ISTORIJSKI ^ASOPISK. LXV

(2016)

UDC 93/94 YU ISSN 03500802

INSTITUTE OF HISTORY

HISTORICAL REVIEW

Vol. LXV(2016)

Editorial board

Mihailo Vojvodi, Biljana Vueti, Neven Isailovi, Jovanka Kali, Tatjana Kati, Angeliki Konstantakopoulou (Greece), Giuseppe Motta (Italy), Konstantin Nikiforov (Russia), Ana Stoli,

Ilija Todev (Bulgaria), Lubomra Havlkov (Czech Republic)

Editorinchief

Sran Rudi, Ph.D.Director of the Institute of History

BELGRADE2016

93/94 YU ISSN 03500802

K. LXV(2016)

, , , , , (),

(), (), , (), ()

2016

Ovaj broj Istorijskog ~asopisa {tampan je uz finansijsku pomo}

, Vlade Republike Srbije

: 15

35

Aleksandar UzelacTHE PORT OF MAUROCASTRO, EMPEROR THEODORE SVETOSLAV AND THE TATAR ELITE IN THE PONTIC STEPPES 45

61

: 79

(GETO) (14261433) 101

(14431444) 113

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205

18781879. 229

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277

. M (18881889) 307

. , . 1889. 1892. 331

(18751903) 355

1912. 385

Giuseppe MottaTHE ECONOMY OF NATIONS. SOME REFLECTIONS ABOUT THE IMPACT OF ECONOMIC STATE POLICIES IN SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AFTER THE FIRST WORLD WAR 403

(19181941) 425

Roberto SciarroneCONTRIBUTION OF ITALIAN NURSESDURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR 453

, , , , 2015, 423 . ( ) 465

, , , , , 2015, 616 . ( ) 473

(19302012), , , , , 2015, 250 . ( ) 481

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, XI XIII , , 2016, 466 . ( ) 488

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, . , , 2015, 318 . ( ) 494

, , , 2015, 328 . ( ) 499

Aye Kayapnar, Le Sancak ottoman de Vidin du XVe la fin du XVIe sicle, Les ditions Isis, Istanbul 2011, 538 pp. ( ) 503

Tadhg hAnnrachn, Catholic Europe 15921648: Centre and Peripheries,Oxford University Press, Oxford 2015, 270 pp. ( ) 505

, : (18151878), TOPY, 2015, 251 . ( ) 511

, , 18681878, , 2015, 579 . ( ) 518

, (18601868), , 2015, 339 . ( . ) 522

, 18771912. , , 2015, 255 . ( ) 526

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19121913 : , , , 2015, 399 . ( ) 538

19141918. 1315. 2014. , . , , 2015, 712 . ( ) 542

, , , , , , , 2015, 549 .( ) 544

Meu nama: neispriane prie gej i lezbejskih ivota. Zbornik radova, urednici Jelisaveta Blagojevi i Olga Dimitrijevi, Hartefakt Fond, Beograd 2013, 454 str. ( ) 548

, , , , , , , 2015, 336 .( ) 554

, ( 18801920) 1914. 1918, , , , 2015, 407 . ( ) 556

19031914. . IVII (42 ), , 19802015, 30.145 . ( ) 562

/ LIRE LES ARCHIVES DE LATHOS / READING THE ARCHIVES OF MOUNT ATHOS. 70 / Colloque ddi au 70e anniversaire dela collection / Symposium dedicated to the 70th anniversary of the series Archives delAthos, Paris, 19452015, cole franaisedAthnes ( . 70 Archives de lAthos, Paris, 19452015) , , 1820. 2015.( ) 575

UNITY AND DIVERSITY OF MEDIEVAL (CENTRAL) EUROPE, SOCIAL ORDER AND ITS COHESIVE AND DISRUPTIVE FORCES. Second biannualconference of MECERN (Medieval Central Europe Research Network) ( () . ) , , 31. 2. 2016. ( ) 577

FIRST INTERNATIONAL WORKSHOP ON COMPUTATIONAL LATINDIALECTOLOGY WCLD, Research Institute for Linguistics of the HungarianAcademy of Science, Etvs Lornd University Budapest ( ),, , 78. 2016. ( ) 582

KANUNI SULTAN SLEYMANIN KAYIP MEZARININ ARATIRILMASI( ), , , , 2526. 2016. ( ) 583

VISTA DAI BALCANI. LITALIA NELLE RELAZIONI INTERADRIATICHE, DAIPRIMI DEL NOVECENTO ALLA GRANDE GUERRA, Universita degli studi diBari Aldo Moro, Departimento di studi umanistici (DISUM), Universita delSalento, Dipartimento di storia, societa e studi sull`uomo ( : ), , , 6. 2016.( ) 586

GREAT RIVERS (ECOLOGICAL, HYDROMETEOROLOGICAL, ENERGYSAFETY), 18th International Scientific & Industrial Forum / ICEF ( : , ), 18. ), , , 1720. 2016.( ) 587

STATE AND SOCIETY IN THE BALKANS BEFORE AND AFTERESTABLISHMENT OF OTTOMAN RULE, e , , Yunus Emre ( )( ),, , 2526. 2016.( ) 589

. , , , (The Balkan Village, Continuities and Changes Through History) , , 1011. 2016. ( ) 598

DYNAMICS AND POLICIES OF PREJUDICE FROM THE EIGHTEENTH TOTHE TWENTYFIRST CENTURY, Sapienza University of Rome, Department ofDocumental, LinguisticPhilological and Geographical Sciences ( ), , , 2324. 2016. ( ) 599

23. , (AIEB), (23rd International Congress of Byzantine studies), , , 2227. 2016. ( ) 604

REINTERPRETING CITIES, 13th International Conference on Urban History,European Association for urban History EAUH ( , 13. ) , , 2427. 2016. ( ) 608

MARIA NOSTRA. THE SEA IN THE HISTORY OF EUROPEAN CIVILIZATIONFROM ANTIQUITY TO MODERN TIMES, Institute of International Relations andWorld History, Lobachevsky State University of Nizhni Novgorod (UNN) ( Maria nostra. ), , 1314. 2016.( ) 610

IN MEMORIAM

( ) 613 . ( . ) 617. , ( ) 622

627

CONTENTS

ARTICLES

Ivana KomatinaTHE GREAT KINGDOM FROM THE BEGINNING: CORONATION OFSTEPHEN NEMANJI AND THE TRADITION OF THE DIOCLEANKINGDOM 15

35

, 45

Neboja PoriUSE OF THE TERM ROYAL GRACE IN SERBIAN MEDIEVAL DOCUMENTS FOR THE CITIZENS OF DUBROVNIK 61

Marija VasiljeviGENEALOGIES BETWEEN HISTORY AND IDEOLOGY: THE EXAMPLE OF THE ORIGIN OF PRINCESS MILICA 79

Desanka Kovaevi KojiWAX HOUSE (GETO) IN DUBROVNIK ACCORDING TO TRADE BOOKS OF KABUI BROTHERS (14261433) 101

Aleksandar KrstiSERBIAN CITIES AND MARKET PLACES IN HUNGARIANDOCUMENTARY SOURCES FROM THE TIME OF THE LONG CAMPAIGN (14431444) 113

XVIII : 147

Marina MatiFIGHT FOR THE DIOCESE OF DALMATIA AND BOKA IN XVIII CENTURY 159

Radomir J. PopoviACTIVITY OF THE FIRST RUSSIAN CONSUL IN SERBIA GERASIM VASCHENKO 18381843. 183

Jovana Blai PejiROSTISLAV FADEEV AND THE EASTERN QUESTION 205

Momir SamardiAUSTRIANSERBIAN RELATIONS AND THE ISSUE OF THE DRINA BORDER 18781879 229

Milan GuliPRINCIPALITY/KINGDOM OF SERBIA AND THE QUESTION OF ARRANGEMENT OF IRON GATES 249

Gordana Gari PetroviDEVELOPMENT OF POULTRY FARMING IN THE KINGDOM OF SERBIA 277

Nedeljko V. RadosavljeviCHURCHSCHOOL MUNICIPALITY IN MOSTAR AND CHANGES ON THE HERZEGOVINA METROPOLITAN THRONE (18881889) 307

Miroslav D. Pei, Boica B. MladenoviFUNCTIONING OF THE PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM IN THE KINGDOMOF SERBIA FROM 1889 TO 1892 331

Alberto BecherelliSERBIAN RISE IN THE BALKANS ACCORDING TO NOTES OF ITALIAN DIPLOMATS AND MILITARY PERSONNEL (18751903) 355

Biljana Stoji THE GREAT POWERS KNOWLEDGE ABOUT THE CREATION OF THE BALKAN ALLIANCE IN 1912 385

. 403

elko BraliPEOPLES UNIVERSITIES IN VOJVODINA BETWEEN THE WORLD WARS (19181941) 425

CONTRIBUTIONS 453

CRITICAL REVIEWS 465

REVIEW ARTICLES 473

ACADEMIC EVENTS 575

IN MEMORIAM 613

INSTRUCTIONS FOR CONTRIBUTORS 627

*

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* ivana.komatina@iib.ac.rs** , : (1315. ): , , (. . 177029).1 . , , 1882, 40 41, 1217. ., , 1222.

, . LXV (2016) . 1534THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 1534

: 929.731:94(497.11)12

1217. ,2 , , ,

16

, . ., , . 2, 1895, 1217. , , 9395, , 1220, 139149, , 1218/1219, 99107 . , . , I, 1895/1896, 8384, , III 1220 . , . , 1900, 147148, 1220. . , . ., . , 208 (1901) 144, 1217, 1220, 1222. . , , 1908, 138 , , 1910, 111 , , 1923, 11, 1217., . . , I, 1922, 217218, 1217., . ., , 43 (1934) 41, III , 1217. , , II , 161 (1934) 121, . 15 (= ), , 1217. . . , : 44 (1998) 7787 (= , ), . , , . , . . , 2006, 177178.2 ...Eodem tempore Stephanus dominus Servie sive Rasie, qui mga iupanusappellabatur, missis apochrisariis ad Romanm sedem impetravit ab Honorio summopontifice coronam regni. Direxit namque legatum a latere suo, qui veniens coronaviteum primumque regem constituit terre sue..., homae archidiaconi SpalatensisHistoria Salonitanorum atque Spalatinorum pontificum, edd. O. Peri. D. Karbi, M.Matijevi Sokol, J. Ross Sweeney, Budapest New York 2006, 162 (= homaearchidiaconi Historia). . , ?, 89 (2014) 78 (= , ).

.3 XVI , , , , , , , . .4 , , , . , , . , . , , , , , , .5 , , rekom @it ~ v roukotvoreni emou() manastr.6 , 1218/1219. .

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3 ...Stestanus (!) quoque dominus Raxie et Servie, qui megadipanus (!) apelabatur,dum neptem condam Henrici Dandulo ducis accepisset in coniugem, ex suasioneuxoris, abiecto scismate, per nuncios a papa optinuit ut regio titulo decoratus esset, etper legatum cardinalem ad hoc missum, una cum coniuge coronati sunt...., ndreaeDanduli ducis Venetiarum Chronica per extensum descripta, Rerum ItalicarumScriptores XII, ed. L. A. Muratori, Milano 1728, 287 (= ndreae Danduli Chronica), . 4 ( . , ), 1597. ., VIII, . , , ,. . , . , 1999, 110123 (= ), , , 116, 12241227. ., .. vsi kralihotee bti dr`av si, , , , 7785. 5 , . , . . , . 2001,224246 (= ) , , . ., . . , 1973, 126140, , 141144 (=).6 , 250 , 141143.

, , , 1220. ., . , velik arhpiskop @i~...vn~avatbrata svogo velikago `pana ~st i vncm kralvstva.7

, . , , . . , , , (.). () , , (e`e zovet se velikokralv stvo t prva).8 , , .9

, . ,

18

7 , , ., , 1927, 26, 27, 47, , 44, 5859, . : , , ,, , , 176, 192, 194, 198, , , , (Chronica Serbica Despotae GeorgiiBrankovic), , :..post omnia haec arhiepiscopus dominus kir Sava, jussit convenire concilium omniumin magno arhiepiscopato @it~, Stephano primocoronato ragi.... eo conventu fratrumsuum magnum Supanum honore et corona Regia coronavit, eique omnes officiales adobsequia regia costituit, , , 282.8 , 248.9 .

, , III. , , . , , , . , 1243. 1254. .,10 , , , , . , , , . , , .11

, , . 1199. ., .12

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10 . : 6751, 1243/1243, 6762, 1253/1254, . , , 2014, 4346.11 . , , , . . , 1998, 141158, .12 1198, I, 1981, 266 (. ), 1199. 8. 1199. . A. Theiner, Vetera monumenta Slavorum meridionalium historiamillustantia I, Romae 1863, 5 (= Theiner, Monumenta Slavorum I), , , 1198. . . , , 2016 (= , ) 248250. 13 Theiner, Monumenta Slavorum I, 5, 6 , , 248249.

: ... , , , ....14 , . III 1202. , , (olim) , .15 , ., III 15. 1204, , .16

, , XII , XIII , , . , , ., III, , , ., , 1204, ,

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14 ...Nos autem semper consideramus in vestigia sancte romane ecclesie, sicut bonememorie pater meus, et preceptum sancte romane ecclesie semper custodire, et inproximo legatos nostros vellemus transmittere ad sanctitatem vestram..., Theiner,Monumenta Slavorum I, 6 C. , , 1997, 6566 , .15 .. qualiter etsi olim ad instantiam eiusdem Meganipani disposuerimus legatumnostrum mittere in Serviam, tandem tamen, voluntate tua plenius intellecta, a propositedesistentes magnificentie tue duximus referendum, Theiner, Monumenta Slavorum I,14 15.16 ...quod cum nobilis vir Stephanus Megaiuppanus Servie per honorabiles nuntiosnobis humiliter supplicaverit, ut in terram suam dirigeremus Legatum, qui eam adobedientiam ecclesie Romane reduceret, et regium sibi diadema conferret..., Theiner,Monumenta Slavorum I, 36.

.17 XIII , , , .

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17 Theiner, Monumenta Slavorum I, 11, 1518, 2033, 3940 Innocentii III epp. I, PL214, 825826, 11121118 II, PL 215, 155158, 277297, 551554 , I, 163164 I, 260270 (. ). III , , 1198/1199, S. Runciman, AHistory of Crusades. The Kingdom of Acre and the later Crusades III, Cambridge1951, 9091, I, 1204. ., V , Innocentii IIIepp. II, PL 214216, 333334 1205, cf. H. Hallam, View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages, Paris 1840,415416.18 ...missis apochrisariis ad Romanm sedem... Direxit namque legatum a latere suo,qui veniens coronavit eum..., homae archidiaconi Historia, 162. , : per nuncios ( . . .) apapa optinuit, ut regio titulo decoratus esset, et per legatum cardinalem ad hoc missum,una cum coniuge coronati sunt.... ndreae Danduli Chronica, 287.

., , , (rex coronatus) : , , , , , , .19 , , , . , , , .20 1220. 1217. . , . , 1217. .? , 1220, . , 1220, , , , .

22

19 , : Sanctissimo patri et domino Honorio,romane sedis, ecclesie universali pontifici, Stephanus dei gratia totius Seruie, Dioclie,Tribunie, Dalmatie atque Chulmie rex coronatus, inclinationem summe fidelitatisconstantia. Quemadmodum omnes christiani diligunt uos et honorant, et pro patre etdomino retinent, ita nos desideramus sancte romane ecclesie et vestri fidelem filiumnominari, affectans quod benedictio et confirmatio dei et vestra sit, si placet, supercoronam et terram nostram semper manifeste. Et ob hoc uobis nostrum episcopumMetodium nomine destinamus, ut, quicquid ex uestri sanctitate et voluntate processerit,nobis per latorem presentium litteris, si placet, rescribatis, F. Raki, Pismoprvovienanoga kralja srbskoga Stjepana papi Honoriju III god. 1220, Starine JAZU7 (1875) 53 56 (= Raki, Pismo).20 1199., , II, , ,109130.

* * *

., , ... , .21 , , , , . , , . , a XI . , .22

, , , . , .

, X ,23 XI , 1039/1040, , .24

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23

21 , 248.22 I, 1967, 381408 (. ), II/1, 1970, 4 (. ) I, 180196 (. ), 300 (. ) , a 1997, 36/II, XI (.) , 477, . 4 (. ). 23 Constantini Porphyrogeniti imperatoris De cerimoniis aulae byzantinae I, ed. J. J.Reiske, Bonnae 1829, 691.8 , , 7073. 24 Ioannis Scylitzae Synopsis Historiarum, ed. I. Thurn, Berlin New York 1973(CFHB 5), 408.74 75 e III, 157

... , ( IX ) .25 , 1072, ,26 27, ... .28 , ,29 .30

, VII 9. 1078. ., , rexSclavorum.31 1081.. , , ad Michalam regemSclavorum, .32 III 1089. .,

24

(. ) (= III). ..., Scyl.,424.6265 III, 159 (. ), , , ( ), , , . , , 49(2012) 159186, 161163 (= , ).25 Scyl. 475.1316 III, 162 (. ) J. , (IXXII), , 9799 (= ).26 Scylitzes Continuatus, ed. Ev. Tsolaks, Thessalonik 1968, 163.56. , Alexias,IV. V, 3 . , , 48(2011) 68 (= , ) , , 99100.27 , , , , , Ioannes Skylitzes Continuatus, ed. Eu. Tsolaks, Thessalonik1968, 162163 III, 177 (. ).28 Skylitzes Continuatus, 163 III, 179 (. ).29 Annae Comnenae Alexias, edd. D. R. Reinsch, A. Kambylis, Corpus Fontium HistoriaeByzantinae 40.1, Berlin New York, 2001, I, XVI.89 . , , 52 (2015) 174.30 , , 99100.31 MGH, Epp. sel. II/2, 365.32 Lupi Protospatarii annales, ed. G. H. Pertz, MGH SS V, Hannoverae 1844, 60.

, glorioso regi Sclavorum.33 , 1096. . (ad regem Sclavorum), (Bodinus Sclavorum rex), .34 Sclavi , , , . VII 1078. rex Sclavorum, , , dux (dux ChroatieDalmatieque), (Chroatorum Dalmatinorumque regnum).35

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33 P. Kehr, Papsturkunden in Rom, I, Nachrichten von der knigl. Gesellschaft derWissenschaften zu Gttingen 2 (1900) 148149 Acta et diplomata res Albaniae mediaeaetatis illustrantia, I, Vindobonae 1913, edd. L. Tallczy, C. Jireek, E. Sufflay, 21.34 Raimundi de Aguilers, canonici Podiensis Historia Francorum qui ceperuntIherusalem, Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, Historiens Occidentaux, III, Paris1866, 236 Orderici Vitalis Ecclesiasticae Historiae libri tredecim, III, ed. A. LePrevost, Parisiis 1845, 485486. . , , 64 (2015)6466.35 Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae I, edd. M. Kostreni,J. Stipii, M. amalovi, Zagrabiae 1967, 139 141 M. Matijevi Sokol, Zvonimiru diplomatikim izvorima, Zvonimir, kralj hrvatski, ur. I. Goldstein, Zagreb 1997, 52 54. . , rex : XII , [ ]. rex Sclavorum IV XIII . 23. 1288. . , viro magnifico Urosio illustri regi Sclavorum , (carissime in Christo filie Elene regine Sclavorum) 8. , , A. Theiner, Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam sacramillustrantia I, Romae 1859, 359 361. , 15. , 23. a carissimo in Christo filio Stephano regi Serviae illustri, carissime in Christo filie Elene regine Serviae. Theiner,

, . , ,36 , .37 , XIII ,38 .39

, , , samodr`ac srbsk zml i pomorsk.40 . , , 1207/1208. ., .41

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Monumenta Hungariae I, 375378. (regina Serviae) XI VI, Theiner,Monumenta Hungariae I, 408, 414. , IV rex/regina Sclavorum rex/regina Serviae.36 , , 179180.37 J. C. Cheynet, La place de la Serbie dans la diplomatie byzantine a la fin du XIesicle, 45 (2008) 90 . , , 48 (2011) 6176.38 . , , I, . . , . ,. , 2012, 114 (, ), , 168169. , , .39 . , , , . . , 2011,9091 (= , ).40 . , , 1912,568 (= , ) . , , 12 (1974) 311318 , I (11861321), . ., . , . , 2011, 6162 (= ).41 , 12, 14 . , , 9 (2010) 233241.

1216/1217. ,42 , .43 , , , ,44 ,45 1343..46 .47 , , .48 , , , . XI XII .49

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42 Demetrii Chomateni Ponemata Diaphora, ed. G. Prinzing, Berlin New York 2002, 10 , , 114.43 , , 9091.44 , 110 , ,114, . 12.45 . . 1220. . :vn~ann kral() i samodr`a(c) vs srpske zeml i pomorski ..., , 128.46 , 163, 167, 231, 240, 251, 266, 469, 488, 503, 503, 543 (= ) 2 (2003) 33 (. ) 4 (2005) 55 (. ) 5(2006) 44 (. ) 5 (2006) 55 (. ) 8 (2009) 19 (.) 9 (2010) 32, 36 (. ) 9 (2010) 66 (. , . ) 12 (2013) 24 (. ).47 160, 269, 272, 290 . , , 262.48 , (1085) , : ...Nunc Bodinus rex Raxie Durachium accepit, et postea pace cumimperatore constantinopolitano composita, illi urbem reasignavit..., ndreae DanduliChronica, 219. , , .49 , VII (10731085), , . ,

* * *

, , , , , . , .

, rex Dioclie , III 1199. .

1195. . ,50 a a 1197 1203. .51 III 8. 1199. , , ,

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XII , , , cf. Ljetopispopa Dukljanina, prir.V. Moin, Zagreb 1950, 94105. XI XII , . , rex .50 ...sub tempore domini Nemane magni iupani et filii sui Velcani, regi Dioclie,Dalmatie, Tribunie, Toplize et Cosne . , 1195. , , 1997, 26, , 80.51 sub tempore domini nostri Velcanni, Dioclie, Dalmatie, Tribunie atque Toplizeincliti regis, Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae II, ed. T.Smiiklas, Zagrabiae 1904, 287 (= CD III) sub tempore regis Velcanni,CD, III 324...sub tempore domini nostri regis Velcanni.., CD, III, 342 . , XII , , 1416, . 10 . , ?, 46 (2009) 210213, (= , ).

(illustris rex Dalmatie et Dioclie), Dioclie atque Dalmatie rex, rex 1199. , 1200. Vulcani Dioclie regis illustris.52 1207. .53 , , . ?

. , . , rex, , , . , III,

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52 Theiner, Monumenta Slavorum I, 57, 13.53 ..re Velcano, Chronica Ragusina Junii Resti (ab origine Urbis usque ad annum1451) item Joannis Gundulae (14511484) ed. Sp. Nodilo, Zagreb 1893, 7475. , 12021204, (nobili viro W(ulcano), meganipano Servie, nobilis viri W(ulcani),meganipani Servie, megajuppanus Servie, Theiner, Monumenta SlavorumI, 1819, 34). , 11961208, , , ., , 8587, e , 1196. , , , . ., 1998, 158, 1190. , (), (Az veli xupan Nemana pustaiuSplechiani dasi izlaze suobodno u moiu zemgliu i snami Rastachaiu u Humschuzemgliu i snami Vlacha u Zetu, . , , 3 (1955) 69. a (...Georgio principe Dioclie, filio videlicet iupani Vlcanni...) 1242. . , Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae IV, ed. T.Smiiklas, Zagrabiae 1906, 149150 , , 83, . 27.

. ,54 rex.

III , 8. 1199. . , , . , , . , , .55 , III, ,

30

54 , , , , Theiner, Monumenta Slavorum I, 56.55 8. 1089. , III . , ,, , , , , , , , crux gestatoria omne regnum Diocliae, Kehr,Papsturkunden in Rom, 148149. ,, , 140144. , (regnum Diocliae), XI XII . , III , 8. , 1199. . 1089. . Hac igiturcommuni cura inducti precibusque fillii nostri Bodini regis Sclavorum gloriosissimiinclinati..., Kehr, Papsturkunden in Rom, 148149, III Hac itaque consideratione diligenter inducti et charissimi in Christo filii (Vulcani) illustrisregis Dalmatiae et Dioclie precibus inclinati... , CD II, 311 , ,141, XIII .

, , , , , I , XII .56

, , , . . .57 .

, 1217. , XII XIII , , , , .

, , . , XIII . ..po bo`ie milosti vn~ani prvikral..., , 1220. ., rex coronatus.58 , , , , . , , , , ,59

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56 , , 194195.57 , , 201227, 1208. 1242 , , 8891. , 1221. 1227. ., , , 210217, , , rex Dioclie , I, .58 , 110 Raki, Pismo, 5356.59 , , 84.

. , , . , , , ( , ), .

32

Ivana Komatina

THE GREAT KINGDOM FROM THE BEGINNING: CORONATION OF STEPHEN NEMANJI

AND THE TRADITION OF THE DIOCLEAN KINGDOM

Summary

Stephen Nemanji was crowned King of all Serbian and MaritimeLands by the legate sent by Pope Honorius III, in the church of St. Peter and Paulin Ras. We know these details thanks to the sources of Latin provenance: theHistory of Thomas the Archdeacon and the Chronicle of Andrew Dandolo.Regarding the place of coronation, a later papal act from the 16th century revealsthat it was the church of St. Peter and Paul in Novi Pazar. However, in theSerbian hagiographies dedicated to St. Sava, as well as in somewhat latergenealogies and annals, a different tradition was recorded. The hagiographersof St. Sava, Domentijan and Teodosije, stated that Sava crowned Stephen kingin the ia Monastery, and according to them this occurred after theestablishment of the Serbian Archbishopric in 1218/1219. Although thesestatements were rejected by scholars long ago, what awakens the attention ofresearchers is that Domentijan, unlike Teodosije, did not conceal that the royalcrown was brought from Rome and that, according to him, Sava sent an epistleto the then Pope. As Stephen repeatedly sought royal crown from the Pope since1199 (first of the three missions), the paper raises the question as to whatmission and letter of Stephen could be the source for Domentijan when writingabout the mentioned epistle in the Life of St. Sava. Presumably, it was the secondmission of Stephen and the letter sent on that occasion in 1217 that could serveDomentijan as a source for the story about the epistle, but unfortunately it wasnot preserved, or the whole paragraph about the epistle in the Life of St. Sava isjust Domentijans construction. It is interesting that when speaking about themission to Rome sent to acquire the royal crown, Domentijan denotes bishopMethodius as the bearer of the epistle, the more so because Methodius wasmentioned as the bearer in another letter, which Stephen sent to the Pope in1220 (his third known mission to the Pope). However, the content of the letterfrom 1220 is completely different from what Domentijan presents as a contentof the epistle, and above all in it Stephen titles himself as already a rexcoronatus. Domentijan was probably remembering the embassy to Rome in1220, but as the coronation in his text happened only after the creation of theSerbian Archbishopric, in order to exalt his teacher Sava as the one who

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33

awarded the crown to Stephen, he attributed the role of the previous (second)mission of 1217 to the later one (third mission) of 1220.

Domentijan among other things notes that Sava wanted to crown hisbrother king after the first fatherland of their kingdom, the place calledDioclea, which is called the great kingdom from the beginning. Thestatement the great kingdom from the beginning is in scholarly works mostcommonly identified with the Kingdom of Dioclea. In this way, thecoronation of Stephen would rely upon the tradition of the Kingdom ofDioclea of the Serbian rulers Michael and Bodin from the eleventh century.However, following the sources from the eleventh and twelfth centuries, whichtypically reflect the title of the Serbian rulers of the time, it becomes clear thatthe Kingdom of Dioclea did not exist, but it was the Serbian kingdom. Afterall, neither Domentijan determined it in that way, either geographically orethnically. However, the Kingdom of Dioclea was created in the late twelfthand early thirteenth century, and its creator, as the sources testify, was VukanNemanji, who carried the title of rex Dioclie et Dalmatiae. Nevertheless, thistitle was restricted to Dioclea and was not related to other Serbian lands. Vukanhimself wanted, with the help of King Emeric, to obtain the royal crown fromthe Pope and become the King of Serbia. When Stephen finally got the royalcrown from Rome in 1217, he always emphasized that he was the first, thecrowned one, the firstcrowned king, and Vukans descendants were deprivedof any possibility to revive the tradition of his Kingdom of Dioclea. Therefore,there is no doubt that the independent activity of Vukan in Dioclea could haveprompted Stephen to present himself before the Pope as the true successor tothe old royal tradition. On the other hand, Domentijan himself, who wrote theLife of St. Sava during the reign of King Stephen Uro , and was instructed byhim, could also have intended, or even been obliged, to emphasize thelegitimacy of the Rascian rulers (who ruled from Rasa, not from Dioclea) inthis part of the Life, and even in the whole work, to mark him as the solesovereign Serbian king, and to make an ideological link between the Kingdomof Stephen and the great kingdom from the beginning of Michael and Bodin.

Keywords: Stephen Nemanji, Domentijan, Sava Nemanji, Vukan Nemanji,Innocent III, Honorius III, Dioclea, Kingdom of Dioclea, ia, coronation.

: 29. 01. 2016. : 17. 07. 2016.

34

* .

: . , , , , , .

: , , , , .

, , , . , , 1.

, , . ,

35

* virisequisque@hotmail.com1 G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica della Terra santa e dellOrientefrancescano, 5 Vols., Quaracchi, Firenze 19061927.

, . LXV (2016) . 3543THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 3543

: 272762:94(=512.145)(=512.3)13

XIV . . , 1314 , XIV 2. , , 3. , .

, 1364 , . , 1268 4. , , , , .

, 1335 , 5. , , ,

36

2 M. Bihl, A.C. Moule, Tria nova documenta de missionibus Fr. Min. TartariaeAquilonaris annorum 13141322, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 17 (Quaracchi,Firenze 1924) 65 . , 1314: , , 3 ( 2014) 3536.3 . , , 33 P. Pelliot, Notes sur lhistoire de la Horde dor:suivies de quelques noms turcs dhommes et de peuples finissant en ar, Paris 1949,5860 J. Richard, La Papaut et les missions dOrient au Moyen Age (XIIIeXVesicles), Rome 1998, 93, nota 104 J. Richard, Missions to the North of the Black Sea:Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries, The Spiritual Expansion of Medieval LatinChristendom: The Asia Missions, ed. J.D. Ryan, Farnham 2013, 350 J. Richard, Lesmissions au nord de la mer Noire (XIIIeXVe siecles), Codice cumanico e il suo mondo:Atti del Colloquio internazionale, Venezia, 67 dicembre 2002, eds. F. Schmieder, P.Schreiner, Roma 2005, 239 D.A. DeWeese, Islamization and Native Religion in theGolden Horde. Baba Tkles and Conversion to Islam in Historical and Epic Tradition,University Park 1994, 97, nota 6.4 G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. II, 153154.5 G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. II, 107.

. , 1314 1329 , , . , , . , 6.

, 7. , XXII 1321 13228. , . , , 9. , 10. , . , , .

, . , , . , , .

37

6 G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. II, 73 P. Pelliot, Notes sur lhistoirede la Horde dor, 71, nota 3.7 G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. III, 171.8 G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. III, 210211 Acta Joannis XXII(13171334) e regestis vaticanis aliisque fontibus collegerunt notisque adornarunt, ed.A.L. Tutu, Romae 1966, 103104, 113114, Nos. 53, 56 Annales ecclesiastici CaesarisBaronii, 37 Vols., eds. O. Raynaldus, A. Theiner, BarriDucis 18641883, Vol. XXIV,140141, 186, a. 1321, no. 1, a. 1322, no. 44 Bullarium Franciscanum RomanorumPontificum. Vol. V. Benedicti XI., Clementis V., Ioannis XXII. monumenta, ed. K. Eubel,Romae 1898, 214, no. 450 Wadding L. Annales Minorum seu trium ordinum a S.Francisco institutorum, 32 Vols., ed. J.M.R. da Fonseca, Quaracchi, Firenze, 19311954,Vol. VI, 420421, 459460, a. 1321, no. XXXVI, a. 1322, no. LXXI.9 . , 1323 : , , 7 ( 2014) 90.10 G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. III, 44, 178181 Vol. IV, 226228, 252, 260.

, , , , , 11.

, , . 12. 13. , . , 30 35 . , , 14. , . , , 15.

, . , , , 16. , 17 17.

38

11 . , , 89 . . ., .. , , 6 ( 2013) 2223.12 D.A. DeWeese, Islamization and Native Religion, 98, nota 65.13 D.A. DeWeese, Islamization and Native Religion, 99.14 D.A. DeWeese, Islamization and Native Religion, 198.15 G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. II, 62, 72, 267268, 272 Vol. III,170171.16 .. , , , 1, , 1884, 108, 157.17 G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. II, 72 .. , XIV ., 4 ( 2006) 187188.

. 1323 , 18. , . , . , , 19.

, 25 , 22 133420. 24 , 1360 1374 21. , . , , . . , . , . , , , .

39

18 A.C. Moule Textus duarum epistolarum Fr. Minorum Tartarie Aquilonaris an. 1323,Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 16/12 (Quaracchi, Firenze, 1923), 107 ., , 9697.19 G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. III, 107108, 120, 125126.20 G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. II, 62, 144145, 272 Vol. IV, 233234.21 Analecta Franciscana: sive chronica aliaque varia documenta ad historiam fratrumminorum spectantia, Vol. III, Chronica XXIV Generalium Ordinis Minorum cumpluribus appendicibus inter quas excellit hucusque ineditus Liber de laudibus S.Francisci fr. Bernardi a Bessa edita a patribus Collegii S. Bonaventurae, Quaracchi,Firenze 1897, 515524.

, , , , . . , , .

, , , 22. , , 23. , , , , II 24. , 24 , ( 25) 1334 . , , 26 , 1334 .

, 27.

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22 Analecta Franciscana, 522.23 . , , 300 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, A.D.13251354, Vol. 2, eds. H.A.R. Gibb, C. Defremery, B.R. Sanguinetti, Cambridge1962, 494 A.C. Moule, Textus duarum epistolarum, 110 . , , 99.24 Uxor vero imperatoris Tartarorum eiusdem imperii, quae fuerat filia imperatorisGraecorum, afflictionem audiens dicti fratris, eidem compatiens sibi ad comedendumet bibendum transmisit Analecta Franciscana, 519.25 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, 514.26 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, 498514.27 G. Golubovich, Biblioteca biobibliografica, Vol. IV, 245248 A. Van den Wyngaert,Sinica Franciscana, Vol. I, Itinera et relationes fratrum minorum saeculi XIII et XIV,Quaracchi, Firenze 1929, 501506 . , , XIII XIV , . , 2012, 6165.

1334 , , , . , , , . , , , , . , , . , , . . , 50 , , , , . , . , , , , 24 . , , , , 1338 .

41

. (Biblioteca biobibliograficadella Terra santa e dellOriente francescano). , , .

(13131341). , . , .

. , (12671280) .

, . . , . , .

, , , .

42

: , , , , .

: 31. 01. 2016. : 30. 06. 2016.

43

Aleksandar UZELAC*

Institute of HistoryBelgrade

THE PORT OF MAUROCASTRO, EMPEROR THEODORE

SVETOSLAV AND THE TATAR ELITE IN THE PONTIC STEPPES**

Abstract: The article is dedicated to the question of the disputed Bulgarianrule over the Black sea port of Maurocastro at the beginning of the fourteenth century.On the basis of relevant sources, it is concluded that Maurocastro was in Bulgarianhands during 13141316. It has been argued that the establishment of Bulgarian ruleensued as a consequence of internal dissensions in the lands of the Golden Horde thatfollowed the accession of Khan Mohammad Uzbek. A focus is placed also on therelations between Emperor Theodore Svetoslav and influential Tatar nobles in thewestern parts of the Pontic Steppes. A new hypothesis is proposed with respect to theorigin of empress Euphrosyne, the wife of Theodore Svetoslav.

Keywords: Maurocastro, Theodore Svetoslav, Bulgaria, Tatars, the GoldenHorde, Tokhta, Bulgarian Empress Euphrosyne, center periphery

One of the most disputed and vexed questions in late medievalBulgarian history is whether Emperor Theodore Svetoslav (13001322), andunder which circumstances, controlled the Black Sea port of Maurocastro(Akkerman, BelgorodDnestrovskiy), situated at the mouth of the Dniester river.1

According to the interpretation formulated some nine decades ago by Romanian

45

* aleksandar.uzelac@iib.ac.rs * This article derives from the namesake paper presented at the Third InternationalCongress of Bulgarian Studies, held at Sofia University in May 2013.1 For the purpose of this text there is no need to delve into the question of existence ofthe two fortresses on the banks of the Lower Dniester near modern Belgorod, situatedopposite to each other and named White and Black respectively, which could explainthe variations of the name of the city in Latin and oriental sources. See: R. VelussiIosipescu,

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scholar Gh. Brtianu and frequently repeated thereafter, it was Tokhta (12911312/3), khan of the Golden Horde, who gave Maurocastro to the Bulgarian ruler,along with the region between the Lower Danube and Dniester. It was allegedlya sign of gratitude for the elimination of Chaka, the son of khans bitter enemyNogai (1300/1).2 Usually, it is assumed that Maurocastro stayed in Bulgarianhands during the rule of Theodore Svetoslav.3 However, some historiansdismissed the earlier interpretations and completely rejected the possibility that thecity was under the control of the Empire of Tarnovo an example of suchviewpoint is a short and punctual analysis, carried out by A. Kuzev.4

Sources

Before giving a brief overview of the sources related to thishistoriographical problem, we must emphasize that the issue itself has to beconsidered from the perspective of the frontier area of the Golden Horde andthe Christian world, where the terms control or sway did not have the samemeaning when used in relation to the coastal towns and their hinterland.5

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Cetatea Alb, Cetatea Neagr, Revista de Istorie Militar 34 (2012) 1824. (withcited sources and bibliography).2 Gh. Btianu, Les Bulgares Cetatea Alba (Akkerman) au dbut du XIVe sicle, Byzantion2 (1926) 153168 Gh. Btianu, Recherches sur Vicina et Cetatea Alb, Bucharest1935, 104119 (=Btianu, Recherches).3 . , e e, o2 (1929) 138139 . , , . 2, 11861393, 1989, 8788 . , XIIXIV ., , . I, 1992, 63 I. Vasary, Cumans andTatars Oriental Military in the Prettoman Balkans 11851365, Cambridge 2005,161162 (=Vasary, Cumans and Tatars) . , ( , , V .), 2009, 3536. Some historians tried to extendchronology of the Bulgarian rule to the larger part of the century, see for example , III, ed. . , 1981, 299.4 . , ?, 1 (1987) 101106 (=, ).5 D. Deletant, Genoese, Tatars and Romanians at the Mouth of Danube in the FourteenthCentury, The Slavonic and East European Review 62/4 (1984) 516, n. 24 (=Deletant,Genoese, Tatars and Romanians).

Furthermore, as it was shown in the analysis of Kuzev, many sources on whichresearchers relied to corroborate the Bulgarian rule, have to be dismissed dueto the wrong or inaccurate interpretation. Such is the case with the report ofArabic geographer Abulfeda (Ismail AbulFida alHamawi, 12731331). Hewrote that the city of Akchakerman, that is Maurocastro, is situated in the landsof Bulgars and Turks, i.e Tatars.6 However, in the work of the Arabic writerthe name Bulgars is consistently related to Volga Bulgars, while for theirDanubian counterparts, Abulfeda constantly employed the term Vlachs (alawlak).7 The same may be said for many portolans and maps, originated in theItalian and Maiorcan cartographical school of the fourteenth century. Theymark the name Bulgaria in the area north of the Danube,8 but not a single oneof them depicts Maurocastro as a Bulgarian port (quite the contrary, as it willbe shown further on).

nother proposed argument in favor of the hypothesis is a mention ofBelgorod among the Bulgarian and Wallachian places in a fifteenth centurySlavic text, called The list of far and nearby Russian cities ( ).9 However, in this source, Belgorod is notmentioned as a Bulgarian, but as a Wallachian city,10 which is obviously areminiscence of the Moldavian rule over the Black Sea port at the end of thefourteenth century.11

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6 Gographie dAboulfda: texte arabe publi daprs les manuscrits de Paris et deLeyde, ed. P. Reynaud, II/1, Paris 1848, 317 (=Aboulfeda/Reinaud) .. , XIIIXIV . ,, , 2009, 120 (=, ).7 Aboulfeda/Reinaud, II/1, 288289, 316, 318 , , 113, 119.8 . , XIIIXIV, 4 (1975) 17, 20.9 . , XIII XV , 2 (1984) 24.10 , , , . . , . , . , . , . . , . . . , . , . . . . .. . . . . . , .. , , 1979, 94, 99. 11 Cf. . Ghiaa, Formations politiques au bas Danube et a la Mer Noire (fin du XIIe XVe s.), Revue des tudes sudest europennes 24 (1986) 36 Deletant, Genoese, Tatars and Romanians, 526sq Vasary, Cumans and Tatars, 164165.

Somewhat dubious evidence is recorded in the Franciscan tradition,describing the martyrdom of friar Angelo of Spoleto in the city by Bulgariansin 1314.12 Naturally, presence of Bulgarians in the city does not exclusivelysignify their political control. Besides, there is a possibility that the perpetratorswere Bulgars settled from the Middle Volga region. It is striking that, accordingto the words of Abulfeda, the inhabitants of the city were infidels, as well asMuslems.13 Archaeological finds also point out to the existence of theemigrants from the East in medieval Belgorod.14

Last, but certainly not least important testimony is a wellknowndecree of Genoese chancery of Gazaria, issued on March 22, 1316. The decreeforbade traders to go to Zagora (Bulgaria) whose emperor, despite the assurancesgiven to the commissioner Barnabas de Moniardino, refused to providecompensation for the damage done in Mau[r]ocastro as well as elsewhere.15

The critics used the fact that the city is mentioned in the somewhat corruptedform Mauocastro. They tried to identify the place with the port of Emona(Emanocastro?), north of Mesembria (modern Nesebar),16 or with a small

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12 Item, in Mauro Castro, frater Angelus de Spoleto, tunc custos fratrum, interemptusest per Bulgaros, G. Golubovich, Biblioteca BioBibliografica della Terra Santa edellOriente Francescano, II, Quaracchi Firenze 1913, 72 . , XIII XIV , , edd. .. .. , 2012, 39, 57 . , 1323 : , , 7 (2014) 91, 96.13 Aboulfeda/Reinaud, II/1, 317 , , 120 J. Bromberg,Toponymical and Historical Miscellanies on Medieval Dobrudja, Bessarabia andMoldoWallachia, Byzantion 13 (1938) 6566 (=Bromberg, Miscellanies) I. Dujev,Medioevo Bizantinoslavo, I, Roma 1965, 406413 (=Dujev, Medioevo Bizantinoslavo) , ,102.14 .. , ( XIII XIV .), 1986, 20sq, 115116.15 Deuetum de non eundo a Zagora: nobilis vir Bernabos de Monyardino ciuis Ianuaeabaxator... accessit pro parte dicti comunis ad dominum Fedixclauum Dei gracia imperatorem et dominatorem Burgarie ad requirendum emendacionem de dampnis illactis Ianuensibus in terris subdictis dicto domino imperatori tam in Mauocastro quamalibi., Monumenta historiae Patriae edita jussu regis Caroli Alberti, ed. L. Cibrario,Augustae Taurinorum 1838, col. 382 rpdkori j okmnytr Codex diplomaticusArpadianus continuatus, ed. G. Wenzel, VIII, Pest 1870, 469.16 . . , , .. , 1978, 337, n. 12 , , 103104.

harbor of Mauro, situated south of Varna.17 These attempts are nothing butconjectures, lacking solid ground, especially in the light of the fact that thename of the city was frequently written in corrupted forms. Striking examplesare the forms Mauo Castro on the map of Angelino Dulcert (1339), andMaocastro, recorded in the famous trading manual of Francesco BalducciPegolotti, written around 1340.18 According to one opinion, while there is nodoubt that the Genoese document refers to the port on the mouth of theDniester, it is possible that the Bulgarians who made damage to Genoesetraders were present there as a detachment under Tatar command.19 Thisinterpretation cannot be accepted either namely, the decree claims that thedamage was done in the lands subjected to the emperor of Zagora.

Therefore, the decree itself provides an indisputable indication that theBulgarian ruler held Maurocastro in 1316. If one takes into account themartyrdom of Angelino of Spoleto as another sign of Bulgarian rule (or at leasttheir presence) in Maurocastro, it may be concluded that the city was indeedin the hands of Theodore Svetoslav in the middle of the second decade of thefourteenth century.

Role of Khan Tokhta

At the end of the thirteenth century, a civil war erupted in the GoldenHorde, between the young khan Tokhta and his older cousin Nogai, who ruledthe steppe region on the northern coasts of the Black Sea. Tokhta managed todefeat and kill his opponent in late 1299. Afterwards, he made decisive stepsin order to establish direct control in the lands of his adversary. Tokhtas firstmove was to invest his brother SaraiBuka at Nogais place, i.e. as thecommander of the western wing of the Golden Horde. After he joined forceswith Nogais youngest son Turai in an attempt to overthrow the centralgovernment in Sarai which eventually led to their downfall (in 1301/02) thekhan decided to send two of his sons to the west. Older Ilbasar eventually tookthe position enjoyed previously by SaraiBuka, while younger TukulBuka

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17 Bromberg, Miscellanies, 6418 . , , o 33 (1919)1415 Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, La pratica della mercatura, ed. A. Evans,Cambridge MA 1936, 42 L. Rdvan, At Europes Borders. Medieval Towns in the Romanian Principalities, Leiden 2010, 473sq.19 V. Spinei, Moldavia in the 11th 14th Centuries, Bucharest 1986, 124 (=Spinei, Moldavia).

established himself in Sakchi (modern Isaccea) on the [Lower] Danube and inthe lands stretching as far as the Iron Gates.20

Earlier scholarship has shown beyond doubt that during the firstdecade of the fourteenth century, the left bank of the Danube remained underTatar direct control. The Tatar mint in Sakchi worked intermittently up to 711A.H. (1311/12).21 At that time the monetary reform was carried out in the landsof the Golden Horde,22 and according to one view, its reflection can be evenseen on coins minted in Bulgaria during the reign of Theodore Svetoslav.23

The Bulgarian ruler was elevated to the power with the Tatar support and heremained loyal to Tokhta until the end of his reign. That the Empire of Tarnovoremained part of the sphere of influence of the Golden Horde is recorded bywestern,24 as well as Arabic contemporaries. The latter stated that all landsfrom Caucasian Derbend and Khwarism to Constantinople had been under thesway of Tokhta.25 Even the westernmost Bulgarian state the Principality ofVidin that managed to secure its independence despite the aspirations ofTheodore Svetoslav, remained in the Tatar orbit. Its tributary status towards theTatars is recorded in a Latin anonymous contemporary source conventionallytitled Descriptio Europae Orientalis.26

Taking these circumstances into account, even if one accepts thepossibility that Tokhta would relinquish parts of his territories willingly, it isnot plausible to suppose that he would cede the basin of the Lower Dniester to

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20 .. , , ,. I, , 1884, 117, 161, 384(Baybars alMansr, alNuwayri, Ibn Khaldun, = , I).21 E. OberlnderTrnoveanu, Byzantinotartarica Le monnayage dans la zone desbouches du Danube la fin du XIIIe et au commencement du XIVe sicle, Il Mar Nero:Annali di archeologia e storia II, Roma 1996, 193.22 .. , XII XV ., 1983, 6267.23 . , IIIIV ., 2005, 104112.24 P. Gautier Dalch, Une gographie provenant du milieu des marchands toscans(dbut du XIVe sicle), in: idem, Lespace gographique au Moyen ge, Firenze 2013, 176.25 , I, 197, 206, 447 (alMuffadal, alZahabi, alAssadi).26 Sedes autem imperii dicti est apud Budinium [=Vidin], ciuitatem magnam. Imperatoresautem eiusdem imperii omnes uocantur Cysmani Vacillante autem vngaria tartaripreoccupauerunt dictum imperium et fecerunt eum sibi tributarium nunc seruit tartarissub tributo, Anonymi Descriptio Europae Orientalis: Imperium Constantinopolitanum,Albania, Serbia, Bulgaria, Ruthenia, Ungaria, Polonia, Bohemia anno MCCCVIIIexarata, ed. O. Grka, Cracoviae 1916, 38, 3940.

his dependant, thereby breaking a direct link between the Danube delta andPontic steppes. Therefore, his role in the establishment of Bulgarian rule overMaurocastro has to be dismissed.27 Another opinion, according to which jointBulgarianTatar condominium was established in the region under the Tokhtasauspices can hardly be accepted. It does not have any foundation in the sourcesand represents nothing else than a conjecture in an attempt to reconcile two, atfirst glance, contradictory, but chronologically simultaneous facts: Tatar rulein Sakchi in the Danube Delta and Bulgarian control over Maurocastro to thenortheast. But do they really contradict each other? As it was pointed out,Bulgarian rule in Maurocastro is documented in the time span of 13141316,while Tokhta died as early as 712 A.H. (1312/13).28

Internal Dissensions in the Golden Horde

The accession to power of Tokhtas successor and nephew, MohammadUzbek (13131341), was marked with strong internal dissensions in the Tatardomains. Among the victims of the purge that the new ruler conducted, thesources mention one of Tokhtas sons, numerous bakhshis and magiciansand one hundred and twenty influential members of the Tatar elite.29 Followedby the bloody struggle in Sarai, the beginnings of the reign of Uzbek further ledto the disturbances in Western steppes, where two emirs Taz and Tonguzconspired to overthrow him. According to Arabic writers Ibn Dukmk (13081388) and AlAyni (13601453), their discontent was caused by the religiouspolicies of the new khan and his adherence to the Islamic faith. Be that as itmay, the rebellion spread, but Uzbek eventually defeated and killed therebellious leaders, as well as other influential magnates who supported them.30

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27 V. Ciocltan, Hegemonia hoardei de Aur la Dunrea de Jos (13011341), RevistaIstorica: Serie nou 5/1112 (1994) 1102sq , , 104. 28 , I, 174, 197, 206 (alBirzl, alMuffadal, alZahabi) K , . III, , edd. .. et al., 2006, .. , : , 2010, 288, n. 185 (=, ).29 , I, 197, 206 (alMuffadal, alZahabi) .. , , , . II, , . . . . . . , 1941, 100, 141 .. , , 1973, 103105.30 , I, 323, 516. (Ibn Dukmk, AlAyni) D. DeWeese, Islamization and NativeReligion in the Golden Horde: Baba Tkles and Conversion to Islam in Historical and EpicTradition, University Park PA 1994, 118, 120 , , 290, n. 193.

It is not precisely known how long Taz and Tonguz managed to hold the groundagainst the central power, but it is conspicuous that khans mint in Azak wasopened in 1317 and numismatic finds suggest that Uzbek managed to establishhis control in the area between the Don and Dnieper at that time.31

Taz and Tonguz are not unknown historical figures. They played animportant role in the turbulent events that shaped political realities in the PonticSteppes at the end of the thirteenth century. Taz belonged to the group of Tatarleaders who abandoned Tokhtas cause and defected to Nogai in 1297. Hemarried Nogais daughter Tugulja and thus became his soninlaw.32 After1299, he joined his forces with Nogais emir Tonguz in order to overthrowChaka, who proclaimed himself khan after his fathers death. Being defeated,they switched sides and joined Tokhta again. Since they were powerful enoughto rebel against central government in 1313, it may be supposed that the khanbestowed them some possessions in the Western Steppes. A vivid testimony oftheir activities in the PrutDniester interfluve is preserved in the two localtoponyms village and river Tazlu and settlement Tungujeni near Iai.33

The rebellion of Taz and Tonguz and indications of Bulgarian rule inMaurocastro are referred to in the sources approximately at the same time. Whenthese circumstances are taken into account, the issue of Bulgarian control overthe Black Sea port can be discussed in a new light not only through the analysisof the internal dissensions in the lands of the Golden Horde, but also of relationsbetween the Bulgarian emperor and the Tatar elite in Dashti Kipchak.

Ties between Theodore Svetoslav and the Tatar Elite

It is now time to turn our attention to the early years of the life ofTheodore Svetoslav, when he was also present in the lands north of the Danube.It was usually supposed that the Bulgarian prince was a hostage, sent by hisfather emperor George I Terter (12801292) to Nogai after 1285 however,there are some indications that he was in fact a political refugee.34 Leaving the

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31 .. , , 1 (1981)239 . , , 1987, 21.32 , I, 109 (Baybars alMansr).33 V. Spinei, The Romanians and the Turkic Nomads North of the Danube Delta fromthe Tenth to the MidThirteenth Century, Leiden Boston 2009, 320.34 P. Diaconu, propos des soidisant monnaies de Jacob Sviatoslav, 12(1995) 242256 . , XIII , 2015, 199204.

issue of his status aside, it should be noted that he was present in Chakas campafter Nogais defeat, together with Taz and Tonguz. Consequently, the Bulgarianprince must have maintained relations with influential Tatar leaders at the time.

As mentioned previously, Taz and Tonguz rebelled against Chaka assoon as he proclaimed himself the new khan. Defeated in the pitched battlewhich took place somewhere in the land of As (i.e. Alans, probably southernMoldavia), they received help from Tokhta, who sent his brother Burluk withan army to help the rebels.35 It turned out to be a decisive moment for Chaka,who, faced with superior opponents, decided to cross the Danube and to securehis new base with the help of Theodore Svetoslav. However, he was capturedand eventually murdered in the Bulgarian capital of Tarnovo by the newlyproclaimed Bulgarian emperor, who, as Arabic writers clearly state, acted onTokhtas orders.36 It seems quite logical to suppose that during these eventsthe contacts between Theodore Svetoslav and the khan in Sarai were conductedvia intermediaries, i.e. khans representatives in the lands north of the Danube:his brother Burluk and renegades Taz and Tonguz.

Earlier, during his stay in Nogais lands, occurred yet anotherimportant event in the life of Theodore Svetoslav. Byzantine historianPachymeres relates how the Bulgarian prince, finding himself in poverty, meta certain prosperous merchant named Pantholeon. He eventually concluded amarriage with the merchants granddaughter Euphrosyne, whose father was acertain Mankous (), and whose godmother was the namesakeByzantine princess and Nogais wife.37 Another testimony about this marriageis recorded by Egyptian historian Baybars alMansr and repeated by his

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35 , I, 116117 (Baybars alMansr).36 , I, 117, 161 (Baybars alMansr, alNuwayri) Abulfedae AnnalesMuslemici Arabice et Latine, ed. J. Reiske, V, Hafniae 1794, 176177. On these eventssee: also Georges Pachymeres, Relations historiques, III, ed. A. Failler, Corpus fontium historiae Byzantinae XXIV/3, Paris 1999, 290293 (=Pachymeres/Failler) E. OberlanderTrnoveanu, Numismatical Contributions to the History of SouthEastern Europe at theEnd of the 13th Century, Revue Roumaine dHistoire 26 (1987) 245258 . , XIII XIV ., 5 (1994) 527534. , ?, 12(1999) 7175 Vasary, Cumans and Tatars, 9496. 37 Pachymeres/Failler, III, 290291 A. Failler, Euphrosyne lepouse du tsar ThodoreSvetoslav, BZ 78 (1985) 9293 . , , , . . , 1994, 177185 K. , (12801323), 2011, 105106 (=, ).

continuator alNuwayri according to them, the ruler of the Vlachs wasmarried with a cousin of Chaka.38 This information is often interpreted as thereflection of marriage between Chaka and daughter of George I Terter (sisterof Theodore Svetoslav), also concluded after 1285. However, it needs to beborne in mind that Baybars alMansr was wellinformed on the events in thePontic steppes and it is hard to conceive that he could have made such amistake.39 Consequently, if his testimony is accepted, it has to be concludedthat Euphrosyne, the first wife of Theodore Svetoslav, belonged to the highestcircle of steppe aristocracy and that she was related to Chaka (and Nogai).

As some researchers pointed out, the name of the brides father, recordedby Pachymeres is just a grecisized form of a TurkicMongol name eitherMongke or Mangush.40 It would be futile to search for the person bearing eitherof these names among Nogais nobles and military commanders, enumerated inthe works of Arabic writers. However, there is one man whose personal name canbe at least remotely connected to the father of the Bulgarian empress mentionedby Pachymeres and who was also related to Nogai and Chaka. It was a certainManjuk/Munjuk (), for whom nothing is known, but the name and the factthat he was the father of Nogais soninlaw none other than Taz.41

Euphrosyne, the wife of Theodore Svetoslav and mother of the lastdescendant of the Terter dynasty George II (13221323) was remembered asa pious empress in Bulgarian tradition.42 Baptized on the court of Nogai, by hisGreek wife, she was undoubtedly of Tatar or halfTatar origin and his relative,43

Aleksandar Uzelac

54

38 , I, 117, 161 (Baybars alMansr, alNuwayri).39 Credibility of the report of Egyptian historian is accepted by , ,109110. Possible source of information of Baybars alMansr is disccussed in: .. , XIII XIV , 4 (2015) 2953.40 Gy. Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica Die Byzantinischen Quellen Der GeschichteDer Trkvlker, II, Leiden 1983, 179 Pachymeres/Failler, III, 291, n. 83 ,, 226. 41 , I, 109, 323 (Baybars alMansr, Ibn Dukmk). The man of the samename is mentioned among Tokhtas noyons in 1299, but whether he was the same personas the father of Taz, remains unclear, cf. , I, 113 (Baybars alMansr).42 . , , 4 (1915) 222, 226 , ed. .. , 1928, 88.43 Pantholeon, Euphrosynes grandfather by maternal side was Christian, but his ethnicityis not known. Considering numerous examples of Christianized Cumans and Tatars inthe Black Sea ports, it is not certain that he was Greek or Genoese, as some historianssupposed. However, it is possible that he is also mentioned in a Genoese document

but probably not by blood. As we have seen, there is a strong possibility thatshe was in fact a daughter of Manjuk, and (half?) sister of the influential Tatarnoble Taz who was Nogais soninlaw and leader of the rebellion against khanUzbek after 1313. The hypothesis, based on the genealogical materialpreserved in sources and the identification Mankous Manjuk also presents aconjecture, but one that is not without foundation. Moreover, the possibleorigin of Euphrosyne could explain the Bulgarian activities at the mouth of theDniester and ties between Theodore Svetoslav and local Tatar elite in theWestern Steppes in the middle of the second decade of the fourteenth century.What is certain, it should be taken into account in the future studies of theBulgarianTatar relations and political conditions in the Western steppes duringthis turbulent era.

Restoration of the Tatar Sphere of Influence

Even if one disregards the previously emphasized possibility about therelationship between Theodore Svetoslav and Taz, it is evident that theestablishment of the Bulgarian rule in Maurocastro did not have anything incommon with an allegedly benevolent attitude of khan Tokhta. It did not takeplace in Tokhtas lifetime, but during the struggle between the center and theperiphery in the lands of the Golden Horde that followed the khans death, i.e.at the time of the rebellion of Taz and Tonguz against the central power in Sarai.

Moreover, it is certain that, like the conflict between the khan Uzbekand the Tatar separatist leaders, the Bulgarian rule in Maurocastro also provedto be shortlived. Even before the end of the reign of Theodore Svetoslav, theport was again under the Tatar control. Conspicuously, as early as in 1318, abull of Pope John XXII, determining the domains of the bishop of Kaffa inTatar lands (ad partes Tartarorum), stated that they stretched from Varna inBulgaria to Sarai (a villa de Varia in Bulgaria usque Saray inclusive inlongitudine).44 In a document from 1323, containing the list of franciscanmonasteries in the lands of Northern Tartars, those in Maurocastro and

The Port of Maurocastro, Emperor Theodore Svetoslav and the Tatar Elite in the Pontic Steppes

55

dating from 1281, where financial activities of certain Pantaleo de Vicina are mentioned,Brtianu, Recherches, 48, 173 V. Ciocltan, The Mongols and the Black Sea Trade in theThirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries, trans. S. Willcocks, Leiden Boston 2012, 260.44 L. Waddingus, Annales minorum seu trium ordinum a S. Francisco institutorum,VI, Romae 1783, 549 Caesaris Baronii Annales ecclesiastici denuo excusi et ad nostra usque tempora perducti, ed. A. Theiner, XXIV, Romae 1871, 187 Dujev, Medioevo Bizantinoslavo, 404 Spinei, Moldavia, 124125.

Vichina are recorded.45 Arabic writer alUmari enumerates Tuna (Danube) andTorlu (Dnieper) among the rivers that flow through the Khanate of Kipchak,stating in addition that Akchakerman was one of the Tatar cities.46 Furtherevidence of the restoration of Tatar rule can be found on contemporary mapsof Italian and Majorcan cartographical school it is not accidental that on themap of Pietro Vesconte (1321) and mappamundi of Angelino Dulcert bannerswith Mongol tamghas stand above Maurocastro. There is no need to delvefurther into records of direct Tatar rule over Maurocastro and the Danube deltaduring the later part of the Uzbeks reign. It will be sufficient to note that from1321 onwards the Empire of Tarnovo was firmly under the sway of khanUzbek. Restoration of the central power of the Golden Horde on the fringes ofthe western steppes signalled the beginning of a new era of the Tatar expansiontowards the Balkans.47 For the next two decades, BulgarianTatar relationswere strengthened and the Golden Horde again assumed the dominant politicaland military role in Southeastern Europe.

Aleksandar Uzelac

56

45 In Tartaria Aquilonari fratres minores habent monasteria immobilia 18, in civitatibuset villis infra scriptis, videlicet: in vicina iuxta danubin. In Mauro Castro. In Cersona,Brtianu, Recherches, 57 Spinei, Moldavia, 125 . . , XIV ., 4 (2007) 187.46 , I, 236237 (alUmari).47 Ioannis Cantacuzeni eximperatoris historiarum libri IV, I, ed. L. Schopen, Bonnae1828, 188189 . Laiou, Constantinople and the Latins The Foreign Policy ofAndronicus II 12821328, CambridgeMassachusets 1972, 281 Vasary, Cumans andTatars, 123.

The Port of Maurocastro, Emperor Theodore Svetoslav and the Tatar Elite in the Pontic Steppes

57

MAUROCASTRO, Map of Pietro Vesconte (1321)

Aleksandar Uzelac

58

MAUROCASTRO (MAUO CASTRO), map of Angelino Dulcert (1339)

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The Port of Maurocastro, Emperor Theodore Svetoslav and the Tatar Elite in the Pontic Steppes

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Neboja Pori

USE OF THE TERM ROYAL GRACEIN SERBIAN MEDIEVAL DOCUMENTS

FOR THE CITIZENS OF DUBROVNIK

Summary

The term royal grace (milost) in Serbian medieval documents has beenfound to denote a rulers action performed to reward his faithful subjects.

Although researchers have attributed its origin to Byzantine influence, the

chronology and patterns of its use indicate that it was probably adopted from the

Latin West. Its use to describe royal actions in favor of Dubrovnik, a political

entity outside the Serbian state, resulted from close and complex relations between

the two parties. First attested around 1240 in a document dealing with possession

of land along the border by Dubrovnik nobles, it became firmly established in

treaties regulating true international issues during the second half of the 13th

century, when changes in mutual relations enabled Serbian rulers from the mighty

Nemanji dynasty to present themselves as hierarchically senior to the Dubrovnik

commune. After that, the term was regularly used by the Nemanjis both in treaties

with the commune and in quittances settling business arrangements between the

Serbian rulers and individual Dubrovnik citizens, most often in the form of the

dispositive verbal phrase stvoriti milost (to create grace). However, among themuch less powerful regional lords of the postNemanji period, its use is limited

to documents of the Bali family (inconsistently) and of Prince Lazar and his

successors. Rulers of the consolidated Serbian state (the Despotate), formed in

the early 15th century, again applied it regularly in treaties, but not in quittances,

probably due to incompatibility with the form of that document type.Keywords: Serbia, Dubrovnik, Middle Ages, royal grace, Nemanjis, regional

lords, despots, treaties, quittances.

: 30. 04. 2016.

: 01. 07. 2016.

77

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* marijavasiljevic27@gmail.com** , (1315. ): , , (. . 177029).1 , , ., . L. Genicot, LesGnalogies. Typologie des sources du Moyen ge Occidental fasc. 15, Brepols Tournhout

, . LXV (2016) . 7999THE HISTORICAL REVIEW, vol. LXV (2016) pp. 7999

: 929.52:929.731(497.11)13/14

.2 1371. , I .3 .

.4 , , , . . , , .5 : , . , .

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1975, 1113, 3637 G. Spiegel, Genealogy: Form and Function in MedievalHistorical Narrative, History and Theory 22/1 (1983) 47.2 . . , , . 3 (2015) 9798, .3 . . , , 98101. (Leah Shopkow) , , a, . , , . , , . L. Shopkow, Dynastic History, Historiography in theMiddle Ages, ed. by D. Mauskopf Deliyannis, LeidenBoston 2003, 239249.4 . B. Guene, Lesgnalogies entre lhistoire et la politique: la fiert dtre Captien, en France, auMoyen ge, Annales SC 33/3 (1978) 450477.5 . . , ,, , 1984, 1617 . ., . , 8/1 ( 1964) 347, . 25 .

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.8 , 1371. , .9

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6 II, 13131316. . . : , , I,11861321, . . . . , 2011, . 104,. 380 . 121, . 440.7 . , : , , , 2003, 192193.8 . . , , 102103.9 , . , , 6284, 101104. , , , 7274, 8082, 102103.10 . . , , 104, . 37.11 , F. Kmpfer, , 36, 12 (1970) 7577 : . , , 8485.

prmlt na~lstvo... ni ` sn ni` vnk pr`d r~nh car`na ` togo sam krv carsk.12 : N b{ bo carsk krv, t~ `na ego pr`d pomnth car plmn bv{i.13 . , . , , . , . , , .14

, . , , . 1398. , .15 III.

, . , dinoid(ou){i v dvoih() tlsh().16 ,

82

12 . , , 86.13 . , , 87.14 , : . , , 6871. . , I,, . 15 . , , 1968, 40112. . , 6972, 104105. : , , . , . , II, XIVXV , 86 (1929) 8385. . . , II, 3542 . , , 41, 4345. 16 . , , 8586. , . ., : , 43 (2006) 77.

. , , () .17 prisn srodnic ko deri` proishod korn ih()vlikago knza Vratka der, .18 .19 , . , , .20 , : Bs(t) ` sa slavnih() i prvih()proishod, korn s(v)tago Neman g(lago)l di ` dostohvalnago ibl(a)gorazmnago kneza Vratka.21 , . , , , , . () .22 ,

:

83

17 vdomo s da bdt vam silnim(), i snovitim, ko s no{a imat()~to vliko po nas() bti, i gospodstvovati srbskmi zmmi ., II, 86.18 . , II, 86.19 . , XIV , . . . , , 1997, 222232.20 , , , . , , , . . , ,8688.21 . , II, 95.22 . . 24. . . , , . . 2, 2006, 319 (. ).

. , s bs(t) slavnih i velikih proishode, i s Nemanina plmn.23 ,24 .

.25 srodnic carv di nekogo vlmo`a. I ta rodasvtla i slavna, i naroita i korene carskago plemene svtago SimnaNemanim prvago gospodina Srblm.26 , . , . , .27 , . , , .

84

23 . , II, 96.24 velehval i bl(a)go~stivi VlkBranka `e sevastokratora s(i)nMladenov `e vnk, . , II, 96.25 . , . XVII , 21 (1867) 159. , . . . 26 . , , 159. 27 M , I. . II, . . , I, . : 18 (1994) 119129 , , 41 (2004) 235250. , . . . , , . 3 (2015) 8490.

. . , , , .28 1399. .29 . 1405. .30 , 14041405. . s(v)taamoa gospoda, i htitor i c(a)r i kral, i gospoda srbska.31 .32

, . . .33 , 1414. , .34

:

85

28 ...s[v]tih kral sr()pskih i c(a)ra Stf(a)na i g[ospo]d[i]na i rod[i]tl mis(v)tp~iv{ga kneza Lazara, . . , , 3 (2004) 112 . , : ,, , 2007, 157.29 . , , 392, 396 (). 30 . , , 10 (2011) 155158.31 . , , 1 (2002) 135 . , , 176. 32 , , XIV . . . , , 1989,1823 . , , 2006, 1718 . , . , 2014, 129130, 166168.33 . : . , , 408410 419422. . . . , , 8587.34 , , zamnogo milosrd, i nizglagolann milost svth gospod moih i httorsrbskh svtago Smna samodr`ca srbskago i mroto~ca i Sav svtagoVlikaago arhepiskopa srbskago,

, , 1406. .35 , . , . m(o)l(i)tvamis(v)tih mi gospod i t()c, i prdd i htitr Smna i Sav...36 . .37 . , .

, 1371. . , . , , .38

86

, . . , , 362. . , 1406. . , , , . , , 9192.35 . . , 100 , 12 (2013) 128130.36 : M(i)l(o)sti vlikaago g(ospod)a mogo (so)uH(rist)a, hodataistvom ` prs(v)t B(ogorodi)c, i m(o)l(i)tvami s(v)tihmi gospod i t()c, i prdd i htitr Smna i Sav, bl(a)govrnidspot Stfan gospodin Srblm i Podounavi, i vlikaago c(a)r()skagomonastra srbskago souago v S(v)ti Gor Ansci, htitor ` ivnoutrni, . , ,125. .37 dei Gratia , . , , 9294.38 ,

, . , . .

. . . , .

, . . , . : svto po~iv{ago gospodina i roditelmogo, dspota Stfana : blago~stivago i hristlbivagosvto po~iv{ga gospodina i roditel mogo, dspota Stfana.39

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. , .47 , .48 vinovaagokorn vzskati, da ot td navk{ kto i ot kd i koihkorni vtv i kako procbtv{i v na{e rod49 s `carsko i apostolsko dlo isplniti.50 , , : .51 , , , .

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55 . , , .56 , . G. Spiegel, Political Utility in MedievalHistoriography: A Sketch, History and Theory 14, 3 (1975) 319322 B. Guene,Histoire et culture historique dans lOccident mdival, Paris 1980, 347.57 . , , . , . , . . , , , , . G. Spiegel, The Reditus Regni ad stirpem Karoli Magni:A New Look, French Historical Studies 7, 2 (1971) 145174.58 . B. Guene, Histoire et culturehistorique, 347351.59 G. Spiegel, Romancing the Past. The Rise of Vernacular Prose Historiography inThirteenthCentury France, Berkeley and Los Angeles 1993, 12.

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