Kokan News كوكن نيوز

Volume 6, Issue 3 | July — September, 2014 www.kokannews.org Editor: Dr. Siraj Mohammed Bijle

Foreword

لك يك لبيك اللهم لبيك، لبيك ال شريك لك لبيك، إن الحمد والنعمة لك والملك الشر Meaning: O my Lord, here I am at Your service, here I am. There is no partner with You, here I am. Truly the praise and the provisions are Yours, and so is the dominion and sovereignty. There is no partner with You. Click here .

The Hajj [حج] is an Islamic pilgrimage to Makkah and the largest gathering of Muslim people in the world every year. It is one of the five pillars of Islam, and a religious duty which must be carried out at least once in lifetime by every adult Muslim who is physically and financially capable of undertaking the journey, and can support his family during his absence. The Hajj is a demonstration of the solidarity of the Muslim people, and their submission to God (Allah). The word Hajj means "to intend a journey" which connotes both the outward act of a journey and the inward act of intentions. The pilgrimage occurs from the 8th to 12th of Dhu al-Hijjah, the last month of the Islamic calendar. The Hajj is associated with the life of Islamic Prophet Muhammad from the 7th century, but the ritual of pilgrimage to Makkah is considered by Muslims to stretch back thousands of years to the time of Prophet Abraham (Ibrahim). During Hajj, pilgrims join processions of hundreds of thousands of people, who simultaneously converge on Makkah for the week of the Hajj, and perform a series of rituals and celebrate the three day global festival of Eid al-Adha.

To the Muslims, Hajj is associated with religious as well as social significance. Apart from being an obligatory religious duty, Hajj is seen to have a spiritual merit which provides the Muslims with an opportunity of self-renewal. Hadith literature (sayings of Prophet Muhammad) articulates various merits a pilgrim achieves upon successful completion of their Hajj. After performing pilgrimage, a person becomes known as Hajji, and is held with respect in Muslim society. Hajj brings together and unites the Muslims from different parts of the world irrespective of their race, color, and culture which acts as a symbol of equality. Many studies on the impact of participating in the Islamic pilgrimage found that Muslim communities become more positive and tolerant after Hajj experience. Hajj "increases belief in equality and harmony among ethnic groups and Islamic sects and leads to more favorable attitudes towards everyone. Hajjis show increased belief in peace, and in equality and harmony among adherents of different religions."

Let us pledge this year and pray for the better and safer world. Let us pray, that all the fighting groups across Muslim world come on one table and discuss and solve their issues and give respect to each and every individual from Iraq to Iran, from Libya to Egypt and Palestine. The only solution to this misery is dialogues and not the guns and bombardment. May Allah accept our prayers. Ameen!

Dr. Siraj Mohammed Bijle

IN THIS ISSUE

Foreword 1

Quick Reference for Performing Hajj 2

African Settlers on the West Coast of India... 3

Traditional Boat Forms of Konkan 12

Mr. Abrar Kotawdekar 21

Frontiers of Arabian Sea... 22

THE e-NEWSLETTER OF THE KOKANI DIASPORA COMMUNITY ISSN: 2278-5019

Kokan News كـوكـن نـيـوز

Page 2

Start your Journey

What type ofHajj do you want

to perform?

- Proceed toMina

- Try to reachthere beforeDuhar prayeron 8th D’Hijja

- Put on Ihram from Meeqator before reaching Meeqat

- Make niyath for Hajj andUmrah

- Say the Talbeeyah

HAJJ-E-IFRAAD(2 Tawaf and 1 Sayi)

HAJJ-E-TAMATTU(3 Tawaf and 2 Sayi)

Return backto your Home

Yes

- Put on Ihram from Meeqator before reaching Meeqat

- Make niyath for Hajj- Say the Talbeeyah

- Perform Tawaf Umrah- Pray two rakass behind

Maqam-e-Ibrahim- Perform Sayi for Umrah- Shave or Cut hair- Take off the Ihram

- Perform Tawaf Umrah- Pray two rakass behind

Maqam-e-Ibrahim- Perform Sayi for Umrah- May perform Sayi for Hajj

after performing Tawaf on8th Dhul Hijja

- Put on Ihram on 8th Dhul-Hijja from your currentresidence in Mina,Makkah, Jeddah, etc.

- Make niyath for Hajj- Say the Talbeeyah

- Put on Ihram from Meeqator before reaching Meeqat,during the months of Hajj

- Make niyath for Umrah- Say the Talbeeyah

- May perform TawafAl-Quddum

- May perform Sayi for Hajjafter Tawaf Al-Quddum(On 10th D’Hijja performonly Tawaf Al-Ifadha)

- Pray 4 prayers (Duhar,Asr, Maghrib, Isha) on 8th

and 1 prayer (Fajar) on 9th

Dhul-Hijja- Say Talbeeyah as often as

possible

- Proceed toArafat aftersunrise on 9th

Dhul Hijja- Should reach

there beforeDuhar prayer

- Pray Duhar and Asrprayers combined at Duhartime (early)

- Remember Allah and,while facing Qibla, makeas many supplications aspossible until sunset

- Proceed toMuzdalifaafter sunset

- Try to reachthere beforemidnight

- Pray Maghrib and Ishaprayers combined at Ishatime (late)

- Pickup minimum of 49pebbles from Muzdalifa

- Pray Fajar prayer andmake supplications

- Return back toMina justbefore sunriseon 10th D’Hijja

- Should reachthere beforeZawal

- Stone Jamrah Al-Aqba(largest) with sevenpebbles before Zawal

- Slaughter the animal (forHajj Qiran and Tamattu)

- Shave or cut hair- Take off the Ihram

- Perform Tawaf Al-Ifadha- Pray two rakass behind

Maqam-e-Ibrahim- Perform Sayi for Hajj

(if not performed before)

- Proceed toMakkah

- Perform TawafAl-Ifadha byZawal of 11th

D’Hijja (max.)

- Return back toMina to spendnights of 11th ,12th & 13th

- Do not takerest in Makkah

- On 11th, after Zawal, stone3 Jamrah, with 7 pebbleseach, starting with thesmallest (1st), middle (2nd)and then the largest (3rd)

- Stop after 1st and 2nd

Jamrah to make Duaa

Return back toMekkah

In hurry?(Must leave Minabefore sunset on

12th D’Hijja)

- Perform Tawaf Al-Wadaajust before leaving Makkah

- Pray two rakass behindMaqam-e-Ibrahim

HAJJ

MABROOR

AND

MAQBOOL

QUICK REFERENCE

FOR PERFORMING HAJJ

OBLIGATORY ITEMS

1. Ihram2. Waqoof Arafat3. Tawaf Al-Ifadha (and Umrah - Qiran/Tamattu)4. Sayi for Hajj

The Hajj will not becompleted if any of theabove items is notperformed.

WAJIB ITEMS

1. Waqoof Arafat until sunset2. Waqoof Muzdalifa3. Rami (Stoning) Jamrah4. Spending Tashreeq (11th

and 12th) nights in Mina5. Hadi (Qurbani) (for Hajj Qiran and Tamattu)6. Shave or cutting hair7. Tawaf Al-Wadaa8. Sayi for Umrah (for Hajj Qiran & Tamattu)

For each of the aboveitems that is not performedor completed, one Dum(slaughter of a sacrificialanimal) is required.

Note: Please make Duaa for the one who prepared this chart.

9th Dhul Hijja

10th Dhul Hijja

11th Dhul Hijja 12th Dhul Hijja

8th Dhul Hijja

HAJJ-E-QIRAN(3 Tawaf and 2 Sayi)

1. The best of the 3 forms of Hajj, encouraged by Prophet (PBUH), is Tamattu. 2. All pilgrims should shorten 4 rakass prayers to 2 rakass (Qasr). 3. Bringing sacrificial animal from outside for Hajj Qiran is Masnoon. Purchasing Hadi (Qurbani) coupon from your city is same as bringing animal from outside. 4. Tawaf Umrah of a person performing Umrah is also his Tawaf Al-Quddum.

MASNOON ITEMS

1. Tawaf Al-Quddum2. Five prayers in Mina on 8th and 9th Dhul Hijja

It is good to perform aboveitems but there is nopenalty if not performed.

NO

TE

S

030205

- On 12th, after Zawal, stone3 Jamrah, with 7 pebbleseach, starting with thesmallest (1st), middle (2nd)and then the largest (3rd)

- Stop after 1st and 2nd

Jamrah to make Duaa

- On 13th, after Zawal, stone3 Jamrah, with 7 pebbleseach, starting with thesmallest (1st), middle (2nd)and then the largest (3rd)

- Stop after 1st and 2nd

Jamrah to make Duaa

No 13th Dhul Hijja

Volume 6, Issue 3 | July — September 2014

Page 3

African Settlers on the West Coast of India: The Sidi Elite of Janjira

Faaeza Jasdanwalla

Abstract

This paper discusses the political history of the Indian princely state of Janjira on the west coast of India. It was ruled by Sidis (Africans) from the early seventeenth century until the merger of princely states immediately after the independence of India in 1947. The Sidi rulers of Janjira were of African origin, having initially entered India as traders and serving in administrative capacities with the medieval Deccan kingdoms. The emphasis of this paper will be on the manner in which the rulers of Janjira were elected by a group of African Sidi chiefs or Sardars from amongst them for almost two centuries, as opposed to relying on hereditary primogeniture as a system of succession, and the implications that such a system had on the history of Janjira.

Keywords

Sidi (Lord); Sardars (Chiefs); Nawab; election; succession; informal

Introduction

Until recently, the study of African migrants to India had been undertaken in conjunction with connected historical figures and events such as the history of the relations between the Marathas and/or the British and the Sidi settlers from Africa. The investigation of the African diaspora in India and individual histories of Africans in India has gained momentum in the past decade with works such as African Elites in India and The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean adding greatly to our knowledge of African migrants to the Indian sub-Continent.

1 Ababu Minda and Pashington

Obeng have focused attention on Afro-Indians in specific regions of India, namely Hyderabad (in the state of Andhra Pradesh) and Karnataka respectively.

2

Similarly, Janjira and its history have, until recently, received attention in the context of its relations with the Marathas and the British.

3 The work of Beheroze Shroff however, in recent years, has involved a study of identity

amongst the Sidi communities of Maharashtra, namely, in Mumbai and the Sidis of Janjira, and also in Gujarat. While Minda argues that Sidi identities in Hyderabad are polarised on the basis of religion, Shroff discusses Sidi identities in Maharashtra and Gujarat in socio-economic terms.

4 Furthermore, there are also some works dedicated to the history of

Janjira. These are histories of the Sidis of Janjira5 by Sidi Abdul Rahim Damad, Inayatullah Khanzada, Professor

Fasana, Sharad Chitnis and Razzaq Peshimam. However, some of these are in the tradition of histories written by family historians or those closely connected to the Nawab, and therefore written in a more narrative rather than academic style. Since they are mainly in either Urdu (one of the many languages spoken in India which is derived from Persian) and Hindi (the national language of India) or Marathi (the regional language of the state of Maharashtra in India),

6 they have required translations into English.

7 As is the case with many similar sources, they are fraught with

biased commentary and certain ambiguities, which brings into question their reliability. However, in the case of Janjira, these sources provide an insightful narrative of the reigns of the Nawabs of Janjira in general and Nawab Sidi Ahmed Khan in particular, especially when considering the work of Sidi Abdul Rahman Damad, since the author wrote during the reign of Sidi Ahmed Khan.

In addition, detailed information on particular treaties and events in the establishment and governance of the state of Janjira is available through Bombay and Maharashtra Gazettes,

8 collections of documents incorporating

Maratha-Sidi relations9 and collections of treaties

10 and other individual incidents and events recorded in the archives.

Much of the information obtained from the above-mentioned family histories and commissioned accounts, has been used in conjunction with secondary sources so as to ensure accuracy of dates and other details. Since the family histories in question, particularly that of Sidi Abdul Rahman Damad, cannot be categorised as formally commissioned histories written by a designated court historian, corroborating facts and events with other contemporary primary, a rchival and secondary sources becomes all the more imperative. Using all these sources in conjunction, however, has provided a more holistic and personal dimension to the understanding of the history of Janjira. With this in mind, my study of the history of Janjira in general and of the Sidi Sardars (chiefs) and method of succession has involved an investigation of secondary source material, followed by a re-examination of the primary sources mentioned above. As already mentioned, ambiguities have been authenticated through government and archival sources. A study of medieval, early modern and modern methods of succession followed by Indian kingdoms and principalities has been essential in keeping with the emphasis of this paper.

This article therefore will briefly discuss the history of the establishment of Janjira as a separate Sidi principality, focusing thereafter on its political history in an attempt to highlight the system of succession followed in Janjira. My intention here is to emphasise the system of succession in Janjira, which appeared to be unique in terms of the extended period of time that it was in use. As a result, I will argue that although there were individual instances in the political history of Indian kingdoms over the centuries of rulers being elected by a group of councilors or eminent leaders, the practice of a group of chiefs electing rulers for a span of almost two centuries appeared to be unprecedent-ed. The implications of this practice where its history and legacy is concerned will also be assessed.

———————————————————————————————————————- Source: African and Asian Studies, Vol. 10 (2011), pp. 41-58

Kokan News كـوكـن نـيـوز

Page 4

Janjira: From Inception to Merger

O faery queen of a flowering clime, Where life glides by to a delicate measure,

With the glamour and grace of a far-off time.11

This is the lyrical tribute paid to Janjira by one of India‘s most celebrate poets of the twentieth century, Sarojini Naidu. Published in 1912, it was dedicated to the then Begum (queen)

12 of Janjira, Nazli Begum, and is an apt descrip-

tion through the power of words of the picturesque setting and allure of Janjira. Where is Janjira located in the present map of India? Who were its rulers and where did they originate from? What were some of its political features that distinguished it from most of the contemporary Muslim kingdoms of the time? These are some of the questions I intend to discuss in this article placing specific emphasis on the method of succession. The rulers of Janjira were usually elected by a group of chiefs or Sardars, who held important administrative and military posts within the state. However, although in theory fair, in practice this system often resulted in the Sardars furthering their own interests, leading to substantial instability in the state caused by successive depositions and installations of new rulers. It was only after the claims of the Sardars that they had the inherent right to elect the Nawab,

13 were rejected by the British in 1879 that the

Nawabs of Janjira could finally focus on the betterment of administrative and civil affairs in the state. This article there-fore will briefly cover the reigns of the Nawabs of Janjira in an attempt to highlight the consistent upheaval of power and political administration caused by the system of election. Additionally, I argue that Janjira appears to be a unique case in early modern and modern Indian history, where the prevalence of election as a means of succession for almost two centuries was concerned. The etymon of Janjira is the Arabic word ‗jazirah‘ meaning ‗island‘. Although the name ‗jazirah‘ originally specifically referred to the island fortress to the south of the village of Danda-Rajpuri, which was the seat of Sidi power, it later extended to the entire territory under the political control of the Sidis in the Konkan. The princely state of Janjira lay forty miles to the south of Bombay (now Mumbai), between the Sahyadri mountain range and the Indian Ocean and the greater part of the lands lay along a 42 mile stretch of the west coast of India with picturesque beaches and wooded mountains. Its capital was Murud. It was ruled by the Sidis from 1621 till the merger of all princely states into the Indian Union in March 1948. It comprised an area of 324 square miles in all.

14

Figure 1 - Ahmedgunj Palace, Murud, Janjira

Trade between Africa and the Indian coasts was prevalent from ancient times, when Indian goods were sold in,

not only Alexandria and Samarkand, but also throughout Europe. Their trading endeavours in India suffered a setback as the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries progressed due to the acceleration in European trading activities within the region. Although the Sidis who later ruled Janjira had originally entered India in the fifteenth century in the capacity of traders, by the late fifteenth century they had begun settling down on the west coast, taking up military and administra-tive positions with the existing Bahmani kingdom, and later, the Ahmadnagar Empire, in the northwestern region of the Deccan.15 They soon made their mark on the political fabric of the kingdoms they served on account of their military prowess and bravery.

16

Volume 6, Issue 3 | July — September 2014

Page 5

It is reported that the island of Janjira had been identified by the Sidi traders as a suitable base for their trading operations long before it was ruled by them.

17 Although the reasons for this are not clear, we can assume that the island

off the coast of the village of Rajpuri was strategically located for carrying out trading operations with the Bahmani Kingdom on the west coast of India, as well as Gujarat, at least until the end of the fifteenth century, since the island was under the rule of the sultan of Gujarat until then, after which it fell into the hands of the Bahmani Kingdom. By the time of his death in 1508, the Ahmadnagar ruler, Malik Ahmed Shah,

18 had conquered much of the north Konkan region

including the island of Janjira, with the assistance of the Sidis in his service, and posted administrative officers or Thanedars at Danda-Rajpuri.

19 The island of Janjira was eventually handed over to one of the Thanedars, Bairam Khan,

in 1527 to administer. Between 1527 and 1621, there were a series of Thanedars or administrative officers in charge of Janjira, Yakut

Khan Shazli being the last in 1621.20

It is not certain how many of these Thanedars were in fact of Sidi origin, but there appears to be some evidence that the unbroken Sidi presence in Janjira began with Yakut Khan Shazli‘s predecessor, Surur Khan in 1618. Meanwhile, another renowned Sidi general in the service of the Ahmadnagar Sultanate, Malik Ambar, took over Ahmadnagar in 1608 and proclaimed himself as the regent of the then ruler, Murtaza Shah.

21 In 1617,

Malik Ambar, sent Sidi Ambar Sainak as an official under Ibrahim Khan, the then Thanedar of Janjira, to carry out an assessment of the land. While Sidi Ambar was away in Ahmadnagar presenting the details of his assessment study to Malik Ambar, Sidi Yaqut Shazli passed away in 1621. Malik Ambar decided to hand over Janjira to Sidi Ambar as a sort of reward for the betterment of the entire area which, until the appointment of Sidi Ambar had been mismanaged. There-after, Sidi Ambar was made the ruler of Janjira and proceeded to restore not only law and order but also worked towards increasing the revenue of Janjira. Sidi Ambar died in 1642 and his son, Yusuf Khan was nominated as his successor.

22

Sidi Yusuf Khan‘s reign came to an abrupt end in 1648 on account of his son‘s betrayal. During Yusuf Khan‘s

absence in 1648, en route to Delhi, his son, Fateh Khan, who had been placed in charge of state affairs, rebelled against his father and seized the reins of government in Janjira. Yusuf Khan was thereafter advised by well-wishers not to return to Janjira and died in the nearby district of Chowl in 1655.

23

Fateh Khan unleashed terror in Janjira so as to acquire the support of the Sidi Sardars by instilling fear in them.

Rather than rally round a self-proclaimed, weak and untrustworthy ruler such as Fateh Khan, some Sidi Sardars such as Khairat Khan and Qasim Khan relocated to the nearby kingdom of Bijapur. In the interim, much of the coastal region had been conquered by the Hindu military chief Shivaji, who went on to establish the powerful Maratha Empire in 1674, which remained powerful till 1818. Janjira was much coveted by Shivaji on account of its favourable vantage point. Shivaji therefore, decided to take advantage of the discontent and unrest in Janjira and attempted to conquer it. The first Maratha siege in 1659 was almost successful as the incompetent Fateh Khan had decided to hand over the fort to the Marathas. His action was aborted in time by Khairat Khan and Qasim Khan, who returned to Janjira to fight the enemy because they had been warned of Fateh Khan‘s intentions. Three further Maratha sieges, between 1659 and 1667, were similarly disrupted and, in 1667, Fateh Khan was eventually imprisoned by the brothers, Khairat Khan and Qasim Khan. Fateh Khan died in custody in 1668. The Marathas under Shivaji, his son, Sambhaji and the leading Maratha military leaders made several attempts over many decades to subdue the most secure fort on the Konkan coast, but remained unsuccessful.

24

Figure 2 - The fort of Janjira reconstructed by Yakut Khan

Kokan News كـوكـن نـيـوز

Page 6

The triumvirate of Khairat Khan, Qasim Khan and another Sidi officer, Sumbul Khan took over the administration of Janjira after the imprisonment of Fateh Khan. Khairat Khan became the next Nawab of Janjira and commander of the army (1667-1696). In return for Mughal protection against consistent Maratha attacks on Janjira, Khairat Khan proposed Sidi command of the Mughal fleet. Sumbul Khan was put in charge of the Mughal fleet in 1671-1672 by Aurangzeb and the Sidis proved to be a formidable force on the seas not only against the Marathas, but also the British in Bombay. In 1676, after the murder of Sumbul Khan, Qasim Khan assumed the command of the Mughal Navy upon Aurangzeb‘s approval. By 1690, the two brothers had regained all of the Sidi territories that had been seized by the Marathas since the commencement of their Janjira campaign in 1659.

Qasim Khan, titled Yakut Khan, assumed his brother‘s role as Nawab, after his death, in 1696. The further

acquisition of Maratha territory continued under Yakut Khan and by the turn of the century, the Sidis had twenty two forts under their control. The revenue generated from their old and new acquisitions was utilised towards the reconstruction of the fort of Janjira from 1701 onwards and the fort is attributed to Yakut Khan. The military success of the Sidis under Khairat Khan and Yakut Khan therefore largely appears to be on account of the unity that prevailed amongst the Sidi Sardars. Yakut Khan on his deathbed in 1707 appealed to the Sardars to continue fighting the Marathas with the same unity and forbearance and asked them to choose his successor wisely. The Sardars appointed one of Yakut Khan‘s most capable officers, Surur Khan as the next Nawab.

The reconstruction of the fort of Janjira continued under Surur Khan II (1707-1732 or 1734), also known as

Yakut Khan II. However, he used the money for the reconstruction towards the building of a mansion or haveli (in Hindi and Urdu) for his daughter, a mausoleum for himself on the mainland, and a mosque. The power of the Sardars once again came to the fore as they expressed their disapproval of his actions and ensured that the mansion was modified for use as the treasury. Surur Khan was forced to complete the reconstruction of the Janjira fort with his personal funds.

What exactly transpired after Surur Khan‘s death is unclear as different records provide conflicting details.

According to Peshimam, following Surur Khan‘s death, the Sidi Sardars selected a slave25

named Sidi Sumbul Khan as his successor. However, Surur Khan‘s eldest son, Sidi Abdullah lay claim to the throne. During a meeting of the Sardars held to settle this matter, a skirmish broke out in which Sidi Abdullah was killed by Sidi Sumbul. Another son, Sidi Abdul Rahman, also staked his claim, but the Sardars rejected his claim on account of his disagreeable nature. Eventually they selected Hasan Khan (1732-1734), the youngest son of Surur Khan as the heir, even though he was a minor at the time, with Sidi Sumbul as his regent. Sidi Hasan Khan did not rule long as he was eventually deposed by his regent, Sidi Sumbul Khan in 1734.

However, Sumbul Khan‘s rule (1734-1736) was short-lived and riddled with instability on account of incessant

Maratha attacks, whereby the Sidis lost some of their territories. Furthermore, some disaffected Sardars allied them-selves with the Marathas, which weakened the power of Sidi Sumbul Khan. Sidi Sumbul Khan took drastic measures towards rectifying the military strength and administration of Janjira. He reduced the allowances of the civil servants by half and invested the savings in recruiting new men in the army. This course of action however, was disapproved of by the Sardars. In a consequent violent meeting, Sidi Sumbul Khan was wounded and was replaced by Surur Khan‘s second son, Sidi Abdul Rahman, whose claims had earlier been rejected by them. It is said that the Marathas had managed to capture the important district of Raigad during their attack of Sidi territories and the Sardars decided to hand over the rule of Janjira to Abdul Rahman in order to maintain control of the rest of their territories.

26

Hasan Khan (1740-1746) was placed on the throne for the second time following Abdul Rahman‘s short rule of

four years (1736-1740). It is said that his act of divorcing his wife for no fault of hers displeased the Sardars, who deposed him in favour of Hasan Khan. Therefore, the causes for the dissatisfaction and consequent depositions of the Nawabs by the Sardars, ranged from the curbing of their personal allowances, to actions of the Nawab in his personal life. Hasan Khan was eventually deposed in 1746 by Sidi Surur Khan‘s third son, his brother, Sidi Ibrahim Khan.

Ibrahim Khan I retained his position on the throne for a relatively longer spell than his recent predecessors, from

1746 till 1758, when he was replaced by his brother, Mohammad Khan, the sixth son of Sidi Surur Khan. Mohammad Khan however, reigned only for five months and died in 1759. Ibrahim Khan was reinstated as Nawab. His second term from 1759 to 1761 was short as he was murdered by his slave, Yakut Khan, who succeeded him in 1761.

27

Yakut Khan reigned from 1761 till his deposition in 1772. Yakut Khan‘s accession to the throne was challenged

by Sidi Abdul Rahim, the son of Ibrahim Khan I. Although Sidi Yakut Khan was naturally hostile towards Sidi Abdul Rahim, he consented, on account of the intervention of the British, to the latter succeeding him to the throne after his death. But Abdul Rahim expedited his succession to the throne by deposing and imprisoning Yakut Khan in 1772.

Abdul Rahim Khan reigned from 1772 till 1784. In 1774, he oppressed some Janjira residents who turned to

Zamarud Khan, a Sidi administrative official and Sardar for help, and rebelled against the Nawab.28

Matters worsened when a spark from a lantern destroyed one of the bastions of the fort in which the magazine house was located and the Nawab died soon after in 1784.

29

Jauhar Khan (1784-1789), Abdul Rahim‘s son-in-law, took over as the administrator of Janjira following his

death in 1784, while the question of succession was resolved by the Sidi Sardars. The claims of Abdul Rahim‘s eldest son, Abdul Karim, also known as Balu Miyan, were rejected by the Sardars, who were mindful of his rash temperament.

Volume 6, Issue 3 | July — September 2014

Page 7

The Sardars put forward the claim of his younger brother, Ali Miyan, which the latter rejected on the grounds that his brother was the rightful successor. The Sidi Sardars then decided to appoint Ibrahim Khan, the youngest son of Sidi Hasan Khan, as the next ruler. The claims of his older brothers, Sidi Mohammed and Sidi Daud were bypassed as they had been deemed unfit to rule. However, Sidi Jauhar Khan‘s wife, Sonu Bibi, sprung into action at this point in order to secure the position of her husband. She suggested to the Sardars, through her husband, that Ibrahim Khan had devious plans as far as the Sardars were concerned, since they had earlier deposed his father. The Sardars then reconsidered their decision and eventually upgraded Jauhar Khan to the position of Nawab in 1787. Sidi Jauhar Khan died in 1789 and was replaced by the previous choice of the Sardars, Sidi Ibrahim Khan, the son of Hasan Khan.

30

Ibrahim Khan II‘s reign extended from 1789 until 1794. In the interim, Zamarud Khan, whose responsibilities and

power had increased steadily, began disregarding the Nawab. Sidi Ibrahim Khan moved towards his arrest, but Zamarud Khan got wind of this plan and arrested Ibrahim Khan instead on 9

th October 1794. Thereafter, he replaced Ibrahim

Khan as the next ruler from 22nd October.

During Zamarud Khan‗s reign (1794-1803), a devastating fire broke out in the Janjira fort, in November 1803,

started by a careless firework, which caused widespread damage to property and lives. Zamarud Khan died of shock on 12

th December 1803. Janjira‘s financial situation was greatly affected by this devastation. In such delicate times, none of

the potential successors to the throne desired the responsibility of taking over the reins of government. However, Ibrahim Khan, who had earlier been imprisoned by Zamarud Khan, was beseeched to succeed him. He agreed only after a written agreement which made the position of Nawab hereditary.

31 This was a landmark agreement in the history

of Janjira as it appeared that the power and influence of the Sardars would be greatly reduced, having been deprived of the right to willfully depose and elect Nawabs. As time would tell however, it was a claim that they were loathed to relinquish and attempted to utilize their right within the boundaries of primogeniture.

Ibrahim Khan‘s second term of rule stretched from 1803 to 1825. Ibrahim Khan also levied an additional tax on

all landholders and utilised the money thus gathered to repair the damage caused to the Fort on account of the fire of 1803. Ibrahim Khan succumbed to illness in 1825 and died soon after.

32 Mohammad Khan succeeded his father in 1825

and reigned until 1848. Like his father, he too foiled plans to oust him from the throne. He died in 1848 after securing the succession of his son, Ibrahim Khan.

33

Ibrahim Khan III‘s turbulent rule lasted for 31 years from 1848 till 1879. Around 1866, quarrels arose between

him and the Sidi Sardars. The situation was calmed by a warning issued to the Nawab by the British.34

However, matters flared up again in 1869, and several complaints against him reached the British Government. These complaints had provided the British with the perfect avenue within which to wield their influence. A Resident was appointed with powers to exercise criminal jurisdiction, leaving Ibrahim Khan with only civil and revenue jurisdiction.

35 In 1870, the Sidi Sardars,

taking advantage of the Nawab‘s absence in Bombay, revolted against him and having deposed him, placed his son, Sidi Ahmed Khan, who was then a minor, on the throne.

36 They urged that they had the right to depose a chief and place

anyone else on the throne whom they deemed fit. The Governor of Bombay asked Mr. Havelock to inquire into the pretensions of the Sidi Sardars. It was found that there was insufficient formal proof for the Sardars‘ claims and that Sidi Ibrahim‘s actions were not grounds enough for removing him from his position as Nawab. Sidi Ibrahim Khan was accordingly reinstated on the throne on the understanding that he would fulfill certain terms.

37 According to the written

agreement; the British maintained the right to advise the Nawab on all essential administrative issues.

In 1877, religious riots broke out between the Hindus and Muslims. Matters were compounded by the resump-

tion of the claims of the Sardars soon after on the grounds that their lands had been unjustly confiscated and that they had been under-represented in the administration of the state. Eventually an order, fair to both parties, was issued, which set the differences between the two communities to rest.

38

Upon the death of Sidi Ibrahim Khan, there arose a succession dispute. The Sidi Sardars once again asserted

their right by electing Sidi Muhammad Bakshi, a son from a doubtful alliance, and having placed him on the throne, interred the body of the deceased Nawab. This action was strongly opposed by the Bombay Government which took over the administration of Janjira until the successor was decided upon. Consequently, the Government of India recognised Sidi Ahmed Khan as the legitimate son of the late Nawab. This forceful intervention on the part of the British, finally laid to rest the intermittent attempts by the Sardars to resurrect their claims of interfering in the administration of Janjira.

It was during Ahmad Khan‘s reign that the long period of instability caused by the dissensions between the Sidi

Sardars and the Nawab were finally reconciled. Having briefly discussed the reigns of the Nawabs of Janjira, it is abundantly clear that although there appeared to be a system of succession whereby the successor was elected to the throne by a group of Sidi Sardars or chiefs, this was by no means a formal method of succession that was followed in an orderly fashion. The documentary evidence currently at our disposal does not provide details of the actual practice of election or indeed of the precise procedure that was followed during such meetings dedicated to the business of electing or nominating the next ruler. This is perhaps due to the lack of formalisation of this system. From the fragmentary narrations of such meetings, it appears that one or more names of prospective candidates were put forward by the Sardars, who then came to an agreement or not, as the case may be, as to whom the successor should be.

Kokan News كـوكـن نـيـوز

Page 8

It was the lack of a formal system of succession that resulted in the instability caused by successive depositions and/or elections of new Nawabs. In theory the idea was fair and noble, in that a ruler, whom the Sardars deemed fit for rule and who, in their opinion, would prove to be the most able administrator and military leader, would be chosen in unison by them, to assume the position of Nawab. However, as is often the case in most scenarios involving power, personal interests often overshadowed those of general benefit. The fact that the election of the next Nawab was not formalized, appears to be reflected in the lack of sufficient proof obtained by the British, in response to the claims made by the Sardars in the nineteenth century, upholding their right to elect a new ruler.

The question that we should ask is whether the history of Janjira would have been different if the hereditary

system of succession had been followed? There are however, several instances in the history of kingship, which have illustrated that the hereditary system of succession did not necessarily guarantee stability. Nevertheless, perhaps if Janjira had followed the hereditary system, the century of instability caused by depositions and the installation of new Nawabs on the throne, may have been reduced to a certain extent, leaving reigning Nawabs to focus effectively on improving the administration of the state and expanding their territories, as Khairat Khan and Qasim Khan, and Ahmed Khan had done in the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries respectively. This will, unfortunately, only remain conjecture since there would have also been the distinct possibility of a string of incompetent hereditary Nawabs occupying the throne, which could then have possibly resulted in the early demise of the princely state of Janjira. Nevertheless, the Sidis did prove to be a force to reckon with and withheld consistent attacks from their most powerful enemy, the Marathas.

In addition, Janjira appears to be a unique case where its system of succession was concerned, since there is

little evidence of any other princely state or kingdom in medieval or early modern India adopting a similar method. There is evidence of individual instances of rulers being elected by a group of nobles as in the case of Kutch, in 1819, or of the group of Forty in the Delhi Sultanate who elected the next ruler. However, these were either individual cases as mentioned earlier or conspiracies and there is no evidence of a method of succession by election, albeit a non-formal one, being practised for almost two centuries, as it was in Janjira.

39

Ahmed Khan was succeeded by his son, Mohammed Khan from his third marriage, in 1922. Since he was a

minor at the time, his mother Kulsum Begum acted as his regent. Like his father, Mohammed Khan also proved to be an able ruler. The stability in the state permitted him to develop many of the initiatives and programmes introduced by his father towards the betterment of the administration and infrastructure of the state. As the movement towards independ-ence intensified in India, the leaders of the subjects of Janjira demanded a democratic system of government, having received adequate support from the leaders in Delhi. It was the political climate of the time, rather than any inherent weaknesses or instability in Janjira that had prompted such actions on behalf of its residents. Following the independ-ence of India, Sidi Mohammed Khan agreed to compromise by appointing an elected cabinet of three ministers in January 1948. However, the merger of the Indian princely states into the Indian Union became a reality soon after and the State of Janjira came to an end with its integration into the Indian Union on 8th March 1948. Sidi Mohammad Khan moved to Indore with his family thereafter and died in 1972.

Although the 327 year-old state of Janjira no longer exists, the family is well respected even today by its

inhabitants. The bond between the Nawab and the Janjira residents is a strong historical and emotional one which goes beyond superficial boundaries. The historic fortress was taken over by the Indian government in 1948, while the Ahmed Gunj palace built in Murud by Ahmed Khan in 1904, is still in the hands of the family, and it is the current residence of Sidi Mahmood Khan, the son of Sidi Mohammed Khan. The fort, which had withstood the most devastating of attacks in its time, has now given way to ruin in the face of a lack of resources and attention. Attempts are currently being made to restore some of its past, since Murud has become a popular tourist destination on account of its pristine beaches and consequently, the fort has also become a place of historical interest.

Conclusion Although relatively small, the princely state of Janjira proved to be a significant player in early modern and

modern Indian history. Emerging as a princely state in the early seventeenth century, its strategic location greatly attracted the powerful Marathas, not only because of its vantage point, but also because it was the only unconquered area in the Konkan, otherwise dominated first by the Marathas, and later by the Mughals and the British. Janjira therefore featured prominently as an adversary or as an ally in individual histories of the Marathas, Mughals and the British.

The purpose of this paper however, has not been to highlight the military significance of Janjira in relation to the

larger history of early modern India, but to emphasise the administrative angle, in particular, its method of succession. As has been demonstrated, it was a system that was not formalised and therefore unpredictable, dynamic and unruly at times. Nevertheless, it resulted in a system in which merit, aptitude and capability mattered more than social rank and heredity, thereby further emphasising the Muslim ideal that all Muslims are equal, resulting in a high degree of social mobility. Although this system per se was not unprecedented, it was the fact that this method of electing a ruler was followed for almost two centuries is unique. Since it was however, a system that was also clearly flawed on account of its non-codified nature, its success is debatable, and its implications are many, as have been speculated above.

Volume 6, Issue 3 | July — September 2014

Page 9

It is however difficult to assess the wider implications and possible influence that this unbroken system of elec-tion had in terms of democratic India post-Independence, particularly since hereditary succession had replaced the democratic method in Janjira more than a century before Indian Independence. If circumstances had been different in the nineteenth century and the system of election had remained the primary method of deciding the next ruler, then per-haps it may have elicited alternative responses in Janjira to the formation of the Indian Union. Furthermore, unlike many of the other Sidi communities, particularly those studied by Beheroze Shroff in Mumbai and Gujarat, the Sidis of Janjira (especially the later Nawabs), married outside the Sidi community and became more culturally diverse as they devel-oped ties with non-Sidi communities in India. This, in conjunction with the hypothetical scenario of an ongoing democrat-ic method of succession possibly may have, either directly or indirectly, drawn in those non-Sidi communities and states into the politics of Janjira. However, these scenarios will always remain speculations and we are no closer to gauging the impact, if any, that the long running political system in Janjira has, or would have had, on contemporary India. Jan-jira remained steadfast in its prominence for more than three centuries, which would be considered by many as an achievement in itself given the dynamic nature of Indian politics between Janjira‘s establishment as a princely state in the early seventeenth century and its demise with its incorporation into the Indian Union after the independence of India in the mid-twentieth century.

Notes:- 1. Kenneth X. Robbins and John McLeod, eds., African Elites in India: Habshi Amarat (Ahmedabad: Mapin

Publishing, 2006), Jayasuriya, Shihan de Silva and Richard Pankhurst, The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean (New Jersey: Africa World Press, 2003).

2. Minda, Ababu. ‗‘Dynamics of Ethnic Identity Among the Siddis of Hyderabad.‘‘ African and Asian Studies 6:3

(2007): 321-345; Obeng, Pashington. ‗‘Service to God, Service to Master/ Client: African Indian Military Contribution in Karnataka.‘‘ African and Asian Studies 6:3 (2007): 271-288.

3. D.R. Banaji, ―Bombay and the Sidis‖, (London: MacMillan & Co., 1932); M.G. Ranade, Rise of the Maratha

Power (New Delhi: Omsons, 1999 reprint). 4. Shroff, Beheroze. ―Sidis in Mumbai: Negotiating Identities Between Mumbai and Gujarat.‘‘ African and Asian

Studies 6:3 (2007): 305-319. 5. In this paper, Sidis refers to the sub-Saharan Africans who settled in India. The etymon of Sidi is Arabic,

―sayyidi‖, meaning ―Lord‖. 6. Urdu and Marathi were the two primary languages spoken in Janjira, in which business was conducted. 7. Sidi Abdul Rahim Damad, History of Janjira (n.d.: n.p.); Inayatullah Khanzada, Original notes on the establish-

ment of the fort and the Sidi kingdom of Janjira (compiled in the 1950‘s); Professor Fasana, A Short History of the Janjira State (n.d.: n.p.); A. Razzaq M.H. Peshimam, Murud-Janjira: A Short History (Murud-Janjira: n.d.); Sharad Chitnis, Sidhincha Abhedya Durg-Janjira (Mumbai: Goregaon, 1999). The works in Urdu, such as the first two cited above have been translated into English by myself and I am therefore solely responsible for any possible errors. The work in Marathi by Sharad Chitnis has been translated into English by Nawabzadi Fatma Begum Jasdanwalla and Nawabzadi Ahmadi Begum Khan, daughters of the last Nawab of Janjira.

8. Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. XI: Kolaba and Janjira (Bombay, 1883), 409-423; Maharashtra State

Gazetteers, Kolaba District (revised edition, Bombay, 1964), 77-128. 9. Shahu‘s Campaign Against the Siddis of Janjira, 1736-1739, In Selections from the Peshwa‘s Daftar vol. 3

(Bombay, 1931); D.V. Apte and S.M. Divekar, ―The Rebellion of Siddi Johar‖ In Bharata Itihasa Samsodhaka Mandala Quarterly, 9, 3 (Pune, n.d), 19-22; V.G. Dighe, ―Bajirao I Peshwa and his Janjira Expedition‖ In Pro-ceedings of the Indian Historical Records Commission, 15 (1938) 159-171; C.L. Tupper, Indian Political Practice, A Collection of the Decisions of the Government of India in Political Cases (Delhi, reprinted 1974), Vols. 1 and 2.

10. C.U. Aitchison, A Collection of Treaties, Engagements and Sanads relating to India and neighbouring countries

14 Volumes (Calcutta 1929-1933), 8:89-110. 11. Sarojini Naidu, ―The Faery Isle of Janjira‖ In The Bird of Time – Songs of Life, Death and the Spring (Montana:

Kessinger Publishing. 2007). 12. Begum is a Turkic word which means ―Queen‖ or ―Princess‖. See Kenneth X. Robbins and John McLeod, eds.,

African Elites in India: Habshi Amarat (Ahmedabad: Mapin, 2006), 259. 13. The etymon of Nawab is the Arabic word Naib meaning ‗Deputy‘. 14. A. Razzaq M.H. Peshimam 1 Fasana, 1. See also D.R. Banaji, XIX. The Konkan is a stretch of coastal territory

in the present Indian state of Maharashtra.

Kokan News كـوكـن نـيـوز

Page 10

15. The Deccan refers to a plateau which covers much of central and southern India with the Vindhya mountain range forming its northern boundary.

16. D.R. Banaji, xix-xx. The etymon of Sidi is the Arabic word Syed which means priest. There are also other etyma for Sidi as

has been noted above. However, Banaji is doubtful as to whether it had this meaning in the context of the Sidis in question as they did not display any priestly qualities or perform any priestly duties. The Abyssinian traders of ancient times had identified the island of Rajpuri as a suitable base of their trading operations on the west coast of India. They were therefore excellent mariners and were well-renowned in European chronicles for their naval and military prowess as soldiers of the Ottoman Empire.

17. Romila Thapar, ―The South Conforms c. A.D. 1300-1526: The rise of the Vijayanagara and Bahmani Kingdoms in the

Deccan‖ In A History of India, Vol. 1 (Penguin, 1990), for the history of the Bahmani Kingdom. 18. Maharashtra State Gazetteer, 71-149 for a brief history of the Nizamshahi Kingdom of Ahmadnagar. 19. Khanzada, 2. 20. Peshimam refers to Bairam Khan as Piramkhan, which could possibly be the Anglicized version of his name, Peshimam,

1-2. The reconstruction of the fort was undertaken by Fahim Khan. A stronger stone structure replaced the erstwhile wooden structure of the Kohli period, and was completed in 1567. Peshimam, 2.

21. Murtaza Shah thereafter reigned in the capacity of a puppet ruler with Malik Ambar controlling the strings. This highly able

Sidi was not only a brilliant administrator, but also a skilled military man, managing to abate Mughal invasions for the next twenty years. The Mughals only managed to conquer the Deccan in its entirety after the demise of Malik Ambar. Thereafter, the Sidis in the Deccan were employed in military positions under the Mughals.

22. Damad, 16-21. Ibrahim Khan is also buried in one of the Khokri tombs on the mainland, while Sidi Ambar is buried in the

Sayedwada region of Rajpuri. 23. Ibid., 21-2. 24. Ibid., 22-29. 25. As far as current records suggest, the rulers of Janjira were free men and it is not clear why the slave Sidi Sumbul Khan

was chosen by the Sardars on this occasion. However, accounts of this particular succession incident vary and another possibility was that Sumbul Khan murdered Surur Khan‘s eldest son and seized power.

26. Damad, 11-12. The first two battles were led by Manaji Angre, while the third one was under Chimaji Appa. Also see

Kenneth X. Robbins and John McLeod, eds., African Elites in India: Habshi Amarat, 188. 27. Damad, 13-14. 28. Zamarud Khan was the Subedar or Administrative Chief of Mandgad. 29. Peshimam, 14-15; Damad, 80-82. 30. Damad, 84-6, 90-1; Peshimam, 15-16. 31. Peshimam, 16-18; Damad, 94-5. 32. Damad, p. 97; Peshimam, 18. The tax levied on the landholders was an addition of four rupees per bigha, bigha being a

measure of land. 33. Peshimam, p. 19; Damad, 100, 103, 107-8. The adherents of Sidi Abdul Rahim, Mohammed Khan‘s younger brother, were

Sheikh Ali Jahanbaz, Ali Peshimam, Sidi Yakut Shahbandar, Sheikh Harun Mukadam and Sheikh Adam Karbari. 34. Fasana, 2-3. In the rough notes by Mr. Seton Karr, Collector of Thana (1855), which are published in Vol 1 of the Selections

From the Records of the Bombay Government, he provides enlightening insight into the State of Janjira. Disorder and insta bility were all-prevalent resulting in an absence of justice. The subjects suffered from fever and guinea-worm, while there was a lack of attention to education. Although the rulers of the State had been hitherto popular with the ryots (masses) and had generally been benevolent, the rise of factionalism had proved to be the ruin of the State. The total amount of revenue of the State at the time when Mr. Karr made these notes was said to have been only Rs. 1,70,000. According to Peshimam, the British had gained unparalleled supremacy in India during this period and had begun focusing their attention on the smaller princely states in the hope of identifying an excuse for intervention, which might lead to eventual subjugation and annexation. Peshimam, 19.

35. From this time on, correspondence with the Government began to be carried out through the Political Agent, Mr. Larcome.

36. The Nawab had gone to Bombay to request the British to recall the Political Agent from Janjira, a development which had upset him greatly and refused to return to Janjira until they had done so. However, the expense for his stay in Bombay was immense and was paid for from the Janjira treasury. This expense came at a time when Janjira had already suffered a finan-cial setback again on account of another fire in 1866. It therefore ate into the regular salaries that were given to the civil servants of the State and this naturally resulted in widespread discontent. The consequence of this was the decision to de-pose Ibrahim Khan in favour of his son. Peshimam, 22. For a detailed description of the dispute that arose in 1869-1870 between the Nawab and the Sardars, see C.L. Tupper, Indian Political Practice, A Collection of the Decisions of the Govern-ment of India in Political Cases, 58-9.

Volume 6, Issue 3 | July — September 2014

Page 11

37. The Collector of Kolaba was made Political Agent for Janjira and the Resident Officer was made his Assistant. For full terms see Tupper, vol. 1, 58-59.

38. A State Karbhari with civil and magisterial powers was appointed in 1878 with the specific aim of preventing and curtailing

any such riots in the future. 39. McLeod, John. ―A Numerous, Illiterate and Irresponsible Bhayat‖: The Maharaos of Kutch, their Nobles and the British Para-

mount Power, 1816-1947.‖ Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 35:3 (Routledge: September 2007): 371-91 and Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).

References:- Aitchison, C.U. 1929-1933. A Collection of Treaties, Engagements and Sanads relating to India and Neighbouring Countries

14 Volumes. Calcutta: Government of India Central Publication Branch. Apte, D.V. and S.M. Divekar. n.d. ―The Rebellion of Siddi Johar,‖ Bharata Itihasa Samsodhaka Mandala Quarterly 9: 3.

Banaji, D.R. 1932 Bombay and the Sidis. London: MacMillan & Company. Chitnis, S. 1999. Sidhincha Abhedya Durg-Janjira. Mumbai: Goregaon. Damad, S.A.R. n.d. History of Janjira. Murud-Janjira. Manuscript. n.p. Dighe, V.G. 1938. ―Bajirao I Peshwa & his Janjira Expedition‖ Proceedings of the Indian Historical Records Commission 15. Fasana. n.d. A Short History of the Janjira State. n.p. Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency: Kolaba and Janjira. 1883. Bombay: Government Central Press. Jackson, P. 1999. The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jayasuriya, S. de S. and R. Pankhurst, 2003. The African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean. New Jersey: Africa World Press. Khanzada, I. n.d. compiled in the 1950s. Original notes on the establishment of the fort and the Sidi kingdom of Janjira. n.p.

Manuscript. Maharashtra State Gazetteers, Kolaba District. 1964. revised edition, Bombay: Government of Maharashtra. McLeod, J. 2007. ―‗A Numerous, Illiterate and Irresponsible Bhayat‘: The Maharaos of Kutch, their Nobles and the British

Paramount Power, 1816-1947,‖ Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 35:3. Minda, A. 2007. ―Dynamics of Ethnic Identity Among the Siddis of Hyderabad,‘‘ African and Asian Studies 6(3): 321-345. Naidu, S. 2007. ―The Faery Isle of Janjira.‖ In The Bird of Time – Songs of Life, Death and the Spring. Montana: Kessinger

Publishing. Obeng, P. 2007. ―Service to God, Service to Master/Client: African Indian Military Contribution in Karnataka.‘‘ African and

Asian Studies 6(3): 271-288. Peshimam, A. Razzaq M.H. n.d. Murud-Janjira: A Short History. Murud-Janjira. Ranade, M.G. 1999. Rise of the Maratha Power. New Delhi: Omsons Publishers. Robbins, K.X. and J. McLeod, eds. 2006. African Elites in India: Habshi Amarat. Ahmedabad: Mapin Publishing. Shahu‘s Campaign Against the Siddis of Janjira, 1736-39, 1931. In Selections from the Peshwa‘s Daftar Volume 3. Bombay. Shroff, B. 2007. ―Sidis in Mumbai: Negotiating Identities Between Mumbai and Gujarat.‘‘ African and Asian Studies 6 (3): 305-319. Thapar, R. 1990. ―The South Conforms c. A.D. 1300-1526: The rise of the Vijayanagara and Bahmani Kingdoms in the

Deccan.‖ In A History of India, Volume 1. India: Penguin Books. Tupper, C.L. 1974. Indian Political Practice, A Collection of the Decisions of the Government of India in Political Cases,

Vols. 1 and 2. Delhi: B.R. Pub. Corp.

Kokan News كـوكـن نـيـوز

Page 12

Traditional Boat Forms of Konkan

By Sachin S Pendse

Abstract

Konkan occupies a narrow strip of land adjoining the Arabian Sea along the west coast of the state of Maharashtra in India. Mentioned in Greco–Roman sea voyage accounts, such as the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, and in the works of Ptolemy and Strabo, it is a place of great antiquity. By virtue of its coastal location, Konkan has a distinct attachment to the sea, with its estuaries influencing the pattern of life in the region, and its shipping forming a crucial link between the Deccan hinterland and ports across the Arabian Sea, Persian Gulf and Red Sea, as well as the east coast of Africa. For centuries, local communities in Konkan constructed vessels that were designed for deployment in the coastal and overseas trades. Depending on the need and objectives of local inhabitants, a variety of boat forms evolved along this coast, ranging from primitive, shallow-draught coasting craft to large sea-going vessels. During the seventeenth century, vessels with specific political and military purposes were built to form the Maratha Navy. In describing these Konkan boats, this research note considers three types of vessel: coasting craft, merchant vessels and warships.

Keywords: Konkan, wooden boats, coasting craft, merchant vessels, warships

Source:- International Journal of Maritime History, Vol. 26(2), 2014. P. 364-377

Konkan has long engaged in seaborne trade, as the Greco–Roman sea voyage accounts in the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, and the works of Ptolemy and Strabo, testify. Occupying a narrow strip of land adjoining the Arabian Sea along the west coast of the state of Maharashtra in India, Konkan stretches from the Daman Ganga River (latitude 20

o

20‘ N) in the north to the Terekhol Creek (15o 42‘ N) in the south, a length of 410 km as the crow flies. It is separated

from the interior (Deccan) by the western escarpment of the Sahyadri, and therefore constitutes a discrete physical zone of the west coast of India. The coast is characterised by estuaries, with deep tidal inlets, sandy or rocky beaches, and a large number of headlands, and it is around these estuaries and inlets that the population is concentrated. Communication across the adjacent sea has been significant since early historic times. But this maritime influence is confined to a very narrow coastal strip, for the west–east linkages through narrow ghats passes have posed severe obstacles for coast–inland communication. Accordingly, coastal communities used the sea for all external interactions, not all of which have been commercial in character, for a paucity of trading commodities in south Konkan during the medieval era contributed to its emergence as a notorious pirate coast.

N/A: not applicable. a1882 prices. Source: B.K. Apte, The Maratha Navy and Merchant Ships (Bombay, 1973). a1882 prices.

This research note describes the vessel forms of the Konkan coast (Table 1). Here, wooden-hulled vessels

ranging from 10 to 1500 tons were active before the Christian era. A variety of vessels emerged, their character varying according to their purpose, the timber and building techniques utilised and the configuration of the coast. Boat designs

Table 1. Chief Characteristics of Konkan Merchant Ships.

Name Size

(tons)

Length

(m)

Width (m)

Keel (m)

Mast(s)

Sails Type Cost

(rupees)

Dinghi 70–150 27 5.0 17 2 Lateen Coaster 3000–6000a

Machuvas 10–20 9–12 3.0–4.5

5 1 Lateen Fishing/cargo 700–1500a

Suval 10–20 17 5.0 12 2 Lateen Fishing 700–1500a

Balav 5–8 12 3.5 7 1 Lateen Fishing 500–1000a

Padav 10–30 13 4.5 8–10 1 Lateen Fishing/cargo 1000–2000

Batela 5–100 23 5.0 4 3-4 Lateen Coasting trade 500–2000a

Pattimar 100–200 25 9.0 13 2 + 1 jib Lateen Coasting trade 1000–8000a

Shibad 250 33 8.0 20 2 + 1 jib Lateen Coasting trade N/A

Mahagiri 20–50 20 15.0 2 1 Lateen Coasting trade 1500–2000a

Botil 50–100 5 15.0 2 2 Lateen Coasting trade 1000–4000a

Baghela 200–400 27 60. 13 2-3 Lateen Coasting trade 6000–15,000a

Volume 6, Issue 3 | July — September 2014

Page 13

were further influenced by maritime contacts with other regions, with Arab traditions evident in the shape of west-coast vessels, whereas on the east coast Chinese and Far Eastern influences were strong. To describe a vessel stock that ranged from coasting crafts of shallow draught to large sea-going vessels, this discussion is divided into three parts, which examine, respectively, primitive coasting craft, merchant vessels and warships. Primitive Coasting Craft

Primitive boats and rafts were built from early times. Used mainly for fishing, tarafas were the main rafts in the

near-shore waters. They were large enough to carry four bullock carts at a time on a flat, wooden-railed platform of about 4–7m in length, with a removable mast, sail, oars and punting poles. Propelled by oars, tarafas were 10–25 tons, and worked without sails in the back waters, harbours and creeks. These rafts were prevalent until the eighteenth century, and are a rare sight today.

Dugouts are made from large logs of wood, specifically large trunks of mango, by scooping out the inner part,

the bottom portion being thicker than the sides. Such dugouts had practically gone out of use owing to a paucity of softwood trees with huge trunks following extensive deforestation in coastal areas during the colonial period. They were superseded by larger pseudo-dugouts, which were up to 10m long and 2m wide and built of planks with a scooped out hull base strengthened by cross beams. Termed hodi, shipil and barakin, the canoes of the Konkan coast were propelled by paddle, supplemented occasionally by a lateen sail, single rigged on a removable bamboo mast (see Figure 1). On the rocky, hilly Ratnagiri coast, with its high waves, an outrigger, known as ulti, was deployed to maintain balance (see Figure 2). Operating at the northern limits of the outrigger, these canoes were known as bambots, and were used for fishing and limited coastal ferry passenger movement. This boat form developed indigenously into longer deep sea vessel forms, which were not influenced by Arab and European designs.

Figure 1. Dugout.

Merchant Vessels The larger seagoing vessels on the Konkan coast are indigenous, although some built in the late medieval and

colonial periods borrowed Arab and Portuguese features. The local boat designs are of various forms. They are all keeled, plank-built boats, with stem and stern posts and rudder. They sail mostly with lateen sails, although in earlier days they used square sails.

Kokan News كـوكـن نـيـوز

Page 14

Figure 2. Outrigger.

Figure 3. Machuva.

Volume 6, Issue 3 | July — September 2014

Page 15

The dinghi is a low craft ranging from 70 to 150 tons in size. It has two masts and a gunwale line rising to the bow. It is 27m long, 5m wide and has a depth of 2.8m. The keel is 17m long. The dinghi is open and undocked. It has a pointed stern and a plain rudder rising 1.3m above the bulwark. The bulwark itself rises slightly towards the prow. The stem rises 0.6m to end in a point. The stern stretches down at a slight angle to about 1.3m and then draws back at a steep angle for about 6m, meeting the keel 10m forward of the mast. The keel curves from here about 3m back and then remains level to the stern. The main mast has a steep forward rake and rises to a height of 10m above the gunwale. The mizzen mast is closer to the stern and rises 6m. The dinghi is similar to the Arab Boom, an excellent fast sailor originally from the Sind and Makran coast. It is built of Malabar teak, and works as a coaster carrying cargo between the Arab and Malabar Coast.

The machuva is a small-decked fishing and cargo vessel. It is decked and protected by a wooden taff-rail

running all around, which is meant for the paddlers to walk along. The machuva is 9–12m long with a width of 3.0–4.5m and a depth of 2m. A loaded machuva draws 0.7m. It has a single lateen sail, as well as oars. When used as a cargo carrier, it carries two masts with lateen sails. South Konkan machuvas are larger and can work in the deep sea trades (see Figures 3 and 4).

The suval of South Konkan is a variant of the machuva. It is 10–20 tons, round-built and equipped with two

masts. It is 17m long and has a width of 5m and depth of 2m. The keel is 12m in length. The gunwale line falls slightly from stern to amidships and again rise in a long curve, about 1.5m to the bow. The stem is drawn back to about 8m at a sharp angle and about 1.5m to the forward of the main mast. From here, it rises with a curve of 1.5m to the foot of the main mast and beyond to the stern post. It is open decked, but carries a covered shed on either side of the mizzen mast. The main mast amidships rises 9m with a forward rake of 60º. The mizzen mast is 8m behind the main mast, 3m from the stern and rises to 6m with a lesser forward rake. As the name suval indicates, this is a deep sea fishing vessel. The transom stern terminates sharply in a greatly staked stern post, with the bow slightly higher than the stern. It has a mizzen mast in addition to the main mast and carries lateen sails.

The balav is a Konkan fishing boat and is a lighter version of the machuva used for deep sea fishing. It is 12m

long and 3.5m wide, with a keel of 7m and a depth of 1.6m. It can carry a load of 5–8 tons. With a round stern, the stern post slants forward 15º. It has an 8m long mid-ship mast with a forward rake of 75º. It carries a lateen sail that is relatively large for the size of the vessel, and a removable rudder. An extinct version of the balav is dobash, which is essentially a balav decked fore and aft, with a length of 20–28m and a breadth of 5m. Some carry two masts, with the main mast 12–13m high, with a lateen sail. They were 10–25-tonners and could reach up to 300 km from the shore in good weather. They were used as search and pilot vessels, and carried Parsi interpreters, hence the name dobash.

Figure 4. Machuva cross section.

Kokan News كـوكـن نـيـوز

Page 16

The padav was the cotton boat of eighteenth-century Bombay. It was a low, broad built 10–30-tonner, with an overall length of 13m, a width of 4.5m and a depth of 1.5m. The keel was about 8–10m. It has a rounded stern with a slant of 15º rising 2m above the keel. From the stern post the gunwale line stretches level for 8m and then rises in a curve about 1m to the prow. The stem is drawn back 6m at a sharp angle and lies 8m in front of the mast and comes to a point at a depth of 2.8m below the gunwale line. The keel rises from here in a curve of 1.8m to the foot of the mast and from the mast stretched level to the stern post. This boat form is no more in use, as cotton supply along the coast has ceased. A form of padav, which worked along the coast and carried perishable trade from Raigad coast, especially Chaul to Mumbai, is called panwala, but is no more in use.

Figure 5. Batela. Batela is a larger, deeper version of the machuva and padav. It has a square stern and a flat build with a level

keel and two nearly upright masts, and a third mizzen with three or four sails. It has a jib boom sharply inclined upwards. It is 23m in length, with a width of 5m, a depth of 3m and a keel that is 4m long. The stern post rakes forward by 10º. A massive rudder stands out at 3m behind the stern post and rises a 1m above the poop in a flat top fitted with a tiller. The stem stretches back about 10m at a sharp angle to meet the keel 4m in front of the main mast. The main mast is mid-ship, with a slight forward rake and is 13m high, while the mizzen mast is 5m behind the main mast rising 6m above the gunwale. Both masts carry lateen sails. The batela is used as a cargo coaster between Malabar, Konkan and Gujarat (see Figures 5 and 6).

The pattimar of South Konkan is a larger version of the machuva and is based on the Mangalore design. It has

no likeness to Arab boats. This is a handsome 25–100-ton vessel, planked with teak but built from jungle wood, such as ain and babul, and nailed. This is a narrow, sharp, low vessel with two masts and a jib boom. It has a high prow and a peaked keel. A patimar is about 25m long and 9m wide, with a depth of 2m. The keel is 13m long. The stern post rakes aft and carries a large rudder that rises above the deck to the height of a bulwark about 1 m above the deck. The gunwale line stretches from the stern to the bow with a slight rise and ends in a rounded stern post. A jib boom runs 5m out of the bow. The stem stretches back 10m to the keel, about 2.8m forward of the mast. The keel curves towards the main mast and stretches level to the stern, which is square or round. The main mast, 10m from the prow, rises 20m above the gunwale with a significant forward rake. The mizzen mast is 9.0m behind the main mast and 11.5m above the gunwale. The pattimar also carries a jib sail. The deck is made of split bamboos and can be rolled like a mat. At the stern is a roofed cabin (see Figures 7 and 8). It is a fast sailer used by coasting traffic carrying valuable cargo on the west coast. The phani is a small coaster version with a wedge-shaped prow.

Shibar is a larger pattimar of 250 tons. It is 33m long, 8m wide, 4m deep and has a 20m long keel. It has a

square stern and is flat bottomed, undocked and fitted with a permanent bulwark. It has two masts and a jib boom, three sails (two lateen and one jib), and an open poop along with a small open forecastle for galley. The main mast is 20m high, whereas the mizzen mast is only 13m high. The shibar was used in the coastwise timber trade along the west coast in late medieval and Maratha times, but is totally obsolete today.

Volume 6, Issue 3 | July — September 2014

Page 17

Figure 6. Batela cross section.

Figure 7. Pattimar.

Kokan News كـوكـن نـيـوز

Page 18

A mahagiri is a 20–35-tonner with a length of 20m, a width of 15m and a depth of 2.8m. The keel is 13m in length. It carries a mizzen mast. The mahagiri were used to transport tiles and bricks from Mangalore to Mumbai during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Even the largest of these sailing vessels do not require a water depth of more than 8–10m, with the smallest needing about 4m or less. Steering these vessels in near shore waters and the intertidal zones requires great caution.

A botil (batille) is built with Burma teak, and has a high stern and a projecting bow. It is a low, two-masted

vessel, with a high poop, heavy stern post and rudder. It has a level keel of about 10m in length. The rudder falls 1m below the level of stern post. The botil has a length of 22m and a beam 5m wide; it has a draught of 2.8m. The keel is 15m long. From about 4m aft of the mizzen mast, the sides narrow to a flat stern about 1m wide. From the stern, the rudder stretches 2.3m, rising 1.6m above the gunwale line. A poop runs forward for 5m from the stern. The stem post falls back about 6m to the keel and 3m forward of the main mast, rising to a height of 13m above the gunwale with a forward rake. The yards are 18m and 13m long, respectively, and carry lateen sails. These vessels used to carry cargo between the Persian Gulf, Gujarat, Konkan and Malabar.

The bagela is built with a level keel, lofty poop and a low bow. It has a main mast, mizzen and sometimes a third

mast with a forward rake. Propelled by lateen sails, a 100- ton bagela is about 27m long and has a 6m beam and a depth of 3m. The keel is 13m long. The stern is square and there is a poop measuring 7m projecting above the gunwale that rises slightly towards the bow. They are provided with decks and hatches with improvised wooden bulkheads between the holds. The poop provides space for the crew and above it is the steering gear with a mariner‘s compass. Generally, there are two masts, occasionally three, which have two fore and aft sails. The main sail measures about 20m

2, while the foresail is smaller, measuring about 10m along the leech when hoisted. Two additional sails are usually

carried for emergency use. The height of the masts depends on the size of the vessel, which usually ranges from about 160 to 250 tons, but can also extend up to 400 tons. A loaded 100-ton bagela draws about 3m of water and can cover distances of up to 160–250 nautical miles per day with a favourable wind (see Figure 9). These ships used to ply between the west coast of India and the Persian Gulf, Arabia and East African ports like Mombasa, Mozambique, Zanzibar and other ports. They were mainly engaged in carrying goods like dates, raisins, almonds, pistachios, mats, coffee, carpets and other general cargo from the home port to India, with food, grains, hemp, groundnut, yarn, iron and steel products conveyed on the return voyage.

Figure 8. Pattimar Cross Section.

Volume 6, Issue 3 | July — September 2014

Page 19

Bagelas are deep sea vessels of Arab or Red Sea origin, and were found around Mumbai port. The name is derived from the Arabic baghla, a mule because of its carrying capacity. Other Arabian boat forms of the same class are sambuk (mainly used for passenger traffic), bhoom and ganja. These are beautifully decorated, both fore and aft, with most built at Basra, Muscat, Linga, Bandar-Abbas and Kuwait (see Figure 10). They were relatively small, and their peculiar design made them surf riders. They safely sailed above the waves rather than cutting through water, thus making them fast. With a shallow draft rarely exceeding 5 m, these ships could sail up to the ports located at the tidal heads upstream, facilitating the development of river trade.

Figure 9. Bagela.

Warships A distinguishing feature of Konkan craft technology is the construction of a variety of warships for deployment in

the brown water close to the coast. The growth of the Maratha Navy entailed the utilisation of ships that were primarily variants of the merchant ships, suitably modified to play the role of men of war (see Table 2). Galbat, and ghurab or grab, were two such variants that were well-suited for this coast.

Source: B.K. Apte, The Maratha Navy and Merchant Ships (Bombay, 1973).

Larger gurabs had a capacity of 300 tons, whereas the lesser class had a capacity of 150 tons. They had three

masts and were broader in proportion to their length, narrowing from the middle portion to the end. They had prows instead of bows, and were covered with a strong deck that was on the same level as that of the main deck. It was separated from the main deck by a bulkhead which terminated in the forecastle. The construction enabled the ghurab to pitch violently when sailing against a head sea. The deck of the prow was without side enclosure, so that the sea water that dashed against it passed off uninterrupted. The main deck under the forecastle carried two cannons, from 9 to 12 pounds, pointing forward through the portholes cut into the bulkhead. They fired over the prow. Cannons on the broad side ranged from 6 to 9 pounds. Ghurabs had square topsails and topgallant sails.

Table 2. Chief Characteristics, Maratha Naval Ships.

Type Size

(tons) Length

(m) Width

(m) Masts Sails Guns

Calibre (pounds)

Cost (1794

Prices)

Pal >300 35–38 8 3 Square + lateen - - -

Ghurab 150–300 35–37 6-8 2 Square topgallant/ top square Lateen

2 deck + 8 Broadside

6-12 33,157

Galbat 70 27 5 2 Lateen 6-8 2-4 7852

Kokan News كـوكـن نـيـوز

Page 20

Galbats were large row boats, built like ghurabs but smaller in dimension. They rarely exceeded 70 tons. They had two main masts, of which the mizzen was very slight. The main mast had one triangular sail. When hoisted, its peak reached much higher than the mast itself. Galbats were usually covered with spar-deck, made up of split bamboos; hence, they were light. They carried only patteroes, which were mounted with 6 or 8 pieces of cannons ranging from 2 to 4 pounds. These light guns were fixed on swivels. They were propelled by 40–50 oarsmen at a speed of 6 km/h.

The pal was the most powerful fighting unit in the Maratha Navy. It had three masts perpendicular to the hull. The masts were made of two pieces joined together just below the square sails. The mizzen mast carried a square sail at the top and lateen sail below tucked up on a yard (see Table 3).

Source: B.K. Apte, The Maratha Navy and Merchant Ships (Bombay, 1973).

The galbat and ghurab had the essential features of warships. A long projecting streamlined prow easily cut its way through the water. The area of contact of the front of such a prow with water being small, the resistance of water was less, resulting in good speed. As these vessels were broader in proportion to their length, they had greater stability. Steering entailed a rudder slung along the stern post. The hull of a warship was secured by iron bolts, although sewn planking was common. These vessels were clinker built, possibly to reduce the impact of waves impinging on the sides, at times with a strong force. Teak was the wood of choice for these warships. The keel, the outer planks and other parts exposed to sea water were made of teak, while the ribs and the beam in the upper structure of the hull were made up of jack, mango or undi. Teak, as well as punnai (Calophylum inophylum), was used for masts as long and straight pieces of timber could be obtained from these trees. The hull was secured with coconut coir and undi (Bassia latifolia) or fish oil.

Conclusion

With the arrival of the British in Mumbai, the establishment of Bombay Docks under the Wadia family in 1735 led to the gradual decline of boat building along the Konkan coast. Advances in naval architecture, chiefly the introduction of steam-powered, iron-and steel-hulled ships during the nineteenth century, changed the market for the timber-built vessels. Average vessel size grew, while the number, speed and comfort of vessels improved, with increasing numbers of vessels fitted with triple expansion engines and screw propellers. The opening of the Suez Canal hastened the contraction in demand for sailing ships, while the development of alternative modes of transport, especially road and railway, negatively affected coasting trade, and restrictions on forest felling led to a paucity of timber. These broad, deep-seated and interacting market factors resulted in the decline of traditional boat forms and the contraction of the Konkan shipbuilding industry. This change was accompanied by the loss of the traditional knowledge, skills and practices that had made Konkan timber boats the backbone of the region‘s coasting and overseas trade.

Select Bibliography Apte, B.K. - The Maratha Navy and Merchant Ships (Bombay, 1973). Arunachalam, B. - Essays in Maritime Studies (MarMaritime History Society, Bombay, India 1998). Arunachalam, B. - Indian Boat Forms and Designs (Maritime History Society, Bombay, India, 2009). Basham, A.L. - Notes on Seafaring in Ancient India (Calcutta, 1964). Deloche, Jean - Transport and Communications in India, Prior to Steam Locomotion. Vol. 2: Water Transport (Oxford, 1994). Edye, John - ‗Mr. Edye on the Native Vessels‘, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1833).

Table 3. The Complements of Maratha Navy Ships, 1773.

Type Soldiers Gunners Sailors Total

Pal

Mahadeo pal 108 14 153 275

Samsherjang pal 229 15 125 369

Phatejung pal 229 15 125 369

Narayan pal 150 12 80 242

Gurab

Shivprasad 57 4 49 110

Ramprasad 57 4 49 110

Ganeshprasad 35 4 39 78

Galbat

Sawai raghunath 22 2 24 48

Narang 25 2 29 56

Phatelashkar 25 2 29 56

Volume 6, Issue 3 | July — September 2014

Page 21

Gazetteer of Bombay Presidency, Thane District, XXIII, part II, (1882). Greenhill, B. - Archaeology of the Boat (London, 1976).

Hornell, James. - The Origins and Significance of Indian Boat Designs (1918). Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Calcutta 1920. Mathew, K.M.- ‗Portuguese Shipbuilding in India‘, Quarterly Review of Historical Studies, XXIII (1983). Moreland, W.H.- The Ships of the Arabian Sea about 1500 AD. JRAS (pp 173 192) 1939, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland (New Series). Rajamanickam, G.- Victor ‗Indigenous Traditions on Boat Building Technology in India‘,

CSIR (HRD) Project, Department of Industries and Earth Sciences, Tamil University, Thanjavur, 1995.

Author Biography

Sachin Pendse holds a PhD in Geography from the University of Mumbai, India. He is Associate Professor at

Tolani College of Commerce, Andheri, and has written numerous articles on boat designs, navigation and the maritime heritage of the west coast of India, as well as the single authored book, Maritime Heritage of Konkan, published by MHS (Indian Navy) in February 2011. His other areas of interests include Maritime and Coastal Security.

Mr. Abrar Kotawdekar topper in Kokan Division in SSC [2013-2014] from Urdu medium with 94% marks is receiving award from Mr. G. I. Aawte, Vice-President of Aziza Dawood Naik High School, Ratnagiri. Mr. Khalid Aawte, member of the school committee and Mr. Irshad Kazi (sponsor) are on the right side. Dr.Siraj Momin is the Principal of the High school. Kokan News congratulates Mr. Abrar and wishes him success in future also.

Kokan News كـوكـن نـيـوز

Page 22

Volume 6, Issue 3 | July — September 2014

Page 23

Kokan News كـوكـن نـيـوز

Page 24

Few words to Kokan News Readers:

If you find anything in Kokan News to criticize, please write to me, quoting Vol. No., Issue No. and page numbers, I shall be glad to consider your criticism. Any corrections accepted will be gratefully acknowledged. On the other hand, if there is something that specially pleases you or helps you, please do not hesitate to write to me. I have given up other interests to help Kokan, Kokanis in the interest of nation. It will be a pleasure to know that my labor has not been in vain. My email is: smbijle@yahoo.co.uk Dr. Siraj Mohammed Bijle.

Kokan News Web Site: www.kokannews.org DNAWorld Web Site : www.dnaworld.org

Contact:

Dr. Siraj Mohammed Bijle

Tel: +0096611-4885200

Mobile: +9665-0-627-427-0

Email: smbijle@yahoo.co.uk

HEAD OFFICE:

101, Zahra Apartments

Enron Bypass, Guhaghar Road,

Chiplun City-415 605,

Dist: Ratnagiri [MS], Via Mumbai, INDIA.

Kokan News Honorary Members

Dr. Abdulghani Dalvi, Riyadh Eng. Yusuf Mansuri, Canberra Dr. Mohammed Abbas Khatkhatey (MESCO), Mumbai Dr. Abdul Razzak Rumane, Kuwait Dr. Rahmatullah Galsulkar, Kuwait Dr. M. Hayyan Al-Hafez, Riyadh Dr. Amjad Ali, AMU, Aligarh Mrs. Rehana Aslam Bijle, Chiplun Mrs. Firoza Fida Tasbi, Chiplun Mr. Mohammed Akram Imtiaz, Hyderabad Mr. Abdulghani A. Patel, Khed Mr. Abdulkarim A. Kurawle,Dapoli Mr. Irshad Edroos, Janjira, Raigad Mr. Abid Khawar, Dammam Mr. Mukhtar Chougle, Al-Khobar Mr. Mohammed Mulla, Bahrain Mr. Wazir Khatib, Chiplun Mr. Sabir Galsulkar, Kuwait Mr. Shaukat Chougule, Chiplun Mr. Anwar I. Parkar, Chiplun Mr. Rafique Parkar, Chiplun Mr. Salim A, Alware, Mumbai Mr. Tahir Hasan Anware, Riyadh

The Editor of the ―Kokan News‖ welcome contributions of research articles from our

readers. The Newsletter will consider for publication manuscripts of interest to readers

with special reference to Kokan. All submissions are subject to review by the Editor and

by refer in appropriate specialties.

Submission of Manuscripts: Manuscripts are received with the understanding that they

are not under simultaneous consideration by another publication. An abstract published

prior to a full report is not regarded as a duplicate publication. The author‘s transmittal

letter must accompany the manuscript and contain these statements. ―The manuscript

has been seen and approved by all authors involved and is neither being

published nor being considered for publication elsewhere. The authors transfer

copyright to the ―Kokan News‖. Accepted manuscripts may not be published

elsewhere without Kokan News permission.

Responsibilities of Authors: The authors are entirely responsible for accuracy of all statements and data. The Statements expressed in the signed articles reflects the views and opinions of the authors and not the policies of the Kokan News. The Kokan News does not accept responsibility for statements made by the contributors/authors. The oth-er important points must be followed by the Authors are: 1. Articles must be in ARABIC, ENGLISH, HINDI, KOKANI, MARATHI AND URDU. 2. DO NOT submit the same article more than once. 3. We don't accept articles for publication against our government, organizations or

individuals. We will include articles about development with special reference to Kokan and Kokanis and in the interest of our nation and humanity only… Editor

Please submit manuscripts to the Editor:

Kokan News E-mail: - smbijle@yahoo.co.uk & info@kokannews.org

Call for Research Papers ―Kokan News‖ invites research papers in all fields e.g. Agriculture, Aqua Culture, Dairy Technology, Disabilities and related issues, Education, Environment, Food Technology, Health Sciences, Information Technology, Islamic Banking and Finance, Kokan History, Language and Literature, Library and Information Science, Medicine, Science & Technology and Tourism with reference to Kokan Region. Please send the information on below mentioned e-mail as a word document. Please follow the below mentioned Publication Polices. Editor, Kokan News. smbijle@yahoo.co.uk & info@kokannews.org

Publication Policy / Guidelines for Authors / Contributors

Editorial Board

Prof. Dr. A. M. I. Dalvi Anjuman-e-Islam Urdu Research Institute Mumbai-400 001, India

Prof. Dr. Samir Abdel Hamid Nouh School of Theology Doshisha University Imadegawa Karasuma, Kamigyo-ku Kyoto 602-8580, JAPAN

Mr. M. K. Dalvi Urdu Foundation London, UK

Mrs. Nujmoonnisa Parker Kokni Delights Cape Town, South Africa

Smt. Sushma Ketan Karnik Library & InfoSc. Specialist, Navi Mumbai, India

Miss Aisha Siraj Bijle Education & Career Editor Mumbai Bureau, India