Ars Moriendi (en)

Ars MoriendiThe Loreto Crypts.

From the History of Buryingin the Capuchin Convents.

Petr Bašta - Markéta Baštová (et al.)

Exhibition Catalogue

texts © Petr Bašta, Markéta Baštová, Markéta Grill-Janatová, Jaroslav Kuntoš, Šárka Radostová, Petr Tybitancltranslation to English © Rosana Murcotttranslations from Latin © Karel Beránek, Miroslav Pacifik Matějka OFMCap., Bohumil Anastáz Polášek OFMCap., Jan Zahradníktranslations from German © Miroslav Pacifik Matějka OFMCap.photo © Petr Bašta, Markéta Baštová, The British Museum, Štěpánka Dejmalová, Martin Laštovka, Muzeum hl. města Prahy, Národní muzeum Praha, Rijksmuseum Amsterdam, Jiří Bonaventura Štivar, Uměleckoprůmyslové museum Praha, Pavel Veselý, Pavel Zuchnickýgraphic design © Markéta BaštováPublished by the Czech Capuchin Province.1. english editionPraha 2012

ISBN 978-80-905228-2-4 (ang. vyd)

Contents

Introduction

Newly discovered fresco decoration in the Crypt beneath the Church of the Nativity of our Lord in Loreto Prague

I. The Crypt space. Its status within historical construction development of Loreto.

II. Fresco Decoration. Description and arrangement of decorations in the Crypt space, outline of the art historical evaluation.

The restorer’s investigation of the murals

Catalogue of the Ars Moriendi Exhibition

Sources

Bibliography

Name Index

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7

10

27

71

77

143

147

153

Introduction

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Dear friends of the Capuchin order, admirers of culture and art, ladies and gentlemen, dear guests,

Today the Church faces the necessity to revaluate an enormous arthistorical wealth, which is both, the fruit as well as evidence of its life of faith and culture. In this moment of the Czech Church history, when the government approved the restitution of the property of the Church and its settlement, and the Parliament is presently discussing it, it is especially interesting to organise, for our pilgrims and visitors, for all those who come to this old place of pil-grimage in Loreto, an exhibition reflecting the cultural wealth of the Czech Capuchin order. It is a great pleasure to have the opportunity to share with you our excitement about the discovery of the unique fresco decoration beneath the local church of the Nativity of Our Lord. These murals, in my opinion very interesting, deal with themes, which introduce to us the mystery of death and meaning of human life, as indicated by the title of the exhibition: ARS MO-RIENDI – The Art of Dying. It is almost symbolic that we meet here in the happy Easter time, so significant for the Church, the time, when death was defeated and the resurrection of Jesus Christ opened a wider horizon of life to us all. To all of us, who believe in Him, Christ had shown the way to eternal life. While seeking the truth about human life, the present-day modern man should not forget the reality of death because no one can escape death and every human being has to come to terms with this question in order to be truly happy and to find a meaning of existence. In case we had not yet given a deeper thought to this question, our exhibition Ars Moriendi may be the right moment in our life. Dear friends, I believe that the well-known poet and the founder of our monastic order, St. Francis of Assisi, will introduce to us this art by several verses from his Canticle of the Sun. In this song, St. Francis does not perceive death as an enemy, on the contrary, he believes death is his beloved, awaited sister who will lead us from this earthly life to the long-desired, full, joyful life with our beloved God. If we live simple, pure, righteous and loving life, then death is our sister and there is no need to fear her. It becomes the threshold of the entry to the wedding chamber with Him.

An excerpt from the Canticle of the Sun:

Be praised, my Lord, through those who forgive for love of you;through those who endure sickness and trial.Happy those who endure in peace,for by you, Most High, they will be crowned.Be praised, my Lord, through our Sister Bodily Death,from whose embrace no living person can escape.Woe to those who die in mortal sin!Happy those she finds doing your most holy will.The second death can do no harm to them.Praise and bless my Lord, and give thanks,and serve him with great humility.

Dear friends, the Christians believe in the Gospel of Easter, the essence of which are the words filled with hope: “For God so loved the world that he gave his one and only Son Jesus, that whoever believes in Him shall not perish but have eternal life” (Gospel According to John 3:16) Let us ask our Pater Seraphicus, St. Francis, the admirer and poet of beauty, harmony of the world, brotherhood of creation, poet of the sweet coming of sister death as well as the bond between God and man and also St. Lawrence, the founder of our Czech-Moravian Capuchin province, to help us with our further work on both, the renovation of our monuments as well as proclamation of the Kingdom of God.

P. Jozef Timko OFMCap.The Provincial Minister

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Newly discovered fresco decoration in the Crypt

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Newly discoveredfresco decoration

in the Cryptbeneath the Church of the Nativity

in Loreto Prague

Petr BaštaMarkéta Baštová

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Fig. 1 Panoramic view of the western part of the crypt interior beneath the church of the Nativity of Our Lord, Loreto, Prague. Photo P. Zuchnický


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To begin with, it is necessary to say that the discovery of the unique fresco decoration of the crypt beneath the Church of the Nativity of Our Lord actually happened by mistake. It was a

mistake of an archivists collaborating with M. Vilímková on the historical building investigation of Loreto in the 1970s. The text of this investigation mentions the 1719

„reconstruction of the crypt or, better still, - the belowground church – as indicated by the Annals author, which was decorated by images based on the theme of the passion of Christ”.1

However, this fascinating information is actually associated with the Chrudim monastic church.2 It is a fortunate paradox that this error in translation of the order Annals, which first stimulated our interest subsequently led to further research into the possible existence

of the crypt fresco decoration and consequently happened to be one of the reasons for opening and exploration of this hitherto unknown space. Without initial verification in the Annals, we were looking for information about the decoration of the crypt in other sources. New facts, which confirmed this began to emerge but, to our surprise, they revealed a much

earlier date...

1 The building research further states that “…the reconstruction had taken place because water began to seep into the crypt. Also created on this occasion was a new entrance to the crypt from the extended chapel of the Nativity of Our Lord. (M. Vilímková, 1974, p. 34, with the reference to the Annals, Liber Tertius, Rkp 392, p. 70).2 Top part of the page 70 of the XVI Annals volume still deals with the Loreto Prague, from the middle of the page onwards, however, the focus of the annalist shifts elsewhere: De Sacra Duomo Lauretana Chrudimensi. The description mentioned here, this “church beneath church”, is a belowground chapel of the Holy Sepulchre established in 1669 on the initiative of P. Jovita of Burgundy, the then Minister Provincial, and P. Martin of Příbor, prior of the Prague New Town convent, which was indeed, as the 1719 description states, decorated with frescoes (there is, however, no reference to Passion scenes in the description of events and the author of the translation for the building research probably derived it from the name of the space: “Sepulchrum Domini”) – comp. Liber Quartus, Rkp. 404, p. 70, N.17, 18.

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I.

The Crypt space,its status within historical contruction development of Loreto

The construction of a new crypt for benefactors in Loreto Prague dates back to the early 1660s and is associated with the donor activity of the then newly appointed patroness of Loreto, Elisabeth Apollonia, née Countess Tilly1, a widow of the son of the founder Benigna Catherine, Count Christopher Ferdinand Popel of Lobkowicz. Inconsistent work speed and frequent delays caused by the war events and the siege of Prague were characteristic of the early construction development of Loreto.2

If we want to sum up briefly the situation as it was in 1658 when Elisabeth Apollonia took over the patronage, we have to go back to the 1630s. After the start of the construction of the Santa Casa building itself in 16263 and its completion as early as the following year, there was probably no further building activity until as late as 1630. The intention of the Lo-reto founder Benigna Catherine of Lobkowicz to build around the chapel a roofed gallery is documented in sources as early as 1630.4 The surrounding area of the chapel was refined at that time and the remains of the houses originally standing there were completely demolished. In 1631 both the Capuchin Annals, as well as the Hradschin Convent Chronnicle, men-tion the measuring out of foundations for the cloister construction.5 On 25th March 1631, the Santa Casa, completed four years earlier and already used for the church service6, was finally ceremonially consecrated by the Prague Archbishop, Cardinal Adalbert, the Count of Harrach. The construction was interrupted again between 1632 and 1633. Despite the fact Benigna Catherine signed a contract with the architect Giovanni Battista Orsi on 1st April 16347, other sources remain silent about building activity between 1633 and 1638.8 The contract is associated with the cloister and clock tower construction.

1 Elisabeth Apollonia took over the patronage after the death of her husband in 1658 in place of her then three-year-old son, Wenceslas Ferdinand. In 1661 she was married again, to Count William Albrecht Krakowský of Kolowrat, the Kingdom of Bohemia highest Chancellor who, after her death in 1665, himself took over the patronage for ten years in place of the underage Wenceslas Ferdinand. Gradually, a close relationship developed between the stepfather and stepson, which is documented by four extant letters from the Roudnice archive of the Lobkowicz family (the letters are cited by M. Dvořák 1883, pp. 27-28).2 The report on the start and the construction progress of the “Holy House of Loreto” as well as motives and intentions of the founder are recorded similarly in all important sources: Liber seu Protocollum, Rkp 390, p. 369, N. 4,5, ibidem p. 374, N. 17, ibidem p. 377, N. 23, ibidem p. 388, N. 19, 20. Historia Domestica, Rkp 543, N. 105, 110. Mentioned among the essential literature should be at least the following: M. Dvořák 1883, pp. 2-22, J. Diviš, 1972, pp. 18 – 25, M. Vilímková, 1974, pp. 6 – 16 – a detailed enumeration of sources and older literature is to be found here..3 The chapel exterior was then modestly decorated with murals. From the descriptions in sources it may be concluded that they were paintings executed al fresco in chiaroscuro (“painted with black paint on a white wall all around” – viz Liber seu Protocollum, Rkp 390, p. 338-9. Historia Domestica, Rkp 543, N. 110.).4 Mentioned literally is the following: “in order to protect a larger congregation of people during the Marian worship against the unfavourable weather and rain” – viz Historia Domestica, Rkp 543, N. 125.5 Simultaneously, it is somewhat vaguely mentioned that the intention of the founder to have the necessary material delivered as early as that year and start the construction, was, owing to the war upheavals and invasions by enemies, unfortunately realised only several years later – viz Liber seu Protocollum, Rkp 390, pag. 473. Historia Domestica, Rkp 543, N. 125.6 The Hradschin convent chronicle mentions in 1627 that the “appropriate fittings” of the Santa Casa interior were purchased at the expense of the generous founder and in thus adapted chapel the statue of Virgin Mary of Loreto was ceremonially displayed for the public worship. The statue, “quite similar to the statue standing in the sanctuary of Nazareth”, was previously “sanctified in the usual religious rites”. Interesting is the mention (which is not recorded in the Annals) of the liturgical use of the chapel even prior to its consecration: “… when thus all was prepared and organised in such a way that year, the church services could commence in the aforementioned Loreto sanctuary” (Historia Domestica, Rkp 543, N.).7 SOA Litoměřice, the subdivision of Žitenice, the Lobkowicz archive, sign. R. 7/47. The complete wording of the contract is cited by M. Dvořák 1883, p. 14. It is also mentioned by J. Diviš, 1972, p. 21, and examined in detail by M. Vilímková, 1974, p. 10. The text of the contract includes a reference to an older contract from 1631. That year Orsi, together with the stucco plasterer Dominic Cannevalle, also made an application to obtain a burgher permission. Before this date, however, his activity in Loreto is not documented in the archival records and therefore the authorship of Santa Casa itself, as stated by Diviš, is merely a generally accepted hypothesis.8 M. Vilímková believes the cloister construction was in fact started in 1634 and assumes a record of this was to be found in the Annals on pages 617 – 635, which were later cut out. However, it is evident from the index of the 1st part of the Annals, that these pages


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Fig. 2 Panoramic view of the northern part of the crypt interior beneath the church of the Nativity of Our Lord, Loreto, Prague. Photo P. Zuchnický.

There is, however, a note in the text asserting that Orsi pledges to “build a crypt wherever he will be told to do so”.9 M. Vi-límková states that what is meant by this crypt is probably the Lobkowicz family crypt beneath the Santa Casa, in which William the Freiherr Popel of Lobkowicz, the husband of the founder, was buried on 1st January 1647. This hypothesis is actually significantly challenged by a text in the Annals associated with this first burial, which explicitly states that the crypt was consecrated simultaneously with the entire chapel and altar during a 1631 celebration.10 Which crypt, then, is the sub-

contained something quite different – evidence about the miraculous angelic singing, which could be heard from the locked Loreto chapel. Description of this event survived in the Hradschin convent chronicle: it was an established custom that the Loreto Litany was sung in Santa Casa on Saturdays. In the neighbouring garden of the house belonging to the Count Friedrich of Talmberk, a company of people were just getting ready to go to this religious service. They were waiting for a long time, but the musicians, however, were not to be heard. Later, the older daughter of the Count of Talmberk, Polyxena, heard unusually enchanting voices. The whole company, therefore, went to the chapel, from which the singing was coming, but it was locked and empty – the musicians were late and the service did not take place. The miracle of the “angelic singing of litanies” inspired the subsequent establishment of the Lobkowicz foundation for the singing of the Loreto litanies, which was regularly taking place on Saturdays and during all the Marian festivities (the miraculous event is also mentioned by J. F. Hammerschmid 1723, p. 415, in connection with the description of Loreto). To get an idea about the construction of the cloisters, it is necessary to pay attention to the last sentence of this paragraph, which says that “owing to the continuing wars and invasions, nothing could be done for the decoration of the Loreto Holy House and the decisions previously made had to be postponed by the illustrious founder until latter and better times” (Historia Domestica, Rkp 543, N. 140).9 M. Vilímková, 1974, p. 10.10 In the introduction of the report on the death and burial of William of Lobkowicz it is stated that: „Quamprimum Spiristus S. instinctu Illustrissima Domina Benigna de Lobkowitz prima pro Sacratissima Virginis Mariae Sacello Fundamenta hic Pragae jecerat,

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Fig. 7

Report on the building of the crypt

in the 1663 Capuchin Annals. Liber Quartus,

Rkp. 393, 575, N. 15. Photo M. Baštová

ject of the contract? The receipts signed by Orsi were added in writing to the side of the contract as late as July 1636 – it concerns relatively small sums of 100 and 200 florins, which shows the work, again, did no progress very much.11 It appears that it was only in 1639 when the construction of the cloister and the towers was resumed at full speed, and even though the Swedish invasion of the city caused a short interruption, the building work had started again at the end of October, this time with a special contribution of the Count Friedrich of Talmberk.12 The cloister as well as the towers were completed as late as 1640, though only as a basic construction.13 It is interesting that sources mention here the completion of two bell towers “beside the main chapel” – it seems that what is meant by this could be the chapel of the Nativity of Our Lord, the origin of

mortalitatis Suae et Suorum Familiae posterorum non immemor, Cryptam funebrem cui corpus Suum post Solutem natura debitum inferatus, exstrui curavit..“ and, further, that when the Prague Archbishop, the Cardinal of Harrach, consecrated the Loreto sanctuary on 25th March 1631, he simultaneously gave, in the proper Christian rite, his blessing to this crypt, so that the bodies of the deceased Christians may be buried here. In the conclusion of the report, an interesting note is added about the appearance of the crypt space and the access to it: „...Crypta Sacelli Lauretani, quae est Sub ipso Sacello tota fornice occlusa, ita ut quotiescunque aperiri adveniente necessitate debet, fornix perfringatur necesse est...“ (Liber Secundus, Rkp 391, pag. 404-405, N. 2 - comp. Cat. no. 37).11 This is also corresponding with the absence of reports in the Annals and the Hradschin convent chronicle.12 Liber Secundus, Rkp 391, pag. 12, N. 15. Historia Domestica, Rkp 543, N. 155.13 It is recorded that the building has not been pargeted “and it shall have to do without this decoration for a long time yet”. Liber Secundus Rerum memorabilium Provinciae Boemiae, Austriae, et Moraviae. 1639 - 1651. KPK sign. Rkp 391, pag. 63, N. 30. Historia Domestica, Rkp 543, N. 161.


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which is dated by the existing literature as late as 1660.14

After Orsi’s death the commission was taken over by Andreas Allio15 in 1664 and two years later by Silvestro Carlone.16 It appears the work continued according to Orsi’s original plan but still very slowly. Although in 1674 an annalist observes that, after the death of her husband, Benigna Catherine continued “unwaveringly the construction of the Loreto sanctuary despite the continuous turbulence of the period and fear of invasion by enemies”17, the founder had left the dangerous city as early as the following year and took refuge in Vienna, which was safer. Absence of further concrete facts suggests that until 1654, when Benigna Catherine died in Vienna, there was no significant change and work in the cloister was not been fully completed.18 The patronage, according to her wishes, was passed onto the second-born son of Count Christopher Ferdinand Popel of Lobkowicz19, who was probably too busy to focus on Loreto as much as his mother. In the same year he therefore decided to establish the Loreto agency, which would be in charge of the Loreto property matters.20 The annual accounts clearly indicate that a number of minor finishing activities were still taking place between 1654 and 1658.21 Nothing, however, suggests that any new building work had been carried out. It is, therefore, possible to assume that the founder’s intention to build a crypt in the cloister, declared in the contract with Orsi in 1634, was brought to effect as late as the 1660s. The cloister construction, which was dragging on for three long decades, was, owing to unfavourable circumstances and insufficient financial resources, in itself so demanding that, because of its lesser importance, the building of the crypt may have been postponed to a later date.

Christopher Ferdinand died in 1658 and his second wife, Elisabeth Apollonia, née Countess Tilly became the patroness of Loreto.22 Although the financial situation of the Lobkowicz family was quite difficult at that time, the new

14 Comp. J. Diviš 1972, p. 22. This interpretation is corroborated, on the one hand, by the denomination of “majus Sacellum”, by which the Loreto sources unanimously designate the chapel of the Nativity of Our Lord (Santa Casa has never been called by this name) and, on the other hand, by the report in the Annals on the funeral of the Royal Prefect Mathias Pez in 1648 (Liber Secundus, Rkp 391, pag. 478-9, N. 38. Historia Domestica, Rkp 543, Tom. I., N. 181). The record, which will be mentioned later in a different context, literally says that he was buried „ante majus Altare in ambitu, ex parte Evagelii“ (p.478) and subsequently: „...in majori Sacello Nativitatis Christi ante confessionale ex parte Evagelii“ (p.479). Similarly to the use of “majus Sacellum” exclusively in relation to the chapel of the Nativity, “majus Altare” always signifies, in Loreto, the altar of this chapel. The hypothesis that the chapel of the Nativity had been erected as early as 1640 is also corroborated by the fact the 1660 text of the contract concerning the construction of chapels with niches in the cloister (viz note 24) mentions only two and not three chapels as stated by Diviš.15 Allio also came from Vienna, had married Orsi´s widow and probably took over majority of his work commitments. (M. Vilímková 1974, p. 11).16 In a note added to Orsi´s contract, Carlone acknowledges the payment of additional 100 florins on 29th November 1646 (M. Vilímková, 1974, p. 11).17 Liber Secundus, Rkp 391, pag. 405, N. 4. Historia Domestica, Rkp 543, Tom. I., N. 177.18 It appears that, towards the end of her life, the founder put a greater emphasis on issues pertaining to the spiritual administration of Loreto and to the stipulation of regulations of the Lobkowicz patronage of the chapel. She presented several ideas on the administration to the Capuchins as early as 1636 („Puncta administrationem S. Domus Lauretanae concementia a Fundatrice PP. Capucinis Exhibita“ - Liber seu Protocollum, Rkp 390, pag. 678, N. 39. Historia Domestica, Rkp 543, Tom. I., N. 147), and in 1651 she is sending from Vienna the completed instrument („Puncta administrationem S. Domus Lauretanae concementia a Fundatrice PP. Capucinis Exhibita“ - Liber seu Protocollum, Rkp 390, pag. 678, N. 39. Historia Domestica, Rkp 543, Tom. I., N. 147).19 William Popel of Lobkowicz and Benigna Catherine had nine children, of whom only six survived their father. According to the instruction of the founder, the patronage was supposed to be taken over by their oldest son Oldřich Adam (born on 16th October 1610). He, however, unexpectedly died in Brno in 1649, his only son dying soon after while still a child, and, after Benigna´s death, the patronage of Loreto was therefore taken over by their second-born son Christopher Ferdinand (*9th October 1614/ + 4 th July 1658) – the High Steward of Bohemia and the Royal lieutenant colonel, the protector of the Charles University in Prague (for more details on the Bílina branch of the Lobkowicz family viz M. Dvořák 1883, pp. 19 – 22).20 The regional council president Johann Jacob Buz (Butz) became the first Loreto agent who, towards the end of 1654, submitted to the patron the historically first “Computus Laurentanus” – the annual expenditure accounts. (comp. Liber Terius, Rkp 392, N. 115,116). The Loreto agency managed the administration practically until the Second World War when the Lobkowicz patronage of Loreto officially ceased to exist.21 In 1654 payments were still being made to a builder and to carpenters for unspecified work, to a roofer for the new roof over the Loreto chapel, extra payments were being made for sheet metal for the repair of cupolas of all three towers, and, additionally, a locksmith and a joiner were being paid for doors and windows etc. (comp. M. Vilímková, 1974, p. 12).22 The first marriage of Christopher Ferdinand to Mary Magdalena née Countess Pruskovská remained childless. After Mary´s death in 1655, the patron married for the second time the same year, this time with Elisabeth Apollonia. Although the marriage lasted only three years, Elisabeth Apollonia gave him a son, Wenceslas Ferdinand, who later, as an adult, took over the patronage of Loreto. At the time of his father´s death, the little Wenceslas was only three years old, so it was stipulated that, as his legal guardian, his mother Elisabeth Apollonia shall become the patroness.

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Fig. 8 View of the open crypt in the interior of the church of the Nativity of Our Lord. March 2011. Photo P. Zuchnický.

patroness evidently became fond of Loreto and made intense efforts to complete fully what was began in the past decades, especially after 1661 when she married the wealthy and influential Count William Albrecht Krakovský of Kolowrat. The construction of the crypt for benefactors was immediately preceded by the building of the chapels of St. Francis of Assisi and St. Anthony of Padua which, at that time, had the form of shallow niches in the centre of the northern and southern wing of the cloister. In 1660 she concluded and agreement with regards to this matter with the master builder Georg Gottwieck.23 It appears the work was progressing fast and the only thing complicating the building process was the settlement with Lucas Wagner whose land was encroached upon by the niche of the chapel of St. Anthony.24 Both chapels

23 The contract dated 20th August 1660 and preserved in the Lobkowicz archive (Žitenice R 7/47) iis quoted in the full wording by M. Dvořák 1883, p. 22. Gottwieck was expected to finish the pargetting of the top floor of the front building, to hollow out in the cloister walls the niches for the confessionals in a way by which these would be in line with the wall and to pave the corridor with hexagonal brick tiles. And additionally to hollow out in the wall two lateral chapels in a way that would prevent the altars to project into the cloister, that is, again, in the way by which they would be in line with the wall (M. Vilímková, 1974, p.13).24 After long negotiations, the patroness, in the end, managed to achieve an agreement with the owner to give up a part of his land needed for the construction of the chapel niche, which was not much larger than the altar itself. The situation is shown in a scale in two existing plans, which were created later (during the construction of the corner chapel of Our Lady of Sorrows, this plan was published by J. Diviš 1972, p. 23, fig. 6, and the second plan illustrating the extension of the chapel into the present-day form –


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were completed the following year25 and the paving was laid in the corridors. Interesting is the reference to the new stucco decoration of the cloister which, owing to demands of its rendering, could not have been finished in the course of the year 1661.26 The work on interior decorations was probably completed in 1663 – sources mention the erection of three new altars in the chapels: of the Nativity of Our Lord in the “main chapel”, of St. Francis of Assisi in the chapel on the Evangelical (northern) side and of St. Anthony on the Epistolic (southern) side, which were ceremonially consecrated by the Prague Archbishop Cardinal of Harrach.27 The great sums of money that had been paid to artists, craftsmen and workers between 1660 and 166428 suggest that, before her death in 1665 the Countess Elisabeth Apollonia of Kolowrat concentrated all her energy on fitting out the magnificently designed Loreto premises with respectable decorativeness and thus fulfilling the

CEPKAF, dep. NA Prague, ŘK kart. 460, i.č. M55, fol. 082r). Although the chapel had probably been erected by the end of 1661, the patroness, following the death of Lucas Wagner, asked again his widow Magdalene Agnes, to give up another small part of the land for construction of two smaller niches for the confessionals – the widow agreed in the end “because of her love of the Holy Mother of God”. However, the patroness had to issue a written undertaking dated 12th May 1663, by which she promised that there will be no claims made in the future on the part of Loreto (the wording of the written undertaking is quoted in the Annals: Liber Quartus, Rkp 393, p. 576-577, N. 16. This written undertaking is also mentioned in the Historia Domestica, Rkp 543, Tom. I., N. 227.).25 Both, the Annals as well as the Chronicle of the Hradschin convent unanimously state in 1661 that both the chapels were “equipped with glass walls and windows and remained so until as late as 1710 when the aforementioned chapels were extended” (Liber Quartus, Rkp 393, p. 309, N. 60. Historia Domestica, Rkp 543, Tom. I., N. 223). In 1663 the annalist states in the context of recapitulation of what was hitherto carried out in the cloisters that: “… three altars were erected on the higher places and – in order to prevent any discomfort (obstacle) caused by the force of wind to the participants – they were enclosed by glass windows all around” (Liber Quartus, Rkp 393, p. 575, N. 15 - transalted by K. Beránek).26 Liber Quartus, Rkp 393, p. 309, N. 60. Historia Domestica, Rkp 543, Tom. I., N. 223. Vilímková believes that concerned was probably the stucco work on the bands above the newly built niches of both chapels (M. Vilímková 1974, p. 15). The stucco and painted decoration of both vaults of the ambit is also mentioned in the detailed construction history of Loreto of 1663 by J. F. Hammerschmidt, 1723, p. 416: „..fornices depigni et gypso exornari“.27 The completed altars in glazed chapels of 1663 are unanimously mentioned in both, the Annals as well as the Hradschin Chronicle, together with the detailed description of the consecration of the altars in 1664 (Liber Quartus, Rkp 393, p. 575 a p.638-39, N. 15 and N. 14. Historia Domestica, Rkp 543, Tom. I., N. 227 a 229).28 Comp. M. Vilímková, 1974, p. 15.

Fig. 9 Marble stone of the crypt in the interior of the church of the Nativity of Our Lord, view from the organ choir. Photo M. Baštová.

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Fig. 13 Ground plan of the crypt beneath the church of the Nativity of Our Lord, Loreto, Prague. Atelier AV19.


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II.

Fresco decoration.

Description and arrangement of murals in the Crypt space, outline of the art historical evaluation.

Let us now turn our attention to the crypt interior and its fresco decoration thanks to which this place is quite a unique and, in the context of the Czech Baroque art, a rare monument.

Rectangular space of the crypt is situated beneath the organ wall of the present-day church of the Nativity of Our Lord, in direction of the Holy House (see fig. 13). This position is corresponding with the situation as it was during the crypt construction when the present-day church had the form of a shallow chapel with a niche.1 Its entrance, situated in the northern part below the organ wall, is covered by a marble stone bearing the previously mentioned inscription. Somewhat confusing is the presence of the second marble slab bearing no inscription, which is situated on the opposite, southern side beside the exit from the church towards the Holy Cross corner chapel. It may be assumed that this companion slab, which is not in any way associated with the crypt space and has no metal hitches, covers the older grave of Matthias Petz who died tragically in 1648 during the siege of Prague by the Swedish.2 Sixteen steps are to be descended in order to enter the rectangular crypt. Its dimensions are 645 x 410 cm with two fields of cross-groin vault with the height of 303 cm, between which is a short stretch of barrel vault. The simply conceived space, devoid of articulated architectonic elements, is composed of an intersection of slightly compressed barrel vault with the east – west axis and two other perpendicular barrel vaults, which are narrower and, on the ground plan, they extend into four niches. The resulting effect is an interesting optical division of the crypt interior. Thanks to this layout, a large number of straight walls, which can be decorated, is achieved even in this relatively low vaulted space. And decoration is precisely what truly reigns here: apart from the five3 large segmentally enclosed fields on the frontal walls of the vaults, there are fresco decorations on both walls of the pillars supporting the middle section of the barrel vault, on individual sectors of the cross vaults and even on the reveals of all four niches.

All murals, including the wall base and the vegetative ornaments, are painted al fresco in chiaroscuro4, that is, basically in a graphic manner in black paint on a light background. However, by his very skilful handling of grey washes, the author achieves an almost painterly effect, which is perhaps comparable with the technique of wash drawing. The combination of black and white corresponds well with the iconography of the frescoes lending the burial chamber a special,

1 The pillars of the present-day narthex copy the original pillars of the continuous eastern wing of the cloister. The crypt entrance, situated in the northern part of the narthex therefore may, in the original layout, be imagined actually “in front of the main altar” (comp. Liber Quartus, Rkp 393, 575, N. 15).2 Mathias Petz (Pez, Fez), + 26th July1648, the Royal Prefect, is included in the Catalogue of the deceased who were buried in the cloister, with a note reading: „in majori capella e regione cryptae, ubi tunc erat ambitus“ (Catalogus Defunctorum, fol. 002r). The Hradschin convent chronicle describes the details of the unfortunate event as follows: “… in order to find out why there was such a noise and shouting in town at night, he ran to the window and unexpectedly happened to be fatally injured as a result of being shot in his head by a regular soldier. The loss of this loyal and wise man was mourned with sadness by the most gracious Count Adam Matthias of Trautmansdorf who took care of his dignified funeral. In this turbulent time he could not find a more suitable place than the Loreto sanctuary for his loyal servant. That is why he was buried in the Loreto cloister in front of the main altar. In order to honour his eternal memory, the said nobleman had a marble slab placed on his grave and inscribed with the account of this event. This grave is now in the main sanctuary on the epistle side beside the entrance, through which the usual sacristy is entered.” (Historia Domestica, Rkp. 543, Tom. I., N. 181). It is therefore possible to assume that the original slab with an inscription mentioned in the sources is perhaps still preserved beneath the red marble stone, which was undoubtedly laid in its place simultaneously with the stone covering the crypt entrance in 1663 (comp. also the entry in the Annals: Liber Secundus, Rkp 391, N. 38).3 The sixth segmental forefront of the perpendicular vault in the north-eastern corner occupies the crypt entrance – however, this wall is also decorated with a fresco above the vault of the portal.4 The crypt decoration is evidently damaged by damp, the dark traces left by water appear at first sight as if the painting was not stable enough and lacking the fresco bond. Closer examination, however, revealed that the paintings were executed al fresco but were, in the final stage – already al secco - completed with black paint, which started to run as a result of bad climatic conditions (more details in the restorer’s report by P. Blattný).

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Fig. 16

Winged hourglass. Al fresco painting on the left reveal of the niche beside the crypt entrance. Photo P. Bašta.

extremely powerful appearance. The question is whether the choice of this technique was stipulated by the commissioner5, and whether the appearance of the Holy House exterior decoration at that time may have played any role in the matter.6 Figurative murals on the frontal walls of the vaults are framed by a vegetative ornament reminiscent of a palm tree trunk. This ornament also runs on the edges of the vaults of both fields where it copies the low stucco crests. The whole space is bordered by continuous, simply painted “wall base” consisting of two wider bands of black and white and one narrow black strip, which forms the bottom border of the figurative paintings.7 The vault is decorated with seven differently treated human skulls enclosed within wreaths of palm fronds and hawthorn branches, the eighth skull is situated above the entrance (fig. 3, 14, 15 and 37)8. Eight narrow fields of the niche reveals are all decorated by a pair of crossed objects symbolising

5 No written record had unfortunately survived about the execution of the frescoes. Computus Lauretanus of 1663 only mentions that the cloister decoration including the three new altars had been completely finished that year and the crypt had been built. The overall sum paid for the work in Loreto that year is divided into two periods consisting of two quarters, the period from 1st January to 30th June, when 1326 florins and 40 kreutzers in total were paid, and the period from 1st July to 31st December, when the expenditure was 690 florins and 31 kreutzers. Mentioned in the first six months are the payments for “the building and adornment of the chapel of our dear Lady of Loreto”, in the second half of the year the costs are simply indicated as “building costs” (Verzeichnisz desz jenigen Geldts, 1654 - 1736, fol. 14v. The accounts mentioned here are quoted practically word for word in the Annals: Liber Quartus, Rkp 393, p. 624-625, N. 56). The information in the 1664 Loreto accounts is, unfortunately, also inadequate. In the first six months the costs amounted to 918 florins and 25 kreutzers, in the second six months to 663 florins and 30 kreutzers (Verzeichnisz desz jenigen Geldts, 1654 - 1736, fol. 14v. Liber Quartus, Rkp 393, N. 71).6 The numerous surviving descriptions indicate that the paintings decorating Santa Casa, from the time of its setting up until the realisation of the stucco facing between 1664 and 1665, and 1671 and 1673, may have been created by the same technique – viz part I., note 3.7 It is interesting that the unified painted decoration of the lower part of the interior is also used in the crypt entrance, and so the first two steps are, in the appropriate height, decorated with the same colourful bands. The vault front, in which the entrance is situated, is bordered with the same palm ornament, in the same way as the portal itself.8 One skull is painted in each of the groin vault sectors. Painted in the longer, barrel section, between the vault surfaces, is one larger circular wreath of hawthorn branches with fruit tied up at both, the top as well as the bottom, with decorative ribbons (treated in this manner are all the hawthorn wreaths). A relatively small-scale skull with crossed bones is painted inside this circle (fig. 3). Situated


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Fig. 17 The Raising of Lazarus. Al fresco painting on the eastern wall of the Loreto crypt. Photo P. Bašta.

above the vault of the crypt portal is a skull with crossed bones, three serpents coming out of the eye sockets; it is, again, enclosed in a hawthorn wreath (fig. 14). The western vault surface sectors are decorated with a crowned skull – Mors Imperator – in a frame created by two palm fronds tied together; serpents are slithering out of both its eye sockets, as well as mouth (fig. 37). Additionally, there is a rapid painting of a skull with crossed bones enclosed in a hawthorn wreath above the scene depicting the Raising of Lazarus (fig. 15), and, above the Triumph of Death scene, is another skull with bones, with a stalk of grain wound around its forehead; it is, again, framed by palm fronds. The sectors of the eastern vault surface are decorated with a skull enclosed in a hawthorn wreath, serpent slithering out of its eye sockets (above the Angel of the Last Judgement), then with a skull with crossed bones in a hawthorn

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Fig. 18 Rembrandt van Rijn – The Raising of Lazarus, the so-called larger plate B.73, etching and copper engraving. sign. “RHL v. Rijn f”, sixth state, c. 1632, a mirror image. Rijksmuseum Amsterdam, inv. no. RP-P-1987-178. Photo © Rijksmuseum Amsterdam.


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death and transience, and tied together with decorative ribbons.9 This compositional arrangement is only disrupted in the reveals of the entrance by the representation of a solitary winged hourglass on the left side (fig. 16) and a burner with rising smoke on the right side (fig. 52).

Painted on the two main vault fronts facing each other are two large compositions with figures creating an iconographical opposite. In terms of meaning, predominant is the scene with numerous figures depicting the Raising of Lazarus (fig. 17). It covers completely the eastern wall of the crypt. The story of Lazarus of Bethany clearly refers here to the Resurrection of Christ, to his triumph over death: “I am the resurrection and the life. He that believeth in me, though he were dead, yet shall he live. And whosoever liveth and believeth in me shall never die.”10 These words have a deep meaning for all those who, after entering this place, had realised the limits of human existence. The scene on the opposite wall is dominated by the monumental figure of Chronos, which, on the background of a landscape with a broken tree trunk, strikes the symbols of earthly vanities with a scythe. It is without a doubt the Raising of Lazarus scene was created on the basis of knowledge of a print with identical subject matter by Rembrandt Harmenszoon van Rijn (fig. 18).11 In fact it represents the same, in terms of proportions slightly modified version of the so-called B.73 larger plate depicting the Raising of Lazarus12 and is conceived as its mirror image. This fact is remarkable especially because of the early date of the Loreto frescoes, which were created while Rembrandt was still alive. This indicates they must have been based on one of the early states of this frequently reproduced etching. It is generally known that the larger plate depicting the Raising of Lazarus is one of those prints, the development of which is very complex. Rembrandt was probably returning to the plate repeatedly in the course of several years, modifying it and even changing the original composition of the figures. Several states of the print were thus created and their chronology is, from the very start, subject to interest of biographers and researchers.13 In this sense, the comparison of the Loreto fresco with the print is extremely interesting.

The first four states of the Raising of Lazarus etching are mostly dated 1631 – 32. They therefore fall into the early

wreath (above the figure of Chronos) and a skull with two serpents in the eye sockets framed, again, by the hawthorn wreath (above the skeleton with bow and arrows).9 The niche with the scene representing the Raising of Lazarus is complemented in the reveals by the crossed digging tools (spade and pickaxe) on the left and a pair of arrows on the right. The Triumph of Death scene is framed by a pair of crossed trumpets of the Last Judgement (on the left hand side) and bones (on the right hand side). A spade and pickaxe (on the left) and two crossed trumpets (on the right) are painted in the reveals around the Angel of the Last Judgement. The niche with the representation of the skeleton drawing the bowstring of his bow is framed by a painting of two crossed arrows (left) and candles, which had been snuffed out (right).10 Gospel of St. John 11:25 (quotation after the Czech ecumenical translation).11 On Rembrandt’s prints comp. as selected: A. Bartsch, 1797, A. M. Hind, 1924, E. Nowell, 1967, Ch. White - K. Boon, 1969, E. Hinterding (ed.), 2000, E. Hinterding, 2008. On Rembrandt’s oeuvre comp. Rembrand Research Project, 1982 - 1998. On his technique of painting most recently E. van Wetering, 2009.12 Probably the most complete collection of prints from the so-called larger plate with the Raising of Lazarus (in Bartsch’s catalo-gue under no. 73, etching and copper engraving, 35,9 x 25,7 cm, sigh. RHL v. Rijn f.”) are kept in the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, inv. nos. (chronologically) RP-P-OB-594, RP-P-OB-595, RP-P-OB-596, RP-P-OB-599, RP-P-1987-178, RP-P-OB-600, RP-P-OB-12.280 (Basan’s copy), RP-P-OB-597, RP-P-OB-598 (anonymous copy) and in The British Museum, London: inv. nos. (chronologically) 1848,0911.35, 1845,0205.2, R1973,U.822, R1973,U.825, R1973,U.823, 1933,0719.2, 1973,U.824, 1941,0327.11.99 (Basan). The plate itself is among the 78 surviving copper plates, which were collected at the end of the 18th century by the French typoghrapher Pierre-Francois Basan. At the beginning of the 20th century this collection was owned by A. Beaumont who sold it to the American collector Robert Lee Humber in 1938 who later took it to North Carolina. The plates were only briefly exhibited there in 1956 and subsequently placed in the safe of the North Carolina Museum of Art in Raleigh until as late as 1993 when they appeared, as an inheritance, on the art market again. Eight of them, among them the so-called larger plate with the Raising of Lazarus (B73.), were sold in London to Robert Light, an art dealer from New York. From 2003 they have been in the possession of the Park West Gallery, Southfield, Michigan. (on the history of the plates viz E. Hinterding, T, 1993 - 1994, pp. 253-315).13 The authors of the catalogues of Rembrandt’s oeuvre mention this fact from the very beginning. Most of the time, eight to ten states of this print are mentioned, while the first seven are being regarded as authorial adjustments of Rembrandt himself. The additional modifications were probably done only after his death, as a part of the necessary “revitalisation” of the printing plate. This is how the etching was, after the adaptation, printed in the 1880s and 1890s by P. F. Basan (for chronology comp. E. Hinterding (ed.), 2000 – here also for the list of older literature). Printed in the 19th century were the impressions of A. Jean (1805 – 1810), J. M. Creery (1816 – 1826), A. and M. Bernard (1846 – 1906). Dated after 1906 are the prints of the so-called Beaumont’s edition. Most recently, thanks to the involvement of Emiliano Sorini and Marjorie Van Dyke, the so-called Millenium Impressions were printed in New York from those eight plates, which are now in the possession of the Park West Gallery (that is also the plate B.73); there are 2 500 numbered impressions made from each plate (information on the project can be found online on the following webpages: http://rembrandt.parkwestgallery.com).

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Fig. 19

The Raising of Lazarus, detail of the figure of Christ. Al fresco painting on the eastern side of the Loreto crypt. Photo P. Bašta.

(on the opposite page)Fig. 20

The Raising of Lazarus, detail of the male figure group

in the right part of the scene. Al fresco painting on the eastern wall

of the Loreto crypt. Photo P. Bašta.

period of the painter’s creative activity in the native Leiden but, taking into consideration the signature he used, it is assumed he worked on the etching even after his relocation to Amsterdam.14 It is without a doubt that the creation of the etching is associated with the panel painting dealing with the same subject matter (fig.22)15, which belongs to the most significant early works of the young Rembrandt. In literature, both, the painting as well as the etching, are frequently associated with a similar pair of works dealing with the same subject matter created by Rembrandt’s contemporary, Jan Lievens.16 It is

14 The etching is signed on the rock on the right hand side beside the figure of Christ: “RHL van Ryn f”, that is „Rembrandus Hermanni Leidensis van Rijn fecit”. This form of signature is documented only in the case of works created during the Amsterdam period. Moreover, in the early states, the letter f. is absent; most researchers agree that it was added to the signature as late as the fifth state.15 Raising of Lazarus, oil painting on a wooden panel, 96,4 x 81,3 cm, c. 1630, Los Angeles County Museum of Art (donated by H. F. Ahmanson). The painting did not only influence Rembrandt’s contemporaries and followers, it also inspired the modern artists – comp. Van Gogh’s Raising of Lazarus, which transfers the central scene of the painting to an exterior and reduces the number of figures to Lazarus and his two sisters. Both, the mirror image of the composition as well as the position of St. Mary Magdalene, seem to indicate that rather than using the painting, Van Gogh based his work on the etching B. 73.16 In 1991, the Los Angeles County Museum of Art organised an interesting incisive exhibition, where both of his etchings representing the Raising of Lazarus theme were shown together with Rembrandt’s plate owned by the museum. Exhibited was also a painting by J. Lievens and an etching depicting the same subject as well as an interesting drawing by Rembrandt executed in red chalk from the British Museum, London – Entombment – (a facsimile was exhibited), which was originally arranged as the Raising of


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Fig. 23 The Raising of Lazarus, detail of the figure of Lazarus. Al fresco painting on the eastern side of the Loreto crypt. Photo P. Bašta.

assumed the young painters could have shared one studio in Leiden as their creative output in this early phase bears unmistakable traces of mutual influence.17 Commentary in the diary of Constantijn Huygens, an educated diplomat and a personal secretary of the Prince of Orange, in a rather confrontational manner compares the work of “both noble young men”18 and in a telling passage praises the diverse qualities of each of them. R. Rand expressed an opinion that both paintings (and subsequently the prints) depicting the Raising of Lazarus could have come into existence as a result of some informal competition between the painters, which could have been initiated by C. Huygens himself during one of his visits.19 While the etching by Lievens is more or less an exact reproduction of his painting20, Rembrandt’s print displays major compositional changes: the figure of Christ was transferred to the foreground and rotated, with the spectator being almost faced by its back. The dominating gesture of Christ’s raised arm, by which he summons Lazarus back to life, is therefore even more accentuated. In literature, there are still disagreements about the chronology of production of these works with the same subject matter21, however, with regards to the Loreto fresco, we shall only focus on the comparison of

Lazarus and is, when it comes to composition, very similar to Lievens’ painting (R. Rand - J. Fronek, 1991).17 Apart from the similarity of their style at that time, this fact is also corroborated by the evident use of the same models: an old man in a luxurious gown in Rembrandt’s Raising of Lazarus was probably based on the same model as the old man on the very lleft of Lievens’ painting representing the same subject matter – this old man is traditionally believed to be Rembrandt’s father (R. Rand, 1991, p. 11). R. Rand hypothesises that the death of the painter’s father in 1630, that is immediately prior to the probable date of creation of the painting, may have played a significant role in the process of dealing with the theme of the God’s triumph over Death, a process, which was so painful, difficult and introspective for Rembrandt.18 G. Schwartz, 1985, p. 73. Schwartz is quoted by R. Rand, 1991, p. 12. Huygens’ diary, written in Latin, includes the period between 1629 and 1631. The commentary is connected specifically to the extant painting of the repentant Judas (oil on wooden panel, 79 x 102 cm, c. 1629, presently a part of a private collection in England).19 R. Rand, 1991, p. 13. Rand corroborates this hypothesis by the fact that both painters were focusing on the same theme in 1631 – that of the Crucified Christ, which was most probably commissioned by C. Huygens. (G. Schwartz, 1985, pp. 86, 88 -89).20 J. Lievens, a painting representing the Raising of Lazarus, oil painting on canvas, 104,8 x 113,7 cm, dated 1631, Royal Pavillion Art Gallery and Museum, Brighton. J. Lievens, etching and copper engraving depicting the Raising of Lazarus, 36 x 31,1 cm, 1630 -1631, British Museum, London, inv. no. D, 8.69 (comp. C. Ackley, 1981, no. 82; P. Schatborn, 1988-89, no. 17).21 The chronology is complicated especially owing to the uncertain dating: Lievens’ canvas is signed and dated in 1631, the


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Fig. 24

Rembrandt van Rijn – The Raising of Lazarus, the so-called larger plate B.73, detail of the figure

of St. Martha, the second state. Reproduction photo after R. Rand, Los Angeles 1991.

Fig. 25

Rembrandt van Rijn – The Raising of Lazarus, the so-called larger plate B.73, detail of the figure of St. Martha, the sixth state. Rijksmuseum Amsterdam: inv. no. RP-P-1987-178.

Fig. 26

The Raising of Lazarus, detail of the figure of St. Martha. Al fresco painting

on the eastern side of the Loreto crypt, a mirror image.

Photo P. Bašta.

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Fig. 29 B. A. Bolswert after D. Vinckboons – The Universal Battle with Death, copper engra-ving, dated 1610. The British Museum, London, inv. no. 1955,0529.89. Photo © Trustees of the British Museum.

Rembrandt’s painting and print and their mutual relationship.

Recent investigation of the painting by restorers confirmed the earlier assumptions that both, the etching as well as the painting, bear the signs of radical pentimenti.22 Unfortunately, it did not produce a satisfactory answer to the question of which of the compositional layouts is older, whether the one on the panel painting, with the figure of Christ turned to the spectator, or the one in the print, where the viewer sees its back. Some of the researchers believe the composition of the

etching, the composition of which was undoubtedly based on this painting, is not dated. Dated, however, is Rembrandt’s drawing in the British Museum, which is very similar to Lievens’ composition, bearing the date of 1630. Rembrandt’s painting is not dated, as in the case of his etching. Schwartz (1985 , pp. 81 – 82) came up with a theory that Rembrandt intentionally dated his red chalk drawing early in order to suggest he is the originator of the composition. Schatborn (P. Schatborn, 1988, p. 45) assumes Lievens completed his painting as early as 1630 and subsequently produced the etching, which was copied by Rembrandt one year later. Only then, at the beginning of 1631, according to Schatborn, Lievens signed and dated the original painting in order to confirm his authorship. This opinion is also shared by the authors of the Rembrandt Research Project (Vol. I., pp. 300 -306), who state that all works were being created practically simultaneously and that the varied dating is reflecting the differing dates of their completion. R. Rand (1991, p. 16) cites the opinion of M. Royalton-Kisch (M. Royalton-Kisch, 1991, pp. 263-83) that Rembrandt’s drawing should be removed from the dossier of his works because it was created much later in the 1630s, in connection with other copies the master made on the basis of compositions by different authors. Its “dating” is reflecting Rembrandt’s need to record when he came into contact with the (Lievens’) composition.22 J. Fronek, The Materials and Technique of The Raising of Lazarus by Rembrandt, in: Masterpiece in Focus, The Raising of Lazarus by Rembrandt, Los Angeles 1991. The X-ray images of the painting reveal long traces on the right hand side of the painting, which were caused by scratching the paint off while still wet.


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Fig. 30 The skeleton drawing bow string of his bow, detail. Al fresco painting on the northern frontal wall of the rear perpendicular vault of the Loreto crypt. Photo P. Bašta.

painting was originally a mirror version of the print, in the same way as in the case of the Loreto fresco.23 The investigation carried out by restorers also established that the emotionally charged figure of St. Mary Magdalene bathed in bright light, with her arms thrown open in a state of astonishment, originally held in its left hand, in the painted version, the burial cloth taken off the Lazarus’ face, similarly to what can be seen in the print and to what is reproduced by the painter of the Loreto frescoes. Especially interesting in connection with the Loreto crypt mural, are also the pentimenti of St. Martha’s figure, which, similarly to the case of Christ, affected both, Rembrandt’s painting as well as etching. Martha in the painting is represented in shade, almost as a dark silhouette in the left hand corner, bending backward slightly, with her hand raised in a gesture of being taken by surprise by fright.24 This figure can be seen in a similar position (although conceived as a mirror image) in the first three states of Rembrandt’s etching (fig. 24)25, which are, indeed, very rare. Starting with the third state, the figure of Martha is distinctively leaning forward (fig. 25), in a way that can also be discerned in the Loreto mural (fig. 26). By additional comparison of minor details we can further determine with greater precision, which state of Rembrandt’s etching was the most probable source available in 1664 to the author of the Loreto crypt decoration. Accentuated

23 The hypothesis that Rembrandt himself later reduced the painting to the current, almost square, format by removing the figure of Christ and transferring the main figure to the background, behind the tomb of Lazarus, was received with uncertainty. E. Wetering is adopting this view from the Rembrandt Research Project, Vol. I. (E. van de Wetering, 2009, pp. 38-41), R. Rand, however, refutes it with reference to the fact the figure of Christ on the panel must have been in this position very early, because both, the figure of St. Mary Magdalene as well as the figure of an old man above her, are painted over the purple robe of Christ (R. Rand, 1991, p. 17).24 An X-ray image of the painting revealed that Rembrandt originally situated this figure nearer the centre of the tomb. This indeed corroborates the hypothesis that in the original arrangement, the figure of Christ was placed elsewhere.25 Comp., for example, the print from the British Museum, London, inv. no. 1845,0205.2 or Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, inv. no. RP-P-OB-594 and RP-P-OB-595. Preserved in the British Museum is also a remarkable print of the second state (inv. no. 1848,0911.35) with master’s drawing on the recto (earlier, the impression of the pencil drawing on the verso was believed to be an original created by the author – comp. O. Benesch, 1973, no. 83a) - it is, without a doubt, an authorial trial print, in which Rembrandt experimented with modification of the position of the figure of St. Martha.

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Fig. 33

Skeleton drawing the bow string of his bow. Al fresco painting on the northern frontal wall of the rear perpendicular vault of the Loreto crypt. Photo P. Bašta.

(on the opposite page)Fig. 34

Skeleton drawing the bow string of his bow.

Al fresco painting on the northern frontal wall of the

rear perpendicular vault of the Loreto crypt.

Photo P. Zuchnický.

beside the figure of St. Mary Magdalene with markedly individualised face, is a male figure in the background, arms thrown open26 and mouth agape in a silent astonishment. In the early states of Rembrandt’s etching, this figure is shown without the headgear. However, starting with the fourth state, a conspicuous turban appears on the man’s head.27 Similarly, the closer one of the two male heads beneath his raised left arm, was originally depicted without the headdress. A piece of cloth, pulled over the man’s forehead, which is reproduced in the Loreto fresco (fig. 21), appears as late as fifth state of the print. We may therefore state that the Raising of Lazarus mural in the Prague Loreto was based on Rembrandt’s etching dealing with the same subject matter printed from the so-called larger B.73 plate, in its fifth to seventh state.

If we compare the fresco in the crypt with Rembrandt’s work, on which it was based, we have to conclude that the painter very competently translated the graphic model into the mural painting while retaining the greatest possible degree of compositional qualities and light brilliance. The author, however, had to deal with the fact the dominant position of the figure of Christ on the tombstone will be weakened by the transposition of the original, vertically conceived layout into a rather horizontal format of the slightly lowered arch of the eastern frontal wall of the burial chamber. This “lowering”

resulted in a dramatic reduction of distance of Christ from the group with St. Mary Magdalene. While retaining a practically identical composition of all the figures, the painter decided to increase the scale of the figures behind the tomb. This allowed him to achieve the impression that the scene is taking place in a smaller, more intimate space, which clearly appears to be

26 Rembrandt probably based the gesture of the figure, which is absent in the painting, on that used by his master, Pietro Lastman, who trained in Italy and in whose Amsterdam studio he spent his youth. Lastman himself is an author of several versions of the Raising of Lazarus, the most significant being the panel painting of 1622 (Mauritshuis, Haag). It is very probable that Rembrandt was familiar with this work. Indeed, from the gesture of an old man on the right hand side of Lastman’s Raising, who has his arms thrown open in astonishment, can be deduced the pose of the figure of St. Mary Magdalene, or, as the case may be, the man in the background of Rembrandt’s etching. (comp. R. Rand, 1991, p.8).27 Interesting is, for example, the comparison with an early print in the British Museum, London (inv. no. 1973, U.822), where, in the third state, the figure of St. Martha is identical with the Loreto fresco. The man in the background, however, still has no head covering.


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Fig. 35

C. van Dalen after G. Flinck Allegory of the Birth of Wilhelm Heinrich von Brandenburg, copper engraving, 1648. Photo public domain image – friendsofart, net.

a suitable and impressive solution for a crypt interior. In the upper part of the mural, the reduction affected the typically Rembrandtesque objects – while the weapons hung upon the rear wall of the grave of Lazarus were omitted by the Loreto painter, the decorative draperies were retained. The fresco painter solved the increasing of the format width on the edges by adding trompe l’oeil pillars of architectural ruins overgrown with vegetation, which are enveloped in semidarkness. They correspond with the mural on the adjacent surface and accentuate the effect of bright illumination of the central scene. Closest to Rembrandt’s model is probably the monumental figure of Christ, which was copied by the painter to the very last detail. In the group of male figures behind Christ the most conspicuous deviation from the printed model is noticeable in the face of the young man in turban at the background. In Rembrandt’s etching it has obvious Negroid features, which are absent in the Loreto figure. However, the half-figure of an old man with turban in the right part of the St. Mary Magdalene group is, unlike the one in the etching, treated with the greatest care and represents a distinct type of ascetic face with hollow cheeks and beard twisted in a decorative manner (fig. 21). The figure of rising Lazarus with a short dark beard is also rather striking as a type. His right hand, placed on the edge of the tomb, is bandaged with the burial cloth in both, Rembrandt’s painting, as well as etching, while in Loreto, the painter released it from the bandages and thus emphasised the convincing idea of resurrection of Lazarus back to life (fig. 23). From the overall comparison of the Loreto fresco figures with the etching, it is obvious the inspiration is indeed very strong. The author of the mural quotes the gestures of the figures and transcribes the arrangement of the draperies to the smallest details. Yet it seems that his facial types are rather different to those in Rembrandt’s work. It also appears they are a result of the painter’s personal inventiveness, simultaneously permeating all the crypt frescoes, and, in terms of style, unifying the murals inspired by prints of various dates and proveniences, as we shall see further.

The entire height and width of the opposite, western frontal wall of the crypt, is decorated with the powerful scene


31

Fig. 36 Angel of the Last Judgement, detail. Al fresco painting on the southern frontal wall of the rear perpendicular vault of the Loreto crypt. Photo P. Bašta.

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Fig. 38 Boy with a Skull “Homo bulla est”. Al fresco painting on the northern pillar of the Loreto crypt. Photo P. Zuchnický.


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Fig. 39 H. Goltzius – QUIS EVADET, copper engraving, sign. and dated 1594. Rijksmuseum Amsterdam, inv. no. RP-P-OB-10.227. Photo © Rijksmuseum Amsterdam

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Fig. 42 Seated Skeleton with a Scythe. Al fresco painting on the southern pillar of the Loreto crypt. Photo P. Zuchnický.

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on the condition of murals in the crypt of the church of the Nativity of our Lord

in the Prague Loreto

Title: Murals with biblical subject matter and motifs of the Dance of DeathTechnique: Fresco, finished on dry plaster “al secco”Crypt dimensions: Height: 3 m, width: 4 m, length: 6,5 mLocation: Crypt of the church of the Nativity of Our Lord, Loreto, PragueDated: 1663 – 64Owner: The Capuchin province in the Czech Republic Loretánské náměstí 6/99 118 00 Praha 1 – Hradčany

Restorer: Mgr. Pavel Blattný – academic painter/restorer

Assignment: Examination of murals and determination of diagnosis for the purposes of future preservation of the painted decoration of the crypt.Illuminated by spotlights and a UV lamp, the murals had been examined on 8th March 2011 by tapping on the stucco and testing of solubility of paints. The condition of murals had been documented in digital photographs while illuminated by artificial and UV light.

Description of the present condition:

Condition of the stucco:

Carefully glazed yellowy stucco exhibits a relatively good adhesion to the wall, examination by tapping indicates there are no major air pockets or cavities (with the exception of one air pocket measuring c. 60 cm in diameter at the bottom left part of the scene depicting Chronos with a scythe - fig. 59). As a result of water leaks and enormous dampness caused by condensation, lime marks had appeared in numerous places. The stucco is damaged in these places. Powdery, yellow patches and crusty surfaces of the size between 1 and 15 cm are to be found on the wall surfaces of the niches, on the vaults, pilasters, in the vault arches and in the corners where the vaults meet the lateral walls. These defects had been caused by insufficient grinding and mixing of the lime plaster, which was used, and which contained larger pieces of unslaked lime prior to the application onto the brickwork. Due to the considerable long-term dampness caused by the insufficient airing of the crypt and the subsequent leaking of the water into the crypt, the process of slaking of the unslaked pieces of lime in the stucco had eventually been completed, which had resulted in these defects and lime marks. The web of minor cracks

Restorer‘s report

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Fig. 56 The Chronos with a scythe fresco – detail of the marks of running paint on the wings of the figure. Photo P. Bašta.

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Fig. 57

The Raising of Lazarus fresco detail of the lime and salt marks on the surface of the mural. Photo P. Bašta.

indicates the stucco, which had been applied on the whole surfaces, had been drying quite rapidly. Apart from a few exceptions, there are no larger cracks in the stucco. Owing to the ample water leaks from the surrounding outside area and high dampness caused by condensation, the aforementioned lime and salt marks had appeared in the insufficiently aired crypt. The largest patches, marks and lime maps are to be seen in the niche with the motif of the Raising of Lazarus (fig. 57).

The painting technique:

The crypt murals had been executed in monochrome black washed paint on a glazed wet grey-yellow plaster, which had been gradually applied in the individual parts of the crypt, from the niches and pilasters to the vault surfaces. Dividing of the stucco on the individual niche surfaces into the so-called “giornate” does not appear here. In the case of the black painting penetrating the surface in the watercolour-like manner, the fresco bond is mostly apparent. During the completion of the murals – during the execution of the darkest outlines and shades, the painter had worked on a dry surface – “al secco” and the fresco bond with the stucco had therefore not taken place here.

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Condition of the murals:

Due to the aforementioned dampness caused by condensation and the long-term leaking of the water into the crypt, the black outlines, which had been executed on a dry surface, had begun to run on the walls as well as the crypt vaults. The marks of running paint and maps are to be found, to a greater or lesser degree, nearly in all scenes, depending on the intensity of the leaking. Most affected by the leaking were the niches oriented to the Loreto atrium with the Loreto Holy house and to the area, which is not roofed – for example, the niche with the motif of Chronos (fig. 56), the Angel with a trumpet and the Skeleton with a scythe. The vegetative motifs in the corners of the niche with the motif of Chronos had also been washed out.

Note on the authenticity of the „signature“ During the examination with the UV light, the inscription did not exhibit the dark luminescence. The „signature“ had not been added later, it exhibits the fresco bond with the original stucco. The contours of the inscription band exhibit the dark luminescence indicating they had been done in black paint onto a dry stucco, similarly to the highlighting outlines and shades of the murals, viz the painting technique.

Fig. 58

The Triumph of Death fresco detail of the salt marks on the surface of the mural. Photo P. Bašta.

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Fig. 59

The Chronos with a scythe fresco detail of the larger crack with cavity at the bottom part of the mural (seen from above). Photo P. Bašta.

Conclusion Despite the listed defects and the enormous dampness caused by condensation, as well as the hundreds of years long water leaks, to which they are exposed, the murals are in a relatively good condition. It will be possible to stabilise the described defects, to eliminate the patches and numerous marks caused by the running paint, calcium and salt marks and sediments in the future. It will therefore be possible to rehabilitate this high-quality and fascinating crypt decoration.

Restorer’s recommendation The walled-in ventilation openings in the crypt vault should be opened again as soon as possible and the coffin fragments should be removed from the crypt. An installation of the electric fans in the crypt would contribute to a be-tter air circulation, reduction of the dampness and gradual drying out of the crypt.

In Prague, 9th March 2011 Pavel Blattný

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Fig. 60

The edge of the niche reveal with the scene of the Raising of Lazarus – the ventilation opening walled-in from above.Photo P. Bašta.

Fig. 61

The Skeleton with a scythe fresco,

detail of the inscription on the plaque in the UV light.

Photo P. Bašta.

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Thanks to the extant written records and relics associated with the burial practice in the Capuchin convents, we have today a relatively extensive knowledge on how the brothers buried their dead. Practically from the time of foundation of every monastic church, a crypt had become its essential part. The bodies of deceased fellow brothers had been buried there, in one or more common rooms. In accordance with the emphasised monastic simplicity verging on austerity, the bodies had been laid directly on a bare ground without coffins, or lowered into the crypt in a simple coffin adapted for this purpose and fitted with a sliding bottom. The heads of brothers, dressed in the order robes with cincture and rosary, were rested on stones or bricks (fig. 66b). The brothers were buried practically without a specification of identity, only with modest attributes of their monastic status – those who remained in the order for more than fifty years, had the privilege of the funeral with a simple cross in their hands, and frequently a miniature issue of the Monastic rule and the Last testament of St. Francis may be discerned in the hands of the deceased brothers (Cat. no. 15). Although the brothers did not have specific graves, the information about their death were meticulously recorded and archived. The sense of continuity, fe-llowship of both, the living as well as deceased brothers had been, and still is, very strong. A very telling evidence of this is, for example, the information recorded in the Chronicle of the Brno convent (Protocolum rerum Memorabilium, bez sign., fol. 468a), documenting the ceremonial transferral of remains of the deceased brothers on 5th February 1656. It had taken place after the old monastic church outside the city walls had been demolished due to a siege and the Capuchins had built a new convent in the inner city. Although the church was in ruins, the brothers had not forgotten their deceased fellows, whose bodies were buried in the crypt under the church remnants, and once it had been possible, they had collected their remains and transferred them into the new convent crypt. The description of this event also includes the names and dates of death of all these deceased and it is interesting that this list had not omitted the two brothers who had died in the short period before the completion of the new convent and had been buried in the parish church of St. Jacob.

It appears there had been slight variations to the burial practice in different regions. While the Salzburg funeral portrait of Valerian de Magni (cat. no. 2), the prominent preacher and diplomat of the second quarter of the seventeenth century, corresponds with the aforementioned convention and we can thus see a simple crucifix and a rosary in the crossed hands of the old priest, we find, in the very same convent, a remarkable funerary monument documenting rather different customs. It is a mural executed in the oil painting technique al secco (this technique was very much liked in the Capuchin convents and similar murals are also to be found at the Prague Hradschin convent premises from the middle of the 17th century), which was uncovered in the 1980s in the sacristy of the monastic church in Salzburg (fig. 63). The mural represents the postmortem display of the body of the Capuchin Priest Johann Baptist von Ala of the family of Counts of Ferrari (born

on 1st March in Treviso/ deceased on 25th October 1643 in Salzburg), initially the Provincial Superior of the Tyrolean province and subsequently of the Czech-Austrian province. This learned man was a renowned preacher, very popular with the Imperial court, and active as a diplomat in the services of the Salzburg Archbishop. The sources describe vividly, how

I. Burials of the Order Brothers

Fig. 62

Inscription slab covering the place where the silver receptacle with the heart of Archbishop Paris Lodron is kept, the old sacristy of the Capuchin monastic church, SalzburgInscription: „Piis manibus P. Jo. Baptistae Capucini pio le-gato per testamentum adscripsit cor suum auro puro ob-ductum, ut cum animare non posset, ibi esset, ubi amaret.“ Photo P. Bašta.

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the news about the death of the “holy man” spread rapidly in the morning throughout the city, so that great crowds had been coming to the monastic church where his dead body was displayed. The Archbishop Paris Lodron had come in person to see his dead friend and, before the eyes of the gathered people, kissed his hand and touched his rosary for the last time. He celebrated the famous requiem and other Masses for the dead in monastic churches throughout the whole Salzburg. His respect for the deceased Capuchin was so great that in his last testament he stipulated his heart placed in a silver casket be buried close to the remains of brother John in the Capuchin order crypt. This had happened and it is documented by the engraved slab concealed today beneath the floor tiling of the sacristy (fig. 62; viz A. Hohenegger, 1913, p. 54-55). The fresco represents the body of the deceased brother rested on a simple catafalque, which was probably used then for the order funerals. Dominating on the front of the construction is a painting of a skull with crossed bones and an inscription MEMENTO MORI. Brother John is attired in the monastic garment, with a rosary at his waist and, in addition, adorned with the symbols of priesthood– he is holding a chalice in his hands and has a stole over his shoulders. Apart from these two attributes, the other arrangement is very modest – a crucifix, burning candle and two barefooted brothers praying for the deceased. In a remarkable way, this fresco depicts a crucial moment of the Franciscan spirituality, the obligation to pray for the deceased fellow brothers. The necrologia and mortuaria, documents listing the names of the deceased, whether in a book or other form, are a tangible evidence of this established practice (fig. 64, Cat. no. 42).

MB

Decorated mortuaria with necrologium in the Franciscan convents are a specifically Czech particularity (Cat. no. 5 and 6). The original meaning of the term mortuarium indicates a place for the deceased, intended for either temporary or permanent placement of a body of the deceased (in convents, this purpose is usually served by a crypt). In the figurative sense of the word, mortuarium signifies the funerary sign bearing the name of the deceased. In the monastic milieu, we may see a special type of mortuarium, a chest for the necrologium, that is for the list of the deceased. Necrologia in the book form are to be found in the majority of the monastic orders and keep records of the deceased brothers in the entire province, usually arranged in accordance with the individual days of a year (viz Cat. no. 42). The mortuaria, on the contrary, contain panels with details of friars who died in the particular house and, apart from the name and the date of death, they mostly record a brief characteristic of the person and his role in the community, the amount of years spent in the monastic rule or,

Fig. 65

Mortuarium - necrologium from the Franciscan convent in Bechyně, Bechyně, organ choir of the church of Our Virgin Mary.Photo P. Bašta.

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Fig. 66

Mortuarium - necrologium, originally from the Franciscan

convent in Hostinné, Prague, convent of St. Mary Major.

Photo P. Bašta.

as the case may be, they specify the place where the body was laid.

All the known extant mortuaria of this type on our territory come from the Franciscan convents. The deceased were buried here in accordance with the perception of the Franciscan poverty, the bodies were laid to rest collectively, without a coffin, on a bare ground, without any identification. Mortuarium thus represented the only concrete memorial of the de-ceased, his symbolic tombstone. Some mortuaria are probably still in situ, that is in the area of the organ loft, the particular way of their use being unknown. Remembrance of names of the deceased brothers has a special place in the Franciscan li-turgy in the regular prayer prescribed by the founder of the order, St. Francis of Assisi (Confirmed religious order, chapter no. 3)

Franciscan mortuaria have a form of a shallow wooden cabinet, the doors of which are decorated with Latin

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Funeral Portrait of the CapuchinValerianus de Magni

Bohemia (?), second quarter of the 18th century

copper engraving on paper, 38 x 21 cminserted and bound into the Chronicle of the Brno convent (Protocolum rerum memorabilium, without sign.) in a scroll with other copper engravings of prominent personalities of the Capuchin ordersigned at the bottom right: “A. I. Schindler. Sc.”

The small-scale copper engraving was probably executed after the older funeral portrait painted on canvas

immediately after the Capuchin´s death. Valerianus de Magni died in 1661 in Salzburg, on the way to Rome. Due to the copper engraving technique, it is understandable that the whole composition is a mirror image of the original. The colour scheme of the original painting had been skilfully translated into the chiaroscuro rendering. The dark background had been replaced with dense hatching in the copper engraving. The impression of volumes had also been achieved by dense hatching of the shades or by light reflections created without the use of burin. The print is signed A. I. Schindler. Hypothetically, it may be assumed that the order engraver could have been its author – the sources mention the name of the lay brother Albanus Joseph Schindler, originally from Jihlava (Albanus Iglaviensis), deceased in 1738 in New Town, Prague.

PB

Cat. no. 2 Cat. no. 3

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Cat. no. 4

Funeral Portrait of the CapuchinValerianus de Magni

Moravia, second quarter of the 18th century

oil painting on canvas, 112 x 88 cminscription in the bottom part: “R. P. Valerianus Magnus Capucinus: Patria Mediolanensis: Ex Stirpe Comitum de Magnis. Magnus opere et sermone, Pietate et singulari doctrina insignis, impleuit Nomen et Omen. Omnes in suo Ordine honorum gradus consecutus. Missionarij Apostolici munus per 35 Annos magno Zelo obiuit. Orthodoxae fidei Propugnator, et Haereticorum qua dictis, qua scriptis insectator fuit acerrimus. Legationibus quoque Magnatum praeclare functus. Pijs pro Chrõ laboribus ac senio confectus inter Crucifixi oscula et amplexus pijssime obdormiuit in sui ordinis Conuentu Salisburgi 29 Iulii Aõ 1661. Cum numeraret mortalitatis annos 75, Religionis 60. Posteritatem habens in libris simul et liberis, quos per Euangelium in Christo genuit.“ [The honourable

Cat. no. 3

P. Valerianus Magni, a Capuchin, born in Milan, from the family of Counts de Magni. He was great in both, his deeds as well as speech, remarkable in his piety and outstanding erudition, he accomplished his name as well destiny (Nomen et Omen). He achieved all degrees of honour in his Order. With a great keenness, he performed the office of the apostolic missionary for 35 years. He was spreading the idea of true faith and mercilessly pursued heretics in both, the words as well as books. He became famous as a diplomat in the service of great noblemen. On 29th July 1661 he piously died in the convent of his Order in Salzburg, consumed by his pious work for Christ and by old age, while holding a cross he was kissing. He lived physically to the age of 75, and to the age of 60 as a friar. His books are his descendants and his children, to whom he was given birth in the Lord through spreading the Gospel]

Cat. no. 4

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Mortuarium (Necrologium), originally from the Franciscan convent in Pilsen

Bohemia, 2nd quarter of the 17th century

wood without veneer, intarsia of a skeleton on the small doors of the upper chest, six-pointed star on the bottom small doors, two shelves in the bottom part, 220 x 97 x 23 cm

contains the necrologium panels:1. wooden panel – records in the years 1633- 1716/ 1716 – 1749, text written on both sides of the attached paper with Baroque wallpaper edging, alternating motifs of human skull and cross on the border2. wooden panel – records in the years 1751 – 1778/1778 – 1819, text written on both sides of the attached paper with Baroque wallpaper edging, alternating motifs of human skull and cross on the border3. carton board – records in the years 1828 – 1935, on one side

on loan from the Province of the Franciscan Brothers, convent of St. Mary Major in Prague (inv. no. PMS – 0618)

Cat. no. 5 (necrologium panel)

Cat. no. 5on loan from the Strážnice chateau (National institute of folk culture)

It seems indisputable that the funeral portrait of the Valerianus de Magni from the Strážnice chateau was created on the basis of knowledge of an older copper engraving. Smooth, meticulously detailed painting reproduces faithfully the print model, including the panegyric inscription in the bottom part, which the painter adapted to the shorter format of the canvas. He therefore placed the coat of arms of the Counts de Magni directly in the centre of the textual field. The Magnis kept the chateau of Strážnice from 1628 until as late as the Second World War.

MB (translation from Latin MPM)

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Both intarsia decorations are enclosed in a rectangular relief frame consisting of decorative lath with decorative projections. Placed on the projecting ledge, on the axis of the object, in a planar wooden scrollwork with acanthus leaf decorated, is a three-dimensional human skull with crossed bones. The corners with relief pilasters are crowned with the acanthus leaf decorated with pearling. The mortuarium decorated by an unusual technique represents a high-quality production of the period furniture. According to the dating of the necrologium, it was created perhaps as early as the first entry in 1663.

Lit.: Historia Franciscana, 2004, cat. no. 33 p. 37.

ŠR

Cat. no. 6

Mortuarium (Necrologium), originally from a Franciscan convent in Dačice

Bohemia, the last quarter of the 17th century

black polychromed wood, oil painting on small doors, 106 x 67 x 10 cm

contains the necrologium panels:1. wooden panel – records in the years 1633- 1770/ 1770 – 1803, text written on both sides of the glued on paper 2. wooden panel – records in the years 1804 – 1873/1877 – 1922, text written on both sides of the glued on paper3. records continue on the back part of the small door

on loan from the Province of the Franciscan Brothers, convent of St. Mary Major in Prague (inv. no. PMS – 0619)

This ebonised wooden hanging cabinet is shallow and has one-wing door. Its back extends into a planar frame with symmetrically cut ornamental profile. The top part is crowned with a double ledge. The rectangular door is framed by a relief lath, while the inner surface is decorated with the oil painting of the Parable of the mirror hung on the cross. The symbolic composition of individual motifs is based on the letter of Saint Clare of Assisi, as described above. It differs from the group of almost identical images decorating the mortuaria from Slaný and Hostinné in a number of iconographic details. Smaller differences are apparent in details – the wilted flower of the life of a monk is represented by rose, the symbol of both, the Christian love as well as Christs blood (Saint Bonaventura), while the first rose reportedly blossomed from the drop of Christ’s blood beneath the cross. Rose, however, is also a Marian flower and the Marian veneration is deeply rooted in the Franciscan milieu. The convents frequently take care of Marian pilgrim places (for example, the Loreto cult in Hájek). Another deviating detail is the royal crown above the Eye of Providence. In a triangular form, it is a symbol of the Holy Trinity, probably signifying the Kingdom of Heaven, which will be opened to all common Christians.

ŠR

Cat. no. 6

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II. Funerals of Patrons and Donors A rather different funeral practice can be observed in the case of funeral ceremonies associated with prominent donors of individual convents or, as the case may be, patrons of the pilgrimage places, the spiritual administration of which was entrusted to the Brothers. The Prague Loreto with the family crypt of the Lobkowicz family beneath Santa Casa repre-sents the traditional prototype of aristocratic burial ground of the Baroque period. The deceased had been buried in the three crypts under the chapels as well as directly in the space of the cloister – in 1664, the entire arcade courtyard was consecrated as a burial site. Naturally, the oldest patronal crypt had become the centre of the funeral practice; it was built and consecrated simultaneously with Santa Casa. From the archival sources we learn about its appearance that it was, as the only one from the Loreto crypts, paved with marble slabs. The sources also suggest that in the case of the Lobkowicz family, the wooden painted coffins were placed in more opulent metal sarcophagi (it will, however, be possible to confirm this as-sumption only after the planned investigation of the crypt). The burial chamber of the Loreto patrons has probably not been opened since the time of the last modification during the walling-up of the ventilation openings in 1786 (comp. cat. no. 35) because its entrance is not only covered by the usual stone slab, but the entry opening had been walled-up and completely hidden beneath the pavement after the burial of the last person of the direct lineage of the founder family of Lobkowicz of Bílina – that is, in 1711, the widow of Wenceslas Ferdinand of Lobkowicz, Mary Sophia née Countess of Dietrichstein. With regards to the location of the entry opening, the sources more or less agree that “… the entrance of this crypt is beneath the door opposite the convent, so that it is necessary to damage the floor tiles in order to uncover the stairs.” (J. Bilinensis, 1700, p. 14). The crypt was designated exclusively for the patronal family. An exception confirming the rule was the funeral of Ludmila Eve Frances Kolowratová on 29th May 1695. She was the only one of the aristocratic donors obtaining the privilege of a burial in Santa Casa, although her body is probably not resting directly in the burial chamber of the Lobkowicz family and had been placed beside the Santa Casa altar, probably in the space above the crypt vault. The information about lavishness of the funeral ceremonies is to be found in the Capuchin Annals describing the funeral of the Loreto patron, Wenceslas Fredinand, the Count of Lobkowicz (Liber Undecimus, Rkp 400/I, pp. 511-13, N. 12): „Announced last year, was the death of the most illustrious and most distinguished lord, master Wenceslas Ferdinand Popel, the Count of Lobkowicz, who, on his return from Spain, had died in the Lord with sorrowful lamentation in Padua while enjoying baths, on 19th October, after his death, his body had been taken to Prague and laid in the Holy House of

Fig. 67

The imperial burial chamber in Vienna (Kaisergruft)Beneath the Capuchin monastic church at the New Market, view of the so-called Leopold’s crypt. Photo P. Bašta by courtesy of the

Capuchin convent in the city of

Vienna

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Loreto on 31st December with his ancestors in the crypt designated for the founders of Loreto, which is located beneath the Loreto sanctuary, and the following epitaph was placed on his iron tomb: Here lies Wenceslas Ferdinand Popel, the Count of Lobkowicz, the knight of the golden fleece, the Privy Counsellor of the Holy Imperial Higness Leopold I. and the emissa-ry to the Spanish King Charles II, who intended to live only for God, the Prince, and for the public good, in youthful age, filled with great hopes, may he rest in peace. Amen… his most faithful wife, Mary Sophia, née [Countess] of Dietrichstein… arriving here, in Prague, following the sorrowful death of her husband, was very occupied with the forthcoming funeral. That is why there had been, on 17th February, which was the Monday after the first Sunday of the fast, carried out glorious funeral services for the same most illustrious and most distinguished lord, master Wenceslas Ferdinand Popel, the Count of Lobkowicz in the Prague Holy House of Loreto for five days, and for this magnificent funeral a musoelum and castrum doloris was set up in the holy house of Loreto to begin with, and the brief summary (compendium) of the castrum doloris is included in the following description…“. A drawing preserved in the provincial archive (cat. no. 38) is undoubtedly directly associated with the described iconographic concept. The magnificent funerary decorations symbolising the transience of human existence had also not been missing in the interiors of monastic churches if they accompanied the mass for the dead celebrated for the prominent donors. The extant pair of the design drawings from the funds of the National Gallery were recently identified as (viz P. R. Pokorný – P. Preiss, 1995, p. 257 - fig. 68) as a design of castrum doloris of William Friedrich of Talmberk of Talmberk who died on14 th October 1643 and had been buried in the crypt of the monastic church of Our Lady of the Angels at the Prague Hradschin. The Count of Talmberk, a very important benefactor of Loreto, whom the sources describe as the promoter of the foundation activities of Benigna Catherine of Lobkowicz, had not been buried in the Loreto district. It may be explained by the fact that in the beginning of the 1640s, the conditions for burials in Loreto had not yet been suitable (the first burial of the patron in Santa Casa took place as late as January 1647, the first burial in the Loreto cloister is documented as late as 1648). However, the main reason probably was the fact that in his will, the Count of Talmberk explicitly expressed a wish to be buried in the order crypt, in a simple way, like the Capuchin brothers, in the habit and on a bare ground (Liber Secundus, Rkp 391, pp. 236-7 N. 54, 55; comp. Z. Kolowrat-Krakowský, 1935. p. 37). The Chronicle of the Hradschin convent recounts the event as follows: “…After many noble assignments and important services for the good of both, the Kingdom as well as the Emperor [the Count of Talmberk] started to lose strength this year. He piously, and in time, received all sacraments of the dying and, under very pious prayers to the crucified Saviour, beatified Virgin Mary and St Pater Francis, at the presence of our brothers, he committed his soul to the Saviour on 14th October. Then, according to his wishes, he was dressed in our habit and buried

Fig. 68

Castrum doloris of William Friedrich of Talmberkdesign drawing in pen and ink, 1643, sepia on paper, National Gallery, Prague.Reproduction photograph after P. R. Pokorný - P. Preiss, 1995, s. 148.

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in our Hradschin church.” (Historia Domestica, Rkp. 543, pp. 118, 119, N. 169). This seemingly eccentric wish was not in fact unusual. Numerous influential and wealthy men of the 17th and 18th century had been asking the brothers for the opportunity to express, through the choice of their final rest, the maximum asceticism and modesty; the burial in the company of the order brothers was evidently highly respected, both, socially as well as spiritually, and this privilege was afforded only to the especially important patrons (for example, the famous Baron Franz von Trenck had been buried in this manner in the Brno burial chamber). It appears that this conspicuous contrast in the way of burying of the deceased had attracted the highest social classes and had occurred in the majority of the Capuchin convents from the very beginning of their establishment. Beside the Jesuits, the Capuchins thus had been the ones who emphasised the contemplation of death, the practical “Ars bene moriendi”, and so had been entrusted with the spiritual service of guiding the ill and dying. As documented by the numerous archival records, they had remained in towns during epidemics and took care of the ill, they had also been entrusted with the spiritual services in prisons and public execution grounds. It appears, this generally accepted interconnection of the order milieu with the spirituality of the last things of man, may be behind the choice of Anne of Tyrol (1585 – 1618) to build a burial chamber for herself and her husband, the Emperor Matthias (1557 – 1619), beneath the newly established Capuchin church inside the city walls of Vienna, at the then Mehlmarkt, later Neuer Markt (New Market). Although the Empress and her husband did not live long enough to see the building completed, their bodies were later (r. 1633) transferred into the burial chamber and this space, which had been further expanded in the following centuries, had gradually become a unique burial site of the Habsburgs (fig. 67, 69; comp. M. Hawlik-van de Water, 1987; M. Hawlik-van de Water, 1989; G. Beutler, 2007).

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Fig. 69 Sarcophagus of the coffin of the Empress Eleonora Magdalene Mantua-Nevres-Gonzaga (1630 – 1686) in the Viennese imperial burial chamber beneath the Capuchin monastic church at the New Market. The Empress was a great patroness of the Capuchins. She supported the Viennese convent and, on the Czech territory, had carried through the establishment of the Capuchin convent in Chrudim. Photo P. Bašta.

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Cat. no. 9 / I. Cat. no. 9 / II.

Cat. no. 9 / III. Cat. no. 9 / IV.

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Set of ten heraldic drawings of the coats of arms of donors buried in the Brno Capuchin burial chamber

Petr Tybitancl, Prague, 2009

pen and ink drawings, watercolour

on loan from the Capuchin convent in Brno (crypt beneath the church of the Finding the True Cross)

The drawings and their specialist descriptions were written in 2009 in connection with the new adaptation of the publicly accessible crypt of the Capuchin church in Brno. Excerp-ted from the project is the following text: “The new adaptation of the crypt also offers a broadening of this “historical” viewpoint – a presentation of the coats of arms of the aristocrats, who are buried here, their extant portraits, numerous historical data … All this, however, is not what is essential. What should be essen-tial, is the publicising and describing of the special bond, which connects all benefactors and friars as well as those who are died many years ago and whose bodies rest in the crypt, those who

are still alive, participating in the collective work today. To give a man, asking himself questions about a deeper sense, while fin-ding himself in this impressive environment, a greater sense of belonging together with the past generations of supporters and benefactors of the convent and a feeling of connection with them in the love of God. Let the short daily prayer of the Capuchin brothers be the best expression of this reciprocity: My Lord, re-ward with eternal life all those who do us good in Your name. Amen.” The enumeration of benefactors whose coats of arms are exhibited in the crypt of the Brno convent, as mentioned by name in the list of the deceased in the Chronicle of the Brno con-vent:

I. The respectable and excellent master, Mr. Johan Wilhelm, the Count of Zinsendorff, the army general and com-mander at Spielberg, + 16th October 1695

II. The respectable and prominent master, Mr. [Leopold Anthony], the Count de Sack [of Bohuňovice], the highest judge of the Margraviate of Moravia and the Privy Cousellor of His Imperial Highness, + 30th November 1725.

Cat. no. 9 / VI.Cat. no. 9 / V.

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Cat. no. 10b (maniple, stole and burse) Cat. no. 10a (chasuble)

Cat. no. 10c (chalice veil)

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Cat. no. 11

ChasubleVienna (?), c. 1860 and later-date modifications

satin ground, pattern lancé with silver mettalic thread and lame-lla, subsequent machine stitching (tambouring), metallic trim-ming; length 99 cm, width 67 cm

Loreto Prague (on a long-term loan in the Museum of De-corative Arts in Prague – inv. no. 65802)restored in 2012 by Štěpánka Dejmalová

The appearance of paramenta in the 19th century was influenced by the development of the textile branch focused on production of materials suitable for liturgical purposes. Specia-lised weaving shops offered a range of “church” fabrics in seve-ral colours, which corresponded with the intended character of the robe, which could be combined with woven components with appropriate symbols. Composed in a similar way is the Prague Loreto mourning chasuble. The black side panels with silver pa-ttern, in the spirit of Baroque historicism, are complemented by the woven centre in identical colour scheme with the motifs of transience and death – alternating in circular medallions borde-red with vegetative elements (ivy, poppy head, weeping willow) are the motifs of a skull with crossed bones and an hourglass with an owl, a scythe and a broken smoldering candle. The Pra-gue chasuble fabric corresponds with the central part of the Göttweig chasuble (LÜDERS, cat. no. V3). In both cases it is a variant of the design offered in 1862 by the Viennese company Jos. Giani.

Lit.: M. Grill Janatová, 2010, p. 120, fig. 1; I. Lüders, 2009, cat. no. V3.

MGJCat. no. 11

Cat. no. 12

Large crucifix with rock crystals

Central Europe, after the middle of the 17th century (part of the reliquary casket from the 1720s)

black-polychromed wood, 34 rock crystal tablets, body of silver--plated wood, hight of the cross 88 cm, reliquary casket 32 x 36 x 25 cm

Loreto Prague, the Loreto treasure (depositary, inv. no. P-062 and P-059)

The beams of the larger cross are carved out of black ebonised wood, embedded in the beams are rectangular and tri-angular rock crystals cut in the rectangular shape, and covering the entire front surface. The very delicate carving of Christ´s body is coated with a thick layer of silver. The massive cross is fixed in a block-shaped pedestal with bars decorated with pear-

ling and volute wings, the polychromy, again, imitates ebony. The pedestal rests on a delicate reliquary casket, containing a considerable amount of various remains in an interesting se-tting which, however, is of a later date (the documents inserted in the wax relic, which was being touched of St. Anne´s foot, tied with a ribbon to a great embroidered cushion beneath the skull bones, are dated 25th July 1724 (5?) in Ancona, a hand-written note about their receipt in Prague being from 24th July 1727). The crucifix is a historical part of the Loreto treasure from the estate of the Countess Ludmila Eve Frances of Kolowrat and, in terms of style, it is associated with other two works of the same origin – paintings of half-figures of the Virgin Mary and Christ in the frames with edges decorated by the same technique of cut rock crystals.

Sources and Lit.: Inventory of the Loreto treasury (Inventář lo-retánské klenotnice, 1850), 12, no. IX, 116 (only cross). M. Dvo-řák, 1884, s. 32. E. Poche, 1971, s. 2.

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Cat. no. 12

Catalogue

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Cat. no. 12 (relics and documents from the reliquary casket)

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Cat. no. 13

Set of inscription slabs from the crypt of the monastic church of Santa Maria degli Angeli at Hradschin in Prague

Cat. no. 13a

Memorial slab of Joseph Curtius of Pavia

Prague, 1662

copper alloy, height 342 mm, width 382 mmTranslation of the inscription: [under the guidance] of the good and the greatest God. Here rests Joseph Curtius of Pavia, once Archbishop of Sebasten and the suffragan of Prague, now, ho-wever dust and shadow. Pray for him! He died in 1662, on 29th March at the age of 69, at the 34th year and 9th month of his stay in the Kingdom of Bohemia with the highest and the most honou-rable lord and Count, the cardinal of Harrach, the Archbishop of Prague.

on loan from the Capuchin convent in Prague - Hradschin (inv. no. PD 295)restored in 2012 by Pavel Veselý

The slab, including the inscription, was cast in the foun-dry sand mold. In order to make the work easier, the bottom part with the heraldic emblem was cast separately and then attached to the main slab by hidden pins. The base surface was given a matt finish by the metal-chaser’s stick, the side edges of the letters were neatened by cutting and their top surface filed down and polished for a better contrast of the inscription. Owing to the fact that, when it comes to material, there were no other special requirements than a presentable appearance and a good

Cat. no. 12 (relics and docu-ments from the reliquary casket)

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resistance against corrosion, the chemical analysis indicates that a mixture of bronze and brass was used for the preparation of the alloy, probably made from older discarded objects. The slab was attached to the wall with iron rods.

It is surprising that the funeral of such a prominent cleric, the suffragan of the Prague Archbishop, the cardinal of Harrach, is neither recorded in the Capuchin annals nor the Hradschin chronicle. The slab was originally embedded in the partition wall on the northern side of the crypt of the monastic church of Santa Maria degli Angeli and it was not possible to associate it with a particular coffin. It can not be ruled out that the slab was transferred here from some of the nearby church, which was no longer in use.

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Cat. no. 13a

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Memorial slab of Johan Ernest Krakowský of Kolowrat

Prague, 1722

iron sheet metal, height 265 mm, width 335 mmTranslation of the inscription fragment: J. A. Krakowský of Kolowrat… deceased at the age of 6

on loan from the Capuchin convent in Prague - Hradschin (inv. no. PD 301)restored in 2012 by Pavel Veselý

The base slab is made of a thin hammered iron sheet metal, probably blackened by oxidation or coated originally with a layer of paint. The individual letters of the inscription were cut out from a thin iron sheet metal coated with a layer of pewter on the surface. It is attached to its base by small rivets. The contrast of the dark background and the light lettering is no longer discernible today because the base slab was, owing to the damp conditions, strongly affected by corrosion, which also partially covered the letters. It is no longer possible to determine the way it was fixed onto the wall. It is possible the slab was in-

Cat. no. 13e (X-ray)

Cat. no. 14

Manuscript Tractatus brevis de Modo, quo genere se debet Sacerdos, cum ago-nizante, seu moribundo. Praxis Adiuandi Agoni-

zantes ut bene pieque moriantur.

Prague, turn of the 17th and 18th century

not paginated /309/ foliosThe Capuchin provincial library, sign. Rkp. 295

An anonymous manuscript, probably “from the pen” of more writers, undoubtedly the Capuchin order priests. The frontispiece of the manuscript is inscribed with the following text: “Ad usum Patris Josephi Billinensis Capucini” – it was thus used by the Pater Joseph of Bílina, who held the office of the Loreto sacristan and custodian from 1696. It is probable that this energetic priest, who is the author of the period book of prayers containing a description of the Prague Loreto (Lauretanischer Blumen-Garten, 1700), is also the author of some parts of this interesting manuscript describing the important practice of the spiritual guidance of the diseased and the dying. Especially remarkable seems the passage describing, in essence, the phases of gradual acceptance of the reality of the approaching death. This is happening in the form of a dialogue of an ill man with the devil, who presents to his mind, in his last hours, various temptations in order to shake his confidence and finally break his faith, hope and love. It is evident that this text, more than three hundred years old, very accurately expresses the anxieties and psychological suffering of the dying. Its instructive retorts are aimed to help the suffering human to bear his destiny to the very end. The devil’s provocative statements, and especially the logic of their succession, are very conspicuously reminiscent of the phases of acceptance of an illness as presented by the modern psychology – from the initial shock, denial verging on aggression, through bargaining, to the final acceptance:

„The brief way as to how to answer the objections of the devil during the battle with death. Although the devil is attacking the ill man using various and almost countless tricks, there are three main ones he is relying on: 1. impatience and the resulting anger with God, 2. prejudice and impudence, 3. faint-heartedness and desperation.

This is the way the ill man may oppose these three tricks:

1. The way to answer the devil when he is tempting with impatience or anger towards God

Devil: He is not a good Lord who makes you suffer so much.The ill: He is a good lord and very (overly) praiseworthy. And who am I? I suffer this as I deserve.

Devil: He is a cruel God if he strikes you with so many pains.The ill: Truly wise is a doctor, a knowledgeable surgeon, who makes [one] limb suffer in order to save the whole body.

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Devil: You shall have no strength to endure such pains any longer.The ill: I can do everything through Christ who gives me strength. (Phil. 4. 13)

Devil: Unfaithful is the God who left you abandoned.The ill: God is faithful: he will not let you be tempted beyond what you can bear. But when you are tempted, he will also provide a way out so that you can stand up under it. (1. Cor, 10 13)

Devil: God is a harsh stepfather to you.The ill: God strikes those whom he loves, and, like a father, he has fondness of his son. Victorious lion [from the generation of Judah] is transformed into a lamb, which redeems through suffering.

Devil: If he is a father [to you], why is he tormenting you so much?The ill: The sap is not flowing out, only when the bark is cut.

Devil: You are miserable, [you], the one who is suffering so much.The ill: Blessed is the man, who is in the hands of God. For he wounds, but he also binds up; he injures, but his hands also heal (Job 5, 18).

Devil: You could get into heaven even without this cruel suffering.The ill: I perhaps could, but not as fast, when my sins keep holding me back and are not fully forgiven. This is certain: nothing untarnished is allowed to enter the kingdom of heaven.

Devil: You are bearing too much pain.The ill: Our present sufferings are not worth comparing with the future glory that will be revealed in us. (Rom 8/18)

Devil: If you were healthy, you could do more good.The ill: To do what God wishes to be done is the best.

Devil: Are you still holding on to your integrity? Curse God and die! (Job 2/9)The ill: Shall we accept only good from God and not trouble? (Job 2/10)

2. The way to answer the devil when he is attacking the ill with impudence

Devil: So great is your patience.The ill: After all, my soul belongs to God and thus from him comes my patience.

Devil: You have done so much good, you deserve fame.The ill: Every good and every perfect gift is from above, coming down from the Father of the heavenly lights (Jak 1, 17). Lord, you did all your work in us. Therefore it is

necessary to attribute all that is good to God. [And even] if you do everything, you shall say:

W e are useless servants.

Devil: But you are not aware of any great sin on

your part, are you?The ill: I am

not aware of anything, yet

Fig. 70 Bottom part the copper engraving no. XIV. from VIA VITAE AETERNAE, Iconibus illustrata per Boetium a Bolswert, Antverpiae 1630, p. 297, KPK sign. 1907D. Photo M. Baštová.

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I am not justified in this, because the one who judges me is God. Christ is the end of the law so that there may be righteousness for everyone who believes. (Rom. 10, 4). A man does not know whether he is worthy of love or hate.

Devil: You have served God for many years, bearing the burden and the heat of the day, working more than others.The ill: So the last will be first, and the first will be last. (Mat. 20, 16).

Devil: You have led a praiseworthy life; no one can reproach you for anything.The ill: Man sees what is evident, God, however, looks into one’s heart.

Devil: You have lived in faith, you were a doctor, a preacher, a shepherd of souls, why are you afraid?The ill: From the one, whom much has been given, much is asked, and from the one who had been entrusted with much, is asked for more.

3. The way to answer the devil when he attacks the ill with the faint-heartedness and desperation.

Devil: How great is your selfishness!The ill: How great is the mercy of the Lord and his forgiveness to those who turn to him.

Devil: Certainly, you will be condemned for your sins.The ill: Why should you die, the house of Israel? I do not want the death of a sinner, says the Lord, change and live.

Devil: You hope in vain, when you are all tarnished by sins.The ill: You have sinned with many lovers, however, return to me and I shall accept you. (Jer. 3,1)

Devil: Heaven belongs only to the one who is pious.

The ill: The wickedness of the wicked man will not cause him to fall when he turns from it. (Ez. 33, 12)

Devil: Numerous demons are waiting for your soul.The ill: The Lord is the stronghold of my life – of whom shall I be afraid? Though an army besiege me, my heart will not fear; though war break out against me, even then will I be confident (Psalm 27, 3).

Devil: Far from the sinners is the salvation.The ill: The Lord is near to all who call on him, to all who call on him in truth (Psalm 145, 18).

Devil: Many had fallen in the end.The ill: No one loses God, only he, who abandons him (St. Augustine). It cannot happen that a resolution is given up by he, whose whole mind hopes in God, and who sacrifices all his good to him. (st. Maxim. Speech 3).

Devil: Do you, you scoundrel, hope in mercy and heaven? The ill: When such a desperate, ill man was healed by such a great doctor, should I move away those hands from my wounds? Shall I not hurry to those hands? (St. Augustine).

Devil: Your good deeds are not and were not of any value.The ill: What is missing in my deeds, will be completed by the merit of Christ; I have sinned, I admit, the sin is great, the conscience is burdened, but I shall not fall into confusion because I shall remember the wounds of Christ: for he was wounded for our sins. (St. Bernard).“

MB (transaltion from Latin KB)

Cat. no. 15

Old printRegula et testamentum Seraphici Patris nostri Sancti Francisci

printed in Prague by Jacob Schweiger, 1765

333 pp. + 1 handwritten folioThe Capuchin provincial library, sign. 36 F 048

A miniature edition of the Monastic rule of St. Francis and his Last testament was among the essential possessions of every brother. As documented by the remains of the deceased brothers in the monastic crypts (for example in the Brno burial chamber), the book was often a part of the accompanying burial objects of the friars. The brothers, buried in the garments with cincture and a simple rosary, laid on a bare ground with their head propped by a stone or bricks, sometimes also held a simple wooden cross in their hands (this privilege was afforded to tho-se, who spent more than 50 years of their life in the order).

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Cat. no. 15

Cat. no. 16

Box for remains in the form of coffin

Bohemia, middle of the 19th century

silver-plated brass, glass, length 211 mm, width 76 mminscription on the side part of the lid: “In Pardubitz am 4. Februar 1861”

on loan from the Province of the Franciscan brothers,

Cat. no. 16

convent of Saint Mary Major in Prague, inv. no. PMS-444 – originally perhaps form the Franciscan convent in Turnov

The box in the common coffin with glazed top part of the lid, which allowed the view of the remains of saints contained inside. Silver-plated brass sheet metal has been used as a material for making of the box and it has been soldered with soft solder.

JK

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Cat. no. 17 (closed and back)

Peg casket with the schedule of votive masses in the Prague Loreto

Prague, 1780s (?) and later accessories

casket made of soft wood, dimensions 63 x 40 x 9 cm, one--wing door and flat volute extension, wallpaper, paper she-et base with a table written in ink and red colour, 44 pegs with inscription labels, massive metal loop on the back side

Loreto Prague, sacristy

The remarkable casket was discovered in the 1990s in the Prague Loreto depositary. It is evident that it served as a summary of obligatory masses (not exclusively) for donors, which were to be served in Loreto. The basic information about their number and votive designation is given on the paper sheet glued on the back of the casket. The overview makes it possible to find out, which masses were the Brothers bound to serve in the time of the use of the casket in this form (very roughly between 1835 and 1930). When it comes to dating of the casket, it seems indisputable it had been being functional as early as the 18th

Cat. no. 17

century. In the middle of the 19th century, but certainly also several times before then, it had been modified, as evidenced by the large number of drilled holes on the back (as the paper sheets with the schedule were being changed). To determine the way of functioning of this information board appears to be the most difficult thing today. The texts on the paper sheet are clear – they detail when exactly, how often and for whom of the donors and benefactors, the masses shall be served. This is perfectly understandable and, as an information, very valuable for us. What is, however, unclear, is the way in which the pegs were used. It is possible that one more, comparative table, effective for a short time period (perhaps a week), with more holes for the pegs for individual masses – in combination with our casket, the information could thus be complete. It is indeed very difficult to imagine, how could one hole for one particular votive mass serve for the information on the pegs, de facto of at least three kinds – where, when and by whom shall the mass be celebrated or, as the case may be, for which saints’s honour.

Sources: Record of foundation masses (Záznam fundačních mší), Expenditure receipts of the Loreto agent (Kvitance výdajů loretánského agenta, 1725).

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Catalogue

103

Cat. no. 17 (open casket)

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Cat. no. 20

Votive tablet with the family of donors

Central Europe, 2nd half of the 17th century

oil painting on canvas, mounted on wooden panel, frame made of polychromed and gilded wood, with incrustations of igneous rock, disc with a gouache painting of the Capuchin order emblem, 53 x 56 cm

Loreto Prague, found in the loft in the 1990s (depositary, inv. no. N-008)

The small panel is a rare extant work representing the prototype of personal votive thanksgiving tablet. Such tablets were frequently being hung especially in the Loreto cloister space. It appears that the “golden age” of the votive tablets was the 2nd half of the 17th century. Practically all prayers recorded in writing, which were answered, as well as the miraculous healings of the Virgin Mary of Loreto were, in this period,

Cat. no. 20

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accompanied by the information about donation of a similar tablet, panel or silver pendant in the form of the part of the body, which was healed. Very interesting is the setting of the panel in the ebonised frame with the igneous rock inlays, the style of which is very close to the Baroque bureau from the estate of Ludmila Eve Frances of Kolowrat (presently in the Museum of Decorative Arts in Prague), in which the most valuable pieces of the Loreto treasure were originally kept.

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Cat. no. 21

Votive cross of Wenzel Eusebius, the Prince of Lobkowicz

Austria-Hungary, 1915

silver-plated common metal, enamel, height 140 mm, width 100 mm

Loreto Prague, the Loreto treasure (depositary, inv. no. P-095)

The cross was supposed to commemorate the death of a soldier, this is probably why its basic shape is rather simple. Worth mentioning is the central plaque with the skilfully rendered enamelled Lobkowicz coat of arms, in which the transparent enamel and the base treated by an engraver was used to emphasise the textile of the covers materials and filling of the top crown. Inserted in the crossing at the rear side, is a circular glazed receptacle, which had probably been intended for depositing a personal token commemorating the deceased. For unknown reasons, however, this did not happen. The cross is placed in the hollow of the base covered with velvet, which enabled its public presentation. Wenzel Eusebius of the Dolní Beřkovice branch of the Lobkowicz family died on 4th November 1915 in Vienna – Hetzendorf, in consequence of his war injury sustained on the Western Front. The military merit of the young aristocrat is recorded in the extant period “pious remembrance”, the predecessor of the present-day obituary (scan, National Museum, Prague).

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Cat. no. 21

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Cat. no. 22

The Filliation deedof the Provincial Superior Pater Anthony of Brno (by birth name of George Grimm),which confirms the admission of a family of a benefactor of the Capuchin convent in Opočno, Anthony Luňáček, to become one of the “spiritual

sons” of the province

Bohemia (Moravia), 1770

copper engraving on paper, coloured with oil painting, gil-ding, 38 x 49 cm

on loan from a private collection

Remarkably decorated plate serves as an interesting testimony documenting the relationship of the Capuchin order to the donors. It is a statement of respect given to the donors. The extensive text describes in detail the spiritual gifts, by which the brothers are obliged to their donors.

Loosely transcribed: “For the illustrious master Anthony Luniaček and his wife Ludmila and daughter Otýlie. The Patriarch Seraphinus, the Holy Father Francis, founded his order in the hardest and the most strict poverty. In his last testament, he left this poverty as a part of his bequest, having faith in the God’s Providence; that It in itself will kindly move the

hearts of the benefactors so that, while we have left all kinds of our needs only in the hands of God, they may contribute to all our early needs. In return, we do not only give Love, for it is much more a grateful obligation on our part to repay this kindness by spiritual service in order to reconfirm their charity towards us and make it flourish. By the authority granted to me by the Holy See, granted to my office with consideration to donation to our Order through their charity, I accept [these benefactors] as the spiritual sons of our Province, giving them, for their lifetime, the true entitlement to take part in all holy masses, which are being celebrated daily in the amount of 30 and in the amount of 10 920 annually and more, for the benefactors only. I am also giving them an entitlement to take part in the daily Church hours, all contemplations, sermons, obedience, vigils, offices, body deadening, both inside as well as outside, and all kinds of our penitence, which, with God’s help, are being performed in our Province. I am giving them an entitlement to take part, after their death, in the common annual commemoration of the dead as well as the everyday prayer for them. Let all this be confirmed by God through the pleading of the Holiest Mother of God, the Virgin Mary, and all saints of our order and so also I, with the impression of the greater seal of our Province and the signature by my own hand, confirm this. In our convent of Opočno on (?) Anno Domini 1770.“

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Cat. no. 21

Catalogue

107

Cat. no. 22

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Cat. no. 31

Portrait of the Count Leopold Joseph of Lobkowicz

Bohemia, after 1722

oval format, oil painting on canvas, 81,5 x 62 cminscription on the back of the canvas: “Leopoldus / Poppelio Lobkowiczianus / Vidimus Dominus Dominii Bili / nensis / De hac Familia.“

on loan from the Archdeaconry in Bílina (Diocese of Litoměřice)

Head and shoulders portrait, almost a half-figure of a man in an oval portrait, is turned towards the spectator with his right side, his head shown in a rather three-quarter view. Leopold Joseph is wearing a coat of plates, lace ruffle under his neck. The youthful face of the aristocrat with prominent, almost aquiline nose, is framed by an impressive allonge wig falling to his shoulders. The portrait is executed in brownish hues. The background appears quite indefinite, only in areas on the edge of the allonge wig, there are more apparent lighter shades making the outline of the figure more legible. Visible on the plate armour,

are quite convincing effects of metal reflections. The frame is formed by a wreath of acanthus leaves sparsely decorated with interwoven gathered ribbon. Although the date of Leopold’s death is known, it is highly likely that the portrait was created later, and probably dates in the second quarter of the eighteenth century. The later dating of both pendent portraits is also corroborated by the content of the inscriptions on the reverse side of the canvases, which reflects the fact that in 1722, by the death of the uncle of both siblings, Oldřich Felix Popel of Lobkowicz, the Bílina branch of the Lobkowicz family definitely died out on the spear side. A very rare portrait with an authentic inscription indicating the portrayed is the Count of the Bílina branch of the Lobkowicz family, that is, of the direct family lineage of the Prague Loreto founders. The Count Leopold Joseph of Lobkowicz (* 1683 / + 1707) was an older son of Wenceslas Ferdinand of Lobkowicz and his wife Mary Sophia, née Countess of Dietrich-stein. In the time of his father´s death, he was only fourteen years old. During his short patronage of Loreto, the rebuilding of the front has been started and a new treasury had been built. Leopold died early, at the age of 24, on 19th May 1707 in Vienna. His body had been transported to Prague and buried in the pat-ronal crypt beneath Santa Casa.

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Catalogue

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Cat. no. 32

Portrait of Eleonora Caroline née Countess of Lobkowicz

Bohemia, after 1722

oval format, oil painting on canvas, 71,5 x 59 cminscription on the back of the canvas: “Eleonora Carolina nata Popeloi - Lobkowiciana vidua domini Bilinensis et de hic familia principissa Lobkowiciana“

on loan from the Archdeaconry in Bílina (Diocese of Litoměřice)

The half-figure in an oval portrait is shown from the front, the head turning to the right in a three-quarter view. The undergarment with moderate neckline edged with wavy lace, is gathered in decorative, rather shallow folds. The red textile decorated with gold ornament is secured in the centre by a clasp with a large stone. The delicate oval face is adorned on both sides by conspicuous pearl earrings and strings of pearls are also to be seen in the complicated high hairdo of twisted curls. The background of the painting is vague with predominating brownish hues. Setting in the frame made up of acanthus leaves

is the same as in the case of the pendent portrait of Leopold Joseph. The painting probably dates roughly in the second quarter of the eighteenth century, certainly after the death of Eleonora Caroline. This appears to be corroborated by the content of the inscriptions on the reverse side of both canvases, which reflect the fact that in 1722 the patronage of Loreto was passed onto the Roudnice branch of the Lobkowicz family, namely onto the husband of Eleonora Caroline, Philip Hyacinth, the Duke Zaháňský and the fourth Prince of Lobkowicz: the marriage took place as early as 1703, when the patronage was held by Eleonora’s brother Leopold. However, after his death in 1707, the last male heir of the Bílina branch was Oldřich Felix Popel of Lobkowicz, the younger brother of the father of both of the portrayed, who died in 1722 without leaving any male descendants. That year, the patronage of Loreto was taken over by the Lobkowiczes of Roudnice. They had significantly contributed to the prosperity of Loreto until the termination of the patronage right in the 20th century. Second, pendent oval portrait representing the Eleonora Caroline, the Countess of Lobkowicz, married Princess of Lobkowicz (*1685 / +3 rd March 1720), was the younger sister of Leopold Joseph. Built with the funds of Eleonora Caroline were the chapels of St. Francis and St. Anthony. In the last testament, dated 14th Novembere 1714, she made the Virgin Mary of Loreto her universal inheritress (her only son, the Princ Ferdinand died shortly after his birth) and bequeathed the place of pilgrimage the capital totalling 7.000 florins.

PB MB

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110

Authors of the catalogue entries

PB MBKBMGJJKMPMŠRPTJZ

Petr Bašta, Loreto Prague Markéta Baštová, Loreto PragueKarel Beránek, Prague (National Archives)Markéta Grill Janatová, Museum of Decorative Arts, PragueJaroslav Kuntoš, Jewish Museum in PragueMiroslav Pacifik Matějka OFMCap.Šárka Radostová, Central department of the National Heritage Institute, PraguePetr Tybitancl, Prague Jan Zahradník, Prague (National Heritage Institute)

Catalogue photographs

Petr Bašta Cat. no. : 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 12, 16, 18, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 40

Markéta BaštováCat. no. : 3, 14, 15, 17, 19, 22, 34, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42

Štěpánka DejmalováCat. no. : 11, 12b - 12d

Národní muzeum PrahaCat. no. : 21b.

Jiří Bonaventura ŠtivarCat. no. : 9/I. - 9/X.

Uměleckoprůmyslové museum PrahaCat. no. : 10a - 10c

Pavel VeselýCat. no. : 13a - 13e

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Name Index

153

Name Index

AAgosto, Giacomo 17Albanus of Jihlava 86Alexander of Friedberg 65Allio, Andreas 13of Althan, Michael Herman 97Anastasius of Prague 20Agnes of Bohemia, St. 82Anne of Tyrol, the Empress 93Anthony of Brno 118, 135Auguston, Jacob 133

BBannateyne, Thomas 51von Berchtold, Franz Carl Anton 131Birckmann, Arnold 63Blattný, Pavel 27, 51, 58, 63, 71, 75Blomaert, Abraham 63Bolswert, Boetius Adamsz 42, 43, 46, 48, 63, 109von Brandenburg, Fridich Wilhelm I. 48,von Brandenburg, Karl Emil. 48von Brandenburg, Wilhelm Heinrich 48Buz (Butz), Johann Jacob 14

CCarlone, Silvestro 13Cesarius of Munich 64Colomba, Giovanni Battista 17Cometa, Giovanni Bastolomeo 17Crescentius of Rohrbach 25Dalen van, Cornelis 48

DDänsch, Wolfgang Sebastian 65Delsenbach, Johann Adam 130Diviš, Jan 12, 16, 23Dvořák, Max 10, 15, 17

EEleonora Magdalene Mantua-Nevres-Gonzaga 93Elias, Mathias 63Erna (Ernau), Jan 65Estius, Franco 50, 51Eustachius de Rosario 115

FFerdinand IV. 54, 55Flinck, Govert 48

Franz Luis of Brno (jr.) 135Franz Luis of Brno (of Vienna) 135Francis of Assisi, St. 79, 81, 110, 114, 118, 140Friedrich II. 94

GGianni, Joseph 101Goltzius, Hendrik 50, 51, 53 Gottwieck, Georg 15Grimm, Franz Anthony 135Grimm, Johann Jacob 135Grimm, Georg 118, 135Grimm, Maurice (jr.) 135Grimm, Maurice 134Günter of Sterneg, Joseph Caspar 97

HHammerschmid, Johann Florian 11, 17, 22of Harrach, Ernest Adalbert 10, 12, 17, 19, 64, 85, 104,

105Heberová, Regina 23, 24, 25Heidelberger, Ernest Johann 55Henricus a S. Petro, frater 55, 57of Hirneys, Joseph jr. 23Hofer, Heinrich 66Holbein, Hans the Younger 60, 63Hollar, Vaclav 63Huygens, Constantijn 34

JJohann Baptist von Ala 79, 80 Joseph of Bílina 20, 108 Jovita of Burgundy 9, 24, 25, 65

KKandidus of Switzerland 65Clare of Assisi, St. 82, 89 of Klatovy, Samuel Fontin 51Koch, Johan Jacob 23of Kolowrat Krakowská, Gaetana Ludmila 108of Kolowrat Krakowská, Mary Anne, née von Stein zu

Jettingen 108of Kolowrat Krakowská, Mary Barbara, née of Wrbno

and Freudenthal 108of Kolowrat Krakowská, Paulina 108of Kolowrat Krakowský, Johan Ernest 107of Kolowrat Krakowský, Maximilian Norbert 108of Kolowrat Krakowský, William Albrecht 10, 15, 17, 24,

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