs *taG::lcalJ *kraalJ7 *khaalJ7
1The initial in this form may be the result of prenasal voicing: *m-t > *nt > d
11
Intervocalically, they are prone to lenition2:
Glossshouldercrustaceanlive. rawIsgscurf
PAn*qaba(a*qudalJ*ma-qudip*(a)gu*dagi
Proto-Tai*C-baah
*C-dip*kuu*ywj
Proto-Be*C-bial*rualJ*C-rj;Jp
Proto-Hlai*C-lJaafi*CuraalJ*Curiip*fiuu < *Vyuu*khii< *gii
Implosives are preserved as such:
(46) Implosives
Glossfloodwaters; overflowblindboat; boat c1sfrsmall; child
PAn*6ayaq*6uta*qa6aI)*k;}dik
Proto-Tai*6aah*600t*6aalJ*oek
Proto-Be Proto-Hlai*6aafi
*dil
The following examples are exceptions to the rules above, with unexpected correspondencesbetween plain voiced and implosive stops:
(47) Exceptional plain-implosive stop correspondences
Glossmoondark; black
PAn*bulaA*o;}mo;}m
Proto-Tai*6Iw;}n*C-dam
Proto-Be
*C-ram
Proto-Hlai(*C-j1aan)*o;}m
PAn *fis (presumably) preserved in initial position, but voiced to *v intervocalically and (ifthe 'centipede' comparison is valid) undergoes fortition to *p in final position:
(48) PAn *f
Gloss PAn Proto-Tai Proto-Be Proto-Hlaiten *fuluq *fuuttooth *if;}n *van (*sj;}n) *fj;}nfire *yafuj *VTj *wii *fiicentipede *qaluyifan *q-sip *rj;}p *C-riip
2 See also PAn *quJaA.Proto-Kra *j;J1'rain'
12
PAn *t is preserved at the left edge of the syllable, but merges with *t in original clusters and word-/lnally:
(49) PAn *t
Glosslouseeyedieblindskin, hide; peel
PAn*gutu*mata*m-atay*6uta*qaA:it
Proto-Tai*thraw*p-taa < *b-taa*p-taaj < *b-taaj*600t
Proto-Be
*taa*taaj
Proto-Hlai*tfWuu*tfaa
*hliit
The comparison between PAn *cluya 'two' and PHI *tfwuI 'three' and/or *tfawl 'four' isproblematic (but see PAn 'three' below), but if valid shows that *cl devoiced regularly to *t *cl ispreserved in PT, but lenited intervocalically in PHI. The /lnal example, 'worm', assumes metathesis:
(50) PAn *cl
Glosstwo
sun; starworm
PAn*cluya
*qalaclaw*qulacl
Proto-Tai
*claaw*clwal
Proto-Be Proto-Hlai*tJ'WUI 'three',< *twu1*tf'aw I 'four' < *tawI*C-faaw
PAn *l generally merged with PAn *( as *r:
(51) PAn *l
Gloss PAn Proto-Tai Proto-Be Proto-Hlaisesame *lmja *r-lJaa *hlJwWto plant *mula *Curaahead *qulu *krawl *Cur~wIexchange; sell *saliw *riiweight *walu *ruu
(52) PAn *(
Gloss PAn Proto-Tai Proto-Be Proto-Hlaitaro *biraq *prw~k *Jaak *raakshoulder *qaba(a *C-baah *C-bial *C-~aafiribs *taG~ralJ *kraalJI *khaalJI
13
Palatals, raised a following low vowel [aJ to [.J, which with one exception ('scales' below) raised intum to [wJ:
(53) PAn *c
Glossone
PAn*ica
Proto-Tai Proto-Be Proto-Hlai*tJhww
The correspondences between the fonns for 'centipede' are irregular, and the PT fonn may be aMon-Khmer (Palaungic?) loan:
(54) PAn *If
Gloss2plcentipedefloodwaters; overflow
PAn*gayu*qaluyifan*5ayaq
Proto-Tai*suu*q-sip*5aah
Proto-Be*su*rj:)p
Proto-Hlai*s:)w*C-riip*5aafi
Beyond the irregular initial mentioned above, 'moon' shows additional irregularities in its lateralcorrespondences; if valid, metathesis between *l and *f..may have to be assumed:
(55) PAn *f..
Glosschildskin, hide; peelscalesto hearbee; waspweave, braidmoon
PAn*af..ak*qaf..it*quy:)f..ap*tumaf..a*waf..u*b:)f..b:)f..*bulaf..
Proto-Tai*lwwk
Proto-Be*lwk
*p:):)n7
Proto-Hlai*hlwwk*hliit*C-I:):)p*plww < *blww*pluu < *bluu*ph:)n(*C-paan)
The comparison between PAn 'three' and PHI 'two' is semantically difficult (but see the note aboutPAn 'two' above):
(56) PAn *1
Gloss PAn Proto-Tai Proto-Be Proto-Hlaibuy; exchange *b:)Ii *pl:)jsaliva *lJalay *mlaaj *ma(a)j *hl:):)jthree; two *t:)lu *hluu7wonn *qul;l<t *<tw;ll
*** Many thanks to Leif Asplund, Murray Cox, Sean Downey, Andrew Hsiu, and PaulSidwell for feedback, suggestions and corrections on various aspects of the data and analysisabove. Any mistakes are, of course, my own.
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