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21/03/2005

Press ReleaseSG/SM/9772

TRANSCRIPT OF PRESS

CONFERENCE BY SECRETARY-

GENERAL KOFI ANNAN

AT UNITED NATIONS

HEADQUARTERS, 21 MARCH 2005

The Secretary-General: Let me first wish our Iranian and Kurdish friends a

very Happy New Year -- Nowrooz Mubarak.

I expect you all heard my speech a few moments ago, and I hope that you also had

a chance to read the report. In fact, I gather some of you even got hold of it much soonerthan we had intended. I assure you that it was not deliberate leak on our part, but I am

glad that the report has aroused so much interest.

The only thing that I want to do this morning, before taking your questions, is to

explain briefly why I am issuing the report at this time.

The General Assembly asked me five years ago to review progress on the

Millennium Declaration, and had decided to meet to discuss it at summit level here in

September. But frankly, I do not think a mere review would have done justice to thepresent world situation. I feel strongly that there are decisions which urgently need to be


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taken in the areas of development, security and human rights, and changes that need to be

made in the structure of the United Nations itself, if we are to make the most of the

opportunities in the next 10 years and to save millions of people from death and disaster.

For instance, if governments take the decisions that I am suggesting in this report,

I believe we will have a much better chance of turning the tide against HIV/AIDS and

malaria in the next 10 years; a much better chance of containing the spread of newinfectious diseases, whether natural or man-made; a much better chance of averting an

attack by terrorists using nuclear and radiological weapons; a much better chance of

preventing countries like Haiti, Afghanistan and Sierra Leone from sliding back into

chaos or crisis; a much better chance of reaching a common understanding on how todeal with recalcitrant regimes like that of Saddam Hussein; and a United Nations that is

much better able to take effective action -- through a strengthened Security Council and a

new and authoritative human rights council, both working closely with regional

organizations -- to put a stop to major crimes against innocent people, such as those weare witnessing in Darfur.

This report is the programme of action I have been working towards over the pasttwo years. It is aimed at making sure that the commitments made to fight poverty are

really carried out in a way that brings results. It is aimed at healing wounds in the

international community left by the Iraq war. And it is aimed at restoring the credibility

of the United Nations as a leader in the worldwide struggle for human rights. Bypublishing it now, I am giving world leaders six months to consider and debate it with

their peoples, in the hope that they will come here to New York in September ready totake the necessary decisions.

It is now your turn.

Question: Welcome to this press conference, on behalf of the United Nations

Correspondents Association.

On the issue of State terrorism: normally, of course, in this house, that is areference to a single country. But everyone knows that it could easily be applied to many

other countries, and it would not be hard to find people who are ready to accuse all five

permanent members of the Security Council of State terrorism. With that in mind, how


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can you possibly think that you can agree on a definition of terrorism and a convention on

terrorism -- which countries would know could be used as a club against them?

The Secretary-General: I know this is an issue we have been discussing here fora long time. Let me state that we have already passed 12 conventions on terrorism. We

are now looking at a comprehensive convention. I think that the report of the High-Level

Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change offers us a basis to move forward, making itclear that, whatever the cause, attacking, killing and deliberately maiming civilians or

non-combatants is not acceptable, and is terrorism pure and simple. Yes, there is

argument about States and the States use of force. That is already taken care of under

international law. International law prescribes how States can and should use force. Ifthey break the law, they can also be held to account. So that side has been taken care of.

What we need to do is to come up with a definition that is generally acceptable. I hope

we can all agree that deliberate targeting of innocent civilians and non-combatants is

simply not acceptable.

Question: About half the proposals would probably -- well, let me start again.

The United States would probably object to about half the proposals, particularly thenew proposed Ambassador to the United Nations. Have you discussed that with officials

from the Bush Administration? Or what is your feeling about how they would react?

Can you do this without them?

The Secretary-General: We have had constructive discussions, and thediscussions continue. I think there are many things in the report that should please many

States, including the United States. You have to understand that we are 191 Member

States, and I was dealing with problems of all regions -- problems that affect all MemberStates. I did not tailor the report to fit a region or a country or a group of countries. But I

hope that, when governments review the report and the package put forward, they will

conclude that it is in their interests. That does not mean that I expect them to approveevery recommendation or every word. But I think there is a lot in there, which I hope

they will approve, to strengthen the Organization and their own cooperation.

Question: In your report, you advocate the strengthening and revitalization of the

General Assembly. Yet you talk of it as the chief deliberative policy-making organ of theUnited Nations. But, as Secretary-General of the United Nations, what message are you

actually sending to the 191 members of the Assembly when, only last week, you refused

to visit the wall being built by Israel on occupied Palestinian land, where there is a clear,


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unequivocal mandate by the General Assembly to cease immediately the construction of

that wall and to actually dismantle the parts already constructed?

The Secretary-General: Let me say that I hope the MemberStates and themembers of the General Assembly will appreciate my proposals. I am urging the General

Assembly to adapt its procedures and its agenda to focus on important issues of the day.

Quite frankly, as it is now, they spend lots of time discussing issues that are of interestonly to those in the room: it has no impact on most of the people outside the General

Assembly and this building. So, I am encouraging them to really focus their discussions

on issues of the day.

As to your question about my visit to Palestine, I think that the General Assembly

resolution on the decision of the International Court of Justice is clear, and they did giveus a mandate to establish a register of claims, which we are doing. I do not think the

General Assembly, or any member of the Council, believes I am not fulfilling thatmandate, or that I have abrogated it by taking, or not taking, a certain action.

Question: In your report, you call for increased development assistance, to 0.7

per cent of gross national income. What indication are you getting from major donorsthat they are ready to meet that, and what effect would that have on, say, Africa, if

countries did actually step up to the plate? And, if countries do not step up to the plate,

are they stingy?

The Secretary-General: You love that word, dont you? Let me say that I amencouraged by recent developments. About five countries in Europe have already met

the target, and many other donors have come up with a timetable to meet that target. So,

we are really moving in the right direction, and I would urge others who have not done soto do so. But it is not enough to increase development assistance. It has to be front-

loaded so that we will be able to meet the Millennium Development Goals by 2015.

That is why we find the International Finance Facility proposed by Chancellor Gordon

Brown to be a wonderful proposal. It could help front-load development assistance toallow us to meet those goals.

Obviously, it is up to each government and its people to decide how much

development assistance they will give. But as Secretary-General, and knowing theproblems we face in the world, I continue to encourage and urge all those with capacity


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to give, and to give generously. I think the peoples of the world would want to help.

They showed that throughout the tsunami crisis. Nobody had to ask them. They saw it

on television and made their own personal contributions. I can tell you that it shockedmany governments -- governments that thought their populations would be unhappy if

they were to make contributions to this or that crisis when they may have needs at home.

And so, I urge governments to really be generous and to give generously, because, inhelping to establish a safer world, we can all sleep better at night.

Question: As to the reform of the Security Council, I would like to know your

sense about how long it will take to conclude that reform. How do you see Brazils

chances of getting a permanent seat?

The Secretary-General: Would you like me to start with the first or second partof the question? Let me say that I hope we will be able to conclude it this year.

Obviously, it has been on the agenda for a long time. But this year I sense a greaterenthusiasm and interest on the part of Member States. Everyone has accepted the need

for reform. Now we need to try to come up with concrete proposals to do that.

Brazil is one of the countries that has indicated its interest in becoming one of theproposed permanent members. I would hope that, in the discussions that are beginning in

earnest as of today, that question will be answered.

Question: I have a question on the same subject. There are few issues that

engage the national aspirations and competitive instincts of powerful Member States heremore than Security Council reform. As you know, for many years it was assigned to the

Open-Ended Working Group, which became known as the never-ending committee. Do

you really have any kind of assurances that this intractable problem can be solved, as yourequest in the report, before the meeting in September?

The Secretary-General: It is possible. I am hopeful that it can be done. There

have been intensive discussions among the Member States. There are intensive

discussions at the regional level, whether at the African Union or among other groups. Iwould hope that the MemberStates or their permanent representatives will work hard to

come to an agreement on this so that, when they come here, heads of State can bless it,

and we can move forward on that. I think the September timetable is reasonable. Thereport is out. In fact, they began their negotiations and discussions as soon as the report


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of the High-Level Panel came out. So we will have had nine months of discussions by

September. By then, I think we should be able to come to a conclusion. I am hopeful

that Member States would want to agree.

Question: One of the focal points of Security Council reform is whether new

permanent members will have the veto power or not. Why is there no veto power offered

to any new member?

The Secretary-General: I think the issue has been discussed thoroughly, and I

believe the general sense is that additional vetoes will not be acceptable to the

membership. You have those who would want to take away the vetoes which exist today

and are not willing to create new ones -- and they are not going to be able to take away

the existing ones. And therefore, the general sense is that we can have permanentmembers without a veto. But even if you get that, you are making the Council more

democratic and more representative, and thus it will gain greater legitimacy with thesedecisions.

Question: Mr. Secretary-General, to what extent do you believe that, fairly or

unfairly, some of the things that have been going on at the United Nations -- the problemswith oil-for-food, the Ruud Lubbers situation and [unintelligible], and attacks that are

focused on you -- sort of damage the opportunity for you to sort of lend moral authority,

your clout, behind this? And how much does success of these reforms really sort of --how much does your standing as Secretary-General and your reputation depend onimplementation of these reforms?

The Secretary-General: Let me say that, obviously, we have had a lot of

criticism lately, particularly in this country. But we have important work to do, and wehave carried on with that. The proposals I have put forward are in the interest of the

Organization. And you must also remember that the genesis of these proposals goes back

several years, long before the criticism you refer to emerged. So it is not linked to that. I

think it is in everyones interest that we strengthen this Organization, we adapt it to meetthe challenges of the day. And if you look at the record -- the question of review of the

Millennium Development Goals and the report -- the decision was taken five years ago

when the Declaration was made.


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On the question of collective security and the need to look at it, [this] came out of

my speech of September 2003, so there has been a long-range plan ahead of this. I hope

that we would approve it and strengthen the Organization. As Secretary-General, I willbe extremely pleased if I have something to do with that.

Question: In your report, the language on terrorism is exactly the same language

you used in your Madrid presentation, which led many countries -- not the United States,but actually developing countries, African included -- to call for, to speak about, your

resignation and to urge that you resign because they were quite unhappy with the way

you handled this. Now, you called on that to cut through the political debate on

terrorism, the right to resist occupation and the State terrorism. Are you insisting rightnow that, no matter what, you will not cut through the debate? And secondly, you also

called for some sort of right to international military interference, in effect, if one reads

what you are saying, when countries do not live up to the standards. Now, who is going

to put the criteria? That is quite controversial. What are you going to do about this?

The Secretary-General: You have offered information here that I am not aware

of: that countries were so unhappy about my statement on definition of terrorism, whichcame out of the report of the High-Level Panel. I have not heard from these

governments. You obviously have. But I think the report really makes a strong

argument, and I hope that the Member States will take it seriously and move on with the

question of definition, and do what they have to do.

Your second question refers to the responsibility to protect and the argument that

each government has a responsibility to protect its own citizens. And in situations where

genocide or ethnic cleansing or crimes against humanity are going on and the governmentis either unable or unwilling to do it, the international community has the responsibility to

step in -- and that, as a last resort, the Council may authorize the use of force. This is a

decision the Council will have to take. We have faced similar situations in the past, andwe are facing a similar one in Darfur today. We have also, in that report, put out certain

guidelines for the use of force that I hope will be helpful for Council members. It is the

Council that will have to take that decision.

Question: [Unintelligible], Mr. Secretary-General, that you stood against the warin Iraq, because that was, from the American point of view, bringing down a dictator.


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The Secretary-General: As I said, that is a decision for the Council to take. The

Council will have to make the judgement that either the country has failed to protect its

people, and they will have to step in and do it.

Question: Mr. Secretary-General, you have called for the Human Rights

Commission to be disbanded because that organization has been much criticized as a

place where many violators take refuge and limit real condemnation of problems aroundthe world. You are advocating that a new council be created, a smaller one. Have you

received any assurances, perhaps, from regional groups that they would support a smaller

council? I mean, generally we know that countries do not like to limit their access to

decision-making machinery. So how do you see this occurring?

The Secretary-General: I think, first of all, it is no secret that the Human RightsCommission can be much more effective. It is no secret that governments get onto the

Commission either to protect themselves or to ensure that others are brought to the dock,as it were. And it has become so contentious; and groups form to ensure who is going to

be castigated and who is not. In the process, the rights of the individual, and the human

rights that they are there to protect, often get lost. The Human Rights Commission hasbeen trying very hard to work with governments, to help the governments strengthen their

human rights machinery, to offer technical assistance, to send people to the field. They

have human rights monitors in the Sudan and other places.

But that is not good enough. I think if we are able to transform that into a councilwith members elected directly by the General Assembly -- two-thirds majority -- with the

understanding that those elected must have certain -- must have credentials in the human

rights area and commitment to be able to uphold the human rights standards, we arelikely to do better. It is going to take some negotiations with the regional groups and the

Member States, but I think if they think things through simply and sincerely they would

agree with me that something has to be done to make the human rights activities of theUnited Nations much, much more active and effective.

Question: As someone who has been here for a few years, I come back to the

difficulties that you face in getting 191 countries to basically put aside their national

interests and say that it is far more important to sign on to this package, even if theyvehemently dislike certain provisions. I am still wondering how, in the next six months,

you are going to be able to achieve this.


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As a quick second question, I wondered if you had any comment on your

expectations for the upcoming report by Mr. Volcker.

The Secretary-General: I think, on your first question, let me say that Im notsaying that it is going to be easy. Its going to take lots of work: lots of work here in this

building, with the permanent representatives; lots of work with capitals, with the heads of

State and government; lots of work by certain envoys that I hope to send out; lots of workby some members of the Panel that I would also want to use; and Ill be on the phone

also, quite a lot. And I believe that, as difficult as it is, the Member States -- the majority

of the Member States -- will come to conclude that what is on the table, what is proposed,

is in their long-term interest and go along with it.

On the second one, I have no expectation. I will wait to see the report, which Iunderstand will come out by the end of this month.

Question: What would you say specifically, Sir, to the American people to tryand convince them, who have been so disappointed the past couple of years with what

they have seen here, to restore the good will of this Organization and to convince them to

get behind your proposals?

The Secretary-General: I think that the argument that comes through the reportis very clear: that we live in an interconnected world, in a world where we face many

challenges, many threats -- threats that no one country, however powerful, can face alone

-- and that we need to work together to contain these threats, whether it is terrorism, non-proliferation, or environmental degradation and poverty that leads to failed States. And

we also know that ignoring failed States creates problems that sometimes come back to

bite us. So I think the collective effort of all of us working together is in the nationalinterest of individual Member States. I think that an effective and functioning United

Nations is in the interests of the United States and its people, as it is in the interest of

other nations and their peoples.

Question: Earlier, in your opening remarks, you talked about how to deal withregimes like Saddam Husseins. From that perspective, do you think the United States

dealt with the Saddam Hussein regime in the correct way?


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The Secretary-General: I think that is an issue that has been debated in this

Organization for a long time, and I dont think that we need to reopen that debate.

Question: Do you think that you have enough time to implement all yoursuggestions and to communicate with the governments?

The Secretary-General: I dont think I will have enough time to implement all

the proposals, if they are approved. But I would be able to implement some; I would beable to set the Organization on a course. And I would also be able to leave plenty for my

successor to do.

Question: What role do you foresee in the future of the Security Council for

regional organizations like the European Union, and what kind of role do you see in theupcoming debate for initiatives like the platform united for consensus?

The Secretary-General: I think the regional organizations obviously already

play a role in the work of the Security Council in the peace and security area, where wework with them to deal with conflicts or in peacekeeping operations. Today we are

working very closely with the African Union in Darfur. We are working very closely

with the Organization of American States and CARICOM in Haiti. So we are alreadyworking with them. If your question relates to decision-making by the Council andwhether the regional organizations will have a decision-making power -- some had

suggested some time ago that the European Union, which is coming together, should

have one seat. This is a non-starter. I do not think that countries with permanent seatsare going to give them up and hand over a permanent seat to the European Union for

them to collectively exercise the decision-making that is required in the Council.

And so, apart from that, regional organizations have become very active in the

reform process. The African Union, for example, has come together and taken a commonposition on the reform package, which has been communicated to me, and I expect them

to continue to work with us through the year, as we seek to get them implemented.

Question: Two quick questions, Sir. Do you see right now any real progressbetween Israelis and Palestinians, since you have been in the area? Second question:


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Would you say, Sir, that the Syrians, at this point, are helpful to the UN, and where do

you see Lebanon going from now and from what you know?

Spokesman: Stick to the report, please.

The Secretary-General: He is saying we should concentrate on the report, and

then I will come back to those questions outside.

Question: [Inaudible]

The Secretary-General: But you have already asked three questions. Go on.

Question: On the report: There is so much talk now on the human rights issue.

In the Middle East, as you know, human rights and change is the talk of the day. Can we

fairly say now that opposition groups in the Middle East area, in the Arab world, in theIslamic world, where there are so many issues of this kind, what can they expect from the

UN with the new proposals? Do they have any mechanisms to have access to you and

get some help?

The Secretary-General: You have a very broad definition of the reform

proposals on the table.

Let me say that, on the question of development of democracy and human rights,

we do have a mandate to be able to assist governments that are trying to strengthen their

institutions, improve their democratic practices and reform their human rights structures.We do quite a lot of that through UNDP, and we monitor elections where the

governments have asked us.

We recently were very active in two successful elections in the Middle East: in

Palestine and in Iraq. And so, those efforts will continue. And, of course, I do hear from


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people -- individuals write to me or approach me or the High Commissioners Office --

and those avenues will always be open.

On the question of Israel and Palestine, let me say that I walked away with theimpression that there was a great deal -- there was optimism. We still have many hurdles

to jump. Optimism on both sides -- I saw President Abbas and Prime Minister AbuAla

and several of the ministers on the Palestinian side, and on the Israeli side I was able tospeak to Prime Minister Sharon, Deputy Prime Minister Peres and the Foreign Minister

and others: the Speaker of Parliament. They would all want to see progress move

forward, but, of course, they are also concerned that measures be taken to implement the

Sharm el-Sheikh agreement, which the two leaders signed. And I think that Egypt andJordan are to be congratulated for arranging that summit.

So, while there is a sense of optimism, they also realize that it is fragile, and both

sides have to work very hard. And the international community should play its role inassisting the Palestinians in strengthening their security apparatus and their reform, and in

ensuring that their economic and social structures are strengthened. They are going to

need quite a bit of financial help from the international community but, of course, theywill also need to transform their economy into a viable and a vibrant one, with access to

markets outside.

On Syria and Lebanon, I think, from the discussions my envoy has had withPresident Assad, whom I hope to see tomorrow in Algiers, we are making progress. Theyhave committed to full withdrawal, and we will be working with them to ensure that it is

done. I think Lebanon will soon be going through elections, but they first have to

establish the new Government. They have to establish the new Government and thenmove on to elections, but we need to make sure that the withdrawal is managed and

organized in such a way that the Lebanese security forces move in and fill the vacuum --

make sure that no vacuum is created. And so we are making progress, but we need tohandle it very carefully.

Question (spoke in French): Would the peace-building commission that you

propose replace peacekeeping missions, or would it work together with that department?

Another question: by proposing to replace the Commission on Human Rights with asmaller council, are you motivated by a concern for effectiveness, or do you simply see a

certain number of countries which join the Commission to protect themselves and ensure

that this sort of thing no longer occurs?


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The Secretary-General (interpretation from French): That commission would

not replace the Department of Peacekeeping Operations, because it would focus on, let ussay, post-conflict economic development and would work with the countries concerned

and with donor countries to work out a reconstruction programme; it would be workingwith the World Bank and donor countries. Thus, it is not the same thing.

With respect to human rights, it is not to exclude certain members and to focus oncertain States that have already been designated that would take a place in the council.

But the point is to make the council much more effective and much more real, because

they have a lot of work to do. The Commission meets for six weeks per year; the councilwill meet throughout the year, like the Security Council, to truly monitor the issues of

human rights worldwide. It is my hope that this will be much more effective and much

more useful for the Member States and for everyone.

Question: On Security Council reforms, the developing countries believe that theincrease in the permanent membership of the Security Council will increase the

[unintelligible] power, especially Europe will get inordinate representation in the Security

Council. They are calling for a consensus wherein they support Plan B, which isincreasing the non-permanent members, essentially, and permanent members on a

rotation basis. Do you have any preference for any such formula, or do you think some

sort of consensus will be arrived at?

The Secretary-General: I think the Member States are discussing this issue very

actively. You talk of developing countries opting for Option B, but there are many

developing countries also opting for Option A. This is the negotiations and discussions

going on now. I hope at the end of the day they will come to an agreement, whichhopefully could be arrived at by consensus. But, as I have indicated, lack of consensus

should not be a reason for postponing the issue. We have a mechanism for bringing

discussions to closure, and if after healthy discussions the President believes that thatmechanism should be used, he should use it.

Question: What about the position that Europe will get more representation than

it has?


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The Secretary-General: I think the whole package, as it now stands, is intended

to redress a certain imbalance in the Council by -- If the membership were to agree to six

new permanent members, without veto, where are these members coming from? Two arefrom Africa, two from Asia, and one from Latin America -- five of the six will come

from regions and areas that we believe are underrepresented. Of course, one goes to

Japan, which is also in Asia. So you have a situation where, yes, Europe may have fourpermanent seats, but the others will have about three, [unintelligible]. As of today, they

are not there.

So really, I think we should look at the positive side, the problem we are trying to

address. I think, if we are able to reform the Council as proposed, the other regions andthe Third World will be much better off than they are today.

Question: In the light of pushing for reforms and assessing the work of the UN

bodies and those affiliated with them, how do you assess the work of the War CrimesTribunals, particularly for war crimes in former Yugoslavia? As you know, there are

those who are arguing that the Tribunals became slow, expensive and even a bit

unproductive. What are the lessons for the future?

The Secretary-General: I think the Tribunals have turned out to be very

expensive. We have not always succeeded in getting the main culprits into the dock. We

have not succeeded because they have not been picked up either by their governments orthose who have the capacity to pick them up. If they are not arrested they cannot be puton trial. You know that the Security Council has given the two Tribunals up to 2008 to

complete their work, and they are pushing ahead very hard to try to do that. But, of

course, its going to be extremely difficult. Lets take the Yugoslav Tribunal. If, come2008, they were to complete their work without ever having had the chance to put on trial

Mladic or Karadzic, would people in the region and around the world believe that the

work is completed and justice has been done? These are some of the dilemmas we have.I hope between now and then this problem will be resolved. The Prosecutor is trying

very hard to get the governments in the region to work with her to ensure that all the

indicted are arrested and sent to The Hague, particularly the main leaders of the groups.

Question: Your Deputy once told us, perhaps in a moment of candour, that shehoped the UN would never have the opportunity to have an oil-for-food programme or a

programme of that size. Do you think your reforms can actually make the Organization

better capable to handle a programme of that size?


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And a quick follow-up: what do you hope to accomplish with a one-time buyout

of senior staff members?

The Secretary-General: Let me say that I think my Deputy was right in that itwas a unique programme. It is not a programme that the UN was set up to run, and it was

seen as part of the sanctions regime to get Iraq to comply. So, in saying that she hoped

that we never have to run that kind of programme again, I think shes quite right.

On the question of buyout, obviously were going to look at -- we are reviewing

the activities of the Organization; we are reordering our priorities. We have also asked

the General Assembly to review its mandate. Once that is done and we have set newdirections, we will need to have the skills that match the new tasks. There are people that

we may be able to encourage to leave so that we can bring in the talents we need.

Question: Last week, in Russia they celebrated the twentieth anniversary of

perestroika and glasnost. Do you think that the UN and the international system itselfneed the same kind of perestroika and glasnost in a sense of really fundamental changes

that are needed both in thinking and restructuring of the institution?

The Secretary-General: You may call what is happening our perestroika andglasnost, and I hope that the Member States will see it that way and work with us to

reform the Organization and bring it in line with the realities of the twenty-first century.

I think it is also implied in your question that this kind of reform is not easy; it is difficultand brings some dislocations and discomfort, but it is necessary.

Question: One of the main problems or challenges at the United Nations that

challenge the credibility of the United Nations is the implementation of resolutions andthe double standards in pushing one resolution and putting aside another. Do you thinkthat the reform you are calling for in the work of the Security Council will help solve this

issue?


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The Secretary-General: Not necessarily; I dont think so. I think this is a

problem that has existed, sometimes very difficult for us. I was in the region, I was in the

Middle East and this came up almost every encounter, the question you have raised. Imnot sure that the reforms I have proposed would necessarily deal with that. Some of the

resolutions passed under Chapter VII, there is an enforcement mechanism where we are

sometimes able to enforce. Chapter VI resolutions require cooperation of the parties.Where that cooperation is lacking, it is very difficult to impose it. We dont have the

means to do that. We can convince; we can cajole; we can encourage, but it is up to the

parties to work with us. So the reform proposed will make the Organization moreeffective and, hopefully, stronger, but it will not necessarily resolve the issue that you

raised.

Question: In your General Assembly speech, you said that you were presenting a

comprehensive package not open to ad hoc implementation. Also, in your report, there is

an undertone of skepticism. You point out major commitments that have been made andnot implemented. Now, in correcting this, a major component, a major factor, would be

the capacity of the Secretariat to speak truth to power -- which it has never done. How doyou see your reforms affecting that particular capacity?

The Secretary-General: Well, sometimes we have. I am talking about speaking

truth to power.

But let me say that it is going to require resources, yes. I have indicated that lotsof promises have been made and have not been met. But I have also indicated that I

sense a new spirit -- for example, in the field of economic development and the

willingness of governments to engage and to do more. Prime Minister Blair just cameout with a report on Africa. Several European Governments have indicated their

willingness to increase development assistance. Several have already done it. They are

looking at various options, including substantial resources, probably from the WorldBank and the International Monetary Fund. Some are looking at innovative sources of

financing, and they have mentioned all sorts of schemes, including, perhaps, one dollar

on each international air ticket. So, there is a new mood there, and I think that, if we

work with them effectively, we may be able to get them to work with us in implementingall the commitments and the promises that have been made.

But, of course, there is also a requirement on the part of the Third World countries

to strengthen their institutions and improve governance for the commitment -- theMonterrey Consensus, if you wish, and what we agreed in Johannesburg -- to be met.


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Question: On terrorism, did you come out with the official definition regarding

Hizbullah? And when do you expect the Fitzgerald report to be released?

The Secretary-General: I am not sure I understand the first question. Nor is itup to me to come up with a definition of Hizbullah. So, I do not know how to answer

that question.

On the second question, I hope to be able to give the report to the Council thisweek -- hopefully, Thursday this week.

Question: In seeking to revitalize the United Nations and advance global security

and stability, you are stressing in this report, as you always have, multilateralism anddevelopment.

In the most powerful Member of the United Nations, you are confronted with an

Administration that has sought more frequently to stress militarism and unilateralism. In

recent weeks, we have seen the appointment of an unreconstructed militarist and

unilateralist as Ambassador to the United Nations and now an unreconstructed militaristand unilateralist to be the head of the World Bank.

Do you see in this reasons to be concerned that you will not get the support thatyou need from the United States, from the Bush Administration, for these sorts of

reforms, for the way that you would like to pursue your agenda? And if not, why not?

The Secretary-General: I think, as I indicated, we are engaged in discussions.The discussions I would describe as constructive. We also had a very prominentAmerican member on the panel, Brent Scowcroft, who has worked with us and also tried

to explain it in Washington.

Question: (inaudible)


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The Secretary-General: You are being very frank this morning.

I think there is also lots of discussions going on between heads of State, from

Prime Minister Blair to Lula, to Chirac, and all of us. So, there are movements. I hopethat, at the end of the day, as I mentioned earlier, each government will come to consider

a strengthened United Nations in its interest, that each country will come to realize that

sometimes the collective interest is the national interest and that we need to worktogether. So I am still hopeful that, at the end of the day, we will come to some

consensus on the majority of the proposals that we have put forward.

Question: You mentioned your support for the International Criminal Court(ICC) and support for ad-hocs in the report. There is a debate going on in the Security

Council on the Sudan and whether the ICC is the way to go. In the past, you have said

that you think it is. Do you still think it is? And do you think that this Nigerian proposal

for a sort of panel on reconciliation and war crimes prosecutions can work?

The Secretary-General: I think in a way your question links up with one of the

questions about the tribunals. I indicated that the ad-hoc Tribunals have turned out to be

very expensive. It takes about two years to set them up. Ideally speaking, the

International Criminal Court, which is already in existence, will be the most effective andefficient way of proceeding.

I know the United States has difficulties with that and is discussing this with othermembers of the Security Council. I hope they will find a way forward because I think we

are all against what is happening in the Sudan. We do not want to see the innocent suffer.

The United States declared what was happening there genocide and, I am sure, having

done that, would want to see the perpetrators brought to justice. We need to find a wayof doing that.

On the Nigerian proposal, I have not studied it in detail. I will be having lunch

with the Security Council today, and that is one of the issues I intend to explore withthem.


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Question: You were talking about the General Assembly, bringing it back to its

former level of importance, what it should have been. And that is clearly supposed to be

the democratic way of listening to the worlds opinion. But when we have got somethinglike Freedom House saying that 103 of the 191 countries are at least less than democratic,

if not much more authoritative, how can resolutions be taken seriously by this body,

when it clearly does not represent most of the countries do not represent their people?

The Secretary-General: I am not sure whether your statement is entirely

accurate. At least we live in a world today where almost every country claims to be

governing by democratic principles. Some are well established. Some are doing well.

Others are struggling to establish it and need help. I think we should work with thosefledgling democracies that need to be helped and not dismiss them because they have not

reached a certain standard that we would want to see them reach.

I believe that the General Assembly, despite the flaws you have indicated, has insome situations done very good work. What we are suggesting is that they adapt and

change their mode of operation and focus on issues of concern, issues of the day, and not

peripheral issues.

Question: Mr.Secretary-General, Washington has taken an intense interest in

United Nations reform. There are several task forces and committees doing the same sort

of work as the High-Level Panel, and Representative Hyde is preparing legislation towithhold United States dues again to push reforms -- no money until the reforms areimplemented. Are those sort of efforts helpful for your reforms?

The Secretary-General: The Panel that has been set up -- we are in touch with

them. I think I am going to have the opportunity of seeing the co-chairs in the not-too-distant future. We would want to discuss with them and be constructive, and I hope they

take their effort in the constructive spirit. We would want to engage and discuss with

them.

As to withholding dues or contributions until reforms are implemented, if thatwere to happen, I think it would be very unfortunate. We have been there before. We

have been down that road, and it took many, many years to get it undone, and in the

process created lots of difficulties for this Organization. Not only difficulties for thisOrganization but it also complicated relations among Member States: those that paid in


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full and on time and were constantly being asked to pay up and others that would decide

to withhold to force their changes. I really hope it would not happen. It is not something

I find necessarily helpful or universally accepted by the Members. Why should they? Iwould hope that, in doing that, one should look at the collective interest. One should

look at the obligations of all the Members and the impact on other Member States and the

programmes and the mandates entrusted to us, often as they are already without adequateresources. If one were to withhold the funds and squeeze the Organization further, it is

going to be much more difficult for us to perform and deliver on those mandates.

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Documents

Discurs Kofi Annan (Eng)