Voyages, Migration and the Maritime Silk Roadhistweb.hkbu.edu.hk/project_web/vmmsr/pdf/program.pdf · HKBU Jao Tsung-I Academy of Sinology – Amway Development Fund 贊助單位：

Voyages, Migration and the Maritime Silk Road:

An International Symposium on China’s Role in Global History

航行、遷移及海上絲綢之路：

中國在全球史上的角色國際研討會

Hong Kong Session: Dec 7-8, 2015

Hong Kong Baptist University

香港部分：二零一五年十二月七日至八日

香港浸會大學

Guangzhou Session: Dec 10-11, 2015

Guangdong University of Foreign Studies

廣州部分：二零一五年十二月十日至十一日

廣東外語外貿大學

會議手冊（香港部分）

Progamme (Hong Kong Session)

Organizers: Hong Kong Baptist University (HKBU)

Department of History

Advanced Institute for Contemporary China Studies

Jao Tsung-I Academy of Sinology

Guangdong University of Foreign Studies (GDUFS)

Zheng He Society of New York (ZHSNY)

主辦機構：香港浸會大學──歷史系、當代中國研究所、饒宗頤國學院


紐約鄭和學會

Sponsors: Office of the President and Vice-Chancellor, HKBU

HKBU Jao Tsung-I Academy of Sinology – Amway Development Fund

贊助單位：香港浸會大學校長辦公室

香港浸會大學饒宗頤國學院 – Amway Development Fund

Co-sponsors: Chinese Cheng Ho Society

International Zheng He Society

Mr. Simon Suen and Mrs. Mary Suen Sino-Humanitas Institute

聯合贊助單位：台灣中華鄭和學會

國際鄭和學會

香港浸會大學孫少文伉儷人文中國研究所

Contents 目錄

Conference Schedule P. 1-7

會議日程

Presentation Procedures P. 8

宣讀程序

Conference Venues P. 9-10

會議地點

Dining Venues P. 9-10

用膳地點

Transport Information P. 11-12

交通資訊

Abstracts P. 13-36

論文摘要

Papers to be presented at the Guangzhou Session P. 37

廣州會議論文

List of Participants P. 38-40

與會者名單

Organizing Committee P. 41

籌備委員會

Working Committee P. 42

工作委員會

1

Conference Schedule 會議日程

Dec 7, 2015

8:45 am – 9:10 am Registration 註冊

9:15 am – 9:40 am Opening Ceremony and Photo Taking 開幕典禮暨合照

Council Chamber, Room 501, Shaw Tower 逸夫行政樓 501 室

Officiating Guests 主禮嘉賓

☆ Professor Roland T. CHIN 錢大康教授

President and Vice-Chancellor, Hong Kong Baptist University

香港浸會大學校長

☆ Professor Adrian J. BAILEY 貝力行教授

Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences, Hong Kong Baptist University

香港浸會大學社會科學院院長

☆ Professor Yue-him TAM 譚汝謙教授

Professor, Department of History, Macalester College /

Former Daniel and Kitty Tse Visiting Professor,


默士達大學歷史系教授 /

前香港浸會大學謝志偉博士伉儷客座教授

☆ Professor Clara Wing-chung HO 劉詠聰教授

Head, Department of History, Hong Kong Baptist University

香港浸會大學歷史系系主任

☆ Professor Ricardo King-sang MAK 麥勁生教授

Director, Advanced Institute for Contemporary China Studies,


香港浸會大學當代中國研究所所長

☆ Professor CHEN Zhi 陳致教授

Director, Jao Tsung-I Academy of Sinology,


香港浸會大學饒宗頤國學院院長

☆ Professor CHEN Duoyou 陳多友教授

Dean, The Faculty of Asian Languages and Cultures,


廣東外語外貿大學東方語言學院院長

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☆ Ms. Sulia CHAN 林翠玉女士

President, Zheng He Society of New York

紐約鄭和學會會長

☆ Dr. TAN Ta Sen 陳達生博士

President, International Zheng He Society

國際鄭和學會會長

☆ Professor Jeff Chin-yi LAI 賴進義教授

President, Chinese Cheng Ho Society

中華鄭和學會會長

9:40 am – 12:00 pm Keynote Session 主題演講

Council Chamber, Room 501, Shaw Tower 逸夫行政樓 501 室

Chair: Clara Wing-chung HO (Hong Kong Baptist University)

主持人：劉詠聰（香港浸會大學）

Valerie HANSEN 韓森（Yale University 耶魯大學）

The World in the Year 1000: The View from Beijing

CHEN Kuo-tung 陳國棟（Academia Sinica 中央研究院）

明清時代（15－18 世紀）中國航海家的優勢條件

HANEDA Masashi 羽田正（The University of Tokyo 東京大學）

World/Global History and the Positionality of Historians

12:15 pm – 2:00 pm Lunch 午膳

Staff Cafeteria, 4/F., Sir Run Run Shaw Building 邵逸夫大樓四樓教職員餐廳

2:00 pm – 3:45 pm Panel 1 Early China and the World 早期中國與世界

Room 109, The Wing Lung Bank Building for Business Studies 永隆銀行商學大樓 109 室

Chair: FAN Ka Wai (City University of Hong Kong)

主持人：范家偉（香港城市大學）

☆ The Emergence of Organized Water Transport in Early China: Its

Social and Geographical Contexts

LEI Chinhau 雷晉豪（Hong Kong Baptist University

香港浸會大學）

☆ Ancient Jade and Glass: Cultural Interactions Throughout the

South China Sea

LI Kin Sum Sammy 李建深（Hong Kong Baptist University


3

☆ Ancient Chinese Rock Writings Confirm Early Trans-pacific

Interaction

John RUSKAMP (Epigraphic Research)

(to be read by Thomas MARLING, Hong Kong Baptist University)

☆ 《山海經》藏有最古老的世界地圖

Steven LU 盧鳴（C S Global）

Discussant: LAM Weng Cheong (The Chinese University of Hong

Kong)

評論員：林永昌（香港中文大學）

2:00 pm – 3:45 pm Panel 2 Geographical Explorations 地理探索

Room 702, Shaw Tower 逸夫行政樓 702 室

Chair: Wicky Wai-kit TSE (The Hong Kong Polytechnic University)

主持人：謝偉傑（香港理工大學）

☆ Did Ancient Chinese Explore America?

Charlotte REES (Researcher)

☆ Chinese Impetus of European Exploration

Chao CHIEN 錢肇昌（Diogenes Research）

☆ 張德彝和李圭──最早環遊地球一周的中國人

DING Jie 丁潔（Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學）

☆ 從牛津明末閩南航海圖看中日近代命運

ZHOU Yunzhong 周運中（Xiamen University 廈門大學）

Discussant: Michael HOECKELMANN (Hong Kong Baptist

University)

評論員：何彌夏（香港浸會大學）

3:45 pm – 4:05 pm Tea Break 茶點


4:05 pm – 5:50 pm Panel 3 Zheng He’s Voyages and Their Global Impact

鄭和下西洋及其全球性影響


Chair: LEE Kam-keung (Hong Kong Baptist University)

主持人：李金強（香港浸會大學）

4

☆ 中日學者眼中的“鄭和下西洋”──以中國知網和日本 CiNii

上登載的論文為分析對象

ZHANG Zhigang 張志剛（Guangdong University of Foreign

Studies 廣東外語外貿大學）

☆ Did Zheng He Voyages Confront the Scourge of Scurvy? Myths

and Controversies

CHWANG Leh-chii 章樂綺（Chinese Dietetic Society

中華膳食營養學會）

☆ From Zheng He’s Voyages to the Princess Taiping

Sulia CHAN 林翠玉（Zheng He Society of New York

紐約鄭和學會）

Discussant: TAM Ka-chai (Hong Kong Baptist University)

評論員：譚家齊（香港浸會大學）

6:45 pm Dinner 晚宴

Serenade Chinese Restaurant, Hong Kong Cultural Centre, Tsim Sha Tsui

尖沙咀香港文化中心映月樓

Dec 8, 2015

9:00 am – 10:45 am Panel 4 Migration and the Chinese Diasporas

移民及海外華人群體


Chair: Loretta E. KIM (The University of Hong Kong)

主持人：金由美（香港大學）

☆ Contextualising “Chinese Diaspora Studies:” A Global Perspective

on New Mobilities

Pal NYIRI 尼日（University of Amsterdam 阿姆斯特丹大學）

☆ The Diasporization of Ming Migrants: Rethinking the History of

the Early Chinese Settlement in Southeast Asia during the

Nationalist Era

LIU Oiyan 廖藹欣（The University of Hong Kong 香港大學）

☆ Spanish Manila: A Trans-Pacific Maritime Enterprise and the First

American Chinatown

Evelyn HU-DEHART 胡其瑜（Brown University 布朗大學）

5

☆ The Soundscape of Cantonese Pacific: Chinatown Theater and

Immigrant Life in the Early Twentieth Century

NG Wing Chung 伍榮仲（The University of Texas at San Antonio

德薩斯州大學聖安東尼奧校區）

Discussant: Guillermo RUIZ-STOVEL (University of California,

Los Angeles)

評論員：麥莫（加州大學洛杉磯分校）

10:45 am – 11:05 am Tea Break 茶點


11:05 am – 12:50 pm Panel 5 China and the World (I) 中國與世界（I）


Chair: David SCHLEY (Hong Kong Baptist University)

主持人：帥德威（香港浸會大學）

☆ Revisiting the Chinese Pirates in the Ming Dynasty: From Global

Perspective

Michael Wing-hin KAM 甘穎軒（Hong Kong Baptist University


☆ Smuggling and Legal Pluralism on the China Coast: The Rise and

Demise of the Joint Investigation Rules, 1864-1934

Philip THAI 蔡駿治（Northeastern University 東北大學）

☆ Beyond Tariffs and Duties: The Chinese Maritime Customs

Service and Its Representations of China’s Maritime World c.

1860-1949

Donna BRUNERO 游瑭娜（National University of Singapore

國立新加坡大學）

☆ The Road Getting in All under Heaven Cosmology: The Zhaozhou

Bazi Society in West Yunnan

MA Jianxiong 馬健雄（The Hong Kong University of Science

and Technology 香港科技大學）

Discussant: Catherine LADDS (Hong Kong Baptist University)

評論員：李嘉鈴（香港浸會大學）

6

12:50 pm – 2:05 pm Lunch 午膳

Madam Kwok Chung Bo Fun Sports and Cultural Centre 郭鍾寶芬女士康體文娛中心

2:10 pm – 3:55 pm Panel 6 The Maritime Silk Road and China’s Maritime Power

海上絲綢之路及中國海洋勢力

Room 702, Shaw Tower 逸夫行政樓 702 室

Chair: LU Weijing (University of California, San Diego/ Hong Kong

Baptist University)

主持人：盧葦菁（加州大學聖地牙哥校區 / 香港浸會大學）

☆ 越南與海上絲綢之路及中國對外關係

HAN Xiaorong 韓孝榮（Lingnan University 嶺南大學）

☆ 廣州十三行與海上絲綢之路

LIN Yanying 林彥櫻（Guangdong University of Foreign Studies

廣東外語外貿大學）

☆ 從海權本質看 21 世紀海上絲綢之路

LIN Ying Yu 林穎佑（St. John’s University 聖約翰科技大學）

☆ Rise and Fall of China’s Maritime Power, 960-1460

Kent DENG 鄧鋼（The London School of Economics and

Political Science 倫敦政治經濟學院）

Discussant: KWOK Kam-chau (Hong Kong Baptist University)

評論員：郭錦洲（香港浸會大學）

2:10 pm – 3:55 pm Panel 7 China and the World (II) 中國與世界（II）


Chair: Ricardo King-sang MAK (Hong Kong Baptist University)

主持人：麥勁生（香港浸會大學）

☆ A Port City in Northeast China: Dengzhou in the Long Eighteenth

Century

Ronald Chung-yam PO 布琮任（McGill University 麥基爾大學）

☆ International Law and China’s Entry into the ‘Family of Nations’:

The Question of Forced Migration and Refugees, 1860-1930

Glen PETERSON（University of British Columbia

英屬哥倫比亞大學）

☆ 香港的亞洲網絡──日本如何通過香港吸收西洋文明

LEE Pui Tak 李培德（The Chinese University of Hong Kong

7

香港中文大學）

☆ At the Edge of Two Worlds: The Portuguese Diaspora in British

Hong Kong

Catherine S. CHAN 陳家怡（Hong Kong Baptist University


Discussant: LI Ji (The University of Hong Kong)

評論員：李紀（香港大學）

3:55 pm – 4:15 pm Tea Break 茶點


4:15 pm – 6:10 pm Panel 8 China and the World (III) cum Closing Discussion

中國與世界（III）暨閉幕討論


Chair: TAM Yue-him (Macalester College)

主持人：譚汝謙（默士達大學）

☆ 十五、十六世紀印度洋海事資料及伊斯蘭航海儀器蠡談

Kam-wing FUNG 馮錦榮（The University of Hong Kong

香港大學）

☆ Work and Technology Transfer in China’s History of Development

Cooperation in Africa

Jamie MONSON 孟潔梅（Michigan State University

密西根州立大學）

☆ 近代日本從“攘夷”到“開化”之思維轉換中的中國因素

DING Guoqi 丁國旗（Guangdong University of Foreign Studies

廣東外語外貿大學）

☆ 萬國公法的翻譯對日本近代化的影響

CHEN Duoyou 陳多友（Guangdong University of Foreign

Studies 廣東外語外貿大學）

Discussant: Raymond Kwun-sun LAU (Hong Kong Baptist University)

評論員：劉冠燊（香港浸會大學）

6:45 pm Dinner 晚宴

Regal Terrace, Regal Riverside Hotel, Shatin 沙田麗豪酒店富豪坊

8

Presentation Procedures 宣讀程序

1. Introduction by the Panel Chair (up to 3 minutes)

2. Paper presentations (up to 18 minutes per paper)

3. Responses by Discussants (up to 10 minutes per panel)

4. Floor discussion (Please collect all questions before asking presenters to respond)

For panels of 4 papers: up to 15 minutes

For panels of 3 papers: up to 33 minutes

5. Concluding remarks by the Panel Chair (up to 5 minutes)

1. 主持人開場引言（不超過 3 分鐘）

2. 講者發言（每篇論文約 18 分鐘）

3. 評論人回應（每組不超過 10 分鐘）

4. 台下發言及講者回應（請先收集所有問題，再請講者綜合回應）

四文組別：不超過 15 分鐘

三文組別：不超過 33 分鐘

5. 主持人總結發言（不超過 5 分鐘）

Questions will not be invited from the floor during the Keynote Session.

主題演講部分不設台下發言時間。

Conference papers can be downloaded from the Conference Website

(http://histweb.hkbu.edu.hk/project_web/vmmsr/papers.html). No hard copies will be

distributed at the venues.

會議論文可在會議網站（http://histweb.hkbu.edu.hk/project_web/vmmsr/papers.html）

下載。會場內不會派發打印本。

9

Conference Venues 會議地點

Council Chamber, Room 501, Shaw Tower, Shaw Campus

Room 702, Shaw Tower, Shaw Campus

Room 109, The Wing Lung Bank Building for Business Studies, Shaw Campus

Enquires: 3411 7400 (Main Exchange), 3411 7777 (Security), 3411 7107 & 3411 2458 (History

Department), 3411 2186 (Advanced Institute for Contemporary China Studies), 3411 6655

(HKBU Jao Tsung-I Academy of Sinology), 3411 2562 (Mr. Simon Suen and Mrs. Mary Suen

Sino-Humanitas Institute)

逸夫校園逸夫行政樓 501 室

逸夫校園逸夫行政樓 702 室

逸夫校園永隆銀行商學大樓 109 室

查詢：3411 7400（總機）；3411 7777（校園保安）；3411 7107 & 3411 2458（歷史系）；3411

2186（當代中國研究所）；3411 6655（饒宗頤國學院）；3411 2562（孫少文伉儷人文中國研

究所）

Dining Venues 用膳地點

Lunch, Dec 7 Staff Cafeteria, 4/F, Sir Run Run Shaw Building, HKBU

Dinner, Dec 7 Serenade Chinese Restaurant, Hong Kong Cultural Centre, Tsim Sha Tsui

(HKBU to Tsim Sha Tsui transport provided)

Lunch, Dec 8 Multi-purpose Hall, Level 2, Madam Kwok Chung Bo Fun Sports and

Cultural Centre, HKBU

Dinner, Dec 8 Regal Terrace, Regal Riverside Hotel, Shatin (HKBU to Shatin transport

provided)

12 月 7 日午膳浸會大學浸會大學校職員餐廳（浸大善衡校園邵逸夫大樓四樓）

12 月 7 日晚宴尖沙咀香港文化中心映月樓（已備有專車由浸大接送學者到尖沙咀）

12 月 8 日午膳浸會大學郭鍾寶芬女士康體文娛中心二樓劉佐德伉儷多用途會堂

12 月 8 日晚宴沙田麗豪酒店富豪坊（已備有專車由浸大接送學者到沙田）

10

11

Transport Information 交通資訊

HKBU – Regal Riverside Hotel

往來香港浸會大學及麗豪酒店

Lobby pick-up to conference venues on Dec 7 and Dec 8

Time: 7:50 am

Meeting point: Hotel Lobby

People in-charge:

- Mr Kelvin Yu-hin HO (Cell phone number available on the Notice sent to overseas

scholars)

- Miss Yat-law AL (Cell phone number available on the Notice sent to overseas scholars)

Participants may also take Bus route 85A from the Regal Riverside Hotel to Hong Kong Baptist

University (get off at the Kam Shing Road Station).

12 月 7、8 日大堂接待學者到會場安排

集合時間：早上 7 時 50 分

集合地點：酒店大堂

負責人：

- 何宇軒先生（手機號碼備註在給海外學者的通告上）

- 歐佾旯小姐（手機號碼備註在給海外學者的通告上）

與會者亦可乘搭 85A 巴士路線，直接由沙田麗豪酒店到香港浸會大學（請於金城道巴士站下車）。

Urban – Regal Riverside Hotel

往來市區及麗豪酒店

From the Regal Riverside Hotel to the Shatin MTR Station:

Bus routes 49X, 86K, 89X, 284, 288

From the Shatin MTR Station to other parts of HK:

See the MTR System Map on the following page.

由沙田麗豪酒店至沙田港鐵站的巴士路線：49X、86K、89X、284、288；

由沙田港鐵站至香港其他地方：見下頁港鐵路綫圖。

12

13

Abstracts 論文摘要

Keynote Session 主題演講

The World in the Year 1000: The View from Beijing

Valerie HANSEN 韓森

Yale University 耶魯大學

In or around the year 1000, many events occurred that reflect how different regions came into contact

with each other for the first time. Note, for example,

Scandinavians living in Greenland close to the year 1000 built a soon abandoned boat repair station

at L’Anse aux Meadows, Newfoundland, Canada, and probably settled in other places on the North

American east coast as well;

In what is now the American Southwest, the people of Chaco Canyon, New Mexico, feasted on

tropical chocolate, while the lords of Chichen Itza on the Yucatan peninsula wore New Mexican

turquoise—yet never knew the Huari lords of the central Andes;

Most of northern and eastern Europe converted in and around the year 1000 to Christianity, as

illustrated by the coronation of King Istvan (Stephen) of Hungary with a crown sent by the pope in

1001, the decision of the Icelandic Althing to adopt the new religion in 999 or 1000, and the meeting

of Emperor Otto III and Duke Boleslaw the Brave of Poland in 1000;

The Empire of Ghana in western Africa converted to Islam;

Islamic rulers conquered the western edge of modern China and the north of India as far as Delhi;

and

The Song dynasty of China concluded a treaty with the non-Chinese Liao dynasty in the north that

encouraged the Song to trade with Southeast Asia and the Liao with Central Asia and north Asia all

the way to the Black and Baltic Seas.

My presentation focuses on interactions among three of the world’s regions at that time: the territory

under direct and indirect control of the Liao dynasty, the Islamic world (no longer unified under the

Abbasids), and the realm of the Vikings, which expanded from its base in Scandinavia first to Iceland,

then Greenland, and finally modern Canada.

How do we determine the borders of the Liao dynasty? Although traditional Chinese historians

14

focused on the sixteen prefectures around modern-day Beijing, then called Nanjing (“Southern

Capital”), but the five capitals, visited by the emperor and his Kitan court, defined the Liao heartland.

There was a bigger Liao world, though, that extended to the north and the west of this core. To define

this world, we must draw on both documents and archaeological finds. There are some

Kitan-small-script materials, which are of limited utility. Archaeological materials and paintings,

whether from museums or on tomb walls, are particularly informative. Chinese sources, whether

preserved in the Liaoshi 遼史 or other Song-dynasty materials, offer additional help, especially the

Liaoshi records of gift-giving by envoys.

Following the signing of the treaty of Chanyuan, the Liao dynasty, which included the modern city of

Beijing, continued to trade with different polities in Central Asia, Siberia, and Manchuria, as the

Liaoshi reveals. Because of the on-going payments from the Song, the Liao had large quantities of

both silver and silk to spend.

The Liao maintained gift exchanges with Song China, Goreyo Korea, Japan, regional rulers in Central

Asia including the Karakhanids, and they tried to establish relations with the Ghaznavids, who were

based in Afghanistan.

The Islamic world extended into the modern territory of the People’s Republic for the first time, when

Khotan fell to the armies of Karakhanids. The Kitan rulers subsequently established relations and

exchanged brides with the Karakhanids, who were Muslim, but not with the Ghaznavids in modern

Afghanistan, who refused the Liao Emperor Shengzong’s offer to establish relations in 1026. We learn

about this failed initiative from the Arabic-language history of al-Marwazi (1050-1120), who recorded

the gifts presented by the Liao as well as the correspondence between Shengzong and Mahmud, the

ruler of the Ghaznavids (translated by V. Minorsky, Sharaf al-Zamān Tāhir: Marvazī on China, the

Turks, and India (London: the Royal Asiatic Society, 1942). al-Marwazi also noted that the main

goods exported by the Islamic world to the Chinese (and presumably the Kitan) included: “ivory,

frankincense, genuine Slavonic amber,” and khutu, a loan word into Arabic from Kitan meaning

“walrus tusk.”

Goods excavated from Liao-dynasty tombs and their pagoda storehouses testify to their deep ties with

the Islamic world. This talk highlights the undisturbed tomb of the Princess of Chen 陳國公主, buried

in 1018, that contains much jewelry crafted from amber from the Baltic (just as al-Marwazi reports;

see the excellent research by Xu Xiaodong, “Multi-Cultural Characteristics of Liao Amber and the

Source of Raw Material: Amber from the Tomb of Princess Chen and her Honsort,” in: Aleksander

Palavestra et al (ed.) Amber in Archaeology: Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference on

15

Amber in Archaeology (Belgrade: National Museum, 2009) 238-249, especially 242-243,), a brass

plate from Nishapur, Iran; a glass bottle from Syria or Egypt; among other objects. (See Nei Menggu

Zizhiqu wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, Zhelimumeng bowuguan 內蒙古自治區文物考古研究所、哲里木

盟博物館 , Liao Chenguo gongzhu mu 遼陳國公主墓 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1993);

Hsueh-man Shen (ed.), Gilded Splendor: Treasures of China’s Liao Empire, 907-1125 (New York:

Asia Society, 2006).

The Northern Pagoda (beita 北塔) in Chaoyang, Inner Mongolia, had two sealed chambers. Although

the lower one was robbed, the upper one was not, and Chinese archaeologists published the results in

2007. It also contains beautiful glasswork as well as a splendid model of a house 1 m tall made from

pearls and other rare gems. Liaoning sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiu suo and Chaoyang shi beita

bowuguan 遼寧省文物考古研究所、朝陽市北塔博物館, eds, Chaoyang Beita: Kaogu fajue yu

weixiu gongcheng baogao 朝陽北塔：考古發掘與維修工程報告 (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2007),

plate 48. See also Youn-mi Kim, “Eternal Ritual in an infinite Cosmos: the Chaoyang north pagoda

(1043-1044),” PhD dissertation Harvard University, 2010.)

The final archaeological site considered here is the Xuanhua tombs, particularly one painting from the

tomb of Han Shixun 韓師訓 at Xiabali, Xuanhua, dating to 1111. (See Li Qingquan 李清泉, Xuanhua

liaomu: Muzang yishu yu Liaodai shehui 宣化遼墓：墓葬藝術與遼代社會 (The Liao-dynasty tombs

of Xuanhua: tomb art and Liao-era society) (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2008)).This is particularly

interesting because it shows a scene in which the female servants display the household’s treasures to a

male visitor (could he be an envoy?). These include an agate ball, a silver ingot, rhinoceros horn, an

oversize Chinese coin made from jade (?), coral, and a piece of gold leaf. The tomb did not necessarily

contain these goods (because it was disturbed when archaeologists reached it, we cannot know for

certain), but this painting shows the Han family – most likely a family living on the southern edge of

Liao territory who mixed both Kitan and Chinese customs. (See Pamela Crossley, “Outside In: Power,

Identity, and the Han Lineage of Jizhou,” Journal of Song-Yuan Studies 43 (2013): 51-89.) Most likely

the Han family knew about these various goods, which the Princess of Chen tomb shows that the royal

family possessed, and desired them for their own use in the afterlife. In this sense, then, the larger

world of circulating gifts from distant places percolated down to lower social strata – not the poorest

of the Liao society but certainly the well-off who could afford the painted tombs of Xuanhua in Hebei.

The paper closes speculatively: given that the Liao realm was connected to the Islamic world, and the

Islamic world to the Viking territory (as we know from thousands of Islamic coins found in

Scandinavia), could a precious commodity from Canada have traveled all the way to one of the Liao

capitals? What might it have been?

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明清時代（15－18 世紀）中國航海家的優勢條件

CHEN Kuo-tung 陳國棟

Academia Sinica 中央研究院

此一簡短的演講擬包括以下要點：

1. 明以前已前進西部印度洋

2. 亞洲航海家合作區域分工

3. 近海航行與深入大洋並行

4. 兼用多種航海與助航設計

5. 中國船舶的適海性（略）

6. 華人特質與共構殖民制度

7. 中國語言與文字的便利性

8. 亞洲航海世界的文化交流

9. 政府縮手與海洋發展停滯

鄭和下西洋結束以後，自中國出發南下的船舶往西航行，止於麻六甲海峽，不再進入印度洋。

有人說這是中國人海上發展的停滯或倒退，其實不然。又有人說鄭和下西洋，在印度洋的部分，

用的是阿拉伯航海術，而非中國航海術。使用阿拉伯航海術！那麼，是中國航海術不行嗎？也

不盡然。本講的用意即在說明明清時代中國航海家的航海作為有其必要的考量，也有其特殊的

優點，因此能在東亞與東南亞海域蓬勃發展，而這並不是一朝一日形成，乃係長期發展的結果。

華人海外發展開始亦早，但在 16 世紀以後才日益加速。這當中除了華人海外貿易發達有以致之

之外，也與歐洲人在亞洲發展其商業與殖民的活動有關。華人勤奮聰穎，有助於歐洲人的經營

與統治，與歐洲人形成特定的合作關係。無論如何，在 16-18 世紀時，東亞及東南亞到處有華

人，華文華語因此成為便利的跨民族溝通工具。在工業革命從英國向外推展以前，華人其實擁

有相當程度的海上優勢。不過，明初以後中國政府從航海與海外發展的領域縮手，不利於華人

與其他人群競爭，並且也失去以國家力量發展航海知識的機會，因此在國際競爭中中國航海家

逐漸失去其優勢條件。

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World/Global History and the Positionality of Historians

HANENDA Masashi 羽田正

The University of Tokyo 東京大學

In this presentation, I will discuss on the following four points.

1. Various views and understandings in the contemporary world on the history of the world and the

reason of this variety.

2. Meaning of “world history” and “global history” in different languages.

3. Global history as a methodology and its important role in the contemporary world

4. Positionality of historians working in the field of new world history/global history

Panel 1 Early China and the World 早期中國與世界

The Emergence of Organized Water Transport in Early China:

Its Social and Geographical Contexts

LEI Chinhau 雷晉豪

Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

The basic assumption of this research is that organized forms of inland water transport in early China

paved the way for the development of maritime activities in Chinese history. However, in researching

the origin of organized water transport in early China, previous scholarship failed to represent the huge

diversity in the social and geographical contexts in which water transport took place, thus coming up

with an overgeneralized image in the development of water-based transport in Chinese history.

The purpose of this research is to analyze historically the social and geographical contexts in which

water transport took place in early China. By analyzing the records pertaining to water transport in

oracle bones, bronze inscriptions, classical texts, regional historical texts, as well as archaeological

sources and visual depictions of water transport in bronze art, it demonstrates that water transport was

limited to ceremonial, river-crossing, and entertainment purposes in North China during the Shang and

the Western Zhou periods. It was the States of Chu, Wu, and Yue in the south that exploited in multiple

ways the potentials of water transport militarily during the late Spring and Autumn period. With the

intensification of military competitions between the north and the south, canals were constructed to

improve the geographical coverage of watercourses in China, resulting in the development of water

transport on a sophisticated scale and the emergence of sea routes in Chinese history.

It is argued that the recognition of the huge disparity in the roles played by water transport respectively

in the North and the South during the founding stage of Chinese civilization may not only clarify the

origin of maritime transport in Chinese history but also help explain the ambivalent attitudes toward

maritime activities adopted by the largely land-based Chinese empires in the subsequent eras.

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Ancient Jade and Glass: Cultural Interactions Throughout the South China Sea

LI Kin Sum Sammy 李建深


Understanding the activities of cultural exchanges between 2000 BC and AD 100 throughout the South

China Sea will lay the foundation for the study of the history of the maritime Silk Road. Recent

research demonstrates that jade forked blades/yazhang 牙璋 were produced around 2000 BC in

northern China and were gradually distributed to the south, including the areas of Guangdong, Fujian,

Hong Kong, and northern Vietnam. People living in the Philippines, East Malaysia, central and

southern Vietnam, eastern Cambodia, and peninsular Thailand were importing nephrites from Taiwan

from 500 BC to AD 500. These activities show that the South China Sea played an important role

linking mainland China, Taiwan, and South East Asia in ancient times. Cultural interactions were not

nevertheless, unidirectional: the southern Chinese were importing goods from distant regions as well.

The greater Guangzhou area was one of the most significant areas receiving glass imports from the

Roman empire. The tomb of the King of Nanyue, dating to approximately 122 BC, reveals many

exotic items, including a silver cup from Persia and ivories possibly from Africa. These artifacts

probably reached Guangzhou through the South China Sea. Using modern scientific methods to

examine artifacts will enable us to discover more cultural exchanges that took place through the South

China Sea.

Ancient Chinese Rock Writings Confirm Early Trans-pacific Interaction

John RUSKAMP Epigraphic Research

(to be read by Thomas MARLING, Hong Kong Baptist University)

For centuries, researchers have been debating if, in pre-Columbian times, meaningful exchanges

between the indigenous people of China and the Americas might have taken place. For over 250

years sinologists have written positively on this topic, yet, so far, no conclusive proof has been put

forth establishing such trans-Pacific contact contact as a historical event.

This lecture introduces previously unrecognized ancient rock writing evidence, confirmed as ancient

Chinese scripts by world-renown epigraphers, that in pre-Columbian times multiple intellectual

exchanges took place between Chinese and North American populations. Here is epigraphic proof

that Chinese explorers not only reached the Americas long before the first European voyagers, but that

they interacted positively with Native North American people on multiple occasions over an extended

period of time.

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《山海經》藏有最古老的世界地圖

Steven LU 盧鳴

C S Global

摘要：《山海經》本來是一部有圖有文的著作，但其原始古圖不見端倪至少也有二千年。本論文

分別從《山海經》古圖（即九鼎圖）的歷史研究紀錄、古人對九鼎圖的認識與解讀、作者對九

鼎圖的解讀與發現幾個方面，來論證作者所復原出的九鼎圖就是《山海經》古世界地圖。

《山海經》自古就被認為是一部先有圖後有文字的地理著作。自從西漢史官劉歆將《山海經》

重新校編以來，雖然歷朝歷代都有著名學者對其進行研究，但卻因為《山海經》古圖的遺失而

使得所有研究者們都無法對《山海經》的內容進行完整與系統的解讀。結果，《山海經》這部中

國早期最重要的歷史文獻之一，其內容究竟是在說中國地理還是世界地理始終沒有定論。到了

近代，有人甚至還懷疑它的地理學性質，其中魯迅竟然將《山海經》看成是一本巫書。2012 年，

作者通過對《山海經》內容的解構，發現《山海經》的內容隱藏著一幅古老而神奇的世界地圖。

2013 年，作者首次將傳說已久的《山海經》古圖畫了出來並附錄在同年出版的《上帝的影子—

山海經的真相》（蘆鳴，2013：377）一書中。次年，系統注解《山海經》的新書《山海經探秘》

（蘆鳴，2014）出版，書中將《山海經》裡的 460 座山與 51 個國在當今的世界地圖上找到了相

對應的位置。本論文進一步論證了作者復原的圖形正是失傳已久的《山海經》古圖。

Panel 2 Geographical Explorations 地理探索

Did Ancient Chinese Explore America?

Charlotte REES (Researcher)

A Chinese classic, the Shan Hai Jing, reportedly from 2000 BC claimed travels to the ends of the earth.

However, today many, while accepting the antiquity of this account, believe it was just mythology. But

was it more than that?

In 1953 Chicago attorney Henriette Mertz, comparing descriptions from the eastern journeys of the

Shan Hai Jing Book 4 and topographical world maps, said that those descriptions fit nowhere else on

earth but North America. She charted four trips. However, neither Mertz nor anyone else actually went

to those locations which have very high mountains and wild, dangerous animals.

In early 2003 Charlotte Harris Rees, picked up the research of her late father, Dr. Hendon M. Harris, Jr.

about early Chinese exploration in America. She has now written an abridgment of her father’s work

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plus three other books of her own.

In 1972, Harris, born in Kaifeng, China, to missionary parents and a missionary himself, came across

an ancient Asian world map. Harris recognized that many of the locations on that map were from the

Shan Hai Jing and that it also showed the Americas. Harris eventually wrote The Asiatic Fathers of

America in which he concluded that Chinese reached America very early. In the past few years much

new evidence supported his thesis – including DNA matching exact Native American and Chinese

families.

In 2012, testing Mertz’s hypothesis that the Shan Hai Jing described actual surveys of North America,

Rees completed one alleged Chinese trek of 1100 miles (1800 kilometers). That route is along the

eastern slope of the US Rocky Mountains. The Shan Hai Jing descriptions should have been easy to

disprove.

In Did Ancient Chinese Explore America? My Journey Through the Rocky Mountains to Find Answers

Rees candidly shares her initial doubts then her search and discoveries. She weaves together Chinese

and American archeology and history plus numerous photographs.

Multiple academic studies about the Rocky Mountains leave many unanswered questions. American

archeologists relate that an advanced people went through there around 2000 BC but the archeologists

have no idea who they were. Because she had studied Chinese archeology and because as a child she

lived in Asia (Taiwan and then later in Hong Kong), Rees was able to see the correlation between

those advanced people and Chinese of the same period.

Rees recognized that an unexplained astronomical device there is similar to ones from early China. It

consists of a circle divided into 28 uneven sections. Rock art in that area was previously linked to

similar art from China’s earliest dynasties.

Along the route Rees found that the rivers flow as described – some flow north. She recognizes that

many ancient homes and burial sites were constructed according to principles of feng shui – facing

south and a body of water.

Animals native only to North America, some now extinct, are described in correct habitats. The Shan

Hai Jing describes plants native to China which today unexplainably grow wild there in the Rocky

Mountains.

An expert in petroglyphs found ancient Chinese writing along this route. Among the writing is the

Chinese word tian (field), which is a pictogram of the Chinese method of irrigation farming. That type

of farming, very different from western practices, has been used there by Native Americans since at

least 1200 BC.

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Recently the names of two Shang dynasty kings with very old patina were discovered near the route.

They have been dated by a leading expert in ancient Chinese script to between1200 to 200 BC.

There were probably several early Chinese trips to the Americas. If this part of the Shan Hai Jing is

true, then all of it needs to be re-examined. The Shan Hai Jing claimed travels to the ends of the earth.

Chinese Impetus of European Exploration

Chao CHIEN 錢肇昌

Diogenes Research

That Chinese world geographical knowledge had inspired European explorers to go to sea and ushered

in the Age of Discovery has been proven by evidence preserved in European archives. Here a select

number of the telling documents are presented to show such evidence pointing to a Chinese source of

the inspiration. These few illustrations are insufficient in themselves to “prove” the case per se. The

larger research has been reported in the book The Chinese Origin of the Age of Discovery. They are,

however, delightful in their unlikeliness, especially in how we know Christopher Columbus relied on

such material for his quest. He did not discover America.

中國的世界地理知識，激發了歐洲探險家在大發現時代出海，已經由歐洲檔案中保存的證據確

實證明。這裡選擇幾張檔案，用以顯示這種證據，指出中國靈感的來源。當然，幾張文獻插圖

本身不足以“證明”任何結論，可是整個研究已經在《鄭和下西洋揭秘》一書清楚報告，大家

可以查看。然而，這幾張插圖很巧妙，相信大家會欣賞它，尤其是可以看到克裏斯托弗哥倫布

沒有發現美洲。他是靠這些來自中國的資料出海的。

張德彝和李圭──最早環遊地球一周的中國人

DING Jie 丁潔


1867 年，美國駐華公使蒲安臣（Anson Burlingame）離任歸國，清廷任命他為“辦理各國中外

交涉事務大臣”，於次年率領中國使團出訪美、英、法、德、俄等國。這個“蒲安臣使團”的

隨行者中，有個同文館的學生張德彝。張德彝隨同蒲安臣使團從上海啟程，過日本至美國，經

大西洋到歐洲，在歐洲經歷英、法兩國後因故提前回國，出地中海，過印度洋入南海，整個行

程正好環遊地球一周。張德彝從而成為留下清晰記錄的中國環遊世界第一人。

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1876 年美國獨立一百週年之際，政府當局在費城主辦了一次空前盛大的世界博覽會，與會國有

三十七個。清政府由總稅務司赫德全權選派代表赴會，當時在海關供職的李圭，便成為這個所

謂“中國代表團”唯一的中國工商業代表。李圭隨代表團坐船從上海出發，經日本東渡太平洋

抵美，其後過大西洋，順道遊覽英、法，由地中海、印度洋和南洋歸國，以八個多月的時間，

環遊地球一周。

張德彝和李圭這兩位最早環遊地球一周的人都將他們的旅途遊歷、沿路見聞以文字形式記錄下

來。張德彝一生八次出國，留下詳細的日記，一次輯成《航海述奇》、《再述奇》、《三述奇》直

至《八述奇》，1868 年的這次環遊地球的經歷記錄在他的《三述奇》當中。而李圭則將自己遊

歷美國、環遊世界的經過寫成一本《環遊地球新錄》通過研究比較這二人環遊世界的經過及其

著述，可以了解近代中國人怎樣開始認識世界、了解世界、接觸世界。

從牛津明末閩南航海圖看中日近代命運

ZHOU Yunzhong 周運中

Xiamen University 廈門大學

2008 年，一幅收藏于英國牛津大學包德林圖書館（Bodleian Library）的明末中國閩南海商繪製

的漢文航海圖被美國南喬治亞大學副教授貝瑞葆（Robert Batchelor）重新發現，此圖長 158 釐

米，寬 96 釐米，紙本彩繪，畫出東亞與東南亞的很多重要地名與航線。此圖是英國律師謝爾登

（John Selden，1584-1654）生前收藏，據說是他從英國東印度公司駐爪哇島萬丹的商館人員處

購得。他的東方藏品在 1659 年捐獻給牛津大學，於是此圖入藏牛津大學至今。外國學者一般稱

為謝爾登地圖（The Selden Map），其實謝爾登僅是此圖短暫的收藏者，既不是作者，也沒有研

究，所以筆者稱為明末閩商航海圖。

我們從這幅明末閩南人繪製的中西合璧地圖的來龍去脈，似乎可以隱約看出中日兩國近代命運

的差異。雖然閩南人在當時已經走在亞洲人的前列，但是最終在中國失敗，他們的地圖通過日

本到了歐洲。而日本在同時代融合西方最新技術絲毫不比中國遜色，雖然日本也最終鎖國，但

是他們在明末清初時代融合西學的基礎比中國深厚。我們通常把日本的近代化定在明治維新，

從清末探尋日本興起的原因。其實應該首先比較明末中日兩國的差異，明末中日兩國海洋事業

興衰的差異才是近代中日兩國命運差異的根源。

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Panel 3 Zheng He’s Voyages and Their Global Impact 鄭和下西洋及其全球性影響

中日學者眼中的“鄭和下西洋＂──以中國知網和日本 CiNii 上登載的論文為分析對象

ZHANG Zhigang 張志剛

Guangdong University of Foreign Studies 廣東外語外貿大學

本研究旨在通過分析中國學者和日本學者關於鄭和下西洋的相關論文，探討鄭和下西洋在中國

和日本的不同意義和影響。

研究物件為被中國知網和日本 CiNii 所收錄的近 20 年的學術論文。中國知網和日本 CiNii 分別

代表了中日兩國頂尖的學術論文檢索網站，其所收錄的學術論文具有範圍廣、專業性強、學術

水準高等特點。

分析主要從以下幾個方面進行：

（一）分析論文數量的按時間段的分佈情況。以了解研究的一個總體趨勢。

（二）分析鄭和下西洋對中國、日本經濟發展的影響和意義。

（三）分析鄭和下西洋對中國、日本政治發展的影響和意義。

（四）分析鄭和下西洋對中國、日本文化發展的影響和意義。

（五）分析鄭和下西洋對中國、日本外交政策發展的影響和意義。

（六）分析鄭和下西洋對地理大發現的貢獻和意義

Did Zheng He Voyages Confront the Scourge of Scurvy? Myths and Controversies

CHWANG Leh-chii 章樂綺

Chinese Dietetic Society 中華膳食營養學會

Scurvy is a disease of vitamin C deficiency. Symptoms include bruising, gum bleeding, poor wound

healing and eventually death, if not well treated. It was a common and fatal disease affecting sailors

on long distance voyages during Age of Discovery. This devastating health problem has prevailed

until early 20th century.

Zheng He voyages, during 1405-1433, sailed through South China Sea, the Strait of Malacca, Indian

Ocean and reached Persian Gulf. His fleet had more than 20 thousand crew members. Did they

also suffer from scurvy?

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Provisions of adequate foods are fundamental and crucial for sustaining the long voyage at seas. It is

said that Chinese crew not getting scurvy was due to consumption of bean sprouts, salted vegetables,

dried fruits and tea. However, these foods contain little vitamin C. From a nutritional view point,

logistics preparedness prior to sail and continuous supply of fresh fruits and vegetables along

seashores are the key to prevent and control the scourge of scurvy.

Key Words: Zheng He voyages, scurvy, vitamin C

From Zheng He’s Voyages to the Princess Taiping

Sulia CHAN 林翠玉

Zheng He Society of New York 紐約鄭和學會

一、永懷陳延杭工程師：陳延杭工程師生平與成就簡介。

二、鄭和下西洋 600 週年：鄭和熱潮、模型船製作與鄭和研究成果及反思。

三、太平公主號的發起及造船經過，航行歷程與不幸被撞沉。

四、探訪劉寧生船長與陳芳財師傅。

五、總結。

關鍵詞：陳延杭、鄭和下西洋、太平公主號、劉寧生、陳芳財

Panel 4 Migration and the Chinese Diasporas 移民及海外華人群體

Contextualising “Chinese Diaspora Studies:” A Global Perspective on New Mobilities

Pal NYIRI 尼日

University of Amsterdam 阿姆斯特丹大學

Both in China and outside it, “Chinese diaspora studies” or “overseas Chinese studies” tend to be

epistemologically and politically conversative, celebrating the supposed continuity and heritage of

Chinese communities overseas and their connection to the fatherland. Despite their transnationalism,

these communities are mostly imagined as bounded and stable. This view is problematic in general,

but particularly so in light of the increasing importance, within global Chinese mobilities, of new

human flows from the PRC: students, expatriate professionals, long-term holidaymakers, and

volunteers. Such flows would traditionally be considered outside the purview of “diaspora studies,”

yet they are increasingly central not only to the way Chinese outside China shape China's relations to

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the world but also, in many places, the lives of long-standing ethnic Chinese populations and their

politics of identity. Because of the global networks that these new flows generate, attention to them

also allows a comparative perspective on new forms of engagement between mobile Chinese

populations, China, and the world.

The Diasporization of Ming Migrants: Rethinking the History of the Early Chinese Settlement

in Southeast Asia during the Nationalist Era

LIU Oiyan 廖藹欣

The University of Hong Kong 香港大學

The importance of overseas Chinese communities and the attempt to domesticate the overseas Chinese

in the Chinese nation is a well-researched topic. What has not been well studied is the role of the

overseas Chinese in envisioning the territorial bounds of the early twentieth century China. By using

British and Dutch colonial reports, publications in a student magazine, intellectual writing such as

Liang Qichao’s Biographies of the “Eight Great Colonists,” this paper examines intellectuals’ attempt

to articulate Southeast Asia as China’s “lost territory.” It shows how Chinese intellectuals from the

republican era used migrant history and the presence of the Chinese diaspora since the Ming dynasty

as a means to construct a logic that Southeast Asia at the time should not be ruled by Western colonial

powers, but instead should belong to China and the Chinese people. This paper discusses how and why

early Chinese settlers from the Ming-Qing period became “diasporized” in the republican era, and

shows how, in certain geopolitical and historical circumstances, migrant connections were used to

redefine territorial belonging.

Spanish Manila: A Trans-Pacific Maritime Enterprise and the First American Chinatown

Evelyn HU-DEHART 胡其瑜

Brown University 布朗大學

It is commonly thought that meaningful contact between China and America did not begin until the

19th century, with the massive arrival of Chinese laborers for gold mining and railroad construction in

the American West. This paper significantly revises that timeline. If we think of “America” as a

hemispheric construction, as “The Americas,” then we must go back to the mid-16th century to locate

the beginning of sustained contact between China and America, in this case, between Manila on Luzon

island of the Philippines and Acapulco on the Pacific coast of Mexico. From 1565 to 1815, for 250

years, one to three galleon ships made the roundtrip trans-Pacific voyage without fail, carrying

American silver (mined in Mexico and Peru) to China via Manila. There, the largely Hokkien junk

traders as well as settlers and artisans in Manils's Chinatown, called the Parián, acted as indispensable

intermediaries in the trade of American silver for Chinese silk, porcelain, lacquer, ivory carvings, as

26

well as spices and many other precious commodities from China and around the Indian Ocean and

Nanyang world. Chinese and other Asian goods were distributed all over the Americas as well as

trans-shipped from Mexico across the Atlantic to Spain and Europe. Without the critical role played by

the Chinese in Manila, this first truly global trading system could not have happened and endured.

The Soundscape of Cantonese Pacific:

Chinatown Theater and Immigrant Life in the Early Twentieth Century

NG Wing Chung 伍榮仲

The University of Texas at San Antonio 德薩斯州大學聖安東尼奧校區

Even as Cantonese opera took shape as a distinctive theatrical genre in South China during the late

nineteenth century, the concurrent emigration of the Cantonese people helped extend the geographical

reach of this popular musical drama at once overseas. By the 1920s the Cantonese stage was vibrant in

widespread diaspora locales around the Pacific and beyond. In Southeast Asia, Singapore and

Saigon-Cholon were the principal hubs drawing a steady stream of opera talents to their local

entertainment scene and then funneling them to secondary locations in their respective vicinity.

Likewise in North America, Vancouver, San Francisco, and New York City each emerged as a major

site of theatrical production and consumption; and together they anchored a hemispheric circuit for

itinerant performers. The result was a sprawling transnational operation that enabled even distant

Cantonese migrant communities across the Pacific to partake of and indulge in the sonority of a

musical culture with similar stage spectacles and a widely shared repertoire.

This paper examines the interface between transnational theater and immigrant life using primarily the

example of Vancouver. Like all its North American counterparts, the theater of this Chinatown

depended on business networks and entrepreneurial resources to overcome obstacles posed by the

immigration authorities and other logistic challenges associated with border-crossing activities and the

demands of long-distance coordination. The present case study explores how the theater successfully

embedded itself into the public life of a Chinese Canadian community. The stage provided heart-felt

entertainment cherished by the Cantonese migrants as the performance often spoke to their needs and

aspirations. The presence of actresses, in particular, was especially welcome by a bachelor population

of mostly adult males. The theater further endeared itself to the members of the community by

aligning with the traditional organizations. The evolving patronage was mutually beneficial. The

theater leaned on the organizations and their contacts to cultivate a loyal clientele, and the

organizations, in turn, involved the stage personnel in celebratory performances and community

functions. At its height in the pre-Pacific era, the theater was woven deeply into the fabrics of

Chinatown life.

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Panel 5 China and the World (I) 中國與世界（I）

Revisiting the Chinese Pirates in the Ming Dynasty: From Global Perspective

Michael Wing-hin KAM 甘穎軒


The European powers started their “globalization” process since the sixteenth century. By the virtue

of their leading maritime and military technologies, Portugal, Spain and the Dutch expanded their

commercial empires globally. Since Chinese goods such as silk were popular in Europe and the

European communities in the New World, the European were keen to open up trade with China.

Different with the European who saw trade as a pure economic activity, the Ming court regarded it as

political and diplomatic means which aimed to uphold the Chinese world order. The European

powers, especially Portugal and the Dutch, then sought cooperation with Chinese pirates who

possessed strong naval forces, regional trading networks and personal connections with local

bureaucracy.

The Ming court saw pirates negatively. Chinese words such as “dao” (盜), “kou” (寇) were

commonly used in official records to label Chinese pirates whose illegal activities endangered public

safety and caused property damage and loss of life. But Chinese pirates in fact were not devoid of

any merit. In global perspective, the clandestine trade operated by them in coastal areas led China to

participate in global economy. When a quarrel between the Dutch and the Ming court about trade

intensified, the powerful pirate in South China Sea, Zheng Zhilong (鄭芝龍), sided with the Ming

court and assisted the latter defeat the Dutch invasion in 1633.

Smuggling and Legal Pluralism on the China Coast:

The Rise and Demise of the Joint Investigation Rules, 1864-1934

Philip THAI 蔡駿治

Northeastern University 東北大學

Since the late imperial era, authorities along the Chinese littoral have—with varying degrees of

success—campaigned against smuggling to protect revenues and regulate commerce. After the First

Opium War (1839-42), fighting smuggling became implicated in the most important questions of

sovereignty, diplomacy, and statecraft. Like its counterparts around the world, the multiethnic and

28

legally pluralistic Qing Empire had long subjected different ethic, social, and professional groups to

different laws and jurisdictions. The unequal treaties added another layer of legal complexity for the

Qing in dealing with foreigners accused of smuggling. This paper examines one product of the treaty

port system at the intersection of smuggling and legal pluralism: the Joint Investigation Rules (Huixun

zhangcheng 會訊章程). For 70 years from their promulgation in 1864 to their abrogation in 1934, the

Rules provided the legal framework under which foreigners in China accused of smuggling were

adjudicated and penalized. This paper begins with an overview of the Rules’ origins, outlining the

assumptions embedded in their provisions to split jurisdictions by type of smuggling and penalty. It

then shifts from looking at the Rules in representation to looking at the Rules in operation by focusing

on several smuggling cases. Quotidian though they were, these disputes were nonetheless significant

in revealing how the Qing Empire attempted to assert its treaty privileges as well as the limits of those

attempts. Finally, the paper moves to the 1930s, when Nationalist China was waging a multi-front

campaign to fight coastal smuggling, expand state capacity, and recover national sovereignty. The

Joint Investigation Rules, once accepted as a necessary accommodation within the Qing Empire’s legal

order, were now denounced as an intolerable violation of the Chinese nation-state’s sovereignty.

Despite encountering strong foreign protests, Nationalist China accordingly abrogated the Rules and

introduced its own institutions and procedures to make smuggling a law-enforcement issue, rather than

a diplomatic issue.

Beyond Tariffs and Duties: The Chinese Maritime Customs Service and Its Representations of

China’s Maritime World c. 1860-1949

Donna BRUNERO 游瑭娜

National University of Singapore 國立新加坡大學

The Chinese Maritime Customs Service (CMCS) is best known for its role in regulating and

documenting the trade of China from the 1840s-1940s. It has also been described as the institution

which brought modernity to China (most recently in Van de Ven’s Breaking with the Past). In this

paper, however, I suggest that beyond the fiscal and modernising roles of the CMCS it was at its heart

a maritime institution that had strong connections to the seas and riverine networks of China. As a

result, a relatively-less known facet of the CMCS was its contributions to the knowledge of the

maritime history of China. This paper will examine the charts, maps, publications (formal and

informal) and exhibitions that cast light on, or presented aspects of the maritime history or maritime

world of China to a broader audience. For instance, the CMCS developed a collection of Chinese Junk

models that was inaugurated under the guidance of Frederick Maze in 1933. This collection of models

29

was donated to the Science Museum in London, bringing Chinese traditional shipping to the attention

of the British public. This paper will use case studies spanning throughout the history of the CMCS to

demonstrate the ways in which this institution gathered information on and represented China’s

maritime world.

The Road Getting in All under Heaven Cosmology:

The Zhaozhou Bazi Society in West Yunnan

MA Jianxiong 馬健雄

The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology 香港科技大學

Based on local inscriptions and from the perspective of a micro study of local communities, this

research explores some historical dynamics of the social extension of a Bazi (坝子) society, which

colluded with the state to maintain transportation systems between Yunnan and Burma. Some social

networks overlapped the transportation routes between the basins, because these routes had guaranteed

the successful delivery of tributaries from exterior chieftains to different capitals since the early Ming,

which confirmed the state’s All under Heaven cosmology (天下). For instance, the significance of the

transportation of copper from western Yunnan mines to the Yangtse River ports had guaranteed the

safety of the state financial system in the Qing dynasty. Thus, in history, the Zhaozhou Bazi has been

regarded as a sustaining support of a geopolitical network by states. On the other hand, local elites like

religious masters and scholars also gradually changed their roles from nobles at the political center of

the Nanzhao and Dali kingdoms to government officials or Confucian scholars from the Ming to the

Qing. In this process, reforms of state policy regarding land tax, and its bound corvee for transport

services, had increased the burdens of local communities. As a response, pushed by the local elite,

communities reorganized their common property to deal with changes in state policies, and extended

their networks to search for alternative opportunities over the routes. In sum, social changes created

opportunities for local agents to reform their religious beliefs, as well as extend their

community-based mule caravan business. Dynamic local agency performed an active role in

reconstructing a Bazi society, and projected a changed enter-periphery relationship in the historical

context of western Yunnan.

Key words: the Bazi society, tributary system, All under the Heaven cosmology, common property,

Southwest China, Yunnan

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Panel 6 The Maritime Silk Road and China’s Maritime Power

海上絲綢之路及中國海洋勢力

越南與海上絲綢之路及中國對外關係

HAN Xiaorong 韓孝榮

Lingnan University 嶺南大學

本文旨在分析自古至今越南在海上絲綢之路的地位和作用的變遷, 但側重於近代時期。作者將

特別關注下列問題：北屬時期今越南北方與廣州在海上貿易中的相對重要性；越南獨立對海上

交通和貿易的影響；近代西方殖民主義者有關越南商貿地位的想像；冷戰以來越南優越商貿地

位的喪失；以及越南加入二十一世紀海上絲綢之路的障礙和可能性。

廣州十三行與海上絲綢之路

LIN Yanying 林彥櫻


Not yet submitted 未提交

從海權本質看 21 世紀海上絲綢之路

LIN Ying Yu 林穎佑

St. John’s University 聖約翰科技大學

自 2014 年以來，“一帶一路”便成為國際當前重要顯學，其概念更是屢次出現在許多中國對外

國際重要場合之中，而其主要是由“絲綢之路經濟帶”以及“海上絲綢之路”所組成。其中無

論是橫跨歐亞的地理概念或是所跨及的區域、影響的人口，都可說是一大創舉。也因此，自其

概念推出以來，各界專家學者分別從許多不同角度來對一帶一路做出解釋，無論是從軍事戰略、

產業發展、外交角力或是國際政治角度來看，都可對未來一帶一路的未來發展做出多方面的探

討。至今，絲綢之路經濟帶透過亞投行以及高鐵的興建，已陸續有所規模，但在 21 世紀海上絲

綢之路的規劃上，截至今仍無具體的計畫。若從根本概念上觀察無論是一帶或是一路戰略，都

與地緣戰略脫離不了關連，即便是在海上絲綢之路的規劃上，仍可從海權來探討。而在海權定

義中的「海權」泛指各種利用海洋的各種方式，絕非單純的船堅炮利，此思維與海上絲綢之路

運作上的關係以及實際運作所可能碰到的機會與挑戰，都是值得思索以及本研究嘗試探討的方

向。本研究嘗試分析海權的本質，並期望能藉此對海上絲綢之路發展做出連結與探討。

關鍵字：海權、制海權、海上絲綢之路、鄭和研究

31

Rise and Fall of China’s Maritime Power, 960-1460

Kent DENG 鄧鋼

The London School of Economics and Political Science 倫敦政治經濟學院

China had an impressive history in maritime activities from the early stage of the empire until a climax

associated with the eunuch admiral Zheng He of the early 15th century. Such a history often creates a

view that China had a linear growth in maritime activities until the state interfered and switched them

off with, say, bans on sailing along China’s long coasts.

A closer examination of Chinese history challenges such a stereotype. Evidence indicates that growth

in maritime activities in China was never linear and that any such a growth was highly conditional.

This was what happened in the period of 960 to 1460 when there was a sudden start and then a sudden

stop.

Panel 7 China and the World (II) 中國與世界（II）

A Port City in Northeast China: Dengzhou in the Long Eighteenth Century

Ronald Chung-yam PO 布琮任

McGill University 麥基爾大學

If asked to pick a coastal city in early modern China, most of us would choose Shanghai, Canton,

Xiamen, or Macau. These cities became famous as vital international sea trade destinations linking

Qing China to the rest of the world, and facilitating proto-globalization and a worldwide flow of Asian

commodities. Attentive observers know that all of these cities are on the Southeast China coast, by

which we mean coastal areas south of Shanghai. Taking Shanghai as the dividing line between

northeastern and southeastern coastlines, the port cities of the south are far more likely to be familiar

than those of the north. I consider this phenomenon (i.e. the focus on the coast of early modern China)

a “Southeast China centrism.” Although we might all concede that some southeastern seaports were

vital to transoceanic interactions, to ignore northern port cities in connection with China and the

maritime world is shortsighted. This article rediscovers the importance of port cities in Northeast

China by focusing attention on a less familiar coastal seaport, Dengzhou. By detailing and examining

the political and economic importance of this port city in the early modern period, I will show that

Qing China’s northeastern coast was no less important than the southeast. Even if port cities in the

north might not have been as economically vibrant as those in the south, we should not overlook their

functions and histories, in which they also attained unique patterns of development within the political

and economic spectrums throughout the long eighteenth century.

32

International Law and China’s Entry into the ‘Family of Nations’:

The Question of Forced Migration and Refugees, 1860-1930

Glen PETERSON

University of British Columbia 英屬哥倫比亞大學

After 1900 China became not only one of the world’s biggest producers of refugees—citizens fleeing

decades of political upheaval, war and revolution—but also, at the same time, one of the world’s

leading countries of asylum for refugees, including ‘White Russians’ fleeing the Bolshevik Revolution,

Jewish refugees from Nazism, ethnic Chinese expelled from their countries of residence and, more

recently, refugees and asylum-seekers from surrounding Asian countries. However, despite this

remarkable history, there has so far been very little research on the role of refugees and forced

migration in China’s modern history. This paper will examine China’s participation in the international

regimes that have been established since 1919 for the purpose of ending forced migration and

extending refugee assistance and protection. In particular, it will focus upon the role of international

law in shaping the nature and limits of China’s participation in the international “family of nations”

from the early twentieth century to the beginning of the Cold War. Since the conceptual categories

through which forced migration and refugee status were understood in international law were based

upon European notions of sovereignty, China’s status as a “semi-colonial” country without full

sovereignty had significant consequences for the ways in which forced migration and refugee

movements into and out of China were viewed by the “international community.” This paper will

argue that the quest for sovereignty was also a struggle against the prevailing norms of western

international law with regard to forced migration and refugee protection. The paper ends with a brief

examination of how the Cold War replaced previous understandings of Chinese refugees and forced

migration with a new image of refugees as hapless victims fleeing communist persecution.

香港的亞洲網絡──日本如何通過香港吸收西洋文明

LEE Pui Tak 李培德

The Chinese University of Hong Kong 香港中文大學

香港雖為彈丸之地，但由於種種的歷史和地理因素，香港具有強大的“網絡＂功能，影響着中

國和廣大的亞洲國家和地區，於亞洲的政治、經濟、文化、社會各方面，都可見到香港的“網

絡＂作用。過去，我們只把注意力集中在香港與中國的關係上，大大忽略了香港與其他亞洲國

家的關係。其實，香港與日本有着很密切的交往，如果我們細心看，便會發現早於鴉片戰爭結

束後的不久，在這個剛開闢的維多利亞新城裏，已經有日本船來港的蹤跡。從香港開埠到現在

的一百七十多年的歷史裏，港日關係可謂經歷了幾個不同的發展階段。總括而言，在十九世紀

香港一直扮演着日本於亞洲吸收西洋文明和觀察中國動態的“中介＂角色。在日本實行明治維

新以前，可以肯定地說，日本通往世界的交通航線，大多經由香港，也因為這樣的原因，日本

對外界的認識，也多先經過香港。

33

At the Edge of Two Worlds: The Portuguese Diaspora in British Hong Kong

Catherine S. CHAN 陳家怡


For centuries, the Portuguese have dispersed around the globe under Portugal’s many imperial

conquests. As the empire rose and eventually declined, their peoples migrated, settled, multiplied and

mingled with native communities, first as colonizers and later as colonized subjects, witnessing the

establishment and demise of multiple regimes. If according to colonial histories, decolonization

follows at the end of each colonial rule; yet, for the Portuguese in Hong Kong, arriving in the

newfound British colony became not only an opportunity to leave the dwindling Portuguese colony of

Macao, but also an escape from existing perceptions of the Portuguese in Macao as Macanese and

Eurasian.

Upon re-entering colonization, the Portuguese settlers attempted to redefine imaginations of self by

abandoning their previous identity as colonizers in Macao. This leads to a number of questions: what

was Macao to the Portuguese in Hong Kong? Can colonization serve as a turning point in the identity

struggles of creole communities? Did the Portuguese in Hong Kong resist the Eurasian identity due to

practical reasons? This study aims to illustrate the Portuguese experience in Hong Kong from their

arrival to the mid-20th century in hopes of bringing light to the complex encounters of creole

communities in the paths of identity reconstruction and colonization.

Panel 8 China and the World (III) cum Closing Discussion

中國與世界（III）暨閉幕討論

十五、十六世紀印度洋海事資料及伊斯蘭航海儀器蠡談

Kam-wing FUNG 馮錦榮

The University of Hong Kong 香港大學

從公元九世紀末到十五世紀後期，阿拉伯人為了維繫他們的越洋貿易，嘗規劃重整跨越印度洋

以至中國南海遼闊之海洋上的伊斯蘭貿易為三大區間，即(1)亞丁(Aden)和霍爾木茲(Hormuz)；

(2)坎貝(Cambay)和卡利卡特(Calicut)；(3)馬六甲(Malacca)和廣州或泉州。本文主要根據也門拉

士魯王朝(Rasūlid Dynasty of Yemen 1229- 1454)的《編年史》(Tārīkh al-dawlah al-Rasūlīyah fī

al-Yaman)、十五世紀阿拉伯航海家伊本‧馬吉德(Aḥmad ibn Mājid al-Sa‘dī，生於 1432 年至 1437

年之間，卒於 1535 年以前)的航海指南──《對航海首要原理及規則有禆益的書》(Kitāb

al-Fawā’id fī usūl ‘ilm al-bahr wa’l- qawā’id)及奧斯曼帝國(Ottoman Empire)航海家兼海軍上將皮

里‧列伊斯(Pirî Reis，1465-1470 之間出生-1553)的航海輿地圖冊──《航海之書》(Kitab-ı

Bahriye)，蠡談十五、十六世紀印度洋海事發展之歷史情狀，並兼論伊斯蘭航海儀器之應用特點。

34

Work and Technology Transfer in China’s History of

Development Cooperation in Africa

Jamie MONSON 孟潔梅

Michigan State University 密西根州立大學

In October 1970, a passenger ship filled with railway technicians and engineering professors set sail

from the port of Guangzhou and headed southwestwards into the South China Sea. These Chinese

experts were headed for East Africa, where they and thousands of others would spend the next two to

four years of their lives constructing the TAZARA railway in Tanzania and Zambia. In the process,

they would also teach young African railwaymen the skills of railway construction and operations,

from blasting tunnels into rock to signaling with red and green cloth flags. In this paper I will

describe the successive voyages made by these railway workers who crossed the Indian Ocean to

participate in China’s largest Cold War internationalist development project. Using archival records,

oral history interviews, material objects and sites of memory I will explore the significance of railway

work in the techno-politics of mid-twentieth century Chinese development assistance.

近代日本從“攘夷”到“開化”之思維轉換中的中國因素

DING Guoqi 丁國旗


近代以後，日本通過明治維新，取得了飛速發展，迅速實現了現代化。這與中國現代化過程中

的頓挫形成了鮮明的對比。基於這樣的認識，研究者常常會拿明治維新與中國的洋務運動以及

戊戌變法作比較，着眼點大都停留於探討日本成功與中國失敗的原因或是中國所接受的日本影

響。也有論者將關注點放在了外部的西洋的衝擊上面。但對於日本在明治維新前後，從“鎖國”

到“開國”這一思維轉換過程中的中國影響因素的探討相對薄弱。但到目前為止，這一點的重

要意義被研究者有意無意地忽略了，此便是本人的問題意識所在。

眾所周知，明治維新之前，德川時代的日本一直奉行鎖國政策。但是到了幕末，在西洋的衝擊

面前，繼續“鎖國”還是選擇“開國”，成了不容回避的問題。從“尊王攘夷”一變而為“文

明開化”，這中間存在著巨大的邏輯矛盾。在緊迫的形勢下，幕末的政治精英和知識精英們究

竟是如何引導、說服日本社會迅速接受這一思維轉換的呢？在這一歷史文脈中，既是他者又內

在於日本的中國因素，又發揮了怎樣的作用呢？揭開這一思維轉換的內在機制，有助於我們更

好地理解日本、日本社會和日本人的思維結構。進而言之，在更大的意義上，也就是對我們理

解當時以及現在仍在進行中的東亞的整個現代化進程都有啟發意義。

35

此處，試將中國因素簡要歸納如下，容後展開。

1. 鴉片戰爭、太平天國運動帶給日本人強烈的震撼和衝擊，並提供了前車之鑒；

2. 魏源的《海國圖志》及其他漢譯書籍在日本的傳播，向當時的日本人展示了一幅世界

圖景，促使日本人的世界觀從“與世界相對的日本”轉向“世界中的日本”；

3. 幕末志士吉田松陰等人，服膺陽明學，崇尚行動。在歷史的轉折關頭，特別需要對世

界大勢的洞察，陽明學無疑為他們提供了亟需的理論武器。後來的福澤諭吉等人的啟

蒙思想也與此一脈相承。應當說，對中國傳統思想資源的借用，有效地化解了那種狹

隘的二元對立的思維模式的束縛，讓日本人找到了前進方向上的指路明燈。

上述 3 條當中，前 2 條是明線，後 1 條是暗線。明線暫時存而不論，且就暗線略作說明。江戶

時代，朱子學成為幕府的官方哲學，中國儒家各派的學說都在日本得到了傳播。其中，除了林

羅山、山崎暗齋等朱子學派的學者之外，中江藤樹是日本陽明學派的代表，伊藤仁齋、荻生徂

徠則屬於古學派，是朱子學派的反對陣營的人物。尤其是圍繞著作為功利主義儒家的荻生徂徠，

明治維新之後，經過山路愛山、丸山真男、子安宣邦等的不斷解讀，成了日本思想史上眾所矚

目的人物。其實，在上述那些日本思想家的背後，都有中國思想家的影子。更確切地說，很多

思想命題本身就起源於中國，已先在中國發酵過了。它昭示我們，中國本身的傳統思想資源極

其豐富，具有多元性。其在同為東亞國家、又同為漢字文化圈的日本的命運，不論是流變、發

展亦或是“誤讀”，都反過來會給我們如何看待和繼承自己的古典思想資源以極大的啟發。

萬國公法的翻譯對日本近代化的影響

CHEN Duoyou 陳多友


在近代，中日兩國先後走出閉關鎖國的怪圈，實現了“開國＂。表面上看，兩者通過開放門戶

被迫組入歐美國際秩序，但是，其過程並不是一味被動的，事實上，在開國之後，中日兩國本

著主體性自覺地試圖加入歐美國際體系。問題是兩者所做出的努力不同，推進近代化=西方化的

進程不盡相似，因而結果亦迥異。中國被阻隔在近代化的大門之外，日本卻通過模仿西方殖民

主義者，重新樹立了近代自我形象，實現了向近代民族國家的轉型。然而，我們不應站在中日

二元對立的簡單圖式上，以簡單的文野模式判別兩者之優劣。我們更應該着眼於二者在進行近

代性體驗進程中的互動、互為關係。

依筆者所見，中國的近代性體驗要遠遠早於日本，在許多方面扮演着先鋒者的角色，而且我們

在政治外交、器物科技、法律制度、人文社會以及現代學術等方面所積累的知識，或汲取的教

訓對日本皆產生了不可估量的作用。正是在借鑒、套用或拿來的基礎上，日本少走了許多彎路，

實現了近代化。本文通過漢譯《萬國公法》的對日傳播，探究前者對後者所形成的影響。

36

通過實證研究，我們發現漢譯《萬國公法》對日本產生的影響是多方面的，而且是綜合性的，

必須從社會人文、歷史文化等多角度做越境分析。但是，基本的結論是十分明確的，概而言之，

主要包括如下幾個層面：1，漢譯本打開了日本朝野了解西方國際法的視野，開啟了日本從法律

高度認識歐美國際秩序的大門；2，從語言學、翻譯學的角度為日本解讀、譯介西方學術文化文

本樹立了典範，引導日本快速吸收、消化西方思想文化；3，刺激了日本知識界，尤其是政治精

英們學習、借鑒西方思想文化，建立近代民族國家的積極性與能動性；4，促進了日本近代語言

形態的變革，為建立新型近代文化奠定了堅定的基礎；5，為日本近代法律制度體系的建立打開

了方便之門。

但是，遺憾的是，作為《萬國公法》文化輸出國的中國，並沒有擺脫狹隘的中華世界秩序意識，

僅僅把它視為器而消弭於中華文化的傳統之中，因而沒有能夠充分發揮積極作用。反觀日本，

則是把它奉為圭臬，引以為新的道統、世界觀，建設性地加以運用，因而獲益。

37

Papers to be presented at the Guangzhou Session 廣州會議論文

1. CHEN Weiguang 陳偉光現代海上絲綢之路：關係治理與規則治理的視角

2. FAN Guangxin 范廣欣 Extraordinary Monarch and Revolutionary Dictatorship:

Yang Tingdong’s Creative Translation of Rousseau’s The

Social Contract

3. Fausto GUIMARÃES Chinese Diaspora and its influence on the development of

Brazilian Culture

4. HONG Shihong 洪詩鴻日本對中國“一帶一路＂的反應及在亞洲的經貿佈局

5. LAI Chin-yi Jeff 賴進義〈鄭和航海圖〉與 21 世紀海上絲綢之路

6. Katy Ngan-ting LAM 林雁婷 Globalization History of Chinese State-owned Entreprises

in Africa

7. LI Tao 李濤歷史視角下的東南亞滇籍華人華僑與雲南的經濟發展研

究

8. LIU Jisen 劉繼森 21 世紀海上絲綢之路與廣東對外開放新格局

9. LIU Kaizhi 劉開智 “21 世紀海上絲綢之路＂對香港港口發展的機遇與挑戰

10. LIU Zhaomin 劉昭民論中國古代的舶棹風與鄭和下西洋以及陸上絲綢之路、

21 世紀海上絲綢之路

11. Ricardo King-sang MAK

麥勁生

Pathways to Spiritual Inwardness in the Modern Times:

Zong Baihua’s Aesthetics and He Lin’s Ideas of “Inner

Sageliness”

12. SHEN Minghao 申明浩粵商網絡傳承與 21 世紀海上絲綢之路

13. TAN Ta Sen 陳達生 Silk Roads, Cheng Ho Legacy and World Dream

14. YUNG Ying-yue 容應萸 The Global Migration of a Chinese Family-Kwan

Yuen-cheung and His Descendants

15. ZHANG Xiuqiang 張秀強中國漫畫文化的對外傳播研究──以夏達漫畫登陸日本

為例

The tentative schedule and the paper abstracts are available on the Conference Website:

http://histweb.hkbu.edu.hk/project_web/vmmsr/

會議暫定日程及論文提要可在會議網站上瀏覽：http://histweb.hkbu.edu.hk/project_web/vmmsr/

38

List of Participants 與會者名單

In alphabetical order of last names

依英文姓氏順序排序

BRUNERO, Donna 游瑭娜 National University of Singapore 新加坡國立大學

CHAN, Catherine S. 陳家怡 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

CHAN Ka-lai 陳嘉禮 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

CHAN, Sulia 林翠玉 Zheng He Society of New York 紐約鄭和學會

CHEN Duoyou 陳多友 Guangdong University of Foreign Studies


CHEN Kuo-tung 陳國棟 Academia Sinica 中央研究院

CHEN Weiguang 陳偉光 Guangdong University of Foreign Studies


CHIEN, Chao 錢肇昌 Diogenes Research

CHWANG Leh-chii 章樂綺 Chinese Dietetic Society 中華膳食營養學會

DENG, Kent 鄧鋼 The London School of Economics and Political Science

倫敦政治經濟學院

DING Guoqi 丁國旗 Guangdong University of Foreign Studies


DING Jie 丁潔 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

FAN Guangxin 范廣欣 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

FAN Ka Wai 范家偉 City University of Hong Kong 香港城市大學

FUNG Kam-wing 馮錦榮 The University of Hong Kong 香港大學

GUIMARÃES, Fausto Independent Researcher

HAN Xiaorong 韓孝榮 Lingnan University 嶺南大學

HANEDA Masashi 羽田正 The University of Tokyo 東京大學

HANSEN, Valerie 韓森 Yale University 耶魯大學

HO, Clara Wing-chung 劉詠聰 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

HOECKELMANN, Michael 何彌夏 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

HONG Shihong 洪詩鴻 Hannan University 阪南大學 /

39



HU-DEHART, Evelyn 胡其瑜 Brown University 布朗大學

KAM, Wing-hin Michael 甘穎軒 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

KIM, Loretta E. 金由美 The University of Hong Kong 香港大學

KWOK Kam-chau 郭錦洲 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

LADDS, Catherine 李嘉鈴 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

LAI, Chin-yi Jeff 賴進義 Chinese Cheng Ho Society (Taiwan) 中華鄭和學會

LAM, Ngan Ting Katy 林雁婷 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

LAM Weng Cheong 林永昌 The Chinese University of Hong Kong 香港中文大學

LAU, Raymond Kwun Sun 劉冠燊 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

LEE Kam Keung 李金強 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

LEE Pui Tak 李培德 The Chinese University of Hong Kong 香港中文大學

LEI Chinhau 雷晉豪 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

LI Ji 李紀 The University of Hong Kong 香港大學

LI, Kin Sum Sammy 李建深 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

LI Tao 李濤 Yunnan University 雲南大學

LIN Yanying 林彥櫻 Guangdong University of Foreign Studies


LIN Ying Yu 林穎佑 St John’s University 聖約翰科技大學

LIU Jisen 劉繼森 Guangdong University of Foreign Studies


LIU Kaizhi 劉開智 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

LIU Oiyan 廖藹欣 The University of Hong Kong 香港大學

LIU Zhao Min 劉昭民 Chinese Cheng Ho Society (Taiwan) 中華鄭和學會

LU, Steven 盧鳴 C S Global

LU Weijing 盧葦菁 University of California, San Diego /


加州大學聖地牙哥校區 / 香港浸會大學

MA Jianxiong 馬健雄 Hong Kong University of Science and Technology

香港科技大學

40

MAK, Ricardo K. S. 麥勁生 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

MARLING, Thomas Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

MONSON, Jamie 孟潔梅 Michigan State University 密西根州立大學

NG Wing Chung 伍榮仲 The University of Texas at San Antonio

德薩斯州大學聖安東尼奧校區

NYIRI, Pal 尼日 University of Amsterdam 阿姆斯特丹大學

PETERSON, Glen University of British Columbia 英屬哥倫比亞大學

PO, Ronald Chung-yam 布琮任 McGill University 麥基爾大學

REES, Charlotte Researcher

RUIZ-STOVEL, Guillermo 麥莫 University of California, Los Angeles

加州大學洛杉磯校區

RUSKAMP, John Epigraphic Research

SCHLEY, David 帥德威 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

SHEN Minghao 申明浩 Guangdong University of Foreign Studies


TAM Ka-chai 譚家齊 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

TAM Yue-him 譚汝謙 Macalester College 默士達大學

TAN Ta Sen 陳達生 International Zheng He Society 國際鄭和學會

TANG Danling 唐丹玲 Chinese Academy of Sciences 中國科學院

THAI, Philip 蔡駿治 Northeastern University 東北大學

TSE, Wicky Wai Kit 謝偉傑 The Hong Kong Polytechnic University

香港理工大學

XU Karen Z H 許志樺 Hong Kong Baptist University 香港浸會大學

YUNG Ying-yue 容應萸 Asia University 亞細亞大學

ZHANG Xiuqiang 張秀強 Guangdong University of Foreign Studies


ZHANG Zhigang 張志剛 Guangdong University of Foreign Studies


ZHOU Yunzhong 周運中 Xiamen University 廈門大學

41

Organizing Committee 籌備委員會

Conference Chair: 會議主席：

Prof. Yue-him TAM 譚汝謙教授

Co-chairs: 會議副主席：

Prof. Clara Wing-chung HO 劉詠聰教授

Prof. Ricardo King-sang MAK 麥勁生教授

Members: 成員：

Ms. Sulia CHAN 林翠玉女士

Prof. CHEN Duoyou 陳多友教授

Prof. CHEN Zhi 陳致教授

Dr. Catherine LADDS 李嘉鈴博士

Dr. Ka-chai TAM 譚家齊博士

Prof. ZHANG Hongsheng 張宏生教授

Prof. ZHANG Xiuqiang 張秀強教授

Conference Coordinator: 會議統籌：

Dr. Ka-lai CHAN 陳嘉禮博士

42

Working Committee 工作委員會

Chair: 主席：

Dr. Ka-lai CHAN 陳嘉禮博士

Public Relations: 公關：

Mr. Joseph Wing-chung LIU 廖穎聰先生

Secretaries: 秘書：

Miss Joan Wai-kwan CHAN 陳瑋君小姐

Ms. Renee Yuet-mei CHAN 陳月媚女士

Miss Crystal Ka-ying POON 潘家瑩小姐

Members: 成員：

Miss Yat-law AL 歐佾旯小姐

Miss Cavis CHOY 蔡華思小姐

Mr. Wai-li CHU 朱維理先生

Mr. Kelvin Yu-hin HO 何宇軒先生

Mr. Vincent Chung-hang HO 何頌衡先生

Mr. Shing-yin HON 韓承延先生

Miss Yuk-chui KONG 江玉翠小姐

Miss Yip-ting LAI 賴曄婷小姐

Miss LIN Zhihui 林稚暉小姐

Mr. Thomas MARLING

Mr. Kenneth Ka-kin WONG 黃家健先生

Miss WANG Xintong 王新童小姐

Miss WANG Yiqiao 汪伊喬小姐

Mr. Chin-chung YUEN 袁展聰先生

Documents

Voyages, Migration and the Maritime Silk Roadhistweb.hkbu.edu.hk/project_web/vmmsr/pdf/program.pdf · HKBU Jao Tsung-I Academy of Sinology – Amway Development Fund 贊助單位：