XII 2 2003

LATVIJAS UNIVERSITTE Filoloijas fakultte

Baltu valodu katedra

UNIVERSITY OF LATVIA Faculty of Philology

Chair of Baltic Languages

BALTU FILOLOIJA

XII (2) 2003

Baltu valodniecbas urnls

Journal of Baltic Linguistics

Rga 2003

BALTU FILOLOIJA

Redaktors / Editor

Pteris Vanags Latvijas Universitte, Stockholms universitet

Redaktora vietniece / Associate Editor

Lidija Leikuma Latvijas Universitte

Redakcijas kolija / Editorial Board

Saulius Ambrazas Lietuvi kalbos institutas

Aleksej Andronov Sankt-Peterburgskij gosudarstvennyj universitet

Alfred Bammesberger Katholische Universitt Eichsttt

Rick Derksen Universiteit Leiden

Pietro U. Dini Universit degli Studi di Pisa

Trevor G. Fennell Flinders University of South Australia

Inta Freimane Latvijas Universitte

Artras Judentis Lietuvi kalbos institutas

Baiba Kangere Stockholms universitet

Simas Karalinas Vytauto Didiojo universitetas

Benita Laumane Liepjas Pedagoijas akadmija

Dace Markus Latvijas Universitte

Juozas Pabra iauli universitetas

William R. Schmalstieg Pennsylvania State University

Wojciech Smoczyski Uniwersytet Jagielloski

Bonifacas Stundia Vilniaus universitetas

Lembit Vaba Eesti Keele Instituut, Tampereen yliopisto

Jnis Valdmanis Latvijas Universitte

Steven Young University of Maryland, Baltimore County

Baltu filoloija ir recenzjams izdevums ar starptautisku redakcijas koliju. Visus iesniegtos rakstus pirms to publicanas recenzenti novrt un akcept. Baltu filoloija is a fully refereed journal with an international panel of referees. All articles submitted are assessed by our referees before being accepted for publication. Sjuma valodas konsultanti: Jnis Kuis (latvieu valoda), Vaiva Pute (angu valoda), Edmundas Trumpa (lietuvieu valoda). Language consultants for this volume: Jnis Kuis (Latvian), Vaiva Pute (English), Edmundas Trumpa (Lithuanian). Redakcijas adrese / Editorial Address:

Baltu valodu katedra Filoloijas fakultte Latvijas Universitte Visvala iela 4A Rga, LV-1050, Latvia e-pasts: [email protected]

Latvijas Universitte, 2003

Saturs Contents

Raksti Articles Valgerur BJARNADTTIR Spread and Motivations for Apocope in Case Endings in Old Lithuanian Jolanta LGAUDAIT Slang in the Corpus of Kaunas Teenagers Jowita NIEWULIS Dl fonem /i/ ir /i/ Punsko dzk tarmje Juozas PABRA Retesni prozodijos svyravimo atvejai ir j ryys su intonacija iaurs emaii tarmje Marija RAZMUKAIT Sudtiniai Lietuvos oikonimai Virginija VASILIAUSKIEN Atributins konstrukcijos XVIII-XIX a. lietuvikuose ratuose Hronika Chronicle Valodas maingums un attstba. 39. Artra Ozola diena Latvijas Universitt 2003. gada 14. un 15. mart (Jnis Kuis, Pteris Vanags) Literatras apskats Reviews Lennart Larsson: Varifrn kom svenskan? Om den svenska vokabulren i en fyrsprkig ordbok utgiven i Riga 1705. (Acta Academiae Regiae Gustavi Adolphi LXXXI.) Uppsala 2003. 352 pp. (Raimo Raag) Wastne Testament 1686. Faksiimiletrkk / Eesti Keele Instituut. Tallinn: Eesti Keele Sihtasutus, 2001. 483, [11] lk. (Kristiina Ross) Piiblikonverentsid ja keelevaidlused. Phjaeestikeelse Piibli tlkimise ajaloost (1686-1690). Allikapublikatsioon / Bibelkonferenzen und Sprachstreitigkeiten. Quellen zur Geschichte der bersetzung der Bibel ins Revalestnische (1686-1690). Koostanud / Herausgegeben von Leino Pahtma, Kai Tafenau. Toimetanud / Unter Mitwirkung von Jrgen Beyer. Tartu: Eesti Ajalooarhiiv / Estnisches Historisches Archiv, 2003. 307 S. (Ex fontibus archivi historici Estoniae) (Pteris Vanags)

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21

49

55

63

81

97

101 107

113

A. E. Anikin, A. V. Dybo, A. A. Pixadze, A. M. Sabenina, A. A. Utkin, I. A. Kornilaeva, M. S. Muinskaja, O. M. Mladenova and T. V. Nevskaja. Novoe v russkoj timologii. I. Moscow: Institut russkogo jazyka im. V. V. Vinogradova RAN. 2003. 280 pp. (William R. Schmalstieg) Atceres Biographical Articles Editi Hauzenbergu turmu (1901-1983) pieminot (Benjami Jgers) Bibliografiskas zias par Editi Hauzenbergu-turmu (Benjami Jgers) Jubilejas Anniversaries Dzintrai Paeglei 60 (Lidija Leikuma)

119 125 141 151

Baltu filoloija XII (2) 2003

5

SPREAD AND MOTIVATIONS FOR APOCOPE IN CASE ENDINGS IN OLD LITHUANIAN

Valgerur BJARNADTTIR

(Stockholms universitet)

1. Introduction The problem of explaining language change and its probable

causes has been extensively debated for a long time. Why did change X take place? may seem a pointless question to judge from often-quoted remarks of prominent linguists: The explanation of the cause of language change is far beyond the reach of any theory ever advanced (Harris 1969:550); Many linguists, probably an easy majority, have long since given up enquiring into the why of phonological change (King 1969:189). However, a question that is never asked is rather unlikely to be answered, and if we hope to be able to say something about the causes of one particular change or statements about language change in general, we had better put some effort into trying to find at least some tentative answers.

In what follows, I will attempt to find possible causes and motivations for morphologically conditioned apocope or vowel loss in case endings in old Lithuanian as well as examine its geographical distribution and assess where these changes began and how they spread.

2. Background The last vowel in case endings is often lost in Lithuanian as

in: - adess. and all. sg. and pl. -pi >-p - ill. sg. and pl. -na > -n - loc. sg. -je > -j - dat. sg. masc. of adjectives and pronouns -amui/amu > -am - dat. pl. -mus >-ms - ins. sg. -mi > -m

Valgerur BJARNADTTIR. Spread and Motivations for Apocope...

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This is a morphologically conditioned loss as the conditioning of this kind of change is grammatical and systematic and not phonetical1. The paradigm serves as frame for the change and it is not the mere sound that changes. The same vowel is not lost everywhere but only under certain morphological conditions and it can be found in the same particular phonetic environment.

What happened in this case was a so-called reanalysis: the morphological and thematic boundaries weakened and what originally used to be the thematic vowel determining the stem: diew-o-pi began to determine the ending diew-opi towards god. As a result some endings of the paradigm were one syllable longer than others: all. sg. diew-opi vs. gen. sg. diew-o. Increased naturalness in one place in the language can lead to decreased naturalness in another place. But as language seems to have a remarkable tendency to restore its patterns and maintain its equilibrium the loss of the vowel on the ending in Lithuanian seems to be a systematic shortening to avoid disyllabic endings.

The earliest texts published in the Lithuanian language are an invaluable source for the investigation of this language change as they display both the older form, with the vowel intact in the ending and the later form, where the vowel is lost. The above mentioned loss was examined in Katekizmas (1547) and other writings of Martynas Mavydas, Katekizmas (1595) and parts of the Postile (1599) of Mikalojus Dauka and parts of Punktai Sakym (1629) of Konstantinas Sirvydas.

2.1 All the allatives have dropped the -i in both Daukas

and Sirvydass texts, with no exceptions. In Mavydass text 40 (22%) allatives have retained the -i in the ending and 140 (78%) have lost the -i and 20 (67%) adessives have lost the -i and 10 (33%) have retained it. Both Sirvydas and Dauka have a few examples of adessives with the retained vowel in the ending. In the parts I included in my study I found only 3 (4%) in Daukas texts while 78 (96%) were found without the vowel in the ending and in Sirvydass text 2 (14%) with the vowel and 12 (86%) without it. 1 The change -as > -s in nom. sg. masc of o-stem nouns and adjectives is phonetically conditioned.


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The shorter form without the ending -i was used much more than the form with the vowel intact already in the 16th century. The most equal proportion is found in Mavydass text: In his texts the adessives with the intact ending are mostly names:

Matheiupi M23 4, Markupi M24 14, panepi Diewepi M38 13, Schwentamimpi Markupi M24 13-14.

Names from the Bible, like Gospel names, are often fossilized they retain the archaic form longer than ordinary words. What is strange though in this case is that these names are not Lithuanian and were probably not used a lot by the time the vowel was still intact in the ending. It could be that the old, archaic ending was used to mark some kind of a distance and respect due to such high personalities as those mentioned in the Bible.

They are also found in hymns in Gesmes Chriksczoniskas: Bet wissada schirdipi tureti M446 6, Muka tawa schirdipi tureti M448 15, Matinaspi tawospi mielospi M447 3. Or in prayers or name of prayers: Pirma malda Dewapi tewapi M45 1, 364 3, Malda sunauspi Diewa M45 7, 364 9, Praschimas dwasespi schwentaspi. M45 13, 365 5.

In Daukas texts we have only a very few examples with the intact ending: Pirtiie skmeieipi DK19 20 and two pronouns: Tamimpig Ewangelistaip DP465 20, Tamimpig2 Pranasziep DP 2 45. The last example forms a difficult consonant cluster without the ending -i.

In Sirvydass text the otherwise monosyllabic pronouns retain the intact ending while others lose it: todryn nera jumpi teysibes S30 8, garbas umzinu muspi daro S 53 2,

Except for the few above-mentioned pronouns, with the intact ending, most pronouns have lost the vowel in the ending:

Adess: tawip M52 18, 56 13, 76 6,482 6 etc., DK 169 1, sawip M66 16, 315 3, 358 10, DK.144 9, 162 6, 169 3, DP526 24, manip M9 8,24, DK145 12-13, 170 4, manimp S 32 9, DK 146 10, 163 4, 166 18, sawimp S5 9, 16 11, 31 1, 50 1,3-4, DP 151 8, 267 40, 271 6,7, DK161 10-11, 177 3. 2 g < gi a frequently used particle in the 16th and 17th c. written texts


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All: Tap M28 10, 76 6, musump M46 4, 50 8, 79 15, 156 8, 312 6, 342 12, 383 9, 483 12, tawesp M49 1, 50 10, 79 2, 79 13, 82 5,6, 83 1, 259 18, 260 5 etc, sawesp M51 19, 66 22, 77 2, 156 2, 241 15 etc, manesp M9 13, 77 1, 122 8, 332 18 etc, iusump M8 11,13

Pronouns are usually not more than disyllabic and quite frequently used.

The loss of the vowel in the ending might have started in pronouns and spread from there to the other word classes. This change seems to have occurred at an early stage and was already well spread in the 16th and 17th century. The examples with the intact ending in Mavydass text must not be overestimated for they were found mainly in hymns, prayers and names. Common words and especially pronouns were usually without the vowel. So I assume that the endings with the vowel were already archaic even in Mavydass case.

2.2 In Mavydass texts 6 (10%) illatives have retained the

-a in the ending and 53 (90%) have dropped it. In Daukas texts I find 3 (5%) illatives with the intact ending and 53 (95%) without it. The proportion is similar in Sirvydass text where I find 2 (7%) with the intact ending and 27 (93%) without it.

The ending -a seems to have been lost quite early in the singular form as there are only a very few examples of such forms where the ending is retained: ne eis dguna DP 496 35, Vardana Tiewa/Diewa M24 11, 120 11,135 6, 295 3. Sentences like the latter example, meaning In the name of the father / God, very easily become fossilized and can retain the archaic form for a long time.

In the plural the proportion is very different. Almost half of the plurals have retained the ending: mariasna S53 8,10, namusna tawusna DP66 12-13, peklasna M91 7. This has obvious phonetic reasons as the consonant cluster -sn- can be difficult to pronounce in word endings. The other half of the plurals, without the endings were all found in Daukas texts: tokiosn nudemesn DK115 12, namusn sawusn DP465 20.


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2.3 In Mavydass texts 151 (68%) locatives (-je) have retained the vowel in the ending and 71 (32%) have lost it. The proportion in Daukas texts is similar; I find 152 (63%) with the retained vowel and 91 (37%) without the vowel. In Sirvydass text only locatives without the vowel in the ending are found. The situation is different here as the intact form (-oje, -yje, -eje and -uje) is the standard form in modern Lithuanian but the -e is often dropped in spoken and even in written language. Except for the -o stem, where the ending is only -e (miestas, loc. mieste), the locative and -i and -u stem instrumental (-imi, -umi) are one syllable longer than the other cases in the paradigm. When the standard written Lithuanian language was being formed, at the end of the 19th century, the intact ending was no longer used in the West Aukshtaitish dialect (the model dialect of the standard language) nor in most other Lithuanian dialects. But as the grammars of Schleicher and Kuraitis had the intact ending this was the form chosen for the standard written language (Zinkeviius 1992: 86). In situations like this when an already archaic form is introduced in the standard language a retrogression sometimes occurs; some people begin using the older form again in speaking, especially in formal speech. As we can see the process of losing the -e had already started when the first texts were written and has probably taken a long time. Sirvydas has no example of the vowel in the ending. This has a phonetic explanation. In his dialect > and therefore is the ending in locative je > ji. -i more vulnerable to loss than -e so the ending was lost much earlier in his dialect than in other. I presume the loss and the narrowing occurred almost simultanously because phonetically j and i are very close so the ending -ji cannot have survived very long. So this loss probably happened very early in Eastern Lithuania.

The intact ending is more common than the shorter form in 16th century writings in the West Aukshtaitish dialect and in the central variant e.g. in the writings of Vilentas, Bretknas, Dauka and in Margarita Theologia from 1600 (Kazlauskas 1968: 155).

According to my results there is not much difference between Mavydas and Dauka in this case. We must bear in


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mind that Mavydass language had many Auktaitish traits and sometimes he wrote down translations from other writers:

Diewisteie amszinas/ Szmagisteie zmertelnas M73 2 (hymn. Giesme ape Berneli Jesu). This hymn has a lot of forms that differ from the rest of the Catechism and it has been doubted that Mavydas himself translated this hymn; he probably recorded it from someone else (Stang 1929: 119).

The loss of the ending -e is thought to have happened very early in the -u stem, quite long before the beginning of writing. Only one example of a -u stem noun with the vowel retained in the ending is found in the above-mentioned hymn: liaupse diewui danguie M74 22. There are at least 25 examples of this same word in the forms: dagui/dangui/danguy/dangugi. On the other hand there are many examples of retained ending in the other stems especially in the feminine - and - stems.

In Daukas texts it is the opposite. In the Postile I find no examples of -u stem nouns without the ending: dagui DP5 53, DK60 15, 67 6 daguie DP470 20, dangui DP273 8,15, turguie DP66 22, Jesuie Christuie DP526 32.

In his catechism I find Wilniui DK109 10 of and three examples dagui DK46 3,50 14, 65 2 beside 17x of dague/ daguia/ daguie(a). There are on the other hand many - and - stems without the vowel in the ending: anoi skrinioi DK166 10, anoi szwetoi zmogisteie DP145 9, bazniczioi DK147 7, DP 67 13 etc.

In Daukas dialect -e is very open and not far from -a; as we can see in many of his locatives: Kas toia pirmoia weikias daloia DK49 7-8, mileia DK93 3, karalisteia DP3 17, bimeie(a) DK181 19 DP5 7. This has probably led to fact that the ending is retained for a longer time in his dialect.

2.4 In Mavydass texts both the archaic form of dat. sing.

masc. of adjectives and pronouns -amui 8x/-amu 2x (7%) as well as the new one -am 132x (93%) can be found. In Daukas texts only 6 (2%)examples of -amu were found. No example of the older intact form -amui was found in Sirvydass text.


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As we can see there are only very few examples of -amui/-amu. Already at this time when the earliest texts were being written this was an archaism and very rarely used.

In Daukas texts I find only two example with -amui and quit a few with -mu (more precisely -mug the g stands for -gi). Only one adjective is found with the intact ending. The rest are pronouns. In the Catechism only two examples were found, both in the same chapter where the master questions the student: Kmug game Diew Twu? MK49 16, Kmug tad biome kuris essi dgse? DK 50 16. Here kamug is more a interrogative pronoun than a personal pronoun. In this interrogation most of the interrogative pronouns have -g(i) in the ending: kurg, kodrinag, kog, kuroiegi so the -u ending could be used because of a easier pronunciation of kamug than kamg. Beside these two kamug I find kam on 12 occasions. The datives with the intact ending found in the Postile were all in the last part of the book. All except one (paralizewotamu DP346 31) are pronouns and have the ending mu-g: jamug DP433 30, kamug DP529 44, tamug DP331 17 and only two have the full ending -mui: anmui DP326 22, iamui DP504 59.

Strangely enough I find no examples in Daukas texts of the -u ending in the dative singular masculine of nouns, only examples with -ui, e.g.: Angelui DK65 2, mgui DK112 8-9, 155 5, 170 12, 185 8, snui DK25 8, etc. So it is strange that almost all of his pronouns and this only one adjective have the ending -u.

In the Catechism of Mavydas there is only one example of -mui and one example of -mu: garbe Dewui aminamui M74 19 and schemu swetui dotasis M74 9. Both are found in the above mentioned hymn Giesme ape Berenli Jesu.

The datives with the intact ending -mui are very unequally dispersed in Mavydass writings. All the other eight examples are found in Giesmes II:

Schwenta piena dusti Diewui aminamui 191 12, schemu swetui dtassis 221 7 Buki czestis wienamui Diewui aminamui 222 12, Jamui garbe dti 245 6,Ta tiesa mums reikenczemui 372


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8, Tawa schwentamui wardui bu(o)k schlowie 434 10, ketwirta tares est latrui/ Pas deschine nkriszawotamui 447 12.

Except for the two participes: reikenczemui and nkriszawotamui the same adjectives and pronouns can also be found with the ending -am: amzinam 79 17, 483 14, iem/iam (44x), schem 226 13, schwentam 281 4, 343 1, 345 17, 351 7, 372 7, wienam 134 14, 189 14, 203 12, 236 14, 409 5.

The old archaic forms are all found in hymns, so they could have been retained there only to maintain the number of syllables, rhyme and rhythm.

The loss of -ui in pronouns seems to be as strong as in adjectives. I only found three examples of a pronoun in dative; one with the full ending Jamui M245 6, and two with -m-u schemu: sunau Diewa wernasis schemu swetui dotasis M74 9, 221 7. The reasons for this dative ending -m-u are not clear and this form is unique in Mavydass writings.

A lot has been written on the origin of the dative endings -ui/-u/-uo and linguists have put forward various hypotheses, not agreeing in all matters.

The perhaps most interesting theory or hypothesis, which objects this traditional view is the one put forward by V. Maiulis (Maiulis 1970: 106-127).

He claims that the -uo ending is the most archaic one and derives from IE *-; and the -u ending has been taken from the u-stem nouns (-uo> -u ocs. syn-u); and finally the youngest form -ui is -u + i. He also claims that this +i >-ui was introduced rather late in the Lithuanian language; it did not exist in proto-Lithuanian and adhered only to the dialects where we now have -ui. I consider his hypothesis a plausible one and I think that this -ui was at first only introduced to nouns in dative masculine. Concerning adjectives I presume that the ending -amui is an innovation made to agree with the nominal dative -ui. People felt that the dative masculine of adjectives and gendered pronouns should end with -ui as it did in nouns.

As we can see the longer form was scarcely used in the 16th and 17th century. This innovation was somehow unnatural and therefore not stable in the language, which could explain its early


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disappearance, as very marked and unnatural features in a language tend to be lost early.

Furthermore the adjectives and the pronouns already have another marker of dative -m so they can easily afford to lose the vowel in the ending. The noun on the other hand has only -ui, -u, -uo, as a dative marker and thus cannot lose it.

2.5 In Mavydass texts we find both the dative plural with

the intact ending -mus 175x(34%) as well as the newer shortened form -ms 334x (66%). In Daukas texts I only find 3x (1%) dative plurals with the newer shortened form -ms and only 2X (4%) in Sirvydass text. (Only a part of Punktai Sakym is included in my study. Zinkeviius s results from the entire I part are very different to mine. According to them 38% have lost the ending (Zinkeviius 1981: 193)).

The consonant cluster -ms# is not very smooth and can be difficult to pronunce, so in modern Latvian the -s has been dropped: rokm. In many Lithuanian dialects as well, with the exception of Samogitian and partly northern West Aukshtaitish, people say rakom for the hands, snm for the sons etc.

As we can see from the statistics from the works the situation is quite different from the dative singular change discussed above. Here the older intact form is prevalent and this change is more recent. The reason for this could be that the ending -ms


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only one without the -u- in the ending), Sake Jesus mokitinems sawiemus DP524 22.

These very few examples show us that Dauka, although using almost exclusively the longer form, was familiar with the shorter form or at least had heard it and regarded it as an accepted form beside the longer form. As we can see there is always at least one other dative plural with the retained ending standing after the shortened form. This could indicate that the loss of u began when more than one dative plural stood together to avoid too many syllables.

On the other hand in the two examples I found in Sirvydass text the dative plural stands alone: moksu duodunt kaliniams S43 2, wisa tieg padawe po koiams io S13 12. The latter is also found with the longer form: Zwakie koiamus mano zodis tawo S20 8. Trusting Zinkeviiuss results on Sirvydass dative plurals, we can see that it first spread throughout Samogitia, sometime later it spread in the eastern Lithuanian dialects and lastly from two different directions into central Lithuania. There could be phonetic reasons why this happened so much earlier in Samogitia. There the o-stem nominative masculine -as ending was already in the process of being reduced to -s, so a category of words ending with the rather difficult consonant cluster -ms# already exists, as we can see in Mavydass work e.g.: schwesums M78 2, ischguldims M63 18. That is perhaps why the -ms form spread faster and easier through the Samogitian speaking territory.

2.6 Mavydas and Sirvydas show no variation in this case,

but in a completely different way. All the instrumentals of this kind have lost the ending -i in Sirvydass text and none in Mavydass texts. Dauka is the only one showing some variation; the majority or 92% of instrumentals of this kind have retained the ending and 6 (8%) have lost it.

It is very obvious from these facts that this shortening gained foothold first in eastern Lithuania. It spread from there to the Central Dialect and at this point had not reached the Samogitian speaking territory.


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There are only very few examples of ins. sg. without the vowel in Daukas writings:

Iszpazista ii karalum Mesisziumi sunumi Dwido DP4 45 (this is not unlike the dative plural a sequence of ins. sg. and the first one without the vowel)

Dgui su tawimwissads karalaut DK177 21 (there is often an apostrophe to indicate a missing vowel)

But prizastim izganimo ant at aidimo DK173 21 (without loss the -i in the ending would have been directly followed by another -i)

Tur imt su sawim bazniczion DP65 3 su manim weiksis DK143 14. There are many u-stem adjectives in Daukas text having

the ending of u-stem nouns: biaurumi DK56 8, manumi DK171 17-18, patgumi DK88 3, sadumi DK60 11, stiprumi DK122 19,174 10.

One of these adjectives is found without -i: Izgidi man wisso pasulo manw(a)use(a)s brgum

wistu DK142 1 This occurs also in other old texts of e.g. Bretkunas,

Petkevicius, Kleinas, Margarita Theologija, Sirvydas (Kazlauskas 1968: 222) but never in Mavydass writings. In his case the instrumental masculine singular ending is analogical to the o-stem ending i.e. -u instead of -umi, as in the modern standard language. Looking at the u-stem nouns in Mavydass texts, only a few with the -umi ending can be found as he very often uses the o-stem ending e.g. sunu M45 15,166 12, 248 4, 365 7, 416 6, mogu M153 4, 166 18, 192 10, 344 5, 441 9. sunumi M166 3, 168 2. This also occurs in the i-stem nouns: besides schirdimi M311 17, 458 4, 528 8, schirdimij M526 15, schirdimy M528 8, we have schirde M43 4 and schirdij M57 17, 79 2,13.

This change is systematic and of the same kind as the shortening of the dative singular and plural discussed earlier but has a very different geographical distribution. As for the locative ending -je, the longer intact form -umi is nowadays no archaism


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but the standard written Lithuanian accepted form. Very often though, especially in spoken language, people tend to drop it, not only in East Lithuania but also in Samogitia (Zinkeviius 1981: 24).

In Latvian no examples with the -umi ending in the instrumental masculine singular can be found. We have it fossilized in the adverb virsum. There we can see the -i is already lost. In Prussian it is suggested that the instrumental singular was never a paradigmatic form. We have the example sen mim with me (III 79 19). The fact that the i is lost in Prussian indicates that this is derived from pr. -mi and not -m (Maiulis 1970: 162). The Samogitian -mi could on the other hand originate from -m (maybe influence from the plural ms < *- ms). Indications of this are the pronunciation of a long narrow -i in -m in modern north Samogitian and the fact that the ending was long retained in that dialect. Sometimes it seems as if the writing in Mavydass texts indicates the length of the end vowel: manimij M515 9, schirdimij M526 15, schirdimy M528 8 ugnimy M527 11, 529 6. But this does not necessarily indicate the length of the vowel.

It seems as if -i in a final position is very easily lost in Sirvydass dialect because not only in this case but the -i is also completely lost in the locative.

So the reasons, both for losing the -i (in Sirvydass case) and for retaining it (the in Mavydass dialect), seem very phonetic.

3. Conclusion It is obvious from the above that apocope was already wide

spread in the Lithuanian speaking territory in the 16th and 17th centuries. With only a few exceptions all of the changes discussed were well spread within the Lithuanian speaking territory. The exceptions are: the shortening of the dative plural ending -mus > -ms that had not yet spread over the central dialect as facts from Daukas text clearly show where only extremely few examples of -ms were found. This change had spread to a little extent in the Eastern Dialect and only in Samogitian had it really taken off by that time having the majority of dative plurals with the shorter


17

ending. Another exception was the instrumental singular ending -mi > -m but the geographical distribution is very different. Here it is Mavydas who retains the older form, displaying no examples of the shorter form. Dauka has only a very few examples of the newer, shorter form. This change had therefore only spread within Sirvydass dialect where I found no examples of the older form, the newer form having already ousted the older. From the Eastern Dialect it seems to have spread only to a very little extent into the Central Dialect but not yet reached the Samogitian border. We must also take into account that he was writing 30 years later than Dauka and 80 years later than Mavydas. This time difference is probably not so significant that it could explain this great difference as concerns this language change but we might guess that it had spread a bit more by the time Sirvydas was writing in at least the Central Dialect where it had already begun 30 years earlier. In the old prayer Hail Mary written in the East Dzkish dialect we have one example of an instrumental of this kind: suthavimy (su tavimi) where the ending is intact. This prayer was probably written around the turn of the 16th century, (Lebedys 1972: 39) i.e. approximately 120 years before Sirvydas was writing. The locatives in this prayer had on the other hand lost the vowel in the endings. But as already mentioned, the loss of -i in the ending of the locative probably happened very early in Eastern Lithuania most likely simultaneously with the narrowing of vowels.

It seems as if -i in a final position is very easily lost in Sirvydass dialect (both original -i and-i < e ( -am. No example of the older form is found in Sirvydass text and only


18

a very few in both Mavydass and Daukas texts. Another change that seems to have occurred at an early stage is the loss of the vwel in the ending of the postpositional local cases; adessive, allative and illatives.

As we can see the geographical distribution varies a lot from one change to the other. There is no one dialect from which all the changes originate and from there spread to the others.

Mavydas is very different from the others. This is maybe not as surprising as he is Samogitian. What is surprising though is that he is in a way both more archaic and more advanced. He is more advanced regarding the dative plural but more archaic concerning the instrumental ending and the postpositional locas cases. It also seems that he occasionally archaizes his language especially in hymns and prayers. Sirvydas is more advanced concerning the locative, the instrumental and the dative singular endings. Dauka is usually the one with the most archaic forms. With one exception though, he is the only one to have dropped the ending in illative plural (-sna > -sn) on several occasions and in the allative, adessive and illative in general he has a slightly, but not significantly, higher percentage of newer, shorter forms than Sirvydas.

Let us now look at the motivations for this kind of apocope. I already suggested that at an early stage there was a so-called reanalysis of the paradigm and what originally used to be the thematic vowel determining the stem began to determine the ending, resulting in disyllabic endings instead of monosyllabic ones. As language seems to have a remarkable tendency to restore its patterns and maintain its equilibrium the ending was gradually reduced to one syllable. But as we have seen things were more complex than that. This might have been the underlying reason for the final vowel being more vulnerable to loss, but the final or ultimate reason, or maybe more precisely the stimulant for the loss, seems to be, at least for some of the changes, more phonetic than morphologic. There are e.g. phonetic reasons for the complete loss of -i in Sirvydass dialect in both the locative and the instrumental. The same goes for retaining the -i in instrumental case in Mavydass dialect because of its length and


19

for retaining the -e in the locative case in Daukas dialect because of its openness and closeness to -a. Other changes are often stimulants to new changes and I suggest that this was the case in the dative plural change -mus >-ms, which was significantly more spread in Mavydass dialect than in the others. My suggestion is that this change was stimulated by the phonetically conditioned change -as > -s, which resulted in a category of words with a rather difficult consonant cluster in the ending -ms#, making it perhaps easier for the shorter dative plural form -ms to spread faster through the Samogitian speaking territory.

The vowel reduction was probably at first irregular and varied according to speakers, some people dropping or shortening the vowels more often and more regularly than others. At a later stage it can be assumed that the reduction became more regular, until some language-learners picked it up as a general rule of the language. More popular words with wider usage were affected first like e.g. pronouns. The reduction might also have varied according to class, age, sex and areas. References Aitchison, Jean. 2001 Language Change: Progress or Decay? Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press. Bjarnadttir, Valgerur. 2001 Vowel reduction in adjectival endings in Mavydass

writing and Daukas Catechism. Stockholm: Stockholm University.

Harris, J. 1969 Sound change in Spanish and the theory of markedness. Language 45.

Hock, Hans Henrich. 1991 Principles of Historical Linguistics. Berlin - New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

Kazlauskas, Jonas. 1968 Lietuvi kalbos istorin gramatika. Vilnius: Mintis. King, Robert D. 1969 Historical linguistics and generative grammar.

Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Lass, Roger. 1998 Historical linguistics and language change.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lebedys, Jurgis. 1972 Lituanistikos Baruose. Vilnius: Mintis. Maiulis, Vytautas. 1970 Balt ir kit indoeuropiei kalb sanykiai. Vilnius:

Mintis. Stang, Christian S. 1929 Die Sprache des Litauishen Katechismus von

Mavydas. Oslo: Jacob Dybwad.


20

Zinkeviius, Zigmas. 1966 Lietuvi dialektologija. Vilnius: Mintis. Zinkeviius, Zigmas. 1992 Lietuvi kalbos istorija V, Bendrins kalbos ikilimas.

Vilnius: Mintis. Zinkeviius, Zigmas. 1981 Lietuvi kalbos istorin gramatika I ir II. Leidykla

Vilnius: Mintis.

KOPSAVILKUMS

Apokopes izplatans un ts motivcija locjumu galotns veclietuvieu valod

Valgerur BJARNADTTIR

ai rakst ir aplkots patskau zudums jeb apokope, ts izplatba un motivcija

lietvrdu, pabas vrdu un skaita vrdu locjumu galotns daos no agrnajiem lietuvieu tekstiem. Analizti Martina Mavda Katehisms (1547), k ar citi via darbi, daa no Mikaloja Daukas Postillas (1599), k ar daa no Konstantna Sirvda Punktai sakym (1629). Tie ir oti nozmgi avoti o valodas maiu izptei, jo tajos ir gan vecks formas ar saglabtu gala patskani, gan ar jaunkas formas, kur patskanis jau ir zudis. Patskau zudumus bija plai izplatts vairkos locjumos: adesv, allatv, illatv, k ar adjektvu un pronomenu vrieu dzimtes vienskaita datv. Savukrt daudzskaita datva galotn patskanis oti biei ir saglabts. m maim ir dads eogrfiska izplatba. Kopum maim ir tendence izplatties vai nu no rietumiem (no emaitijas) vai no austrumiem (no Austrumauktaitijas) uz centrlo arelu. Maiu motivcija ir atirga. T k s maias ir morfoloiski noteiktas, skotnjais iemesls ir mekljams morfoloiskaj sistm, tau maias noslgum vismaz daos gadjumos lielku lomu ietami iegst ar fontiski nosacjumi.


21

SLANG IN THE CORPUS OF KAUNAS TEENAGERS

Jolanta LGAUDAIT

(Vytauto Didiojo universitas)

Slang is a language that rolls up its sleeves, spits on its hands, and goes to work.

Carl Sandburg 0. Introduction

Anyone who has heard Kaunas teenage dialogue cannot help being struck by the richness and vividness of the vernacular:

[1] M37: Olia! Mes ia diskutuojam ar duos machs

kontrobas. O gal nukels kokiai kitai dienai, nes visiems dzin ir niekas nieko nekerta. [Hi! We are discussing if they give us a contrabass (test) in maths today. Oh maybe they they will postpone it until some other day because we dont understand the theme and nobody cuts (understands).]

M38: Ka? Kontras iandien? Man dzin! Dar parausiu kok tviks, nes nieko nebaldielinu. inot chebryte, iauiu a chaton. Gal dar ir pasivaidensiu iandien. [What? A test today? I dont care, I dont understand it! I may pull up a twix (get a two) because Im almost fresh. You know guys, I ruffle home (going home). Maybe Ill fancy (come back) later today.]

The introduction to teenage language comes early in a

young persons life. Since the teenage vernacular by its very nature is figurative, slang, of course, abounds, and many of the slang words are not only vivid but also strongly linked with irony,

Jolanta LGAUDAIT. Slang in the Corpus of Kaunas Teenagers

22

offensiveness, humour and sex. The Kaunas teenagers try to find the right style and tone, especially when interacting with their peers. Thus, they tend to use slang in preference to standard words and expressions as it changes the level of discourse in the direction of informality. For most of them, slang has become the official language, which can be explained by the fact that the general vocabulary reveals little about the teenagers attitude in a particular situation, while the use of slang vividly indicates the speakers views of the situation. This is illustrated in examples [2] to [4]:

[2] M34: Boba labai gera, nemirtinga!

[This woman is cool, immortal (very good)!] [3] F19: Cicinas Cicinas yra jga!

[Cicinas, Cicinas is power (perfect)!] [4] F52: Jei pasakysi visk, tau bus miios.

[If you tell everything, you will get mass (find the way to revenge).]

The use of the slang words nemirtinga (immortal), jga

(power), miios (mass) in favour of standard words makes the utterance deliberately informal and expressive, and intensifies the situation in which it occurs. Slang words, such as pams (lesson), egzersaisas (exercise), mach (maths), diaukas (joke), kirsti (cut), moka (teacher), kontrabosas (contrabass = test) are rather difficult to interpret for adults, but in a peer group of teenagers they are fully understandable and create a feeling of togetherness with others who share the same beliefs and behaviour patterns.

1. Lithuanian teenage slang: the problem It has to be pointed out that so far, there has been no

scholarly work in Lithuania on teenage slang. Nevertheless, some


23

linguists in Lithuania have studied slang in general (Pikilingis 1975; Jakaitien 1980; Dagys 1996), and their observations are taken into consideration.

Returning to the problem at hand, it has to be specified that the teenage slang in the corpus of Kaunas teenagers (COKT) is identified by means of the following criteria: form, general characteristics and function, based on the studies of English slang (eg Morgan, ONeil & Harre 1979; Eble 1996; Jay 1999; Stenstrm et al 2002). This is due to the fact that Lithuanian slang has the same characteristics as English. The slang examples cited from COKT are translated into English by means of word-to-word translation or meaning interpretation, with consideration paid to word building processes and semantic shifts. Examples [5] to [8] may be taken as representative examples:

[5] M14: Per atostogas tai bna visko, mano atostogos

nenuspjamos, nes tai nu itremia kaim danai, bet iaip tai jeigu ne, tai trinuosi po Kaun. [Lots of things happen during the holidays, my holidays are unpredictable, Im often exiled (taken) to the village but if not, I rub (stay around) in Kaunas.]

[6] F84: Geriau vemti negu sportuoti.

[Better to vomit (do something unpleasant) than go sporting.] I: K manai apie krepin? [What about basketball?]

F84: Oi, ia yra masin psichoz. [Oh, people are going mad about it.] I: K tu veiki laisvalaikiu? [And how do you spend your free time?]

F84: Mokausi. [I study.] I: Tiktai? [Only that?]


24

F84: Ne, neinau, d malu. [No, I dont know, I grind shit (do nothing).]

[7] M28: gavau i savo mokyklos, tai a gavau angl

kalbos inias dideles stiprias angl kalbos inias, o daugiau ten ukniso viskas, viskas, ten visi mokytojai, visi dstytojai (.) mokykla labai lieva lieva. [Ive got in school a good knowledge of English , very good and nothing more because everything nuzzled (get on my nerves) me, all the teachers (.) the school is very stupid.]

M29: Klyfa lieva, praktikai daugiau kaip pus mokytoj (.) visiki debilai! [The supervisor stupid, on the whole more than a half of the school (.) absolutely narrow-minded.]

M28: Jo, ant pirt galima skaiiuot normalius, mokytojus [Yeah, you may count on fingers normal teachers]

M29: Mmh [Hmm]

[8] I: Ar patinka mokykla kurioje mokots?

[Do you like your school?] M46: Nekeniu jos!

[I simply hate it!] I: Kodl? [Why?]

M46: Durna ia grasyka [Its a stupid place of threatening]

The examples illustrate that the Lithuanian slang can not

always be translated word by word, because they are newly invented words. Examples are lieva (stupid) and klyfa


25

(supervisor). In such cases an English standard word, which is equivalent in meaning, is provided.

2. The Kaunas corpus: COKT The COKT material was collected by ten teenage student

recruits (boys and girls) willing to take part in the research. The recruits recorded of 120,200 words of questionnaire-based conversations between 13- to 19-year-old boys and girls from eleven different school districts in Kaunas. The recordings were made inside and outside school settings and consist of two-, three- and multi-party conversations. Despite the questionnaire-based method of collecting data, the recruits managed to record what can be characterised as natural, informal conversations. The questionnaire used was arranged in such a way that it provoked the respondents to adopt a casual manner of speaking. In order to achieve a relaxed atmosphere, the recruits were advised to use various nonstandard expressions, including slang and swearwords. And since the teenagers interacted with their peers, they tended to forget about the recruit and the recording situation.

I administered the recordings by giving instructions to the recruits, providing the equipment consisting of a Walkman and a lapel microphone, and collecting the tapes. The whole procedure, including the recording and my transcription of the material, started in September 1999 and took 18 months. COKT consists of 78 conversations of various lengths, amounting to 17 hours of recorded speech.

COKT includes material that describes the speakers and the speech events in terms of speakers age and gender and information about the setting of the conversation (street, school, caf, night-club, etc.) and in which school borough it takes place. There is no personal information other than age; even the first names, if they happen to appear in the material, are changed for the identity of the speakers to be treated as fully anonymous.


26

2.1. The vernacular and the Observers Paradox Since my goal has been to obtain a corpus of spontaneous,

uninhibited, unmonitored speech, I tried as much as possible to avoid the problem Labov termed the Observers Paradox, described as follows: the aim of linguistic research in the community must be to find out how people talk when they are not being systematically observed; yet we can only obtain these data by systematic observation (Labov 1972: 209). The observers paradox, as referred to by Labov (1972: 113), is simply the effect the observer and a tape-recorder have on the speech produced by the subjects.

In COKT, part of the problem was overcome by the fact that the recruits were teenagers themselves and that the questionnaire was set up so as to arouse the teenagers interest and make them willing to talk spontaneously in the interview situation. But despite the efforts to make the collection of data a natural and spontaneous speech event, some of the speakers were obviously aware of being interviewed and recorded. Moreover, the observers paradox seems to have affected some age groups more than others. For example, there is a slight difference between the middle adolescents (age group 14-16) and late adolescents (age group 17-19); the younger ones enjoyed demonstrating their vernacular even if they were aware of being recorded, while some of the older ones refused to talk about their school and were generally more cautious. From the researchers point of view, this awareness was not a desired effect. However, although the impression is that of an interview rather than a conversation in some places, most of the speech can be characterised as spontaneous.

2.2. Age groups Following Erikson (1959), adolescence can be divided into

three periods: early adolescence (12-14), middle adolescence (14-16), and late adolescence (16-19) (quoted in Trimakas 1997: 58).


27

Since the comparative approach will be applied in Chapter 6, I have adopted a slightly different division, which corresponds to the age group division in COLT: early adolescence (12-13), middle adolescence (14-16), and late adolescence (17- 19). In line with this division, the distribution of text across the age groups can be viewed as follows (Figure 1).

Figure 1: Distribution of COKT across various age groups

Figure 1 represents three age groups of COKT informants,

early adolescence (106,23 words), middle adolescence (286,08 words) and late adolescence (244,84 words). The early adolescents account for the smallest amount of text material, only 17 per cent, while the middle and the late adolescents can be said to represent the core of the material.

2.3. Gender The investigation of gender differences among adolescents

may shed light on gender-specific slang; hence, the current study will describe gender-related differentiation in COKT. This may clear up some questions of interest: At what age do girls and boys start using slang intensively? Do they share the same purposes and needs when using slang?

The Lithuanian corpus contains conversations with 101 male (M) and 103 female (F) speakers. Figure 2 shows the distribution of the text material in the two gender groups.

early17%

middle45%

late38%


28

As illustrated in Figure 2, female and the male speakers contribute roughly the same amount of text, 51 per cent (324,95 words) and 49 per cent (312,20 words), respectively.

Figure 2: Distribution of COKT in the two gender groups

2.4. The Kaunas boroughs The COKT conversations were recorded in eleven different

Kaunas boroughs. These are Aleksotas, Centras, Dainava, Eiguliai, Kalnieiai, Petrainai, Senamiestis, aniai, ilainiai, Vilijampol and aliakalnis. Thirty-six different schools are represented in the material. For most of the teenagers, the borough of residence is identical with their school borough (Figure 3).

Figure 3: Distribution of COKT across school boroughs

female 51%

male49%

41715089

68528053

8771927

44885800

9731

1387

15340

02000400060008000

1000012000140001600018000

Ale

ksot

as

Cen

tras

Dai

nava

Eig

ulia

i

Kal

nie

iai

Pet

rain

ai

Sen

amie

stis

an

iai

ila

inia

i

Vili

jam

pol

alia

kaln

is


29

Three school boroughs, aliakalnis, ilainiai and Eiguliai, represent the bulk of the COKT text material, amounting to 33,124 words, while the distribution of the text material is low in Kalnieiai (877 words), Petrainai (1,917 words) and Vilijampol (1,387 words) boroughs. The other boroughs are represented to varying degrees.

Knowledge about the residential borough, which, as mentioned, is identical with their school borough for most of the speakers, may give indirect information about the social position of the parents. On this background, I find it reasonable to correlate the occurrence of slang and school borough.

3. Pure, dirty and name-calling slang Teenage slang in COKT falls into three major categories:

pure, dirty and name-calling. It deserves to be uderlined that, depending on the context, some slang words and expressions can be cross-categorised since they are used in more than one sense. For instance, gaidys (cock = homosexual), which belongs to the category of dirty slang, can also be used in the sense of cock, when used for name-calling, as in:

[9] M79: Pas mus kieiausias mokytojas tai Gaidys yra,

karoe, kad, stopudovas, toks ir kai gaidys, plaukai inai taip ant viraus, ia prapliks ir, karoe, tai, kai pedikas tai pedikas, ir kai dizaineris [We have a tough teacher Cock, he looks like a cock, his hair stands up on the front of his head and he is bald, and briefly he is homosexual, and like a designer]

The following sections deal with each slang category

separately.


30

3.1. Category One: Pure slang The largest category of slang in COKT is realized as pure. It

is widespread, general, not offensive or dirty, and of frequent occurrence. Examples of pure slang in COKT are cyza (cigarette), perukas (scrib), bate (tea), frakan gauti (beaten to the coat-tail = beaten) and ek (look). Pure teenage slang in COKT comprises 2.3 per cent of the total number of words in the corpus. The most frequent words in the category of pure slang are exhibited in Table 1.

Table 1: The top ten pure slang words Item Frequency fainai (fine) 142 tranzas (hitch hike) 114 sdti (sit = be) 82 tipo (type = as) 73 tsas (party) 47 metalas (metal=special style) 43 krtas (tough) 33 vea (drives = affects) 30 l (school) 27 diskanas (disco) 23 Total 614

These words make up 22.6 per cent of the total number of

pure slang words in COKT. Different types of pure slang can be distinguished: general

and special. General slang is used to name ordinary everyday activities and states in the teenage culture. Such slang is related to school life, music, clothes, etc. Among the general slang words there are words like l (school), bias (friend), sumautas (bad), kirvis (axe = strict), suploti (clap = pay much), iauriai (cruely = very).

Special slang reflects social reality in a hidden way and pictures teenagers values. By using special slang, the teenagers express their fundamental opposition and show a range of


31

attitudes from slight impudence to subversiveness. Here we find a group of words related to drugs and drinking alcohol, which emphasises that the excessive use of drugs and alcohol is both socially and legally unacceptable, though talking about it or getting drunk is a favourite pastime for teenagers. There is a large number of words and expressions meaning drugs, eg amfa (amphetamine), chemija (chemistry), ratukai (wheels), ramintukai (that calms down), galvos (heads), ol (grass), koka (cocaine) etc., words meaning injecting drugs, e.g., leisti ven (inject into vein), ant adatos sdti (sit on the needle), drug-induced, e.g., vea (drives), galv kala (knocks the head); and use drugs, e.g., usimesti (put on), which typically occur in secondary schools in Senamiestis. One example is [10]:

[10] M79: vaiuoja viskas gerai, ekstazy k naudojau, tai

yra geriausia. [drives (affects), ok, I take ecstasy (drugs), its the best.]

M78: Man, man pienas. [For me, milk (poppy milk = drugs.]

M79: ia prajo tie laikai, kai ekstazy tablet kainavo imtas lit. Dabar geriausias, nes iauriai ilgai vea. Ekstazy yra geriausias dalykas. [The time has passed when ecstasy (drugs) was one hundred litas a tablet. Now its the best, it drives (affects) long. Ecstasy is the best thing.]

M78: Pienas geriau. [Milk (poppy milk = drugs) is better.]

Slang words which refer to drink kalti (hammer in),

padaryti (do), lti (brake), dusinti (choke), kabl pagauti (catch a hook) and drunk nuls (broken), apsines (covered), pritvotas (killed), etc. are also noticed in the speech of teenagers:

[11] M28: Nori atsipalaiduot, o tau atvirkiai tamp

sukelia, nu tai tok reikia dalyk, geriau tada i


32

viso tsus neit, tada kur nors atsisst ir padusint alaus. [You want to relax and it affects you differently you feel tension, but you need such things, better not go to the party then, then better go somewhere and choke (drink) beer.]

The Kaunas teenagers use special slang words to refer to

beat, e.g., baladoti (knock), uvaiuoti (drive on), ijungti (switch off), ikirsti (cut off), pasikasyti kulokus (scratch the fists) etc., and to sexual intercourse, e.g., dulkintis (pollinate), skyles platinti (widen holes), padaryti (do), aisti (play). All these slang words and expressions have corresponding synonyms in the standard language, which have negative connotations or should be avoided for other reasons. The social value of this slang is to keep something secret from the outsiders when talking about a particular activity.

Teenagers use pure slang, like slang in general, in order to facilitate group communication, in this way solidifying social ties between the members of the group and identifying non-members. Given the examples presented above, we can conclude that group identification through a common vernacular is especially important when talking about forbidden acts.

3.2. Category Two: Dirty slang The term dirty is characterised as indecent, smutty,

involving an improper sexual relationship (Longman Dictionary of the English Language 1991: 446); blue, obscene, pornographic, vulgar (The Collins Thesaurus in A-Z Form 1990: 173); connected with sex in a way that is considered immoral or unpleasant, if something is a dirty word, people believe it is a bad thing even if they do not know or think much about it (Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English 1995: 380). According to Jay (1992), the concept of dirty covers a great variety of words denoting speech acts for cursing, taboo,


33

profanity, blasphemy, obscenity, vulgarity, insults and slurs, slang, epithets, scatology. Dirty slang can be seen as consisting of offensive words mainly related to sexual intercourse, body parts, excretion, such as pisti prot (fuck somebodys mind = irritate), pisti kakt (fuck somebody to the forehead = beat), d malti (grind shit = talk nonsense, do nothing), guminis papas (rubber tits = big breast), buferis (buffer = breast).

The most frequently observed dirty slang words among the Kaunas teenagers are presented in Table 2. The top ten dirty slang words make up 39.4 per cent of the total number of dirty slang words. But in comparison with the total number of slang words in COKT, they make up only two per cent. All in all, dirty slang words make up 5.1 per cent of the total number of slang words but only 0.1 per cent of the total number of words in COKT. On the basis of these figures, we can come to the conclusion that the Kaunas teenagers do not use dirty slang very often, despite the fact that such words create an aura of toughness in a peer group.

Table 2: The top ten dirty slang words in COKT

Item Frequency

pisti (fuck = make love) 12 zajabis (fuck around = make love) 11 fakas (fuck = bad) 9 nupizdinti (steal) 6 pizdavoti (mock ) 5 pedikas (homosexual) 4 pisti prot (fuck the mind = rack the brains) 4 upisti (fuck off = bore to death) 4 pisti kakt (fuck to the forehead = beat ) 3 d malti (grin shit = do nothing) 3 Total 58

The vocabulary of dirty slang in COKT is composed of

sexual slang, such as make love tratintis, padaryti bob (make a woman), trakintis, traukt (pull) etc., name-calling slang for homosexual Pideras, Agrastas (Gooseberry),


34

Gaidys (Cock) etc., and other words and expressions related to male and female genitalia, such as pizdavoti (mock), nupizdinti (steal), chujova (bad); sexual intercourse pisti prot (fuck the mind = rack the brains), pisti kakt (fuck to the forehead = beat) and excretion d malti (grin shit = do nothing).

The usage of dirty slang in COKT may be motivated by two main factors. First, the rapid tempo of teenage life evokes emotions irritation, vexation, contempt, irony and surprise which are stronger than the standard vocabulary can convey. Second, there are certain extreme situations in which no other words are felt to be appropriate. Dirty slang corresponds largely to emotional slang, used for its emotional impact and connotations to intensify the teenagers annoyance or surprise within their specific social surrounding. Undoubtedly, dirty slang is influenced by social context more than any other category of teenage slang.

In extract [12] a group of Kaunas boys and girls express their opinion about school. They are dissatisfied with both the teachers and the school itself. The physical location the street outside the school environment and the social relationship within the peer group contribute to the emotional speech intensified by the dirty slang words das (shit), chujova (related to man genitalia in Russian), and pisti prot (fuck the mind = rack the brain), which are interpreted connotatively by the listeners and indicate that something is wrong and bad at school.

[12] M9: nes ji yra das.

[because it is shit (bad)] M7: Diova, idauyta, alta.

[Cheap (bad), broken, cold] F9: Langai idauyti, tipo krta.

[the windows are broken, pretends very good] F10: Chujovos mokytojos.

[Bad teachers] M7: Nesikeik (laugh)

[Dont swear]


35

F10: Pisa prot visi ir viskas. [All fuck the mind (rack the brain) and that is.]

M9: Dar viena ia [One more here]

M7: Tai aiku! [Exactly!]

M11: Geriausiai kai ms klyfa kakada sako pardone. [The best when our supervisor once said pardone (pardon).]

The example illustrates that the dirty slang words employed

do not only express discomfort and annoyance but also consolidate the social ties between the members of the group in their opposition to authority.

3.3. Pure and dirty slang in relation to age, gender and school borough

Tables 3 to 5 demonstrate the relation between slang and

gender, slang and age and slang and school borough.

Table 3: Slang and gender

Pure slang Dirty slang Total slang words per gender Gender

N per 1000 N per 1000 N

per 1000

Total words per gender

Boys 1 578 50.5 108 3.5 1 686 54.0 31 220 Girls 1 135 34.9 39 1.2 1 174 36.1 32 495 Total 2 713 85.4 147 4.7 2 860 90.1 63 715

= 13.6062 d.f. = 1 Significant at p > 0.001


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Table 4: Slang and age

Pure slang Dirty slang Total slang words per age group Age group

N per 1000 N per 1000 N

per 1000

Total words per age group

12-13 562 52.9 44 4.1 606 57.0 10 623 14-16 1 384 48.4 73 2.6 1 457 50.9 28 608 17-19 767 31.3 30 1.2 797 32.6 24 484 Total 2 713 132.6 147 7.9 2 860 140.5 63 715


Table 5: Slang and school borough

Pure slang Dirty slang Total slang per borough School borough N per 1000 N

per 1000 N

per 1000

Total words per borough

Aleksotas 175 42.0 10 2.4 185 44.4 4171 Centras 246 48.3 11 2.2 257 50.5 5089 Dainava 191 27.9 11 1.6 202 29.5 6852 Eiguliai 329 40.9 18 2.2 347 43.0 8053 Kalnieiai 105 119.7 10 11.4 115 131.1 877 Petrainai 109 56.6 3 1.6 112 58.1 1927 Senamiestis 269 59.9 12 2.7 281 62.6 4488 aniai 254 43.8 27 4.7 281 48.4 5800 ilainiai 345 35.5 13 1.3 358 36.8 9731 Vilijampol 64 46.1 1 0.7 65 46.9 1387 aliakalnis 626 40.8 31 2.0 657 42.8 15340 Total 2713 561.5 147 32.8 2860 594.3 63715

= 20.4142 d.f. = 10 Significant at p > 0.05 The boys in COKT use slang more often than the girls. This

tendency predominates both in the use of pure slang and dirty slang words. The fact that the difference among boys and girls in


37

using dirty slang is noticeably greater than in their use of pure slang makes us assume that societal norms differ for boys and girls as females and males are socialised in different sociolinguistic subcultures (Coates 1988: 69). This leads to the assumption that girls tend to favour the more prestigious forms (Trudgill 1974; Macaulay 1977; Romaine 1978; Eisikovits 1987, 1988), which is also manifested by the data. However, the difference among boys and girls as regards pure slang words, which is fairly small, shows that the peer pressure predominates over social pressure which governs peoples ideas what is right and what is wrong.

The fact that both boys and girls in COKT prefer pure slang to dirty slang is particularly obvious among the 17- to 19-year-old boys and girls, where the frequency of dirty slang is lowest. According to Lerman (1967), the period of late adolescence in teenagers lives is characterised by expansion of their vocabulary knowledge. Changes in their cognitive development is followed by the acquisition of new ways of using language and new vocabulary. As late adolescents attitudes diverge from these of early adolescents and greater room is given for individual preferences as opposed to group opinions, late adolescents probably think about the possible consequences before they use dirty slang. The results in Table 4 confirm Lermans (1967) statement that the age at which teenagers become the most ardent users of the vernacular is approximately between 10 and 13: slang words, both, pure and dirty, dominate in the age group of early adolescence, i.e. among the 12- to 13-year-old teenagers.

Thus, it may be concluded that age has a greater effect on slang acquisition and use than gender. Factors such as continued identification with street life and the desire to be seen as a tough guy contribute to the frequency of slang usage, particularly among the early and middle adolescents.

Considering the frequency of pure and dirty slang in the school boroughs, regardless of gender and age, it is noticeable that the Kalnieiai teenagers use more slang words than the speakers from other school boroughs, followed by the teenagers from Senamiestis and Petrainai, while the speakers from


38

Dainava use least slang. However, pure slang is more frequent than dirty slang among the teenagers in all Kaunas school boroughs.

It should be clear from the figures displayed in Table 5 that the pulsating centre of teenage slang is Kalnieiai, where the difference in frequency in relation to other school boroughs is most striking. The intense use of slang in Kalnieiai may be due to the particular groups of teenagers or gangs, such as brikai (bricks), forsai (force), pliki (bold), and skustagalviai (skinheads), who grew up and settled in this region. These teenagers are aggressive and similar enough in appearance; their style is characterised by a bald head and a tracksuit. As Table 5 demonstrates, dirty slang is used much more frequently in Kalnieiai than in the other boroughs, which adds to the style of these groups. The observation lends support to the assumption that these teenagers represent working-class families, considering that the studies by Trudgill (1974), Macaulay (1977) and Stenstrm (1997) showed that middle-class speakers have a preference for standard language.

It is very likely that slang spreads from Kalnieiai to other boroughs in Kaunas through teenage networks.

3.4. Category Three: Name-calling slang Name-calling slang is offensive in nature and meant to

expose physical traits, such as plikos galvuts (bald heads), d (box), varl (frog), kiaul (pig), Sabrina (Sabrina); psychological characteristics, such as asilas (donkey), daunas, psichas, (psychic), stupid lopas (patch); and social characteristics of people who deviate from the norm, such as raudoniknis (red ass), gaidys (cock), pedikas (homosexual), mlas (shit). It operates to put labels on friends and particular groups of people, here especially teachers.

Name-calling slang comprises 0.4 per cent totally of all the words in COKT and 16.7 per cent of all the slang words. The most frequent words in the category of name-calling slang are


39

displayed in Table 6. The top ten name-calling items make up 20.7 per cent of the total number of name-calling slang words and 3.5 per cent of the total number of slang words. Two of the words listed, Gaidys (Cock = homosexual) and Kiaul (Pig = fat, impolite), belong to what has been defined as dirty slang. Depending on the context, they can be used in more than one sense, however (cf examples [13][16]).

Table 6: The top ten name-calling slang words

Item Frequency Kobra (Kobra) 20 Gaidys (Cock) 14 Molekul (Molecule) 10 Oys (Goat) 10 Kiaul (Pig) 9 Siena (Wall) 8 Triuis (Rabbit) 8 Sabrina (Sabrina) 7 Meka (Bear) 7 Senmerg (Spinster) 7 Total 100

Slang-specific observations and generalisations (Wilson

1969; Jay 1989) lead to the following classification of name-calling slang in COKT:

1. Animal names:

Arklys (Horse), Kengra (Kengeroo), Triuis (Rabbit), sinas (Goose), Meka (Bear), Viiukas (Chicken).

2. Imaginative mental or body weakness: Debilas, Daunas, Psichas (Psychic), Kly (Bandy-legged).

3. Body parts and body products: Papas, Biustas (Tits), Subin (Ass), Nosis (Nose), das (Shit), Min (Who piss in), Raudoniknis (Red-ass).


40

4. Shortened forms of names and surnames: Binga (surname = Bingelien), Gataveckas (surname = Gataveckien).

5. Social deviations: Valkata (Tramp), Pideras, Pedikas (homosexual), Gaidys, Mlynas, (Cock, Blue = homosexual).

6. Names denoting objects or things: Taukas (Fat), Kd (Chair), Kibiras (Bucket), Kirvis (Axe), Sportbatis (Sports shoe).

7. Physical peculiarities and appearance: Barzdonas (With a beard), Pasak Fja (Fairy), Pinokis (Pinocchio = Big nose), Sabonis (Basketball player = very tall).

As the classification shows, Lithuanian teenage name-

calling slang falls into seven subcategories based on physical, psychological and social characteristics of people who are perceived as deviating from the norm. Other slang words falling into these categories are, for instance, Storas (Fatty), Akarikas (With glasses), Negras (Negro) (social).

There are examples of name-calling slang that fit into more than one subcategory, as examples [13][16] illustrate:

[13] M79: Gaidys yra, karoe, kad, stopudovas, toks ir kai

Gaidys, plaukai inai taip ant viraus, ia [He is a Cock (homosexual), Im sure, and appearance of a Cock as his hair stand on his head, here] (Appearance)

[14] F67: Gaidys, o todl, kad vis laik taip vaikto, jo

kojos ilgos ir susidjs rankas nugaroj. [A Cock, because he walks like that, his legs long and his hands on his back.] (Physical peculiarities)

[15] M5: Gaidiai yra, nu jie kai gyvenimu nusivilia,

pradeda.


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[Cocks (homosexuals), they become like that when they get disappointed in life.] (Social deviations)

M57: Narkomanai jie yra, eina tokie visokie pribld, visk daro, jie nervuojasi [They are drug addicts, go crazy, do everything, always nervous] (Social deviations)

[16] F79: Per tsus, neinu a ls tsus, ba ten durneliai,

klasiokai Gaidiai, Blondins visi susirink, neinu a tsus.. [During parties, I dont go to the parties at school because my stupid classmates Cocks (show off) and Blondes all go there, I dont go to the parties.] (Appearance)

The slang word Gaidys (Gaidiai) in the examples above

indicates derogatory epithets of appearance in different contexts physical and social deviations denoting different meanings via physical, social and psychological characteristic peculiarities.

From the point of view of semantic interpretation, many of the name-calling items are based on positive features, such as Pasak Fja (fairy) or Mik Pkuotukas (Winnie the Pooh), which carry varying degrees of emotional content and descriptive force. These slang words or identity markers are used to characterise a persons perceived behaviour, appearance, or relationship to the speaker. As they are not permanent labels and are tied up with personal perceptions, they tell much about attitudes, expectations, and values.

As mentioned before, name-calling slang in COKT operates as a means to insult, mock or satirise outsiders or even in-group members. Calling a friend or enemy a hurtful name is related to the expressions of anger or even critical humour, which on a social level is used to put down the outsiders (Kantrowitz 1969; Allen 1983, 1984, 1990; Eble 1996). The research data in COKT has shown that 84 per cent of the name-calling slang is used to express distrust and dislike of teachers. By using derogatory


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epithets, the teenagers intensify internal solidarity against teachers, who have more power and social standing. Therefore, they encode a shared experience and celebrate a common outlook, which is based on innocent or deliberate enjoyment. Examples [17] and [18], with the teenagers commentaries, serve as illustrations:

[17] Samtis (Ladle) be dant, todl taip ir

pavadinta (she is without teeth that is why we call her a ladle)

[18] Sabrina nes su dideliais papais, didelis

biustas, atrodo kaip kokia seks bomba (because of her huge tits/bust, looks like a sex bomb)

Judging by the above examples, we can claim that name-

calling directed to teachers elucidates the teenagers internal solidarity and their opposition to established authority through expressions of satirical, negative or even cynical attitudes.

With respect to name-calling slang in COKT, it is apparently more often used to strengthen group affinity than to reflect emotions. Thus, in line with Ljung (1984), who distinguishes between aggressive and social swearing, I consider name-calling slang in the group of Kaunas teenagers social since it demonstrates strong group closeness and opposition to the outsiders.

Finally, let us consider how name-calling slang is used across gender, age and school boroughs (Tables 7, 8, 9).

Though the psycholinguistic literature suggests that men use a larger vocabulary of offensive speech than do women (Staley 1978; Baley & Timm 1976; Haas 1979; Jay 1980; Selnow 1985), Table 7 shows that there is no distinctive difference in the use of name-calling slang in COKT: while the boys use eight slang words per thousand words, the girls use almost seven. In contrast, there is a difference between boys and girls in the frequency of the top ten slang words. Consider Table 8. As boys and girls view the world differently (Tannen 1991) with respect to language and


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power, this may be the reason why some name-calling slang is preferred by boys and other by girls. We find that the words Molekul (Molecule), Gaidys (Cock), Oys (Goat), Kiaul (Pig) are mostly used in boys conversations, while Kobra (Cobra), Siena (Wall), Triuis (Rabbit), Sabrina (Sabrina), Senmerg (Spinster) are more used in girls conversations. In line with Jay (1992), who shows that males use more dirty words than females, my findings show that the boys use dirty name-calling slang, such as Gaidys (Cock), Oys (Goat), Kiaul (Pig), more frequently than the girls, while the slang in the girls talk is more varied.

Table 7: Name-calling slang and gender in COKT

Name-calling slang Total slang words per gender Gender N per 1000 N per 1000

Total words per gender

Boys 258 8.3 1 686 54.0 31 220 Girls 224 6.9 1 174 36.1 32 495 Total 482 15.2 2 860 90.1 63 715


Table 8: The top ten name-calling slang words in relation to gender Item Boys Girls Kobra (Kobra) 7 13 Gaidys (Cock) 13 1 Molekul (Molecule) 10 0 Oys (Goat) 7 3 Kiaul (Pig) 6 3 Siena (Wall) 2 6 Triuis (Rabbit) 2 5 Sabrina (Sabrina) 2 5 Meka (Bear) 4 3 Senmerg (Spinster) 2 5 Total 55 44


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Table 9: Name-calling slang and age

Name-calling slang Total slang words per age group Age group N per 1000 N per 1000

Total words per age group

12-13 146 13.7 606 57.0 10 623 14-16 224 7.8 1 457 50.9 28 608 17-19 112 4.6 797 32.6 24 484 Total 482 26.1 2 860 140.5 63 715

= 20.0768 d.f. = 2 Significant at p > 0.001 As regards the frequency of name-calling slang in different

age groups, see Table 9. What we find is that the most active users of name-calling slang are teenagers at the age of 12 to 13, and that, from age 14 onward, there is a gradual decrease in the use of name-calling slang.

According to Jay, most indicators of power are confounded when applied to age because the very young and the very old have little power. (1999: 162). Admittedly, teenagers in early adolescence have no power, but they are the best in creating and using name-calling slang to characterize friends, non-group members and especially teachers. Evidently, having nothing to lose, they oppose to established authority by using derogatory epithets reflecting distrust and dislike for teachers and non-group members.

[19] F57: Kobra tai dlto, man atrodo, kad buvo

egzaminas ir ji para blog paym, tai nuo to ir pradjom Kobra, Kobra. [We call her Cobra because she wrote a bad grade for the exam and afterwards we started naming her Cobra, Cobra.]

The example demonstrates the derogatory epithet of the

animal name Kobra (Cobra), where the girl F57 explains why this name is used for the teacher. It should be pointed out that


45

the girl was talking very silently, which is typical of female powerlesnes language.

Table 10 shows quietly the school boroughs. Judging from the results in Table 10, name-calling slang is more common among the teenagers in Kalnieiai than among boys and girls in other school boroughs (cf Table 5) and least characteristic among the boys and girls from Vilijampol.

Table 10: Name-calling slang and school borough in COKT

Name-calling slang

Total slang words per borough School borough

N per 1000 N per 1000

Total words per borough

Aleksotas 13 3.1 185 44.5 4 171 Centras 58 11.4 257 50.5 5 089 Dainava 23 3.4 202 29.5 6 852 Eiguliai 51 6.3 347 43.0 8 053 Kalnieiai 19 21.7 115 131.1 877 Petrainai 27 14.0 112 58.1 1 927 Senamiestis 51 11.4 281 62.6 4 488 Saniai 79 13.6 281 48.4 5 800 Silainiai 67 6.9 358 36.8 9 731 Vilijampol 1 0.7 65 46.9 1 387 aliakalnis 93 6.1 657 42.8 15 340 Total 482 98.6 2 860 594.3 63 715


4. Conclusions The main points that result from the discussion above are

the following: The statistical analyses showed that pure slang is the

most frequent type of slang in COKT, while the frequency of dirty slang is rather low.


46

The category of name-calling slang is very popular in teenage conversation and preferred both in male and female speech with reference to teachers or non-group members.

It is very likely that slang spreads from Kalnieiai to other boroughs in Kaunas.

The frequency of slang varies with age group because it is influenced by psychological and social factors, which determine the teenagers choice of linguistic behaviour.

The acquisition of slang is related to age. Early adolescents are the most active users of slang in COKT in general since the period of early adolescence is marked by the teenagers appreciation of physical, psychological and social differences among people and the things they do.

The boys are in the forefront of the spread of slang, which exhibits the cultural and psychological differences between boys and girls.

The quantitative study of pure, dirty and name-calling slang in COKT shows that there is a difference between boys and girls in their use of pure and dirty slang since girls prefer to use pure slang more.

References

Allen, Irving Lewis. 1983 Language of ethnic conflict: social organization and lexical culture. New York: Columbia University Press.

Allen, Irving Lewis. 1984 Male sex roles and epithets for ethnic women in American slang. Sex Roles. 11(1/2): 43-50.

Allen, Irving Lewis. 1990 Unkind words: Ethnic labeling from Redskin to WASP. Grenwood Publishing Group, inc.

Baley, L. A. & L. A. Timm. 1976 More on womens and mens expletives.

Anthropological Linguistics 18(9): 438-449. Coates, Jennifer. 1998 Language and gender: a reader. Oxford: Blackwell

Publishers Ltd. Dagys, R. 1996 Kodl mons keikiasi? Diena 288.


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Eble, Connie. 1996 Slang and Sociability: In group language among college students. London: University of North Cardina Press.

Eisikovits Edina. 1987 Sex differences in inter-groups and intra-groups interaction among adolescents. In A. Pauwels (ed). Women and language in Australian and New Zealand Society. Sydney: Australian Professional Publications, 45-48.

Eisikovits Edina. 1988 Girl-talk/boy-talk: sex differences in adolescent speech. In P. Collins & D. Blair (eds). Australian English. University of Queensland Press, 35-134.

Haas, Adelaide. 1979 The acquisition of genderlect. In Judith Orasam Mariam K. Slater & Leonore Loeb Adler (eds). Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences: Language, sex and gender 327: 13-101.

Jay, Timothy. 1980 Sex roles and dirty word usage: A review of the literature and reply to Haas. Psychological Bulletin 88(3): 614-621.

Jay, Timothy. 1989 The emergence of an obscene lexicon. Presented at Eastern Psychological Association, Boston.

Jay, Timothy. 1992 Cursing in America. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

Jay, Timothy. 1999 Why we curse: A Neuro-Physo-Social Theory of speech. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

Jakaitien, Evalda. 1980 Lietuvi kalbos leksikologija. Vilnius: Vaga. Kantrowitz, Nathan. 1969 The vocabulary of race relations in a prison.

Publication of the American dialect society 51: 23-34. Labov, William. 1972 Sociolinguistic patterns. Philadelphia: University of

Pennsylvania Press. Lerman, Paul. 1967 Argot, symbolic deviance and subcultural delinguency.

American sociological review 32: 2. Ljung, Magnus. 1984 Om svordomar: i svenskan, engelskan och arton andra

sprk. Stockholm: Akademilitteratur. Macaulay, Roland. 1977 Language, social class and education: a Glasgow

study. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Morgan, Jane, ONeill, Christopher and Rom Harre. 1979 Nicknames: The origins and social consequences.

London: Cambridge University Press. Pikilingis, Juozas. 1975 Lietuvi kalbos stilistika. Vilnius: Mokslas. Romaine, Suzanne. 1978 Postvocalic (r) in Scottish English: sound change in

speech. In P. Trudgill (ed). Sociolinguistic patterns in British English. London: Edward Arnold, 158-171.

Selnow, Garry W. 1985 Sex differences in uses and perceptions of profanity. Sex Roles 12(3/4): 303-312.

Staley, C. M. 1978 Male-female use of expletives: a heck of a difference in expectations. Anthropological Linguistics 20(8): 367-380.


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Stenstrm, Anna-Brita. 1997 Tags in teenage talk. In Udo Fries, Viviane Mller & Peter Schneider (eds). From lfric to the New York Times: Studies in English Corpus Linguistics. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 139-148.

Stenstrm, Anna-Brita et al. 2002 Trends In Teenage Talk. Amsterdam/Philadelphia:

John Benjamins Publishing Company. Tannen, Deborah. 1991 You just dont understand: men and women in

conversation. London: Virago. Trimakas, K. 1997 Asmenybs raida gyvenime. Kaunas: Tarpdiecezins

Katechetikos Komisijos leidykla. Trudgill, Peter. 1974 The social differentiation of English and Norwich.

Cambridge University Press. Wilson, John A. R. et al. 1969 Psychological foundations of learning and teaching.

New York: McGraw Hill.

KOPSAVILKUMS

Slengs Kauas pusaudu valodas korpus

Jolanta LGAUDAIT

Izptes rezultti liecina, ka 1) trais slengs ir visbiek sastopamais slenga tips Kauas pusaudu valodas korpus (COKT), bet netrais slengs tiek lietots daudz retk; 2) nosaucoais slengs ir oti populrs abu dzimumu pusaudu saruns, tau parasti attiecints uz skolotjiem vai tiem, kas nepieder viu grupai; 3) oti ticams, ka slengs izplats no Kalnieiem uz citm Kauas rajoniem; 4) slenga bieums ir atkargs no vecuma grupas, jo to ietekm psiholoiski un socili faktori, kas nosaka pusaudu lingvistisks uzvedbas izvli; 5) slenga apguve ir saistta ar vecumu jaunkie pusaudi ir visaktvkie slenga lietotji, jo ai vecuma posm pusaudi sk apzinties cilvku fizisks, psiholoisks un socils atirbas un viu izturanos; 6) zni ir galvenie slenga izplattji, kas rda znu un meiteu kulturls un psiholoisks atirbas; 7) tr, netr un nosauco slenga kvantitatv analze COKT rda, ka pastv atirba starp zniem un meitenm tr un netr slenga lietojum, jo meitenes biek lieto tro slengu.


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DL FONEM /i/ IR /i/ PUNSKO DZK TARMJE

Jowita NIEWULIS (Katedra Skandynawistyki i Baltologii Uniwersytetu

im. A. Mickiewicza w Poznaniu)

Pnsko dzk tarme kalbantys lietuviai gyvena Lenkijos iaurs ryt dalyje prie pat Lietuvos sienos. I viso Lenkijoje esama dviej lietuvik tarmi, t.y. kaps ir piet auktaii dzk. Piet auktaiius skiria dzkavimo izofon: iaurinje ios tarms dalyje yra kietas dzkavimas (Punsko dzk tarm), o pietinje minktas dzkavimas (Sein dzk tarm) (Hasiuk 1978: 4-6). Punsko dzk tarme kalba dauguma Lenkijoje gyvenani lietuvi ir ji uima didiausi plot madaug tarp Punsko ir Radii, Dusnyios.

Apie Punsko dzk tarms fonologin sistem yra parayti keli diplominiai darbai (Uzdila, 1963; Aleksait, 1985; Burdinait, 1994), disertacinis darbas (Smoczyski 1977) ir paskelbti keli straipsniai (Buch, 1966; 1967; Smoczyski, 1981; 1986; Garva, 2001). Taiau kaip ir kiekviena kita tarm, ji vis laik kinta ir atsiranda nauj vert dmesio domybi ne tik fonologijos, bet ir leksikos, sintakss srityse. Todl iame straipsnyje dar kart norima panagrinti dabartins Punsko tarms balsini fonem /i/ ir /i/ kokybinius kombinacinius variantus ir j distribucij.

Pagal balsio uimam pozicij odyje, artikuliacinius poymius skiriami trys balsins fonemos /i/ alofonai.

Prieakins eils auktutinio pakilimo trumpas netemptas balsis [i] tariamas po palatalini priebalsi t, d, k, g, n, , odio viduryje, pvz.: kk.s ti.\ju.z\gmne.s?; u\mn ck\a.s klis suksnis; s.k | prncu.j.s kr.lus turj r.g k.k.\nesv.ku. vikc.. Palataliniai priebalsiai t, d ioje pozicijoje bna naujaodiuose pvz.: nesp.j r\l.ke. n\t.s valnd.s | n\ptkrnim. (ptkrnims, bet pckr.k); mta.| d\mn r.ks pnig. doc u\tu.\r.diju.. Absoliuioje odio pabaigoje is variantas yra tik po minktj priebalsi t, d, n, k, pvz.: \t. su\tti buv. nuv.vs?;

Jowita NIEWULIS. Dl fonem /i/ ir /i/ Punsko dzk tarmje

50

sukdis (sulies[js) s\kks; u.r(g)\g kur\in; psrktv. (pasruoiau) pks lts. Mirieji dvigarsiai [il], [im], [in], [ir] nekiriuotame ir kiriuotame tvirtagalyje odio skiemenyje eina po priebalsi k, g, , pvz.: ti.\kk du\vri j.\kilnj; t\prspr.k.m | don.s | sr | iR.ku.; .| r\gspr.vus d.r kindzuks?; r\ts\vR.ks s.k | kt\jm nekimb t(z)\vs; ti\k.? tu\j. vsi nam. | \gimtni. | negr.` ?; \ti\kur. t.j\gin.tar. kmn.t\vs?; r\pzgrbj ik.vus n.kc.; tu\pim.k r\nesrc:k pr\mn. b()\ tv. bj.; kir.pk tu\ts kudls; girdz` | k.\ j. n.k?; i! tz\mg.ls lg. ir.g.

Trumpas [I] alofonas yra truput upakalesns artikuliacijos, emesnio pakilimo negu [i] ir tariamas po depalatalizuot priebalsi p, b, m, v ir po l, j absoliuioje odio pradioje ir pabaigoje, pvz.: ju.\tW.v. ne. mr.; r\prplukW.\jj tuoj\up; jz\bv uipr.s\mus pt.; ti\ms | su\jul krkuck. sstr.m. Absoliuioje odio pabaigoje jis bna taip pat po priebalsi k, g, kurie ioje pozicijoje taip pat yra depalatalizuojami, ir po , pvz.: ti\k.\z bj. tu.\dzku.?; .(g)\g tu\j.; \t | ck jm?.

Tas pats alofonas yra mirij dvigarsi (tvirtagali kiriuoto skiemens ir nekiriuoto skiemens) [Il], [Im], [In], [Ir] komponentas, pvz.: nu\kp | prm. nebj ni\tu.\pardu. (madng rb) tku. kb\dr.tW.s; n\vr.v.s lidz msk.l.; tVva. ckt. plk. pR.nv.c (sugoti) r\prv.v.m; lpg. morfem sandro po balsi e, u, a: z\u.ri | u.ri r\tp nenu.ri; \ti\kek\s pma n\dz.nu.?; num.k mn tu.\skr.nki..

Dar pasitaiko, kad [] alofonas yra tariamas po priebalsio s odio viduryje (j i vartosenos istm priebalsis ), pvz.: \js t.k sratkW. \ iratkW. (nalitis, nalit); rcu ti\gl k\smn. \ mn. n\c.

[] yra didesnio upakalumo negu [] alofonas panaus rus ir lenk y ir tariamas po depalatalizuot priebalsi odio viduryje ir absoliuioje pabaigoje (kiriuotuose ir nekiriuotuose skiemenyse): po c, pvz.: ti\ti. bj. plac` p.; r, pvz.: \j.s prtrn.j. pr\lto.rus; po , pvz.: r\ndVi\(j)u. mi` ;


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po dz, pvz.: keldzn. juos \kits gi.vnvets; po d, pvz.: b\mo.tW. s.kW. | kt\jej\k.s. vsku. kp\ju\jos vdnVi; po , pvz.: mat.| to.\ neno.ju; ir po , s, z (ypa svetimybse), pvz.: ti\ms lo.` ma. (vaidnim) tur.jo.m to.j\snaggW.i; \pas\jos kmbrkuo dzdzus bizls (betvark); maum. nem.n (nepdeda) | r\dzvs t.\neakcptoj; ti\v to.k tu.\pltku. sstm; ps\ms pr.ko. \gdzjo.s k.l.. Po veliarizuoto l jis nuosekliai tariamas absoliuioje odio pabaigoje, pvz.: acs.do. po.\agl. Svetimos kilms odiuose po priebalsi t ir d odio viduryje taip pat yra tariamas [], pvz.: aksc. bj. ki | o.\dabr. dskotk.s; ti\k(t)\t dabr. kp\tk (krtis) tro.di. Dvigarsi [l], [m], [n], [r] pavyzdiai tvirtagaliuose ir nekiriuotuose odio skiemenyse po anksiau mint kietj priebalsi: n | br.c | cr.ks n\ratku.!; ` tep ti\mn nepacN.k; r\rdz` n n.smigW. tu.\p.l.; s.k | r\m.ts vi.ru. nedos mn\rdo.s

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XII 2 2003