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06.2012 SPECIAL EDITION FOR WORLD REFUGEE DAY Mody Bar-On and Kidane Isaac, Neighbours, Finally Meet 02 Israeli Hospitals Deny Refugees' Fatherhood 06 Food Tour in Neve Shaanan 22 Free Kick: The First Refugee Soccer League 30 ل هوات من ا سن5 مولوتوف ستة قنابل محروقة واحدة شقة مطرودين جئ ٧٠٠ وق حق ألف شخص ب هنا؟ذهب من سن الى اينሓሙሽተ ዓመታት ድሕሪ ምጋረጃ ክልተ ቡንባታት ሞሎቶቭ ሓደ ዝተቓጸለ መንበሪ-ገዛ 700 ስደተኛታት ተጠሪዞም 60,000 ሰባት መሰል-ኣልቦ “ካብዚ ናበይ ገጽና ኢና” Photograph by Lior Patel שנים של הזנחה5 בקבוקי תבערה6 דירה אחת שרופה פליטים מגורשים700 אלף איש ללא זכויות60 לאן הולכים מכאן?5 YEARS OF NEGLECT 6 MOLOTOV COCKTAILS ONE BURNT APARTMENT 700 DEPORTED REFUGEES 60 THOUSAND PEOPLE WITH NO RIGHTS WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?

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The Refugee Voice_ThirdIssue is a grassroots newspaper created by African asylum seekers and Israelis in Israel. Articles focus on news stories pertinent to asylum seekers residing in Israel. The articles provide asylum seekers with access to the news and information, enabling them to make informed decisions about their lives and futures.

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  • 06.2012SPECIAL EDITION FOR WORLD REFUGEE DAY

    Mody Bar-On and Kidane Isaac, Neighbours, Finally Meet 02 Israeli Hospitals Deny Refugees' Fatherhood 06 Food Tour in Neve Shaanan 22 Free Kick: The First Refugee Soccer League 30

    5

    6

    -700 60,000 -

    Photograph by

    Lior Patel

    5 6

    700 60

    ?

    5 YEARS OF NEGLECT6 MOLOTOV COCKTAILSONE BURNT APARTMENT700 DEPORTED REFUGEES60 THOUSAND PEOPLE WITH NO RIGHTS

    WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?

  • 3 2

    "EREH ELIGARF SI GNIHTYREVE" ilearsI na ,nO-raB idoM dna ,ytilanosrep noisivelet rebmem ffats ,caasI enadiK dna ecioV eegufeR ehT fo ,aertirE morf rekees mulysa ,srobhgien yllacitcarp tsrif eht rof keew siht tem krap yksniveL ni emit ot deirt yeht rehtegoT ot snaem ti tahw dnatsrednu eht fo egde rehto eht no eb dna tcilfnoc sdoohrobhgiengniog lla sti erehw

    suomaf a si erehT .skcalb' eht erew yeht nehT .noitani-mircsid morf dereffus osla yeht dna seirtnuoc milsuM morf ereh emac sweJ emos ,wonk uoY" :nO-raB idoM emas eht meht deksa nrut ni seloP eht dna ,setinem-eY eht emac neht ,?emoc uoy did yhW" - meht deksa ereh devil ohw sbarA eht dna seloP eht emac tsrif :tiks-woH .nrut ruoy sti woN .tsniaga detanimircsid syaw-la si sevirra taht noitargimmi fo evaw hcaE .noitseuq era eW .hsiweJ ton era uoy :ecnereffid a si ereht ,reve".rettam siht ni citsilanoitan yrev"?ereh erutuf ruo ees uoy od woh ,noitaredisnoc ot ni siht lla gnikaT" :caasI a fo tsdim eht ni era eW .noitseuq yvaeh A" :nO-raB."ytironim a ekil sleef taht ytirojam a era eW .ssem siht otni pmuj ot hguone etanutrofnu erew uoY .seirotirret deipucco eht gnidrag-er sevlesruo tsgnoma etabed hcum si ereht ,ssecorp-ed ni eveileb uoy taht gnidnatsrednu ym si tI" :caasI"?noitautis siht ni deveihca ti si woH .ycarcom eht sessarrabme osla noitautis siht taht kniht I .dessar-rabme mI dna ,snoitseuq tnellecxe ksa uoY" :nO-raB

    ,deneppah tsuj tI .seegufer gninrecnoc eussi siht detap-icitna ydobyna kniht tnod I tuB .tnemhsilbatse ilearsI"?eegufer a deredisnoc uoy era ,enadiK em lleT .etal oot pu ekow enoyreve dna ."detroped eb tonnac ew ecnis ,"noitcetorP puorG" dellac si tahw ot deltitne mI .ereh ycilop hcus on si erehT" :caasI uoy edivorp tndid tub yats uoy tel yeht oS" :nO-raB?ereh gnimoc peek snac-irfA od yhw ,noinipo ruoy nI .evivrus ot snaem htiw I 7002 nI .emoc elpoep os ,sthgir namuh tuoba erac ew ,ycarcomed a era eW' :smialc syawla learsI" :caasI".ereh retteb eb dluow ti taht thguoht elp-oep dna ,raw livic ni ydaerla saw hcihw ,naduS ni saw fo ycarcomed a ton tub ,ycarcomed a era eW" :nO-raB ruo fo trap si siht ,yrtnuoc dlrow driht a yllautca era eW .ereh eligarf si gnihtyreve ,dnik hsitirB ro naciremA eht .tnera ew tub ,nredom sa sevlesruo ees eW .ytixelpmoc ,yteicos gnuoy a era ew taht rebmemer ot evah uoY ecnedifnoc eht evah ton od eW .snoicipsus ynam htiw".deen uoy ytiruces eht uoy evig ot

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    gnitceffa seussi lacitirc egagne ot meht wolla ot ,learsI ni ytinummoc rekees mulysa eht gnirewopme fo esoprup eht rof seegufer dna silearsI htob yb yltnioj decudorp repapswen a si "ecioV eegufeR ehT" sserpxe ot mroftalp a htiw meht edivorp ot dna meht.noitamrofni erahs ot dna sevlesmeht

    eegufeR ehT" ,yaD eegufeR dlroW fo ronoh nI nI .repapswen zteraaH eht ot dedda eb lliw "ecioV zteraaH lareves ,sretroper ecioV eegufeR ot noitidda eegufeR ehT" eht fo trap eb ot ekil dluow uoy fI.yaw yna ni tnetnoc s'repapswen eht rof elbisnopser ton si zteraaH ,revewoH .noitide siht ni detapicitrap osla sretirw ta su liame esaelp ,dne gnignellahc dna tnatropmi siht ot noitubirtnoc tnatropmi na ekam ot dna "ecioVmoc.ecioveegufereht.www etisbew ruo no su tuoba erom nrael nac uoy ,noitidda nI .moc.ecioveegufereht@reetnulov

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  • 3 2

    "EREH ELIGARF SI GNIHTYREVE" ilearsI na ,nO-raB idoM dna ,ytilanosrep noisivelet rebmem ffats ,caasI enadiK dna ecioV eegufeR ehT fo ,aertirE morf rekees mulysa ,srobhgien yllacitcarp tsrif eht rof keew siht tem krap yksniveL ni emit ot deirt yeht rehtegoT ot snaem ti tahw dnatsrednu eht fo egde rehto eht no eb dna tcilfnoc sdoohrobhgiengniog lla sti erehw

    suomaf a si erehT .skcalb' eht erew yeht nehT .noitani-mircsid morf dereffus osla yeht dna seirtnuoc milsuM morf ereh emac sweJ emos ,wonk uoY" :nO-raB idoM emas eht meht deksa nrut ni seloP eht dna ,setinem-eY eht emac neht ,?emoc uoy did yhW" - meht deksa ereh devil ohw sbarA eht dna seloP eht emac tsrif :tiks-woH .nrut ruoy sti woN .tsniaga detanimircsid syaw-la si sevirra taht noitargimmi fo evaw hcaE .noitseuq era eW .hsiweJ ton era uoy :ecnereffid a si ereht ,reve".rettam siht ni citsilanoitan yrev"?ereh erutuf ruo ees uoy od woh ,noitaredisnoc ot ni siht lla gnikaT" :caasI a fo tsdim eht ni era eW .noitseuq yvaeh A" :nO-raB."ytironim a ekil sleef taht ytirojam a era eW .ssem siht otni pmuj ot hguone etanutrofnu erew uoY .seirotirret deipucco eht gnidrag-er sevlesruo tsgnoma etabed hcum si ereht ,ssecorp-ed ni eveileb uoy taht gnidnatsrednu ym si tI" :caasI"?noitautis siht ni deveihca ti si woH .ycarcom eht sessarrabme osla noitautis siht taht kniht I .dessar-rabme mI dna ,snoitseuq tnellecxe ksa uoY" :nO-raB

    ,deneppah tsuj tI .seegufer gninrecnoc eussi siht detap-icitna ydobyna kniht tnod I tuB .tnemhsilbatse ilearsI"?eegufer a deredisnoc uoy era ,enadiK em lleT .etal oot pu ekow enoyreve dna ."detroped eb tonnac ew ecnis ,"noitcetorP puorG" dellac si tahw ot deltitne mI .ereh ycilop hcus on si erehT" :caasI uoy edivorp tndid tub yats uoy tel yeht oS" :nO-raB?ereh gnimoc peek snac-irfA od yhw ,noinipo ruoy nI .evivrus ot snaem htiw I 7002 nI .emoc elpoep os ,sthgir namuh tuoba erac ew ,ycarcomed a era eW' :smialc syawla learsI" :caasI".ereh retteb eb dluow ti taht thguoht elp-oep dna ,raw livic ni ydaerla saw hcihw ,naduS ni saw fo ycarcomed a ton tub ,ycarcomed a era eW" :nO-raB ruo fo trap si siht ,yrtnuoc dlrow driht a yllautca era eW .ereh eligarf si gnihtyreve ,dnik hsitirB ro naciremA eht .tnera ew tub ,nredom sa sevlesruo ees eW .ytixelpmoc ,yteicos gnuoy a era ew taht rebmemer ot evah uoY ecnedifnoc eht evah ton od eW .snoicipsus ynam htiw".deen uoy ytiruces eht uoy evig ot

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    gnitceffa seussi lacitirc egagne ot meht wolla ot ,learsI ni ytinummoc rekees mulysa eht gnirewopme fo esoprup eht rof seegufer dna silearsI htob yb yltnioj decudorp repapswen a si "ecioV eegufeR ehT" sserpxe ot mroftalp a htiw meht edivorp ot dna meht.noitamrofni erahs ot dna sevlesmeht

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  • 4 5

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    Isaac: "Sudan is a third world country and so is Ethiopia. But at least they have a policy regarding refugees. They dont have the ability to help them so they drive them out in the first place."Bar-On: "But thats the Israeli way: 'Well see what happens, its the same story with the territories. We ignore the problem and say to ourselves, 'some-thing will happen and a solution will present itself. Its the Israeli mentality. In the long run its a problem."Because we are blackIsaac: "What I see is that Israeli society opposes our presence."Bar-On: "Im not sure we oppose you on a general basis. Its extremists that you see and hear, but most of us real-ize that we have a common problem."Isaac: "What is the main cause of the current crisis?"Bar-On: "I live in Shapira neighborhood. The main prob-lem is the feeling that there are simply too many of you. I do not know if this is statistically true, but the feeling is that the balance between the communities has been bro-ken. Also, we dont understand you sufficiently. I think that we dont do this often enough (talking toghether). Your voice as a community is absent. When you appear in the media, it shows the food queues run by 'Levinsky soup, it portrays you as weak. Thats how the media works. "Isaac: "Thats the reality, we are weak. You say the bal-ance has been broken. But it is visible because we are black, not because of our religion."Bar-On: "Yes, that is the sad truth."Isaac: "I ask people around the world, Italy, for example - over 30 thousand refugees have been coming there ev-ery summer for the past five years. So there was a crisis, and the government became upset, but they had a policy. The policy was unfair and the government unfriendly, but many people identified with the refugees. In Israel, besides a few angels with extremely limited resources, I dont see any demonstrations of support for us."Bar-On: "I think you have excellent advocates in the media. But when I observe my neighbors, they seem lost. They need someone to lead them. People like you, who have been here longer, do they help newcomers?"Isaac: "We have no resources to help others, we are in the exact same position as the newcomers. Maybe we

    have a better understanding of the situation, but we have no power to save or help anyone."Bar-On: "I think if you had a leader, then you could par-ticipate in the discussion these days a great debate is being waged concerning your situation, but you are not part of it."Isaac: "So what now?"Bar-On: "Wow, I dont know. There is talk concerning a refugee camp. I dont believe it will happen. I think that eventually the Israeli society will have to incorporate you into itself. You are here to stay, your children will grow up here. You will become Israelis thats what I believe".Isaac: "I dont know about that, the government has al-ready started deporting Sudanese."Bar-On: "Yes, but I dont think that the Israeli society will be able to tolerate such scenes. I believe that real-ity is better than the depiction of the media. Tensions mount during periods with demonstrations, but day to day life is normal. I dont feel threatened in any way. But maybe Im not a good example. How do you feel? Are you feeling any different since the crisis began? "Isaac: "Of course"Bar-On: "Do you feel less comfortable in the streets?"Isaac: "There has been a change in the workplaces, some there feel uncomfortable, and so they fire people."Bar-On: "Yes, this is gray area. I myself dont under-stand who is authorized to work and who isnt. No one knows."Isaac: "The government is voicing itself strongly against the refugees, and this encourages citizens to make us feel unwanted."Bar-On: "I know this isnt comforting, but basically youre a scapegoat. You are the weakest link in the chain and therefore all the national frustration is directed against you. You dont deserve it.

    This crisis will bring a solutionBar-on: Let me ask you, what happens when someone requires health services?Isaac: "Were 'status-less, and so we arent eligible for even basic human rights. We dont have health insur-ance. If a woman gives birth it is an emergency, so she goes to the hospital and receives treatment there."Bar-On: "And if youre just sick?"Isaac: "You have to pay. This is a problem because of our financial situation".Bar-On: "So in general what do you expect?"Isaac: "That the government will decide on a clear and consistent policy."Bar-On: "Do you want to be citizens? Residents?"Isaac: "No. We just want to live in dignity, something that every human being deserves. To have basic rights. Today anything can happen to us, there are no more surprises. People are dying in the streets".Bar-On: "Israelis claim that 'your own poor come first. This is what poor people here feel, that there is not enough money to also help you."Isaac: "The UNHCR (United Nations High Commis-sioner for Refugees) is responsible for refugees, and states that Israel has the means to deal with this crisis. So a solution must be presented."Bar-On: "I dont think its only international pressure. The kind people who give out soup, they are few but they have support. I believe that when the time comes you will witness this support. Perhaps, in an ironic way, this crisis will bring the solution because it exposes the problem".Isaac: "I hope so. But from my understanding, Israeli support is located in the political left. And the left has no power in the Knesset."Bar-On: "There are all kinds of power, not just politi-cal: money, culture, media. But maybe Im nave, maybe you are realistic and I am optimistic. I think youll have to learn Hebrew, because your children will be Israeli. I believe that there will be happy ending and that most of you will stay here and receive rights. However, I cant say I have a real basis for this theory. "

    "You will become Israelis so I believe". Bar-On

  • 4 5

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    "Today anything can happen to us". Isaac Photographs by Tommy Harpaz

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    Isaac: "Sudan is a third world country and so is Ethiopia. But at least they have a policy regarding refugees. They dont have the ability to help them so they drive them out in the first place."Bar-On: "But thats the Israeli way: 'Well see what happens, its the same story with the territories. We ignore the problem and say to ourselves, 'some-thing will happen and a solution will present itself. Its the Israeli mentality. In the long run its a problem."Because we are blackIsaac: "What I see is that Israeli society opposes our presence."Bar-On: "Im not sure we oppose you on a general basis. Its extremists that you see and hear, but most of us real-ize that we have a common problem."Isaac: "What is the main cause of the current crisis?"Bar-On: "I live in Shapira neighborhood. The main prob-lem is the feeling that there are simply too many of you. I do not know if this is statistically true, but the feeling is that the balance between the communities has been bro-ken. Also, we dont understand you sufficiently. I think that we dont do this often enough (talking toghether). Your voice as a community is absent. When you appear in the media, it shows the food queues run by 'Levinsky soup, it portrays you as weak. Thats how the media works. "Isaac: "Thats the reality, we are weak. You say the bal-ance has been broken. But it is visible because we are black, not because of our religion."Bar-On: "Yes, that is the sad truth."Isaac: "I ask people around the world, Italy, for example - over 30 thousand refugees have been coming there ev-ery summer for the past five years. So there was a crisis, and the government became upset, but they had a policy. The policy was unfair and the government unfriendly, but many people identified with the refugees. In Israel, besides a few angels with extremely limited resources, I dont see any demonstrations of support for us."Bar-On: "I think you have excellent advocates in the media. But when I observe my neighbors, they seem lost. They need someone to lead them. People like you, who have been here longer, do they help newcomers?"Isaac: "We have no resources to help others, we are in the exact same position as the newcomers. Maybe we

    have a better understanding of the situation, but we have no power to save or help anyone."Bar-On: "I think if you had a leader, then you could par-ticipate in the discussion these days a great debate is being waged concerning your situation, but you are not part of it."Isaac: "So what now?"Bar-On: "Wow, I dont know. There is talk concerning a refugee camp. I dont believe it will happen. I think that eventually the Israeli society will have to incorporate you into itself. You are here to stay, your children will grow up here. You will become Israelis thats what I believe".Isaac: "I dont know about that, the government has al-ready started deporting Sudanese."Bar-On: "Yes, but I dont think that the Israeli society will be able to tolerate such scenes. I believe that real-ity is better than the depiction of the media. Tensions mount during periods with demonstrations, but day to day life is normal. I dont feel threatened in any way. But maybe Im not a good example. How do you feel? Are you feeling any different since the crisis began? "Isaac: "Of course"Bar-On: "Do you feel less comfortable in the streets?"Isaac: "There has been a change in the workplaces, some there feel uncomfortable, and so they fire people."Bar-On: "Yes, this is gray area. I myself dont under-stand who is authorized to work and who isnt. No one knows."Isaac: "The government is voicing itself strongly against the refugees, and this encourages citizens to make us feel unwanted."Bar-On: "I know this isnt comforting, but basically youre a scapegoat. You are the weakest link in the chain and therefore all the national frustration is directed against you. You dont deserve it.

    This crisis will bring a solutionBar-on: Let me ask you, what happens when someone requires health services?Isaac: "Were 'status-less, and so we arent eligible for even basic human rights. We dont have health insur-ance. If a woman gives birth it is an emergency, so she goes to the hospital and receives treatment there."Bar-On: "And if youre just sick?"Isaac: "You have to pay. This is a problem because of our financial situation".Bar-On: "So in general what do you expect?"Isaac: "That the government will decide on a clear and consistent policy."Bar-On: "Do you want to be citizens? Residents?"Isaac: "No. We just want to live in dignity, something that every human being deserves. To have basic rights. Today anything can happen to us, there are no more surprises. People are dying in the streets".Bar-On: "Israelis claim that 'your own poor come first. This is what poor people here feel, that there is not enough money to also help you."Isaac: "The UNHCR (United Nations High Commis-sioner for Refugees) is responsible for refugees, and states that Israel has the means to deal with this crisis. So a solution must be presented."Bar-On: "I dont think its only international pressure. The kind people who give out soup, they are few but they have support. I believe that when the time comes you will witness this support. Perhaps, in an ironic way, this crisis will bring the solution because it exposes the problem".Isaac: "I hope so. But from my understanding, Israeli support is located in the political left. And the left has no power in the Knesset."Bar-On: "There are all kinds of power, not just politi-cal: money, culture, media. But maybe Im nave, maybe you are realistic and I am optimistic. I think youll have to learn Hebrew, because your children will be Israeli. I believe that there will be happy ending and that most of you will stay here and receive rights. However, I cant say I have a real basis for this theory. "

    "You will become Israelis so I believe". Bar-On

  • 6 7

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    (Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) 40 -

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    CHILDREN WITHOUT A FATHER

    "When my eldest daughter was born here in Israel, they didn't list me as her father, so with the second birth I insisted. I told them: 'My wife and I have a mar-riage certificate. She confirms that the baby is mine - so please list me as the father and I will pay the bill.'" But for P., an asylum seeker from Eritrea, his insistence didn't help: the "father's name" box on his second daughter's marriage certificate was also left blank.No Israeli couple has any problems when they come to the delivery room on the happiest day of their lives. Even couples that are not married can declare that the man is the father of their newborn baby - he will be immediately listed as the father on the birth certificate. But P. and thousands of other refugees who have started families in Israel are de-nied their most basic right: the right to be listed as the fathers of their children.The bureaucratic hurdles that asylum seeker fathers face starts on the day they leave the hospital, when the clerks refuse to fill the box labeled "father's name" on the baby's birth certificate. The refugees are told that they can challenge the decision if they take a paternity test which proves that the man is indeed the baby's father - an expensive exam far be-yond the financial reach of the refugees. In this way, the refugees are forced to undergo a series of humili-ations: the state casts doubt on the father's identity and leaves the child without a legal father."Beginning in 2010 we saw a policy change by the Interior Ministry. We discovered that they ad-opted a procedure to stop listing the fathers on the birth certificates," explains attorney Oded Peler of the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI), who is assisting a group of 40 asylum seekers in Jerusalem in their struggle to change the listing. "The claim is that there is no way to check whether the man is indeed the father, and so the listing will be con-ditioned on proof of paternity, which requires a court order and an expensive genetic exam." Att. Peler adds that this procedure is in violation of a High Court advisory ruling on this issue, and is adopted despite the fact that listing someone as the father in no way changes their status in Israel.C., an asylum seeker from Eritrea, tells how an Interior Ministry clerk humiliated him when he came to remedy the listing issue. "I told them to go ask my wife who the father is," he remembers, "the director told me: if you want to be listed as the baby's father - go back to your homeland. We don't know if you are or are not the father."

    On the birth certificate of children of refugees in Israel there is only one empty box: the fathers name As opposed to Israeli fathers who are easily recognized as fathers of their children, the refugees are forced to undergo an expensive paternity test They told me: If you want to have your baby listed in your name, go back to your homeland says C., a refugee from Eritrea. We dont know if youre the father or not.

    Hila Aloni, Konneh Vayabatee and Ousmane A. Sackor

    Photograph by Tommy Harpaz

    "They just don't believe that I have children"The refusal of the authorities to grant the asylum seekers a document attesting to the identity of the fa-ther has far-ranging consequences for the day-to-day lives of the refugees. "When I went to pay my Arnona (property tax) I said that I have two children, and so I can't pay the amount they wanted," says C. "I brought the documents, but because I'm not listed on the cer-tificates, they just didn't believe that I have two chil-dren - they didn't give me the discount." In case of a conflict between spouses, this policy also has severe implications. Asylum seekers say that they fear that in the case of a break-up, the mother will decide to take the children and they will lose all their rights.Ironically, the Interior Ministry's refusal to list the father's name makes it difficult for asylum seek-ers to leave the country. "My brother lives in Canada and he is recognized as a refugee there," says P. "He tried to get a visa for us so we could move there, and he asked that I send him all my documents. Things stalled when he saw that it doesn't say that I'm the father on my daughter's certificates. I have no way of proving that they are related to me."

    The newborn child is not only denied an official father's name. They are also denied the correct family name. This is because the hospitals and the Interior Ministry refuse to write the father's family name. Be-yond this gross violation of the parents' rights to choose their children's names, this hurts the tra-ditional lifeways of the asylum seeker community. In the Eritrean community, for instance, it is cus-tomary that the child's family name be the father's first name. Only in cases of children born out of wedlock does the baby get his mother's family's name. In practice, Interior Ministry procedures cast an illusory mark of disgrace on entire families."My daughter's family name is my wife's name, they didn't write a single thing about me," says C. "In our culture, it is forbidden that the child's name go according to the woman's. It hurts family life.""Pay - or we won't release your wife"The father's name is not the only trouble that asylum seekers confront in the delivery room. Many refugees tell how hospitals threaten them that if they don't pay before the delivery, they won't receive treatment and they won't be given a birth certificate. This is a gross

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    Children of Eritrean refugees

  • 6 7

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    CHILDREN WITHOUT A FATHER

    "When my eldest daughter was born here in Israel, they didn't list me as her father, so with the second birth I insisted. I told them: 'My wife and I have a mar-riage certificate. She confirms that the baby is mine - so please list me as the father and I will pay the bill.'" But for P., an asylum seeker from Eritrea, his insistence didn't help: the "father's name" box on his second daughter's marriage certificate was also left blank.No Israeli couple has any problems when they come to the delivery room on the happiest day of their lives. Even couples that are not married can declare that the man is the father of their newborn baby - he will be immediately listed as the father on the birth certificate. But P. and thousands of other refugees who have started families in Israel are de-nied their most basic right: the right to be listed as the fathers of their children.The bureaucratic hurdles that asylum seeker fathers face starts on the day they leave the hospital, when the clerks refuse to fill the box labeled "father's name" on the baby's birth certificate. The refugees are told that they can challenge the decision if they take a paternity test which proves that the man is indeed the baby's father - an expensive exam far be-yond the financial reach of the refugees. In this way, the refugees are forced to undergo a series of humili-ations: the state casts doubt on the father's identity and leaves the child without a legal father."Beginning in 2010 we saw a policy change by the Interior Ministry. We discovered that they ad-opted a procedure to stop listing the fathers on the birth certificates," explains attorney Oded Peler of the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI), who is assisting a group of 40 asylum seekers in Jerusalem in their struggle to change the listing. "The claim is that there is no way to check whether the man is indeed the father, and so the listing will be con-ditioned on proof of paternity, which requires a court order and an expensive genetic exam." Att. Peler adds that this procedure is in violation of a High Court advisory ruling on this issue, and is adopted despite the fact that listing someone as the father in no way changes their status in Israel.C., an asylum seeker from Eritrea, tells how an Interior Ministry clerk humiliated him when he came to remedy the listing issue. "I told them to go ask my wife who the father is," he remembers, "the director told me: if you want to be listed as the baby's father - go back to your homeland. We don't know if you are or are not the father."

    On the birth certificate of children of refugees in Israel there is only one empty box: the fathers name As opposed to Israeli fathers who are easily recognized as fathers of their children, the refugees are forced to undergo an expensive paternity test They told me: If you want to have your baby listed in your name, go back to your homeland says C., a refugee from Eritrea. We dont know if youre the father or not.

    Hila Aloni, Konneh Vayabatee and Ousmane A. Sackor

    Photograph by Tommy Harpaz

    "They just don't believe that I have children"The refusal of the authorities to grant the asylum seekers a document attesting to the identity of the fa-ther has far-ranging consequences for the day-to-day lives of the refugees. "When I went to pay my Arnona (property tax) I said that I have two children, and so I can't pay the amount they wanted," says C. "I brought the documents, but because I'm not listed on the cer-tificates, they just didn't believe that I have two chil-dren - they didn't give me the discount." In case of a conflict between spouses, this policy also has severe implications. Asylum seekers say that they fear that in the case of a break-up, the mother will decide to take the children and they will lose all their rights.Ironically, the Interior Ministry's refusal to list the father's name makes it difficult for asylum seek-ers to leave the country. "My brother lives in Canada and he is recognized as a refugee there," says P. "He tried to get a visa for us so we could move there, and he asked that I send him all my documents. Things stalled when he saw that it doesn't say that I'm the father on my daughter's certificates. I have no way of proving that they are related to me."

    The newborn child is not only denied an official father's name. They are also denied the correct family name. This is because the hospitals and the Interior Ministry refuse to write the father's family name. Be-yond this gross violation of the parents' rights to choose their children's names, this hurts the tra-ditional lifeways of the asylum seeker community. In the Eritrean community, for instance, it is cus-tomary that the child's family name be the father's first name. Only in cases of children born out of wedlock does the baby get his mother's family's name. In practice, Interior Ministry procedures cast an illusory mark of disgrace on entire families."My daughter's family name is my wife's name, they didn't write a single thing about me," says C. "In our culture, it is forbidden that the child's name go according to the woman's. It hurts family life.""Pay - or we won't release your wife"The father's name is not the only trouble that asylum seekers confront in the delivery room. Many refugees tell how hospitals threaten them that if they don't pay before the delivery, they won't receive treatment and they won't be given a birth certificate. This is a gross

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    According to their birth certificate, they have no father.

    Children of Eritrean refugees

  • 9 8

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    uoy ,latipsoh eht morf esaeler ruoy retfA htrib" eht teg ot yrtsiniM roiretnI eht tisiv tsum eht sah tnemucod sihT .tnemucod "etacfiitrec yreviled eht ta detcelloc saw taht noitamrofni.moor

    lacidem a dnamed ot tnatropmi si tI eht morf ybab eht gninrecnoc yrammus ruoy evig uoy nac yaw siht ni ylno :latipsohecnarusni htlaeh etavirp a ybab

    .snoitailimuH fo seireSrehtaf detsilnU

  • 9 8

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    lacidem a dnamed ot tnatropmi si tI eht morf ybab eht gninrecnoc yrammus ruoy evig uoy nac yaw siht ni ylno :latipsohecnarusni htlaeh etavirp a ybab

    .snoitailimuH fo seireSrehtaf detsilnU

  • 10 11

    , ,

    . , , . , . , , , . ,211

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    .

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    . , . , . , , . . ) ( . : , 4 , , , . .

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    (700)

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    ()

    -

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    -

    -

    (Hotline for Migrant Workers in Israel) -

    1000

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    -

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    -

    -

    -

    -

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    ,

    , 700

    . , , , , , . , , . ,2011

    . . RSD Refugee( .)Status Determination , 2,000 , , . . , , .

    . ,

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    . , , , , , , . , ,) ( . , , , . : ,

    .

    No Defense From Ignorance

    With the same arbitrariness with which they were granted group protection, the state of Israel decid-ed this month to deport all 700 asylum seekers from south Sudan while neglecting their right to request and receive refugee status on an individual basis.Until today, asylum seekers from South Sudan received group protection, which was granted because of a lack of financial and practical capacity to conduct individual investigations, explains Sara Robinson, co-ordinator of the campaign for the rights of refugees at Amnesty International Israel. This is a kind of protec-tion usually used by African states, and is mostly not used in other Western countries. A report published by the Knesset Research and Information Center says that Israel never formalized the question of group pro-tection, and that there is no formal procedure defining what group protection means and how the decision to cease protection is made. Consequently, asylum seek-ers from South Sudan were not told why the decision to end their group protection was made following the independence of South Sudan in July 2011, nor were they told where they can go to make an individual pro-tection request as set forth by the formal guidelines of the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, or the UN Refugee Agency).

    But even this option does not comprise an ap-

    Until it was decided to expel them, asylum seekers from South Sudan received protection as a group without having their requests processed on an individual basis - Now they are being sent back to a country racked by danger and death before they even have the opportunity to make an application for asylum on an individual basis

    Lior Birger and Simon Mayer Aguek Dar

    propriate alternative. Individual requests for asy-lum are processed by the Unit for the Refugee Status Determination in the Interior Ministry. A compre-hensive report published by the Hotline for Migrant Workers in Israel last March exposes numerous fun-damental flaws in the ministrys operations, which in practice have made it inaccessible and untrust-worthy. According to the report, for instance, only one request for asylum out of thousands actually resulted in granting refugee status. This is a precipi-tously low figure in relation to what is happening in the Western world. Most of the asylum seekers from South Sudan, as stated above, never got enough time to even submit the individual re-quest before being detained. Those of them who managed to submit the request, were rejected without discussion.

    Mortal DangerIn parallel, and despite the Foreign Ministrys proc-lamations that there is no problem with deporting the asylum seekers to South Sudan, the deteriora-tion of the young African state continues. Internal conflict between different tribes and militias along-side border conflicts with neighboring Sudan have created an acute humanitarian crisis within the

    country. According to estimates by the UN World Food Program, more than half of the population will suffer from hunger and lack of access to drinking water. According to a UN report published in early June 2012, South Sudan already has 200,000 refu-gees from North Sudan within its borders, mostly from the Blue Nile and South Kurdufan areas.Most of the asylum seekers who were voluntarily returned to South Sudan are not working and de-pend on money sent by family members who are still in Israel, says Mali Garber, an African Studies PhD student at the Hebrew University, who trav-eled to South Sudan two months ago to write her doctorate on the topic. Without this help, they would have nothing, because the food distributed by human rights organizations is not reaching all who need it. In addition, because of the war with North Sudan, even the little food that there is is priced beyond peoples ability to buy it. Jina (not her real name), who returned to South Sudan a year ago after having lived in Israel for four years, summarizes the situation: The situation here is very bad. No one has work here, whoever is sick has no medicine, no running water and the hut we live in is expected to collapse when the rain starts. That is a real mortal danger.

    2012 -

    - -

    200,000 -

    -

    -

    -

    -

    -

    -

    -

    4

    - / -

    / / /

    -

    No work, no medicine, no running water. South Sudanese refugee about to be deported

    No protection at all. Sudanese refugee arrested in Tel Aviv last week

    Photographs by Oren Ziv / Activestills

  • 10 11

    , ,

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    . , , , , , , . , ,) ( . , , , . : ,

    .

    No Defense From Ignorance

    With the same arbitrariness with which they were granted group protection, the state of Israel decid-ed this month to deport all 700 asylum seekers from south Sudan while neglecting their right to request and receive refugee status on an individual basis.Until today, asylum seekers from South Sudan received group protection, which was granted because of a lack of financial and practical capacity to conduct individual investigations, explains Sara Robinson, co-ordinator of the campaign for the rights of refugees at Amnesty International Israel. This is a kind of protec-tion usually used by African states, and is mostly not used in other Western countries. A report published by the Knesset Research and Information Center says that Israel never formalized the question of group pro-tection, and that there is no formal procedure defining what group protection means and how the decision to cease protection is made. Consequently, asylum seek-ers from South Sudan were not told why the decision to end their group protection was made following the independence of South Sudan in July 2011, nor were they told where they can go to make an individual pro-tection request as set forth by the formal guidelines of the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, or the UN Refugee Agency).

    But even this option does not comprise an ap-

    Until it was decided to expel them, asylum seekers from South Sudan received protection as a group without having their requests processed on an individual basis - Now they are being sent back to a country racked by danger and death before they even have the opportunity to make an application for asylum on an individual basis

    Lior Birger and Simon Mayer Aguek Dar

    propriate alternative. Individual requests for asy-lum are processed by the Unit for the Refugee Status Determination in the Interior Ministry. A compre-hensive report published by the Hotline for Migrant Workers in Israel last March exposes numerous fun-damental flaws in the ministrys operations, which in practice have made it inaccessible and untrust-worthy. According to the report, for instance, only one request for asylum out of thousands actually resulted in granting refugee status. This is a precipi-tously low figure in relation to what is happening in the Western world. Most of the asylum seekers from South Sudan, as stated above, never got enough time to even submit the individual re-quest before being detained. Those of them who managed to submit the request, were rejected without discussion.

    Mortal DangerIn parallel, and despite the Foreign Ministrys proc-lamations that there is no problem with deporting the asylum seekers to South Sudan, the deteriora-tion of the young African state continues. Internal conflict between different tribes and militias along-side border conflicts with neighboring Sudan have created an acute humanitarian crisis within the

    country. According to estimates by the UN World Food Program, more than half of the population will suffer from hunger and lack of access to drinking water. According to a UN report published in early June 2012, South Sudan already has 200,000 refu-gees from North Sudan within its borders, mostly from the Blue Nile and South Kurdufan areas.Most of the asylum seekers who were voluntarily returned to South Sudan are not working and de-pend on money sent by family members who are still in Israel, says Mali Garber, an African Studies PhD student at the Hebrew University, who trav-eled to South Sudan two months ago to write her doctorate on the topic. Without this help, they would have nothing, because the food distributed by human rights organizations is not reaching all who need it. In addition, because of the war with North Sudan, even the little food that there is is priced beyond peoples ability to buy it. Jina (not her real name), who returned to South Sudan a year ago after having lived in Israel for four years, summarizes the situation: The situation here is very bad. No one has work here, whoever is sick has no medicine, no running water and the hut we live in is expected to collapse when the rain starts. That is a real mortal danger.

    2012 -

    - -

    200,000 -

    -

    -

    -

    -

    -

    -

    -

    4

    - / -

    / / /

    -

    No work, no medicine, no running water. South Sudanese refugee about to be deported

    No protection at all. Sudanese refugee arrested in Tel Aviv last week

    Photographs by Oren Ziv / Activestills

  • 12 131312

    , ,2007 . : . . , , , .

    . . , , . - . , - . - ,

    . , - . . , , . . , . , , . , 7-4 . ,

    , , . . - . . , , ? ?

    .

    2007

    - 33

    -

    -

    -

    - 4-7

    4

    ? ?

    !!

    The first time I ever saw a detention facility from the in-side was on July 2007, when I was placed in the Ketziot detention facility near the Egyptian border. This facility is designated for detaining people who cross the border into Israel illegally. My three brothers and I were placed in a small room: maybe three meters squared, no more, in the women and children's ward. My mother and sis-ter were separated from us upon entrance and were held in a different room. For four and a half months of detention I passed the time working the cleaning shift and anxiously awaiting my freedom, and the unknown.The general atmosphere in the prison was hor-rible. I remember many instances of violence between the prisoners resulting from frustration, anger and uncertainty about the future. In one case one of the de-tained women took her one year old daughter and tried to throw her over the barb wire fence of their wing. The girl was saved at the last minute - but these kinds of incidents, ones of loss of control due to unbearable despair are pretty commonplace. Often some detain-ees would try to escape, even though it was clear to everyone that the chances success and survival were nonexistent.The State of Israel is planning to build an addition-al detention facility very near the Ketziot prison - and thus to perpetrate a great injustice against many people, my family and myself included. Despite all the difficul-ties that the State of Israel heaps on us, over the last few years we have managed to build up a life for ourselves through hard work. All my brothers go to school every day while my parents and I work in order to earn an honest living for our family. There are hundreds more families with a similar story living in this country to-day. Families of honest, law-abiding people who have already experienced being locked behind bars without having committed a single crime, sometimes for a year or more. Now they may be facing the renewed possibil-ity of having their most basic liberties revoked. As op-posed to the first time, a second detention of foreign subjects that have been living in Israel between 4-7 years and are well known to the immigration authori-ties cannot be said to serve any security imperative.

    I have been living in Tel Aviv for four years. I study, I work and I feel in some way a part of Israeli society. Be-cause of this I can also say that I am disappointed by the State of Israel's intentions and from what they imply. The value of human dignity is totally ignored because of the "demographic threat" that we supposedly com-prise for the State of Israel. So before rushing to build more walls, more guard towers and more prison cells, it may be wise to stop for a moment and ask what pur-pose does it serve? Is it really necessary? After all, even "infiltrators" are first and foremost human beings.

    Qusai AlfakiSTOP BEFORE DETAINING

    .2 . . .

    . . . . .

    . . . . 4

    . : . .

    .

    Detention Center Against

    I left my country, Eritrea, because I felt like a prisoner there. I was conscripted into the army and was forced to work for the government in slavery conditions. I suffered abuse and torture because I tried to leave the prison known as Eritrea.After making it through Sudan, Libya and Egypt I arrived in Israel, a state that I quickly realized can also be described as a prison. It has been five years since I became an escaped prisoner here. I am hunted everywhere I dare to step. I came to Israel to ask for protection and security, and instead I found myself a prisoner to a state that calls itself the only democracy in the Middle East.Recently, Eli Yishai said that most Africans are criminals and therefore they must be jailed. Did he forget that our first stop in Israel was through the Saharonim prison facility and that we know very well where he intends to send us?

    We are on conditional release, but the con-ditions we are released under are not very differ-ent from the ones we know so well. Is it a crime to escape genocide and dictatorship? IS it a crime to be an asylum seeker?

    We have no rights. We are no allowed to work. We are confronted with racism both by people who call themselves politicians as well as by the society that the former incite to racism. Bit by bit, we are losing our dig-nity. The government of Israel calls us infiltrators and criminals. We are refugees, we are not criminals. Every three months we must renew a piece of paper that de-fines our lives. We live in the open air jail called Israel, living an endlessly complicated life of poverty.I ask myself: is there really a difference between the streets of Tel Aviv and the prison facility in the Negev desert? The only difference is that the borders of the new prison facility will be better defined by the walls that will be built to surround us. It will put to rest all the confusion created by the government of Is-rael both for its citizens as well as for the international communityand Israels real policy toward the asy-lum seekers will finally become clear as day.

    Kidane IsaacTHE OPEN-AIR JAIL CALLED ISRAEL

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    Eritrean Kidane Isaac, however, wonders if the situation outside of the camp is much better than it would be in

    This month, what is to be the largest detention center in the western world will open in the Negev. Darfur refugee Qusai Alfaki is horrored by the thought of being once again behind bars.

    Photographs by Itay Gefen Imagery: Thomas Leitersdorf Architects

  • 12 131312

    , ,2007 . : . . , , , .

    . . , , . - . , - . - ,

    . , - . . , , . . , . , , . , 7-4 . ,

    , , . . - . . , , ? ?

    .

    2007

    - 33

    -

    -

    -

    - 4-7

    4

    ? ?

    !!

    The first time I ever saw a detention facility from the in-side was on July 2007, when I was placed in the Ketziot detention facility near the Egyptian border. This facility is designated for detaining people who cross the border into Israel illegally. My three brothers and I were placed in a small room: maybe three meters squared, no more, in the women and children's ward. My mother and sis-ter were separated from us upon entrance and were held in a different room. For four and a half months of detention I passed the time working the cleaning shift and anxiously awaiting my freedom, and the unknown.The general atmosphere in the prison was hor-rible. I remember many instances of violence between the prisoners resulting from frustration, anger and uncertainty about the future. In one case one of the de-tained women took her one year old daughter and tried to throw her over the barb wire fence of their wing. The girl was saved at the last minute - but these kinds of incidents, ones of loss of control due to unbearable despair are pretty commonplace. Often some detain-ees would try to escape, even though it was clear to everyone that the chances success and survival were nonexistent.The State of Israel is planning to build an addition-al detention facility very near the Ketziot prison - and thus to perpetrate a great injustice against many people, my family and myself included. Despite all the difficul-ties that the State of Israel heaps on us, over the last few years we have managed to build up a life for ourselves through hard work. All my brothers go to school every day while my parents and I work in order to earn an honest living for our family. There are hundreds more families with a similar story living in this country to-day. Families of honest, law-abiding people who have already experienced being locked behind bars without having committed a single crime, sometimes for a year or more. Now they may be facing the renewed possibil-ity of having their most basic liberties revoked. As op-posed to the first time, a second detention of foreign subjects that have been living in Israel between 4-7 years and are well known to the immigration authori-ties cannot be said to serve any security imperative.

    I have been living in Tel Aviv for four years. I study, I work and I feel in some way a part of Israeli society. Be-cause of this I can also say that I am disappointed by the State of Israel's intentions and from what they imply. The value of human dignity is totally ignored because of the "demographic threat" that we supposedly com-prise for the State of Israel. So before rushing to build more walls, more guard towers and more prison cells, it may be wise to stop for a moment and ask what pur-pose does it serve? Is it really necessary? After all, even "infiltrators" are first and foremost human beings.

    Qusai AlfakiSTOP BEFORE DETAINING

    .2 . . .

    . . . . .

    . . . . 4

    . : . .

    .

    Detention Center Against

    I left my country, Eritrea, because I felt like a prisoner there. I was conscripted into the army and was forced to work for the government in slavery conditions. I suffered abuse and torture because I tried to leave the prison known as Eritrea.After making it through Sudan, Libya and Egypt I arrived in Israel, a state that I quickly realized can also be described as a prison. It has been five years since I became an escaped prisoner here. I am hunted everywhere I dare to step. I came to Israel to ask for protection and security, and instead I found myself a prisoner to a state that calls itself the only democracy in the Middle East.Recently, Eli Yishai said that most Africans are criminals and therefore they must be jailed. Did he forget that our first stop in Israel was through the Saharonim prison facility and that we know very well where he intends to send us?

    We are on conditional release, but the con-ditions we are released under are not very differ-ent from the ones we know so well. Is it a crime to escape genocide and dictatorship? IS it a crime to be an asylum seeker?

    We have no rights. We are no allowed to work. We are confronted with racism both by people who call themselves politicians as well as by the society that the former incite to racism. Bit by bit, we are losing our dig-nity. The government of Israel calls us infiltrators and criminals. We are refugees, we are not criminals. Every three months we must renew a piece of paper that de-fines our lives. We live in the open air jail called Israel, living an endlessly complicated life of poverty.I ask myself: is there really a difference between the streets of Tel Aviv and the prison facility in the Negev desert? The only difference is that the borders of the new prison facility will be better defined by the walls that will be built to surround us. It will put to rest all the confusion created by the government of Is-rael both for its citizens as well as for the international communityand Israels real policy toward the asy-lum seekers will finally become clear as day.

    Kidane IsaacTHE OPEN-AIR JAIL CALLED ISRAEL

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