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Justifying structural change in European public sectors: a cross-country empirical study of the contextual determinants of
the NPM reform rhetoric
Giuseppe Lucio Gaeta
Department of Human and Social Sciences, University of Naples
« L’Orientale »
Liège, 10/V/2016
Giovanni Esposito
Lentic, ULg-HEC
Outline of the presentation
• Research context
• Paper’s content and objectives
• Research question
• Motivation
• Theoretical framework
• Empirical analysis
– Data
– Methodology
• Results
• Conclusions
2
Research context
• “The rise and fall of large NPM projects at the EU level : the case of TEN-T” (NON-FRIA funds, 2014-2017)
– The paradigm of NPM
– NPM in action
– Alternatives to NPM
• Agreement of cooperative exchange between LENTIC and UNO
– NPM and public sector reforms
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What is NPM?
• New Public Management - the term was coined in the late 1980s to denote a new stress on the importance of management in public service delivery, which often linked to doctrines of economic rationalism (Hood 1989, Pollitt 1993)
– The main idea of NPM paradigm for reforming national administrative systems was that if private-sector principles were used to manage public-sector organizations rather than rigid hierarchical bureaucracy, these organizations would work more efficiently
– a taken-for-granted sense of “naturalness” envelops the mainstream conception of NPM reforms considered to be “apolitical” (i.e. Scott Bushnell and Sallee, 1990; Hood, 1991), as well as the “natural” outcome of public sectors’ modernization process
• NPM reform movement has been more than a mere technical and apolitical framework to modernize old-style bureaucracies
– NPM has manifested itself in history as a political process driven by a powerful reform ideology (Fournier and Grey 2000; Christensen and Lægreid 2011)
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Paper’s content and objectives
• ESPOSITO G., GAETA G.L. and TRASCIANI G. (2016) “Administrative change in the EU: a cross-country empirical study on the contextual determinants of NPM reform rhetoric”, Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics (Forthcoming)
• Objective Unveiling the contextual determinants of national parties’ declared support to NPM-style reforms
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Research question
• Study of NPM ideology by the investigation of national parties’ declared support to NPM-style reforms
– Focus on national parties’ electoral rhetoric in support of NPM-style reforms electoral manifestos
– The paper focuses on the process of NPM reforms in the EU which intensified in the 1990s and studies the NPM reform rhetoric of national political parties
• Research question within which institutional, economic and political context have national European parties declared support to NPM-style reforms in their countries?
– Y : NPM reform rhetoric of European national parties
– X : contextual characteristics
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Motivation
• Gap-spotting research
– no empirical paper addressing this question while numerous theoretical contributions provide hints
• Empirical evidence of the patterns of diffusion of NPM values across the political manifestos of European parties
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Theoretical framework (1) • It is very difficult to define the concept of NPM and link specific policy
measures to it (Pollitt, 2007). Nevertheless,…
• …the concepts of economy, efficiency and effectiveness have played a central role in the rhetoric of NPM reformers who have advocated them by pursuing specific goals (Pollitt and Dan 2011)
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Economy
cost reduction achieved through cutting down public spending and
adopting competitive market arrangements
in public sector organizations (Hood, 1991; OECD, 1995;
Dunleavy et al., 2006)
Efficiency
ratio between inputs and outputs and can be improved
through policies of deregulation and tax-breaks, which will create
the conditions for highly competitive markets to develop in public sector economy (Hood, 1991; Hendriks and Tops, 1999,
2003; Clifton et al., 2011)
Effectiveness the degree to which the
outcomes match the original goals or objectives set for the
organization of program.
To be pursued by adopting professional managerial
hierarchies instead of unskilled bureaucratic hierarchies
(Martin, 1983; Pollitt, 1990; Hood 1991; Roberts, 2010)
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Theoretical framework (2)
NPs’ support for NPM-style reforms is likely to be positively correlated with countries’ per capita income
Hood (1991)
H2 NPs’ support for NPM-style reforms is likely to be positively correlated with countries’ fiscal stress and poor macroeconomic performance
Dunsire and Hood (1989); Hood (1995); Hendriks and Tops (1999, 2003)
NPs’ support for NPM-style reforms is likely to be negatively correlated with the decentralization of the administrative system.
OECD (2003, 2008)
H4 NPs’ support for NPM-style reforms is likely to be negatively correlated with government effectiveness in policy action.
Aucoin, 1990; Hood, 1995; Hughes, 2003; London, 2002; Pollitt and Bouckaert, 2000
Right-wing NPs’ support for NPM-style reforms is likely to be higher than left-wing one
Hood (1995)
Economic context
Institutional context
Political context
Empirical analysis: data (1)
14 European countries (Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Belgium, Netherlands,
Luxembourg, France, Italy, Spain, Greece, Portugal, Germany, Austria, Great
Britain, and Ireland)
14-year period that ranges from 1997 to 2011
the electoral years considered in this study are particularly interesting. Indeed, since
mid-1990s, Europe has taken the lead in opening markets, privatizing public assets
and removing state monopolies from many public services; between 1997 and 2011
the European Commission has released numerous directives aimed at transposing
the NPM model into some key areas of national public sectors: postal services (in
1997, 2002 and 2008), air transport (1997), rail transport (in 2001, 2004 and 2007),
electricity (in 1998 and 2004) and gas (in 1998 and 2004).
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Empirical analysis: data (1)
How can we measure political parties’ support to NPM-style administrative
reforms?
The Comparative Manifesto Database (CMD - Budge et al., 2001; Klingemann et al., 2006)
collects data resulting from an in-depth examination of the electoral manifestos issued by
major political parties that took part in national elections in a wide set of countries and over
multiple years
One variable records how much part of each political manifesto considered is devoted to
discuss “the need for efficiency and economy in government and administration,
cutting down civil service, improving governmental procedures or making the
process of government and administration cheaper and more effective”
We assume that this variable is a proxy of parties’ willingness to propose NPM- style
administrative reforms
Values range between 0 and 1. Higher values indicate that NPM-style reforms represent a
salient feature of the electoral program released by the party under examination.
Empirical analysis: data (1)
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Empirical analysis: data (1)
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Empirical analysis: data (1)
On average NPs under scrutiny devoted 5% of their electoral programs to NPM High variability across countries and within countries Southern VS Northern European countries?
Average values observed at electoral moments
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Empirical analysis: data (1)
NPs’ support for NPM-style reforms is likely to be positively correlated with countries’ per capita income
Hood (1991)
H2 NPs’ support for NPM-style reforms is likely to be positively correlated with countries’ fiscal stress and poor macroeconomic performance
Dunsire and Hood (1989); Hood (1995); Hendriks and Tops (1999, 2003)
NPs’ support for NPM-style reforms is likely to be negatively correlated with the decentralization of the administrative system.
OECD (2003, 2008)
H4 NPs’ support for NPM-style reforms is likely to be negatively correlated with government effectiveness in policy action.
Aucoin, 1990; Hood, 1995; Hughes, 2003; London, 2002; Pollitt and Bouckaert, 2000
Right-wing NPs’ support for NPM-style reforms is likely to be higher than left-wing one
Hood (1995)
Economic context
Institutional context
Political context
How can we measure these features of the economic, institutional and
political context?
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Empirical analysis: data (1)
Economic context: GDP, fiscal stress and macro-economic performance
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Empirical analysis: data (1)
Institutional context
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Empirical analysis: data (1)
Political context
Empirical analysis: methodology (1)
Regression analysis!
Data are treated as pooled cross-section data since building a panel dataset was not
possible due to the following three reasons: i) parties’ significantly change over time
(some simply disappear, others merge or change their name), ii) countries do not all
hold elections in the same year iii) national elections are not held annually.
Ordinary least square regression analysis with clustered standard errors at country
level in order to account for the within-state correlation among observations.
Country dummies and year dummies are also included among regressors
Covariates are considered at year t-1 in order to avoid reverse causality issues
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The bounded (0-1) nature of the dependent variable used in our empirical analysis might
bias the OLS results OLS predictions may fall outside the possible 0-1 interval and
the existence of a floor and a ceiling may determine non linearity or heteroscedasticity.
Alongside OLS, the regression coefficients were also estimated through:
- the Fractional logit model (FRACLOG - Papke and Wooldridge, 1996), which allows to
investigate both proportion dependent variables (Baum, 2008, p. 301);
- the Zero-inflated Beta regression model (ZIBETA) which is based on a logistic
regression for estimating the probability that the dependent variable equals 0 alongside a
Beta regression which is used in order to estimate values between 0 and 1.
Empirical analysis: methodology (1)
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Empirical analysis: results (1)
OLS estimates; coefficients and standard errors clustered at country level. Dependent
variable: saliency of NPM-related policies in parties’ electoral manifestos.
*** =p<0.001; ** = p<0.05;* = p<0.1.
Four specifications with different sets of covariates
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Empirical analysis: results (1)
(H1) national parties’ support for NPM-style reforms is likely to be positively correlated
with the countries’ per capita income. PARTIAL SUPPORT
(H2) NPs’ support for NPM-style reforms is likely to be positively correlated with countries’
fiscal stress and poor macroeconomic performance SUPPORT
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Empirical analysis: results (1)
(H3) NPs’ support for NPM-style reforms is likely to be negatively correlated with
government effectiveness in policy action. SUPPORT
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Empirical analysis: results (1)
(H4) Parties’ support for NPM-style reforms is likely to be negatively correlated with the
decentralization of the administrative system. PARTIAL SUPPORT
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Empirical analysis: results (1)
(H5) Right-wing NPs’ support for NPM-style reforms is likely to be higher than left-
wing one STRONG SUPPORT
Empirical analysis: results (2)
Fractional logit estimates; marginal effects and standard errors clustered at country level.
Dependent variable: saliency of NPM-related policies in parties’ electoral manifestos.
*** =p<0.001; ** = p<0.05;* = p<0.1.
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Empirical analysis: results (1)
Estimates of Zero-Inflated Beta regression models; marginal effects and standard errors
clustered at country level. Dependent variable: saliency of NPM-related policies in parties’
electoral manifestos.
*** =p<0.001; ** = p<0.05;* = p<0.1.
Results
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Economic context
NPs have adopted the NPM reform rhetoric in a context of increasing per-capita income levels and fiscal stress
Institutional context
NPM reform rhetoric has been adopted by parties operating in public sectors characterized by centralised administrative structures and under national governments with ineffective policy actions
Political context
NPs ideological support for NPM-style reforms has spread across EU MSs mainly due to the political commitment of right-wing forces
This analysis allows to measure robust ceteris paribus correlations between our dependent variable and our set of covariates but the identification of any causal link is questionable
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Robustness checks
Sample restrictions in order to avoid the risk of results highly dependent from the
inclusion of NPs from one specific country stable results
Conclusion
This study has thrown light on the spread of the NPM political rhetoric across the
European countries and has provided empirical evidence about the patterns of
diffusion of NPM values across the national parties’ electoral manifestos.
The econometric model developed in this paper should be subjected to further
investigation. First of all, the period under empirical examination should be extended
and more covariates should be included in the analysis.
This paper has investigated NPM as a form of electoral supply responding to a specific
configuration of political, economic and institutional contexts. It would be interesting
to investigate how the electoral demand – i.e. citizens’ opinion – has reacted to specific
reform plans adopted on the wake of the NPM parties’ propaganda documented in
this study
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Thank you !
Giuseppe Lucio Gaeta Department of Human and Social Sciences
University of Naples L’Orientale (Italy)
Giovanni Esposito
Lentic, ULg-HEC