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Dunttia (Cicero Lucullus 135)

John Glucker

Classical Philology, Vol. 73, No. 1. (Jan., 1978), pp. 47-49.

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no o ne for a longer tim e, if th e Pelopo nnes ians (oi IIe~orrovvfiuror) hou ld i nv adetheir land-in the seventeenth year after the initial invasion they should havegone to Sicily, when already in every respect worn down by war, and have com-mitted themselves to a war no less great than the one already existing with theIIe~orrovrfiaou. n t he first p lace , th e sense of IIcAonovvfiuou ca nnot b e s et a p a r t fromth a t of neAorrovvooiwv and neAorrovv$oror: it ap pears un rea sonable to th in k t h a t , hav-ing twice spoken of wa rfare with Sp arta an d her allies, Th ucy dide s should con-clude by referring to w ar w ith no m ore tha n [peoples of] th e geographical Pelo-ponnesus. Seco nd, to ta ke IIeAorrovv$oou in a nar row , geograph ical sense de tra ct sfrom t he significance of the very po int which Thucy dides here is concerned toma ke: tha t , contrary to all expectation, Athens was able to und ertake and sustaina major war in the west at a time when she was still engaged in the homeland ina n already prolonged war with a powerful enem y. H is point is served by emphasiz-ing the stren gth of th e enem y in Greece itself-but th at stren gth is minimized, notem phas ized, if IIeAorrovv$uou is tak en to signify an yt hi ng less t h a n Spa rta and herallies, i.e., the Peloponn esian League.On th e bas is of such passage s, IIeAorr6vvouor in Th uc yd ides seems to b e morethan just a geographical term. T . WICKUniversity of Wisconsin,Stevens Point

t D U N T T I A ( C IC E R O L U C U L L U S 135)Sed quaero quando ista fuerint Academia vetere jdunttia, ut animum sapientis com-moveri et conturbari negarent: mediocritates illi probabant et in omni permotionenaturalem volebant esse quendam modum. [Cicero Lz~cz~llus35decreta dicta N dictata H a .So O tto Plasberg's edition.' T h e fuller ap pa ra tu s in his 1907 edition merely spellsou t the M SS readings in greater detail , and ad ds J S. Reid 's suggest ion de ~ la ra ta ;~

in the m ain te xt of th at edition, Plasberg still read decreta, as did Reid an d m ostother previous editors except K arl Ha lm.H alm was justified in his con jectu re dictata for the dicta of th e ma jor ity of M SSknown to him in 1861, or even to R eid in 1885.3 Only afte r th e establishmen t b yPlasberg of a proper stem ma based on ABV could one trea t th e m ajority of MSS1. "Academ icorum" reliquiae cum "Lucullo" (Leipzig, 1932), p. 96 = fasc. 42 of M Tu lli CiceronisScripta quae manserunt om nia ). I accept Plasberg's explanation (in the apparatus ad loc. of his editiomaior, M T u ll i Ciceronis "Parado xu Stoicorum," "Academicorum" reliquiae cum "Lucullo" e.q.s.,vol. 1 [Leipzig, 19071, p. 147) of the h l S S reading Academia vetere. K. Halm's ab Academia vetereM . Tu lii Ciceronis "Lucullus" in I G . Baiter-K. Halm [eds.], M. Tullii Ciceronis Opera quae

supersunt omnia, vol. 4 [Zurich, 18611) would only do (and is only required) with a verb like dicta.dictata, or decreta.2 . This is only offered in the apparatus ad loc. in Reid's great edition ( M . Tu ll i Ciceronis "Acade-mica" [London, 18851, pp. 336-37) as fort. leg. In his main text, Reid adopts decreta of F2 (which hestill ascribed to E [ = Erlang. 8471, included now by Plasberg among the deteriores).3 . Reid's apparatus ad loc.: "dicta codd. (cf. 103) exc. B ( d w a t a ) et A (dunt tic)." If Reid's B(described by him, p 6 6 , simply as another Leyden h lS XII th cent. ) is the same as Plasberg's B= Vossianus 861, then, on the evidence of Plasherg's 1907 edition, it reads duntti cu t . A (Vossianus84) does not appear to me to separate dunttia into two words, as reported by Reid and Plasberg: seethe photocopy published by Plasherg (Cicero: Operum philosophicorum Codex Leidensis Vos sian usLal. Fol. 84 [Leyden, 19151, fol. 103r.) . But this is a minor point.

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a s recetz t iore~ .~ince both and B read d u ~ t t t i a(so does the first hand in F), onecan regard the dicta of cited here in place of th e deficie nt V) a n d th e decreta ofF 2 (and m ost receiztiores) as mere emendations. Reid 's reference, in his appa ratu sad loc. , to Lucul lus 103 in support of dicta is irrelevant in our conte xt. Kor is hisreference, on behalf of th e alt er na tiv e decreta, to Lucul lus 27 of much help: theredecreta is discussed b y Cicero a s one of th e La ti n ren derin gs of 66rra.

But nei ther dictate nor decreta will do-followed, as our cor rup t word is, byut tzegarent. W h at we require is som ething like, When did the Old Academyhave the steadfastness [or courage, or stubbornness] to deny that the wise manis ever per turbed? K o ~ vha t we know wh at th e archetype was likely to have read,the appropriate reading is virtually offered us by its corrupt reading. For paleo-graphically, the nearest word to f d u ~ z t t i awhich would make Latin and sense inthis context is dur i t ia . (We must read fuerit for the RlSS juerz~zt,itself already acorrection, once tdutzttia was taken to conceal some plural noun. T h e archetypewas most likely to have read fuerit , with no abbreviation on the i .)

Th is emenda tion is am ply confirmed b y t he whole drift of the passage. T h e par -ticular arg um ent, beginning w ith t he first sentence of our para gra ph, is concernedw ith th e divergence betw een th e views of Zeno an d those of t he Old Academy(both Antiochus an d the real Ea rly Academy) on the Zenonian numquam timerenu m qua m dolere sap ien tem . W e ar e the n told-still in th e sam e sentence- tibivero -1ntioche minime [sc. necessarium ]. O n th e exposition of X ntiochus' view inthe res t of tha t sen tence f o l l o ~ ~ sur sentence, where dur i t ia (as I suggest) wouldcontin ue th e sam e train of thoug ht. I t would also give sense to the 2~tclause andcontrast well with the Academy's mediocritates and izaturalis modus. Indeed, thesam e trai n of tho ugh t is furt her carried o n in the first sentence of 136 ( atrocitasquidem ista t ua quo modo in veterem Academiam inrupe rit nescio ) , whereatrocitas would parallel dur i t ia . T he ~ vh ole f the discussion, beginning with th esecond sentence of 132, is m ean t to dem onstrate t h at , pace Xntiochus, the Stoicwise man and the wise m an of the Ea rly Academy can not be one and th e same :

nam au t Stoicus const i tuatur sapiens au t veteris Alcademiae-utrumque nonpotest (132).

Extern al evidence is hardly lacking. In De oratore 3. 62 we hav e durit ia explicitlyascribed to the Stoics. In De domo sua 9 7, dur i t ia is me ntioned as a n aspec t of as n p i ~ n t i awhich 1s unmistakably Stoic, although names are not mentioned. Thecontrast between the early Stoics ' durit ia and the Early Xcademy's moderatio iswell i l lustrated in the fam ous philosophical section of P r o M u r e ~ t a 60 ff .) . I n 60,where we are given a sketch of th e personal an d philosophical tra its of Ca to's cha r-act er, Cicero says: accessit istuc doctrina non modera ta nec mitis sed, u t mih ividetur , paulo asperior e t durior quam ut ver i tas au t natu ra pat i tur . (W ha tizatura patitur is, of co urse , the iruturalis mod us of L u c . 135.) I n the next paragraph,this harsh and un natura l doctrine is identified 1 ~ 1 t hh a t of summ o z~zge~z ioi r, Z e ~ t o ,an d p ar t of it is solos sapientes esse, si distortissimi sin t, formosos, si mendicissimi,divites, si servitutem serv iant, reges, a sentimen t repeate d, in very similar words,in Lucul lus 136. In contrast to this harsh Zenonian view, Cicero faces Cato withth e more m odera te view of the E arly A cademics M u r . 63): nostri , inqu am , ill i a

4. See Plasberg s 1922 edition, pp. xxi-xxiv.5. Reid s edition, p 208 note on decrelis

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Platone et Aristotele [cf. the first sentence of De or. 3. 621, moderati homines ett empera t i , a iunt omnis vir tutes mediocri tate quadam esse moderatas." Ex-amples could be multiplied; I have chosen only the most s tr iking parallel^.^ B u tone ought not to omit Seneca De constaiztia sapietztis 15. 4, where Stoica duri t ia ismen tioned a s a com mo nplace (even if Seneca himself ta kes exception to it).

T his , of c ours e, is the duri t ia of the ea rly Stoics7-especially of Zen o. T h e com -monest Greek counterpart of durt t ia in the Latin glossaries is U K A ~ ~ T ~ S . ~his isno t th e place to discuss th e various m eanings an d usages of U K A ~ ~ ~ Sr of U K ~ ~ P ~ T ~ Sin philosophical an d biblical Greek .gI shall only no te th at m~Av p 6 r q sis not confined,in our tra ditio n, to Zeno's doc trine. An anec do te nar rated of Zeno in a num be r ofsources10 tells th e story of how th e a uste re an d ste rn old m an becam e mo lifiedunde r th e influence of wine, and repo rts his own "m aterialistic" (and m ost prob-ab ly not who ly serious) explanation. T wo of o ur sources for this an ecd ote (A the-naeus 55F ; Eus ta th ius ad Od. 21. 293) describe Zeno himself as m~Av p 6 s .T h e t h i rdhas a tms r l p6 r another Greek equivalent of d ~ i r u s . ~One remembers , too, that notonly does Cicero refer to the moderation and regard for nature in the doctrines ofthe E arly -4cademics (as in our passage), bu t he also describes the m en themselvesas moderati Izomitzes et temperati (Mur. 63)-just a s the early Stoics are horridiores,asperiores, and d ur io re s (F i ~ z .. 7 8 )an d Xntiochus, whose ethical doctrines hap pe nto be milder and nearer to those of th e Ea rly Academics (whose tr aditio n heclaimed to ha ve rev ived ), is also "homo n atu ra lenissimus-nihil enim p o te ra tfieri ill0 mitius" LUG. 1). Ca to's personality is portray ed in P r o M u r e ~ t a 0 assui ted by his very nature, family background, and ear ly t raining to adopt theha rsh doctrines of early Stoicism. "Psychologism?" N o t, per hap s, consciously. B u timplici tly, the assumption th at "the doctr ine is the man" is plainly there.

JOHN GLUCKERU~ziv ersi ty f Exeter

6. But see also Lael. 48 (virtually the same contrast, with special application to amicilia); Fin.4. 78; Tusc. 1. 104.7. Cic. Fin. 4. 79: quam illorum trist itiam atque asperitatem fugiens Panaetius. I t is signifi-cant t ha t Cicero, in the same sentence, continues: semperque habuit in ore Platonem, rtristotelem,Xenocratem, Theophrastum, Dichaearchum. Th e milder ethics of Panae tius is related by Ciceroto influences of the Earlv Academics and Perioatetics.8. Corpus glossariorum Lalinorum, ed. G. Goetz and G. Gundermann (Leipzig, 1878-99), 2:57.13, 433. 39, 433. 43; 3:207. 33, 503. 63, 606. 15.9. Not much help can be obtained from the much-quoted article by K . Dietrich, Bedeutungs-geschichte griechischer \tT'orte, Rh.lf 60 1905): 236 ff . which treats this word chiefly from thepoint of view of modern Greek derivatives.10. Von Arnim, ST F, 1 285.11. Diog. Laert. 7. 26; Corpus glossariorum, 2:57. 14, 554. 8 in marg.

C O M M O D A A N D INSIDIAE C A T U L L U S 84. 1 4Se vera l critics, hav ing ac cep ted t h e identifica tion of th e Arrius of th is poem of

Catullus with Cicero's Q. Arrius of B r u t u s 242, have observed that the phraserequieratzt om ~z ib us ures in line of th e poem would hav e pa rtic ula r po int if Ar-r ius was a familiar f igure in t he courts. ' I t has also been suggested t h a t the words

1. E.g., C. L. Neudling, A Prosopography to Calullus (Oxford, 1955), p. 10; C. J. Fordyce (ed.),Catullus (Oxford, 1961), p. 375; K. Quinn, Calullus: The Poems (London, 1970), p. 419. We have