Embed Size (px)
Citation preview
10/28/2016
1
Generational Problems in Smallholder Agriculture小农农业的代际问题
International Institute of Social Studies (ISS) , The Netherlands
荷兰鹿特丹伊拉斯谟大学国际社会科学研究所
Ben White 本怀特教授
Objectives for this session讲座目标
In this seminar we will explore the generational dimension inagriculture, and its importance in agrarian studies, with a focus on‘peasant’ or smallholder farming communities.我们将探讨农业的代际维度，探讨它在农政研究中的重要性，特别是对“小农”或小农社区的重要性。
To do this we need to combine theories and concepts from (critical)agrarian studies and (critical) youth studies.为此，我们需要将（批判性的）农政研究和（批判性的）青年研究结合起来
This session has two parts: 本讲分为两个部分1. Introduction, theories and concepts 介绍、理论和概念2. Cases and issues for research 研究案例与讨论议题
10/28/2016
2
Introduction: the importance of ‘generation’ in agrarian studies
引言：“代”在农政研究中的重要性
Despite predictions that peasants are destined to disappear, smallholder farms or family farms still number more than 500 million worldwide, and 98 per cent of all the world’s farm units. 尽管有人预言，农民注定要消失，但当今世界上仍有超过5亿个小农农场或家庭农场，占世界农场总数的98%。
Depending on how they are defined they farm 50 - 75 per cent of the world’s farm land, while the other 2 percent of farming units (corporate farms and large private farms) occupy the other 25 - 50 per cent (Graeub et al., 2016; Lowderet al., 2016).因界定上的差异，他们耕种的土地面积大约占世界耕地面积的50%~75%，而剩下的2%的农场（大公司农场或大型私人农场）占据了25%~50%的土地。
At least 475 million of these farms are smaller than 2 hectares (Lowder et al., 2016, p. 27).至少有4.75亿个农场的面积小于2公顷。
Will this pattern of smallholder farming continue? 这种小农农业的模式还会存续吗？
Importance of the topic 主题的重要性
All over the world, smallholder farming populations are ageing 世界范围内，从事小农农业的人口正在老去
…..and many of them appear to have no successor, suggesting a potential crisis in the social reproduction of agrarian communities. 其中很多后继无人，这表明农业社区的社会再生产出现了危机。
10/28/2016
3
A crisis in farm succession?will there be a next generation of smallholder
farmers?农场的继替出现了危机？下一代还会有小农吗？One aspect of the problem is young rural people’s turn away from farming,their apparent adversity to farming futures which has been noted in manyregions.
一方面是农村年轻人不愿意种田了，很多地方的农村年轻人认为种田显然没什么前途。
This apparent ‘crisis of succession’ in smallholder farming is widely assumed,but empirically unsubstantiated.
很多人都认为小农农业明显存在“继替危机”，但这种假想却无经验数据的佐证。
It relies too much on research data on (a) youth ‘aspirations’ and (b) olderfarmers’ fears about succession – neither of these is is a reliable indicator ofactual futures. [Chiswell 2014]
这一论断过于依赖两类研究数据(a) 年轻人的“志向” (b) 老年农民对后继无人的担忧——这些都不是判断未来真实情况的可靠指标
Abandoned farmland and farmhouse, Japan日本：被废弃的农场和农舍
10/28/2016
4
Abandoned farmhouses, Netherlands荷兰：被废弃的农舍
At the same time, access to farm land for young people is very difficult, sometimes impossible
而与此同时，年轻人很难甚至根本得不到土地
• Another, less recognized aspect is that many rural young men and women, even if interested in farming, are confronted by issues of access to land, and/or other barriers to their entry into farming.
容易被忽视另一个方面是，很多想种田的农村年轻人得不到土地，还有（或者有）其他一些因素阻碍他们种田
• This points to the need for more attention to the intergenerational transfer of agrarian resources and opportunities, a neglected issue in contemporary studies of agrarian change
这表明我们需要更关注农业资源和机遇的代际转移，这是当代农政变迁研究中被忽略的一个议题
10/28/2016
5
Theories and concepts: combining the interdisciplinary fields of agrarian studies and
youth studies理论与概念：将农政研究与青年研究的交叉学科领域结合
Agrarian studies: 农政研究：
To understand and compare the different agrarian contexts in which young rural people grow up
了解和比较农村年轻人成长的不同农政背景
Youth studies: 青年研究：
Young people’s lives, their relationships with structures and with others (especially: inter-generational relations)
年轻人的生活，他们与结构的关系及与其他人的关系（尤其是代际关系）
Agrarian studies* 农政研究
Smallholder/family/peasant farming 小规模农业、家庭农业、小农农业
• Agrarian households 农户
• (De-)commodification, petty commodity production （去）商品化，小商品生产
• Agrarian differentiation 农民分化
• Agrarian labour regimes 农村劳动力体制
• Social divisions of labour (class, gender, generation, etc.)社会分工（阶级，性别，代际等）
and the intersectionality of these
以及上述领域的交错部分*Key texts for all of this: Bernstein 2010, van der Ploeg 2013
*重点文献：伯恩斯坦，2010；范德普勒格，2013
10/28/2016
6
Smallholder/family/’peasant’ farming*小规模农业、家庭农业、“小农”农业
‘Small’ is not so much a question of size (area), but more about scaleand manner of operation:
“小”主要不是指土地面积的大小，而是关于规模和经营方式
– Owners/tenants themselves manage and work on the farm (butnot ruling out the use of hired workers)
土地所有者（或佃农）自己耕作管理农场（不排除使用雇工）
– The goal is not ‘private profitability’ but labour income
目标不是“利润”而是劳动收入
(could be 0.5 ha in Indonesia, 200 ha in Canada, 2000 ha in Australia)
（“小”在印度尼西亚可能是指0.5公顷，在加拿大200公顷都算小，而在澳大利亚2000公顷才算小） *(key text: van der Ploeg 2013)
（重点文献：范德普勒格，2013）
(Agrarian) households 农户
• Units of production, consumption and accumulation do not alwayscoincide
是生产、消费和积累的单位，但并不一定完全重叠
• Households as ‘moving targets’“不断变动着的”的农户
(developmental cycles: formation, expansion, dispersal, fission,replacement, with changing labour/consumer composition at each stage)（循环：形成、扩大、分散、分裂、更新换代，在每个阶段其劳动者/消费者的比例都发生变化
10/28/2016
7
(Agrarian) households 农户
“Every family … is in its different phases of development a completelydistinct labour machine as regards labour force, consumer-worker ratio,and the possibility of applying the principles of complex cooperation”
“每个家庭在不同的发展阶段都是一台完全不同的劳动力机器，其劳动力不同，劳动者和消费者之间的比率不同，采用复杂合作原则的可能性也有差异”
[Chayanov 1966 (orig. 1925), p. 60]
“Each replacement of the older generation by a member of the new calls into question the existence of the peasant household as previously constituted.[…] Of special importance are the rules governing inheritance, regulating the passage of resources and their control from the old to the young “
[Wolf, Peasants 1966, p.73].
“每当上一代的成员被新成员取代，农户内部原有的结构就会被动摇。[…] 有关继承的法规尤为重要，它决定了资源和对资源的控制权如何从上一代流向下一代。”
Generational reproduction of peasant households in Kulon Progo (Java), 1973 and 1999
爪哇古仑波洛果地区农户的代际再生产：1973和1999年
A: replication A: 复制
Household A: 1973农户A: 1973年
Household A2: 1999农户A2：1999年
10/28/2016
8
B: contractionB: 缩小
Household B: 1973农户B：1973年
Household B2: 1999农户B2：1999年
C: contraction 缩小[“… a completely distinct labour machine…”]
[“…完全不同的劳动力机器…”]
Household C: 1973农户C: 1973年
Household C2: 1999农户C2: 1999年
10/28/2016
9
Key concept:Social reproduction关键概念：社会再生产
The material and discursive practices which enable thereproduction of a social formation (including the relations betweensocial groups) and its members over time 物质与话语实践逐渐再生产出了社会结构（包括社会各群体之间的关系）及其成员。
Covers various time-frames: 包括不同的时间范畴
– daily, 日常的
– seasonal/annual and 季节性的、年度的，和
– generational 代际的
– and different levels: 以及不同的层面
– Household 家户
– Community 社区
– society (social formation) 社会（社会结构）
Youth studies 青年研究
Some of the key ideas in youth studies are:青年研究中的一些核心思想： Youth as generation 青年作为一代人
(youth defined as relationship) （青年被界定为一种关系） Youth as identity 青年作为一种身份
(‘being’ and ‘becoming’, often in tension)（“正是”和“正在成为”，常常充满张力） Gendered and ‘classed’ (intersectionality again)
性别的和“阶级的”（两者又有交叉） Youth as actors (but within structures – ‘constrained agency’)
青年作为行动者（受限于结构——“有限的能动性”） …and (social, political, agricultural, lifestyle) innovators ?
和（社会、政治、农业、生活方式等方面的）创新者？
10/28/2016
10
Defining youth (1)Globalised aged-based ways of defining youth: terms for life-course stages in common use by UN agencies界定青年 （1）全球的、以年龄为基础界定青年的方式：联合国常用的生命历程各阶段
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24
‘Early childhood’幼儿期
‘Child’儿童
‘Adolescent’青少年
‘Teenager’十三岁以上的青少年
‘Youth’青年
‘Young adult’年轻人
Defining ‘youth’ (2) 界定青年（2）
How do different countries, in their laws or policies, define ‘youth’ and the age of various markers of transition to adulthood? 不同国家的法律或政策是如果界定青年的？如何界定向成年人过度的不同阶段的年龄标准？
At what age are young people 到什么年龄年轻人被认为• considered responsible for their own actions (in criminal law)?
需要为自己的行为负责（刑法上而言）？• allowed to leave school? 可以离开学校？• allowed to take up (full-time) employment?
可以开始（全职）工作？• allowed to marry? 可以结婚？• allowed to vote? 可以参加选举？
10/28/2016
11
Youth as social construction 作为社会建构的青年
• Age-based definitions are of limited usefulness as analytical tools
(I could show you a 19-year ‘adult’ and a 30-year old ‘youth, defined in social terms)
用年龄作为界定青年的基准并不是一个很有用的分析工具（从社会的角度看，19岁也可以算“成年人”， 而30岁还可能是“青年”）。
• Both normative ideas about youth, and the actual experiences of young people, differ between societies, between social groups within societies, and change over time
无论是从规范性概念还是从实际经验上而言，不同社会、社会中的不同群体内青年的内涵都有不同，而且随时间的变化而变化。
At what age…? How different countries define youth and various markers of transition to adulthood [higher and lower extremes are ]多大的时候就可以……?不同国家如何界定青年向成年人过渡的不同阶段的年龄标准
[特别高和特别低的划分标准标注为橘色][ * ‐ with parents’ permission在父母的许可下][www.youthpolicy.org/factsheets/country]
Country国家
Youth Definition青年的定义
Criminal respons-ibility负有刑事责任
School leaving离开学校
Employ-Ment就业
Marriage结婚
Vote
选举权
M男性
F女性
Bolivia 玻利维亚 -30 16 18
India 印度 15-29 14 18 18
Indonesia 印尼 16-30 8 15 15 19 16
Malaysia马来西亚 15- 10 17 14 18 16
Mexico 墨西哥 -29 11 14 14 18[16]
18[14]*
18
Tanzania坦桑尼亚 15-35 10 14 14 18[14]
18[14]*
18
UK 英国 13- 10 16 18[16]
18[16]*
18
10/28/2016
12
Youth as relational category 作为关系范畴的青年
Youth should not be defined as a “particular age range” but in relational terms with reference to“social processes whereby age is socially constructed, institutionalized and controlled in historically and culturally specific ways” (Wyn and White 1997 in Helve and Holm: 4)
青年不应该被界定为某个“特殊的年龄阶段”。它属于关系的范畴，应考察“年龄以特殊的历史与文化方式被建构、被制度化和被控制的社会过程”
Generation … is the term that names the social (or macro-) structure that is seen to distinguish and separate children [and youth] from other social groups, and to constitute them as a social category through … particular relations of division, difference and inequality between categories” [i.e. between children/youth and adults] (Alanen, 2001, p. 13)
“代” 是对社会结构（或宏观结构）的命名，人们因此得以将儿童【以及青年】从其他社会群体中区分出来，并通过不同类别间存在的特殊的划分、差异和不平等关系，将儿童【和青年】看作是一个社会类别【如儿童/青年和成年人之间】。
Compare generation with gender:“代”与性别的比较
Biology 生物学 Social construction 社会建构
Sex 性征 Gender 性别
Age 年龄 Generation “代”(physical [im]maturity 生理上【未】成熟)(social/political status 社会地位/政治地位)
‘Generation’ [in this sense] points us to understanding children’s lives andproblems in terms of their relationships with other generations (adults)
【从这种意义上】“代”的概念告诉我们，我们应该从他们与其他代的人（如成年人）的关系角度去理解儿童的生活与问题
To understand this we have to explore the social organisation of generationalrelations为此，我们需要探讨代际关系的社会组织
10/28/2016
13
Youth today lasts longer than it used to:postponement of (social) adulthood
今天的青年期比过去延长：（社会）成年期的推迟
In many countries, rural youth’s transition to adulthood is being prolonged as 很多国家，青年向成年的过渡期都延长了，因为
– they remain longer enrolled in education, 他们受教育时间延长
– their average age at first marriage rises, 初婚年龄推迟
– and their entry into the labour force is postponed. 入职年龄推迟
But in other ways the transition to adulthood is accelerated:但从另一方面说，青年向成年的过渡又在加速
- young people no longer rely on adults for their knowledge of, and links to, the outside world 青年不再依靠成年人的知识，也不再依靠成年人与外界建立的联
系
- they engage with globalisation and modernity, independently of adults没有成年人，他们也一样参与了全球化和现代性的进程
‘Being’ and ‘becoming’ –the two faces of youth which co-exist in tension
“正是”和“正在成为”：青年人的一体两面处于紧张对立中
‘Being’ and ‘becoming’ –the two faces of youth which co-exist in tension
“正是”和“正在成为”：青年人的一体两面处于紧张对立中
‘Becoming’ (growing up):“正在成为”（成长）
• Human capital theory
人力资本理论
• Future-oriented 未来导向
• Parental & societal expectations父母及社会的期望
10/28/2016
14
‘Being’: “正是”
• enjoying youth (in the here and now)此时此地享受青春
• peers more important than adults同伴比大人重要
• ‘risky behaviours’“冒险行为”
• smart phones, motorbikes etc. as ‘positional goods’智能手机、摩托车成
为“地位的标志”
Key concept: Social reproduction关键概念：社会再生产
The material and discursive practices which enable the reproduction of asocial formation (including the relations between social groups) and itsmembers over time
物质与话语实践逐渐再生产出了社会结构（包括社会各群体之间的关系）及其成员。
Covers both daily, generational and societal reproduction levels:
包含了日常、代际和社会的再生产层面- Household 家户
- Community 社会
- Society (social formation) 社会（社会结构）
10/28/2016
15
Mechanisms of generational replacement of agrarian households and farms 农户和农场的代际继替机制
Transmission (‘devolution’) of land and other resources
土地与其他资源传递（“转移”）
- during lifetime or after death (inheritance) 在世或死后（继承）
- partible/impartible 可分割或不可分割
- patri/matri/ambilineal 父系、母系或双方
- primo/ultimogeniture 长子或幼子继承制
A mechanism of perpetuation of inequalities across generations
不同代人之间不平等的固化机制
At different times and places there is enormous variation in the way in young ruralpeople’s relationship to land and agriculture, and the possibilities for farmsuccession 在不同时间不同地域，农村年轻人与土地和农业的关系以及继承农场的可能性会有极大的差别
A frequent source of intergenerational tensions 常常是代际纷争的缘由(not always possible for children and parents even to discuss the matter > importance of
interviewing potential successors away from parents and siblings) （孩子和父母之间甚至不太可能讨论这一问题，应该在父母和兄弟姐妹不在场的情况下访谈潜在的继承人）
Children as farmers in their own right: (1)Central Sulawesi (Indonesia) before the cacao boom(early 1990s)
20世纪90年代早期的印尼苏拉威西中部，在可可大量种植之前孩子们有当农民的权利（1）
We were out on the platform behind the house whenone of the daughters began to pull out bundles of garlicand arrange them in the sun.我们出门走到屋后的坪上，一个女儿正拿出一捆捆大蒜在太阳下晾晒。
‘Who do they belong to?’“这些大蒜是谁的？”‘That one belongs to my mother, those belong to my
older brother, those belong to my sister, these here aremine, and those belong to my father. Mother and fatherwork together. Today they are weeding her garlic.When that is finished, they will weed his’. “这是妈妈的，这是哥哥的，这是姐姐的，这是我的，这是爸爸的。爸妈今天一起下地了，今天轮到给妈妈的大蒜除草。等他们干完，再一起给爸爸的大蒜除草。”This was my introduction to the economic autonomy ofhousehold members, each of whom created personalproperty through his or her work… (Li 2014: 59)这就是我要说的家庭中各成员的经济自主性。他们每个人通过劳动创造了自己的财产。(Li 2014: 59)
10/28/2016
16
Children as farmers in their own right (Bolivia)孩子们有当农民的权力（玻利维亚）
When Antonio was 13 years old, he said to hisfather: ‘Dad, I help you a lot but you don’t help me.Perhaps you buy me some trousers, but if I don’t ask,you don’t buy me any’.安东尼奥13岁时跟父亲说，“爸爸，我帮你干活，你却没有帮我。你可能会给我买了几条裤子，但如果我不要，你就不会给我买”。His father agreed to give him a small plot of land inreturn for his help in the fields.父亲同意给他分一小块土地，作为他在田里干活的报酬。Antonio chose to sow peanuts and he bought theseed by selling a goat that he had been given on hisbirthday a few years previously.安东尼奥在那块地里种了花生，他卖掉了几年前过生日时得到的一头山羊，用那笔钱买了花生种子。His younger brother, Javier, helped him plant theseed and Antonio agreed to give him the harvestedpeanuts from five lines of the crop.他弟弟哈维尔帮他种花生，安东尼奥答应他，收获后给他五行花生。
(Punch 2011: 156f.)
Youth excluded from farming: ‘everyday resistance’ against the elders who lease land to outsiders for
commercial pineapple farming (Côte d’Ivoire)年轻人被排斥在种田之外：年轻人的“日常抗争”，反对年长者把土地出租给外人
种菠萝 （科特迪瓦）
[The young men] set off for the fields to unearth recently planted shoots. Then, they plantedred flags on these parcels of land to mark the prohibition of land use. To destroy theplantations, they had machetes, dabas, axes and firearms. […]年轻人去地里拔掉刚刚种下的小苗。然后在地里插上红旗，表示这块地不让种。他们用砍刀、斧头和枪毁掉种植园。
The young men say they destroyed the foreigners’ pineapples because of the old men. Forexample, if an old man who manages family land leases out most of this land, the childrenhave no land to cultivate to provide for their needs. Don’t they have to eat? If our childrenare hungry, why shouldn’t they be annoyed? When the old men receive money from theBurkinabes, they use it for their own needs, they do not give any to the young men and thelatter become vagrants who roam the city.年轻人说，他们毁掉外国人的菠萝园是因为那些老人。比如，如果种地的老人把家里的大部分地都租出去了，那孩子们就没法通过种地养活自己。难道孩子们不用吃东西吗？如果孩子们忍饥挨饿，他们有什么理由不生气?老人从布基纳法索人那里拿到钱，自己用了，不给年轻人。年轻人只好去城里流浪。
(Kouame 2010: 137)
10/28/2016
17
Dispossessed rural youth : alienation in modern Britain被剥夺的农村年轻人：现代英国的异化
[What’s it like here?] Boring. It’s pretty quiet … There’s no jobs, like, going in thevillage. You need transport to get out of the village to get a job… (Girl, aged 15)【这里是什么样的？】单调乏味，冷冷清清。村里没有工作。要坐车走出村子才有活干（女孩，15岁）。
We can’t go there [a field on the edge of a new housing development]… There’s abig sign up saying KEEP OUT, TRESPASSERS PROSECUTED. We went thereonce and this guy comes out and starts giving us some verbal … (Boy, aged 13)我们不能去那儿【指一个在建的房屋旁的地里】……有一块大牌子写着：禁止进入，否则起诉。我们去过一次，有个家伙出来骂我们（男孩，13岁）
I was walking along with me mates down by the little stream and this old geezerstarts shouting at us ‘GET OFF MY LAND’…Stupid old fool, who does he think heis! It’s just a path by a house … (Girl aged 14)我和朋友顺着小溪往下走，一个古怪的老头开始吼我们，“走开，别踩我的地！” 真是个蠢老头子，他以为他是谁啊，我们走的是房子旁的小路而已（女孩，14岁）(Matthews and Tucker 2011: 97‐99)
Pathways (back) to farming: young Canadian newcomer farmers重回农业的路径：加拿大年轻人成为新农民
‘It wasn’t until I left home that I became interested in growing things’ […] After completing her degree, Steph and her partner found themselves a small piece of land in Amherst, Nova Scotia. They have been there now for almost four years, growing an acre of hops which they sell directly to local breweries. In addition, they rent land from a neighbour to grow 2.5 acres of certified organic vegetables, sold through a CSA […]
“我直到离开家才开始对种东西感兴趣” […] 毕业后，斯蒂芬和她的男朋友在新斯科舍省的阿默斯特岛找了一小块地，在那里呆了快四年了。他们种了一英亩啤酒花，直接卖给当地的啤酒厂。他们还从邻居那里租了2亩半土地种有认证的有机蔬菜，通过社区支持农业（CSA）出售。
10/28/2016
18
Pathways (back) to farming: young Canadian newcomer farmers重回农业的路径：加拿大年轻人成为新农民
Neither Steph nor her partner had any experience with farming prior to starting their farm. To facilitate their early years, both worked part-time on another organic vegetable CSA farm in the area. This opportunity not only provided them with valuable practical skills, but has also connected them with older, established farmers who continue to be looked to as mentors. To supplement their farm income, Steph and her partner have additional jobs during the off-season. (Haalboom 2013: 26‐7).
斯蒂芬和她的男朋友之前都没有干过农活。他们刚开始的时候，在另一个社区支持农业组织的有机蔬菜农场里打零工。这不仅为他们提供了宝贵的实践技能，而且也让他们认识了一些更有经验的老农，可以继续指点他们种植。为了增加收入，斯蒂芬和她男朋友还在农闲的时候做些别的工作。
Structural inclusion and exclusion (1):‘Land grabs’: large-scale land acquisition结构性的包容与排斥（1）土地攫取：大规模的土地征用
Tania Li on the impact of corporate oil palm expansion in Indonesia:塔妮娅∙李研究了印尼棕榈树公司的扩张带来的影响
If there is still primary forestland in the vicinity,villagers may imagine the possibility of clearing newland in future, as the population expands and a newgeneration needs land to farm. […] It is only later,when the enclaves prove too small to accommodatethe needs of the new generation, and surroundingforestland is full of plantations, that customarylandholders experience the ‘grab’ as a permanentand complete loss of access to the possibility offarming. (Li, n.d.)
如果附近还有原始森林，村民会想到以后还能开垦土地，因为人口会增长，需要更多的土地。直到后来，村民才意识到他们已经被种植园包围，剩下的地太少，满足不了新增人口的需求。这时，原来的土地拥有者才感到这种“攫取”是永久性的，他们完全失去了继续耕作土地的可能。(Li, n.d.)
10/28/2016
19
Structural inclusion and exclusion (1):‘Land grabs’: large-scale land acquisition结构性的包容与排斥（1）土地攫取：大规模的土地征用
Tania Li on the impact of corporate oil palm expansion in Indonesia:塔妮娅∙李研究了印尼棕榈树公司的扩张带来的影响
As one elder in my research site in Kalimantanexplained, ‘when the company came we thought ourland was a big as the sea’. But more companiescame. Now his children and grandchildren arelandless. They are marooned in a sea of oil palms inwhich they have no share, and no means of gaining ashare, since the price of land in the enclaves andresidual pockets of non-plantation land is far beyondtheir means. (Li, n.d.)
在我研究的加里曼丹岛，一位老人说，“公司刚来的时候，我们以为自己的土地像海洋一样辽阔”。但更多的公司蜂拥而至，现在他的孩子们和孙辈们都没有土地了。他们被放逐在棕榈树的汪洋大海里，这些树不是他们的，也没办法从中获利。因为他们居住的这块飞地和剩下那些没有种树的土地价格已经不是他们能企及的了。(Li, n.d.)
Structural inclusion and exclusion (2)internal processes of rural differentiation
(‘intimate exclusions’) 结构性的包容和排斥（2） 农村分化的内部过程（“小圈子里的排斥”）
In rice-growing villages in Indonesia: 在马来西亚的水稻种植区：
• Children of wealthy landowners go to college and expect salaried jobs (they may later become landlords, but not farmers) 富有地主的孩子们上了大学，可能找到有薪水的工作（他们之后会成为地主，不会当农民）
• Smallholder peasants can’t afford to hand over land to children > long waiting periods 小农若把土地给孩子们，自己就无法谋生：漫长的等待
• Children of landless/tenant farmers can only become farmers if they find another way to access land 无地农民和佃农的孩子们只有通过别的方式获得土地后才能成为农民
(Akatiga and White 2015)
10/28/2016
20
class, generation & gender intersecting
阶级，“代”和性别的交错
‘Do you see a future inagriculture for young people?’“你觉得年轻人种田有未来吗？”‘For those with land, or thosewithout land?“你是说那些有地的，还是没地的？For young people like me
without land there is no future’对没有地的年轻人来说，就没有未来”
17-year old, S. Sulawesi, October2013苏拉威西南岛，2013年10月访谈，被访谈者17岁
Structural exclusion and inclusion (2):gender结构性的排斥与包容（2）：性别
If a woman has a place to live and a piece of land to cultivate, she will have a life ofrespect and dignity. 如果女人有地方住，有土地可种，那她就能过上有尊严的生活(Shaniben, a community leader in Gujarat, India, in Khan 2016, p. 14) （沙妮本，印度古吉拉特邦一位村长，见 Khan 2016, p. 14）
Are you suggesting that women be given rights to land? What do women want? Tobreak up the family?你是说女人也要有地？她们要干什么？不想过日子了吗？(India’s Minister of Agriculture, responding to Bina Agarwal’s submission to the IndianPlanning Commission on Land Reform, June 1989) （1989年6月，印度土改规划委员会收到了比娜·阿加瓦尔的提案，这是印度农业部长的回答）
We have lived through centuries of deciding farm succession mostly on grounds oftradition rather than suitability or aptitude. Maybe now is the time to draw on andreward all the families’ resources and that means counting in the daughters (Schwarz2004, 222)几百年来，农场的继承都是依照传统，而不是根据适当性以及人的能力。或许是时候将所有家庭的资源统一分配了，这意味着女儿也应该包括在内。(Schwarz 2004, 222)
10/28/2016
21
Gendered aspirations of rural youth:the Saiss plateau, Morocco
性别维度下农村青年的志向：摩洛哥的赛易斯高原[Bossenbroek 2016, p. 118]
Young men Young women 年轻女性
Organic farm 有机农业 Bakery business 面包业
Fruit tree farm 果园 Managing a business 管理生意
Rent extra land 租下更多土地Marry, live in the city with an extra house in the village 结婚，住在城里，村里也有房子
Farm production for export 为出口而进行农业生产
Sewing workshop 缝纫车间
Intergenerational tensions infarm succession 农场继承中的代际张力
Traditional agrarian societies are typically sites of patriarchy (the institutionalised hierarchy of male over female and old over young).Within these structures, young people exercise ‘constrained agency’.
传统农业社会是父系制的（制度上男性地位高于女性，老人高于年轻人）。在结构的掣肘下，年轻人只能行使“有限的能动性”
Intergenerational tensions regarding the transfer of land and farm assets are nothing new.土地和农场资产的代际传递中存在张力，这并非新鲜事。In 15th century Tuscany (Italy) 意大利15世纪的托斯卡纳区
Most old men kept a firm grasp on the management of the family farm until they became senile or died. This meant that young potential heirs had to wait around until they were 45 or 50 before they could come into their inheritance (Watts 1984, p. 59) 大部分老人都紧抓住土地不放，除非他们实在年纪太大或者死了。这意味着年轻人要等到大概45或50岁才能继承土地。
In Europe at this time , ‘retirement contracts’ were common: in Languedoc (France)special clauses were inserted in the contracts in order to forestall the revolts that were always brewing against the old man of the house. A contract … specified that the grandfather’s bed was sacred, as was his ration of food. Cursed be the young couple who would sell the one or reduce the other! (Le Roy Ladurie 1974, p. 33)
这时候的欧洲，“退休合同”是很常见的，比如法国的郎格多克省：合同中有特别条款，以预防家庭成员中常有的对老人的反叛。合同特别指明祖父的床和给他的那份口粮都是神圣不可侵犯的。如果年轻夫妇卖掉床或减少口粮，都会招致诅咒！
10/28/2016
22
Transfer of land as transfer of power土地的转移也是权力的让渡
In rural Ireland in the 1930s: 20世纪30年代，爱尔兰农村地区中‘even at age 45 and 50, if the couple have not yet made over the farm, the countryman remains a ‘boy’ in respect to farm work and in the rural vocabulary’.
“哪怕已经45或50岁了，只要还没有接管农场，那他在农活方面和农村话语里就还是个‘孩子’”。
This is understandable in view of the alternative, since ‘at the transfer of land, all vestiges of strict parental control are destroyed … parents can no longer demand the services of their children’
(Arensberg and Kimball 1968, p. 40).这也可以从另一方面去理解，因为
“土地一经转移，父母就丧失了对子女的严格控制权。父母不能再要求孩子为他们提供服务。”
Intergenerational tensions: A young man’s frustrated plans for a fruit tree farm (Morocco)
代际张力：摩洛哥一位年轻人的果园计划失败了
Driss (29) farms with his brothers on his father’s land and under his authority. ‘‘If my father says that we have to cultivate four hectares of onions, I cannot refuse or contradict him.’’ In 2009, he succeeded in convincing his father to install drip irrigation : ‘‘I rented one hectare from my father and also paid him for the water to irrigate the tree seedlings.’29岁的德里斯和兄弟们一起在父亲的地里干活，父亲说了算。
“如果父亲说我们要种4公顷洋葱，那我没法拒绝他或者跟他对着来。”
2009年，他成功地说服了父亲在地里装了滴灌设施。“我从父亲那里租了一公顷土地，我付给他水费，用来浇我的树苗。”
(Bossenbroek et al., 2016, pp. 344‐345, 347)
10/28/2016
23
Intergenerational tensions: A young man’s frustrated plans for a fruit tree farm (Morocco)
代际张力：摩洛哥一位年轻人的果园计划失败了
Driss had hoped to transplant the 9,000 tree seedlings to the rest of the land. He was not, however, able to convince his father of this and was forced to sell the seedlings. He had thus run up against the will and authority of his father. This situation deeply frustrates him: ‘‘I want to go to another region. (. . .) I’m so fed up with this situation. I just want something for myself, something I can rely on. My own project, my own money.’’
德里斯希望能将9000棵树苗移植到剩下的土地上。但他没能说服父亲，只好把树苗卖掉。这违背了父亲的意愿和权威。他感到很沮丧，“我想去别的地方。我受够了。我想要自己的东西，我能依靠的东西。我想有我自己的事情，自己的钱。”
(Bossenbroek et al., 2016, pp. 344‐345, 347)
Voting with their feet: out-migration and return migration in the life-course of rural youth
用脚投票：农村青年生命历程中的外出与返乡
The majority of the world’s labour migrants are young rural people, ‘pushed’ by the unavailability of appropriate jobs - or farm land - at home and ‘pulled’ by the hopes of better opportunities in the usually urban destination regions.世界上大部分流动劳动力都是农村年轻人，他们因为在村里无地可种或找不到工作而被“推出去”，同时又因为抱着找到更好机会的希望而被城市“拉进来”。
It is not surprising that so many young rural people migrate, being reluctant to engage in long years of waiting, working for parents or other elder relatives: who wants to wait until they are 40 or 50 years old to be a farmer?很多农村年轻人不愿意再为父母或其他年长的亲戚工作，不愿意等那么长的时间，所以他们流出了村庄，这毫不令人惊讶：谁愿意等到40或50岁才能当上农民呢？
What is more important, and a neglected issue, is whether young people’s migration away from rural areas and farming is a permanent, or a part lifetime process; we need to explore further the phenomenon of cyclical, part-lifetime migration.更重要而又往往被忽视的一个问题就是，年轻人离开农村，离开农业，是永久性的，还是生命历程的一部分？我们需要更深入地研究周期性的、作为生命历程一部分的人口流动现象。
10/28/2016
24
Voting with their feet: youth in rural Burundi (C. Africa)用脚投票：非洲布隆迪的农村青年
• One-third of young men, and more than half of young women, do not expect to inherit land
• 三分之一的年轻男性以及过半数的年轻女性对继承土地都不抱希望。
• The young look for non-farm opportunities, not to replace but to complement farming, and to make farming possible
• 年轻人寻找非农工作机会，不是要放弃种田，而是只作为务农的补充，并想让种田成为可能。
Not wanting to farm? or farming as part-time and part-lifetime activity?不想种田？还是种田成为兼业和生命历程的一部分？
Focus group discussion, Burundi:
布隆迪的焦点小组访谈表明：
Not wanting ‘only’ to farm: 不想“只”种田
“We want a future as farmers, but if we would have otheractivities to help, that would be better because farming isnot enough”
“我们将来想当农民，但如果还有其他工作，那就更好了，因为种田的收入不够。”
Not wanting to farm yet: 还不想种田：
“it is possible that you are with 7 boys in one family. Theywill all have to share the same plot of land. So if you are aboy without a profession you cannot find money to buyland…”
• “一个家庭可能有7个男孩，都要分一块同样大小的土地。如果没有职业，就没钱买地……”
“if there was an organization to help us learn a vocation,we could work and have money to buy land before theothers do so and there is no more land”
“如果有什么组织能帮我们学到一门手艺就好了，这样在别人把土地买光之前，我们就能工作挣钱买地了。”
Berckmoes &White, (2013)
10/28/2016
25
Who are the ‘new farmers’? 谁是“新农民”？
A. Continuers 1: grow up on farm, stay helping on farm until they can take it over
继承者1：生长在农场，在农场干活，然后继承农场
B. Continuers 2: grow up on farm, then work on other sectors/places, returning laterto take over the farm
继承者2：生长在农村，在其他部门或地方工作，以后回来继承农场
C. Newcomers: those not from farm backgrounds who find a pathway into farming
新农民：没有农场的背景，但找到了办法来务农
The majority of (A) and (B) may have passed the age of ‘youth’ when they gain accessto their own farm.
第一和第二类农民拥有自己的农场时，大部分已经不是“青年”了。
Suggested directions and questions for research 可能的研究方向和研究问题
Agrarian context 农业背景
General patterns and trends of farmland ownership and access, farm sizes and labour use 农地权属、准入性、农场规模与劳动力使用的一般模式和趋势
How have farmland prices changed (in relation to general price movements)?
耕地价格是如何变化的（与总体价格变动趋势相比）？
Trends in age structure of the farming population 农业人口的年龄结构趋势
Typical modes of transfer of farmland and property between generations
耕地与财产代际转移的典型模式
How are resources divided among sons and daughters?
资源在子女间如何分配？
How do young people and their parents discuss farm succession? (is it talked about at all?)
年轻人与父母如何讨论农场的继承问题？（他们会讨论这个问题吗？）
10/28/2016
26
Becoming a young farmer成为年轻农民
What kinds of aspirations do young rural men and women expressregardingfarming or non-farming (and rural or non-rural) futures? 对务农和（城市或乡村的）非农工作的未来，农村年轻男性和女性有怎样的期望？
How do young people become farmers? 年轻人怎么成为农民？
What are the resources they need and access in the process?
他们在这一过程中需要哪些资源？
How do they access land and credit? 他们如何获得土地和贷款？
How do they acquire and develop farming knowledge and skills?
他们如何获得并提高务农的知识与技能？
What kind of social networks do they rely on and what kind of support do they getfrom these networks? 他们依靠哪些社会网络？他们从中得到了哪些支持？
How do young women farmers fare? 年轻的女性农民是如何过活的？
How do they deal with social, economic and other barriers to becoming farmers intheir own right? 她们是如何克服社会、经济以及其它障碍，成为农民的？
Young farmers and innovation年轻农民和创新
What are young farmers’ attitudes to conventional farming practices?年轻农民对传统的耕作方式持有怎样的态度？
Are young farmers in general and newcomers in particular, more flexible and innovative with regard to farming compared to older farmers and continuers?与老年农民及其继承者相比，年轻农民（特别是新农民）是否更具有灵活性和创新性？
What role do relatively new technologies such as mobile phones, the Internet and social media play in the innovation process and dissemination?相对较新的科学技术（如手机、互联网和社会媒体）在创新和传播上发挥了怎样的作用？
10/28/2016
27
Young farmers in policy and agenda-setting政策与政治议程中的年轻农民
How do agrarian and rural policies affect young people in farming?农业和农村政策如何影响年轻人从事农业？
What policies make it more or less easy for young people to get into farming?什么样的政策让年轻人从事农业更加容易一些？
What specific kinds of support are available for young farmers?对年轻农民现在有什么特殊的支持？
How do young people attempt to influence the level and contents of such support? 年轻人打算如何去影响这种支持的程度和范围？
Are young farmers organised? 年轻农民有自己的组织吗？ How are they involved in existing farmer unions, associations and/or political
parties, and/or in dedicated young-farmer organisations, and new modes of networking among young farmers (with particular attention here to social media)? 他们如何参与现有的农协、农会、（或）政治党派、（或）年轻农民的专门组织、
年轻农民间的新型网络组织（特别是社会媒体）等？ How do they go about influencing political parties and policy makers, and with
what degree of success?他们如何以及在多大程度上成功地影响了政治党派和政策制定者？
Thanks for your attention! 谢谢您的聆听！
Email:[email protected]
10/28/2016
28
References cited in this presentation 参考文献
AKATIGA and B. White. 2015. Would I like to be a farmer? Inside Indonesia 120 (April-June)Alanen, Leena. 2001. ‘Explorations in Generational Analysis’, in L. Alanen and B. Mayall (eds), Conceptualizing Child-Adult Relations. London: Routledge.Berckmoes, L. and B. White. 2014. Youth, farming and precarity in rural Burundi. European Journal of Development Research 26, pp. 190–203.Bernstein, Henry. 2010. Class Dynamics of Agrarian Change. Agrarian Change and Peasant Studies Series. Halifax: Fernwood Publishing.Bossenbroek, Lisa. 2016. Behind the veil of agricultural modernizatiuon: gendered dynamics of rural change in the Saiss, Morocco. PhD dissertation, Wageningen UniversityBossenbroek, Lisa, Jan Douwe van der Ploeg, and Margreet Zwarteveen. 2015. Broken dreams? Youth experiences of agrarian change in Morocco's Saïss region. Cahiers Agricultures 24: 342-348.Chayanov, A.V. 1966 [1925]. Peasant Farm Organization. In D. Thorner et al. (eds) A.V. Chayanov: the Theory of Peasant Economy. Homewood, Ill.: American Economic Association, pp. 29-269 [orig. Moscow, Co-operative Publishing House 1925].Chiswell, Hannah M. 2014. "The importance of next generation farmers: a conceptual framework to bring the potential successor into focus." Geography Compass 8:300-12.Haalboom, S. 2013. Young Agrarian Culture in Nova Scotia: The Initial and Ongoing Motivations for Young Farmers from Non-Agricultural Backgrounds. Bachelor’s Thesis, Dalhousie University.Kouamé, G. 2010. Intra-family and socio-political dimensions of land markets and land conflicts: The case of the Abure, Côte d'Ivoire. Africa: The Journal of the International African Institute 80 (1), pp.126-146.
References (continued) 参考文献（续）
Le Roy Ladurie, Emmanuel 1974 The Peasants of Languedoc. Trans. John Day. Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press.Li, Tania M. 2014. Lands End: Capitalist Relations on an Indigenous Frontier. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.Li, Tania M. n.d. Intergenerational displacement in Indonesia’s oil palm plantation zone. Under review, Journal of Peasant Studies.Matthews, H. and F. Tucker. 2011. ‘On both sides of the tracks: British rural teenagers’ views on their ruralities’, in R. Panelli et al, eds. Global Perspectives on Rural Childhood and Youth. London: Routledge, pp. 95-105.Punch, Samantha. 2011. Generational power relations in rural Bolivia. In Ruth Panelli et al. eds., Global Perspectives on Rural Childhood and Youth: Young Rural Lives. London: Routledge, pp. 151-164.Schwarz, Ulrike. 2004. To Farm or Not to Farm? Gendered Paths to Succession and Inheritance. Münster: LIT Verlag.Van der Ploeg, Jan Douwe. 2013. The Art of Peasant Farming: A Chayanovian Manifesto. Agrarian Change and Peasant Studies Series. Halifax: Fernwood Publishing.Watts, Sheldon. 1984. A Social History of Western Europe 1450-1720: Tensions and Solidarities Among Rural People. London: Hutchinson University Library for Africa.Wyn, J. and R. White. 1997. Rethinking Youth. London: Sage Publications.
