Balachandran Subaltern Cosmopolitanism

8/18/2019 Balachandran Subaltern Cosmopolitanism

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1 Pierce Egan, Life in London (London: Sherwood, Heeley & Jones, 1821), 286, quoted in Rosina Visram, Asians in Britain: 400 Years of History (London: Pluto Press, 2002), 31-32.2 J. Ewing Ritchie, The Night Side of London (London: W. Tweedle, 1857), 66, quoted in John Seed, “Limehouse

Blues: Looking for Chinatown in the London Docks, 1900-1940,” History Workshop Journal 62 (2006): 58-85.3 Henry Wheatley, London Past and Present: Its History, Associations, and Traditions (London: John Murray,1891). This was a revised edition of Peter Cunningham’s Handbook of London published in 1849. London Past and

Present is available online athttp://www.archive.org/stream/londonpastpresen01wheauoft/londonpastpresen01wheauoft_djvu.txt (last accessed25 February 2009).4 Michael Fisher, Counterflows to Colonialism: Indain Travellers and Settlers in Britain, 1600-1857 (Delhi:Permanent Black, 2004), Ch. 4, and pp. 383-92.5 Westminister City Council Library and Archives, Black Presence exhibition, online athttp://www.westminster.gov.uk/archives/blackpresence/22.cfm (last seen 12 September 2011).

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6 National Archives of India [hereafter, NAI], FC/SR, Oct. 1883, 1219-41A, letter from acting Consul, Jeddah, 8Aug. 1882.7 NAI, RAC/CT, April 1879, 1-3A, Hume’s note, 9 March 1879; also see RAC/CT, Nov. 1879, 6-9A.8 This figure was likely to have been an exaggeration since our informant Abdul Majid’s best hopes for reviving hisfloundering ship broking business in Singapore lay in breaking the stranglehold of Chinese and Malay sailors withrecognized ‘traditional’ claims to employment at the port. Yet it is unlikely to have been produced from nothing:British National Archives, Kew [hereafter, BNA], CO 273/639/9, Abdul Majid’s petition to the Board of Trade, 2Sept. 1938.

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9 NAI, GI, Home-Public, 18 Feb. 1859, 37A; Statistics and Commerce (SC), April and June 1896, 184-94A and 314-49A; Feb. and Oct. 1897, 95-114A and 1058-61B respectively.10 West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata [hereafter, WBSA], Government of Bengal, Judicial Proceedings, 13January 1859, No. 65, Commissioner of Police to Secretary, Government of Bengal, d. 30 December 1858 for thelegal position.11 WBSA, Government of Bengal, Political Department, Police Branch, December 1887, B Proceedings, File no.520, Serial 1/9.

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12 NAI, Government of India (GI), Revenue and Commerce(RC)-Merchant Shipping(MS), Mar. 1877, 1-9, CalcuttaShipping Master to Board of Trade, 23 June 1865; Home-Public, 17 Oct. 1868, 1-4A; Harold Fischer-Tiné, “Flotsamand Jetsam of the Empire?,” 116-149, in Ashwini Tambe and Harald Fischer-Tiné, eds, The Limits of British Controlin South Asia: Spaces of Disorder in the Indian Ocean Region (Abingdon: Routledge, 2008).13 On Chinatowns in London, which apparently dated back to the 1860s, and Cardiff, see Stan Hugill, Sailortown (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1967), 123-30. Also on London’s Chinatown, Robert Sinclair, East London:The East and North-east Boroughs of Lodnon and Greater London (London: Robert Hale, 1950), 119-25; JohnSeed, “Limehouse Blues: Looking for Chinatown in the London Docks, 1900-1940,” History Workshop Journal , no.62 (2006): 58-85. The quotes are on pp. 68 and 76 respectively.

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14 Diane Frost, “Racism, Work, and Unemployment: West African Seamen in Liverpool, 1880s-1960s,” Immigrants

and Minorities 13, nos. 2-3 (July/Nov. 1994): 24-27; Diane Frost, Work and Community among West African Migrant Workers since the Nineteenth Century (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1999), 190-91; David Byrne,“Class, Race, and Nation: The Politics of the “Arab Issue” in South Shields, 1919-39,” Immigrants and Minorities 13, nos. 2-3 (July/Nov. 1994): 93.15 See for example the Report of the Colonial Office committee on distress among colonial and Indian subjects in theUnited Kingdom, paras. 24-30, in NAI, GI, Commerce and Industry(CI)-MS, May 1911, 1-15A.16 British Library, Oriental and India Office Collections [hereafter, OIOC], L/E/7/1422, f. 6704 Note by J.W. Hose,Secretary, Political Department, 30 Nov. 1925.17 Joseph Salter, The East in the West or Work Among the Asiatics and Africans in London (London: S.W. Partridgeand Co., n.y but 1896), introduction.

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18“We ask for British Justice”: Workers and Imperial Difference in Late Imperial Britain (Ithaca: Cornell UniversityPress, 1994), 11719 Modern Records Centre, Warwick [hereafter MRC], MSS 175/4/7, NSFU’s ’s ‘Memorandum of scheme formaintenance and continuity of employment of merchant seamen’, d. 28 Feb. 1921.20 See for instance the tone and tenor of the India Office minute (16 June 1921) that declared colonial seamen couldnot claim maintenance because they had remitted their wartime earnings to their families back home: OIOC,L/E/7/1103, f. 8231; Lucy Bland, “White Women and Men of Colour: Miscegenation Fears in Britain after the GreatWar,” Gender and History 17, no. 1 (2005): 29-61.

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21 OIOC, L/E/7/1103, f. 8231, minute by C.E. Baines, 1 April 1921. The following account is based on L/E/7/1102,f. 8227 and L/E/7/1103, f. 8230 and 8231.22 BNA, BT, MT 9/1087 M5189/17, Lloyd George's remarks to a delegation of the ̀ Triple Alliance' (of TransportWorkers, Miners, and Railwaymen) 31 Jan. 1917. Even the agreement between the Cardiff and Liverpool police onthe movement of Chinese persons had to make an exception for ‘bona-fide Chinese seamen’.23 Anne Dunlop and Robert Miles, “Recovering the History of Asian Migration to Scotland,” Immigrants and

Minorities 9, no. 2 (1991): 145-67; Neil Evans, “Across the Universe: Racial Violence and the Post-War Crisis inImperial Britain, 1919-25,” Immigrants and Minorities 13, nos. 2-3 (July/Nov. 1994): 75-78.24 On the 1919 riots see Evans, “Across the Universe,” 59-88.

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25 BNA, HO 45/11017/377969, Home Office transcript of telephone conversation with the chief constable, 14 June

1919.26 BNA, HO 45/11017/377969, chief constable’s letter to the Home Office, 13 June 1919.27 BNA, HO 45/11017/377969, report of the head constable–‘racial riots’–17 June 1919; Cardiff chief constable’sletter to the Home Office, 13 June 1919; undated minutes of meeting of officials of the Board of Trade, HomeOffice, colonial office, India Office, and the shipping and labour ministries; the Manchester Guardian , 14 June1919. As Lucy Bland notes (p. 30) white middle class men were unreconciled to both ‘men of colour’ and ‘whiteBritish women’ having ‘gained a sense of entitlement to full and equal citizenship after the war’: “White Womenand Men of Colour: Miscegenation Fears in Britain after the Great War,” Gender and History 17, no. 1 (April 2005):29-61.

11



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28 “We ask for British Justice,” 137.29 BNA, HO 45/11017/377969 contains several such reports.30 Bland, “White Women and Men of Colour.” For a wider argument about gendered racial discourses and anxieties

over female sexuality in the context of increased urban mobility and claims to individual autonomy, see Mary TingYi Lui, The Chinatown Trunk Mystery: Murder, Miscegenation, and other Dangerous Encounters in Turn-of-the-Century New York City (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), Ch. 3, especially pp. 88, 99, 109, 116, and121.31 The headline is from the Daily News , 14 June 1919; also see the Western Mail , 13 June 1919. In 1925, a mob inGlasgow attacked an Indian seaman-turned pedlar, Nathoo Mohammed, who was living with his Indian wife and alocal common law wife. The reported motive was ‘economic and sexual jealousy’. Nathoo Mohammed’s kinsman

Noor Mohammed, a recently arrived seaman, was killed in the rioting: Bashir Maan, The New Scots: The Story of Asians in Scotland (Edinburgh: E.P. Donaldson, 1992): 111-14; Visram, Asians in Britain , 265.32 13 June 1919.

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33 13 June 1919.34 Sunday Express , 15 June 1919; Liverpool Daily Post , 11 June 1919, quoted in Evans, “Across the Universe,” 75-

76. Likewise, despite being of the view that they did not start the riots, the Cardiff chief constable also proposedshipping the men home: Visram, Asians in Britain , 201.35 There is no evidence of such ideas actually being put into practice. However press reports spoke freely of the‘internment’ of coloured colonial subjects: report of the conference of the labour ministry, mayor, and headconstable of Liverpool in the Western Mail , 13 June 1919; Morning Post , 13 June 1919; also BNA, HO45/11017/377969, undated minutes of meeting of officials of the Board of Trade, Home Office, colonial office,India Office, and shipping and labour ministries; letter from assistant head constable of Liverpool to the HomeOffice, 10 June 1919 who proposed interning black workers on board ships or in vacated military camps. The idea of

putting Black and Asian seamen in ‘concentration camps’ resurfaced in the trade and shipping slump of 1921: BNA,HO 45/11897, Cardiff immigration officer’s report no. 332087/24, undated, but June 1921.

13



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36 BNA, HO 45/11017/377969, metropolitan police commissioner’s letter to the Home Office, 13 Sept. 1919.37 BNA, HO 45/11017/377969, letter from the Cardiff chief constable, 18 June 1919.38 BNA, HO 45/11017/377969, shipping ministry letter, 26 Nov. 1919; extract from letter from Pacific steamnavigation company, 24 Oct. 1919 about the mutiny aboard the Orca . There was also a mutiny on board anotherrepatriation vessel, the Mandala . Returnees also added fuel to anti-British protests in the Caribbean: Evans, “Acrossthe Universe,” 79-81.

14



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39 University of Western Australia [hereafter, UWA], Erulkar collection, CO 2261, Cardiff Chief Constable’s lettersto the Watch Committee, 8 January and 10 April 1929.

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40 The report is in BNA, HO 213/308.41 OIOC, L/E/9/457, ‘port welfare enquiry’, main report, para 73.42 OIOC, L/E/9/457, ‘port welfare enquiry’, main report, para 121; London report, para 7.43 BNA, MEPO 2/7451, Commercial street police station’s note, 4 June 1937.

16



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44 BNA, HO 144/22134, minutes of meeting held on 15 Oct. 1943.45 BNA, HO 144/22134, letter from the chief constable of Staffordshire, 6 Sept. 1943.46 Apart from the above Home Office file also see OIOC, L/PJ/12/630 and L/PJ/12/645; and BNA, HO 213/2085,and HO 213/820. On Chinese deportations after the Second World War, see Maria Lin Wong, Chinese

Liverpudlians: History of the Chinese Community in Liverpool (Birkenhead: Liver Press, 1989); and for somematerials dealing with the problem of postwar ‘control’ of Chinese seamen, see BNA, HO 213/808.

17



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48 Tower Hamlets Local Authority Records, London, STE 1149, public health committee minutes, 1948-51, medicalofficer of health to Arnold James, town clerk, 24 Nov. 1948.49 “We ask for British Justice,” 183.

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50 For Wilson’s description see MRC, MSS175/5/26, report of the proceedings of a joint meeting between theinternational transport workers’ federation (ITF) and the international seafarers’ federation (ISF), London, 12-13July 1925, p. 45.51 On CASO and its effects, see Tony Lane, “The Political Imperatives of Bureaucracy and Empire: The Case of theColoured Alien Seamen Order, 1925,” Immigrants and Minorities 13, nos. 2-3 (1994): 104-29; Tabili, “We ask for

British Justice,” Ch. 6; and Visram, Asians in Britain , 205-18.52 OIOC, L/E/7/1438, F. 395, C.D.C. Robinson (Home Office) to Robert Gloag (a Glasgow solicitor), 29 Jan. 1926.

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53 BNA, HO 45/15774, note by sergeant Lawson, CID, d. 26 Feb. 1932; inspector Humphrey’s note, d. 28 Aug.

1933, about Mere Ali or Amir Ali, a Mirpuri fireman who worked in Glasgow’s herring factories for several yearsafter his arrival in Britain in 1922 before turning to peddling; also sergeant Lawson’s note d. 14 Sept. 1931 aboutDin who since his arrival in Britain in 1922 had been working as a cook at a Chinese ‘Asiatic boarding house’ onLiverpool’s Duke street.54 Tabili, “ We ask for British Justice,” 122.55 Ibid., 126-27; this perverse outcome of aliens’ registration may explain the greater frequency of port-level hiringconflicts from the late-1920s. However, as Tabili has argued (eg. pp. 1-5), local and Whitehall meanings of ‘alien’were not identical, with the former often excluding black and Asian seamen of established residence at the port.56 Radhika Mongia, “Race, Nationality, Mobility: A History of the Passport,” Public Culture 11, no. 3 (1999): 527-556.

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57 Tabili, “We ask for British Justice,” 129-31; quotes from p. 131.58

OIOC, L/E/9/962, Board of Trade to India Office, 15 April 1930.59 See George Reed’s statement in the Daily Herald , 1 Aug. 1930. Reed was the Cardiff district secretary of the NUS and strongly opposed to the employment of Indian seafarers on British ships. Ironically he would be sent Indiain 1946 to ‘reform’ Indian seafarers’ unions. On port unions distinguishing between local and imported colouredlabour, see BNA, HO 45/14299, constable Thomas Cleminson’s report to the chief superintendent, Salford city

police, 4 June 1930; also Tabili, “We ask for British Justice,” 1-5.60 NAI, Commerce, MM-II, Nov. 1935, 24 MM-II/35, 1C, Jamnadas Mehta’s letter to George Lansbury, 1 April1935; Bombay Chronicle , 23 May 1935; Trade Union Record , July-Aug. 1935; the President of the Board of Trade,Walter Runciman’s replies to questions in the House of Commons, 2 April 1935; W. Carter (Board of Trade) to E.J.Turner (India Office), 9 May 1935 in OIOC, L/E/9/955; and note by E.J. Turner, 13 May 1935, in the same file.

23



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61 OIOC, L/E/9/955, 6 March 1935.62 OIOC, L/E/9/955, Abdul Qayum to the India Office, 3 April 1935. The letter also bears an elaborate referencenumber G. 76499/186.1.1/41.

24



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63 On notions in early 20 th century US that the Chinese were similarly ‘simply physically indistinguishable’, seeMary Ting Yi Lui, The Chinatown Trunk Mystery: Murder, Miscegenation, and other Dangerous Encounters inTurn-of-the-Century New York City (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2005), 188-90. This was forcefullyhighlighted in the US-wide manhunt for the alleged killers of the young New York lay missionary Elsie Segal whose

body was found in the flat of a Chinese New Yorker in 1909, during which literally scores of Chinese, Japanese, and

Korean men were detained on suspicion of being the killers. Elsie Segal’s killers were never found.64 BNA, HO 45/11897, ‘Registration of Coloured Seafarers’, aliens’ branch memorandum d. 3 Nov. 1924, pp. 4-5.65 On the colonial origins of finger-printing as an identification practice, see Radhika Singha, “Settle, Mobilize,Verify: Identification Practicies in Colonial India,” Studies in History 16, no. 2 (n.s. 2000): 174-80. For a recentdiscussion of the use of finger-printing as a means to penetrate urban anonymity in early-20th century London andspecifically in policing prostitution, see Julia A. Laite, “Taking Nellie Johnson’s Fingerprints: Prostitutes and LegalIdentity in Early Twentieth-Century London,” History Workshop Journal 65 (2008): 96-116.66 ‘“This or that Person”: Protocols of Identification in 19 th Century Europe,” 51, in Jane Caplan and John Torpey(eds.), Documenting Individual Identity: The Development of State Practices in the Modern World (New Jersey:Princeton University Press, 2001): 49-66.

25



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67 BNA, MEPO 2/1692, Scotland Yard to Home Office, 10 July 1917.

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68 For Rusmat Ali, Galaldine, Ji Wan, and Glamour Sole, see BNA, HO 45/15774; for Glamour Sole also see OIOC,L/E/7/972, pp. 146-66; for Jan Mohammed Jan, see above. On Charlie Abdul, see NAI, MS-CI, March 1908, 17-24A; on Abdulla King, see HO 45/12804, Bombay acting shipping master’s letter, 8 March 1927.69 OIOC, L/E/7/1165 F. 3594; the quote is from Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai, MD, 1923, F. 733, GeorgeDempster, British and Foreign Sailors’ Society to R.V. Montgomery, at the Indian high commissioner’s office, 19Sept. 1923. Rather suggestively, the letter refers to Straker as ‘our cute young friend’ and reports that he had been‘domiciled as requested’.

27



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Balachandran Subaltern Cosmopolitanism