For recent discussions concerning the cultural significance of travel in sagas, see e.g. Jesch1

(2005), Zilmer (2005b), and Zilmer (2006a).

Viking and Medieval Scandinavia 4 (2008) 227–48. 10.1484/J.VMS.1.100313

SCENES OF ISLAND ENCOUNTERS IN ICELANDIC SAGAS:REFLECTIONS OF CULTURAL MEMORY

Kristel Zilmer

One of the recurring thematic elements in sagas such as konungasögur andÍslendingasögur is travel in the Viking Age — in its various forms and pur-poses. In many sagas the sequences relating the mobility of saga characters

create the image of regular interaction between different regions and, among otheraspects, speak of the travellers’ — and the narrators’ — continuous interest inthose parts of the world that lie outside one’s customary setting. Saga imagery oftravel and communication is significant both from a narrative as well as a cultural-historical point of view. One particular aspect of such imagery concerns the man-1

ner in which the narrative constructs a cognitive landscape within which certainfeatures illuminate both mythical convictions and traces of real-life experiences.

In this paper the focus will lie on island encounters as depicted in the medievalIcelandic saga tradition representing the activities of the Viking Age. It will beargued that in their representation of interaction with islands different cognitiveand cultural layers can be detected. For one, the imagery concerning islands can beexpected to accord with the central understanding of the meaning of islands in themedieval tradition. Secondly, it will be shown that corresponding saga depictionsalso reflect experiences that connect with the Viking Age and as such demonstratea cultural awareness of belonging within a certain tradition. With the Icelandicnarratives themselves being cultivated in an insular community, the evidence oftheir approach to island encounters is of particular relevance: on the one hand, cor-responding material provides witness to a general interest in depicting islands and

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The range of examples is limited to Íslendingasögur and konungasögur, as well as relevant2

þættir, as it is in these sources that the Viking Period and its characteristic patterns of interactionlie in the centre of attention. The narratives’ approach to the events of the past is predominantlyrealistic but with regard to the representation of particular thematic elements — in our case islandexperiences — different layers of meaning (both pragmatic and symbolic) are visible.

The application of different sagas that complement each other is also explained in Zilmer3

(2005a, 277–79).

contacts with islands; on the other hand, it reveals common cultural conventionsincluding the practice of (re)constructing one’s self-image in terms of interactionwith others. Among other features, relevant saga scenes cast light upon the culturalmemories of people who moved away from an ancestral territory and establishedthemselves within a new insular community, while preserving for tradition avibrant collection of tales bearing witness to continuous patterns of interaction.

Sagas and Cultural Memory

The introductory remarks referred to Íslendingasögur and konungasögur as narra-tive sources that represent the Viking past and in doing so also actively engage inthe construction of particular cultural memories. A study across several sagas that2

originate from medieval Iceland allows us to examine the various facets of suchmemory formation. In the sagas of Icelanders the images of Viking interactionemerge as part of the Icelanders’ own tradition. In the kings’ sagas the logic behindthe corresponding scenes is connected to the Icelanders’ interest in mapping eventsrepresentative of Scandinavian experiences.3

From a broader cultural perspective it can be argued that together the sourcescontribute to the formation of a collective cultural memory that on the one hand fo-cuses upon the settlement of Iceland as a result of Viking-Age mobility — a processwhich can even be determined to be a wave of migration — and at the same timehighlights the importance of maintaining regular communication with other terri-tories. Furthermore, certain regions figure as traditional zones of interest, reflectingties between the present location and the sites where one came from. Hastrup hasemphasized the unity between Iceland and Scandinavia in terms of continuoustravel and communication. In particular, she brings to the fore the nature of con-tacts between Iceland and Norway, since ‘journeys to Norway had the additionalquality of being journeys “back” to the country of origin’ (Hastrup 1985, 223).

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For a discussion on some key issues in memory studies, and also a methodological criticism4

of the chosen approaches, see for example Assmann (1995), Kenny (1999), Hutton (2000), Klein(2000), Kansteiner (2002), van Dijck (2004).

The activity of travelling emerges in Íslendingasögur and konungasögur as an in-dividual achievement and a collective practice; furthermore, it is presented as a cus-tomary topic of conversation, providing insight into a kind of cultural convention.The saga narratives demonstrate this both in terms of being stories that include thetheme of travel and through their explicit references to the custom of telling traveltales and forming a shared storage of knowledge (see also Zilmer 2006a, 1109–12).

Keeping in mind the collective potential of Íslendingasögur and konungasögurin the representation of the activities of the past, it is further necessary to clarify thegeneral theoretical implications of applying the concept of cultural memory. Al-though this paper does not aim at engaging in the fundamental debates unfoldingwithin the field of memory studies, some basic principles behind the chosen termi-nology have to be taken into consideration. It is obvious that the vocabulary4

applied in studying various aspects of memory is manifold (see e.g. Kansteiner2002). Kansteiner introduces the distinction drawn by Assmann (1995) betweencommunicative memory and cultural memory as a functionally helpful strategy.According to Assmann the former is limited to the level of everyday com-munication and as such appears to be an instable and temporarily narrow category.In the meantime, ‘the concept of cultural memory comprises that body of reusabletexts, images, and rituals specific to each society in each epoch, whose “cultivation”serves to stabilize and convey that society’s self-image’ (Assmann 1995, 132).Assmann also identifies the main features of cultural memory. Important from ourpoint of view is the fact that cultural memory is described as ‘the store of knowl-edge from which a group derives an awareness of its unity and peculiarity’ (Assmann1995, 130); in light of this, the image of cultural memory as a fixed category isstrengthened. On the other hand, ‘cultural memory works by reconstructing, thatis, it always relates its knowledge to an actual and contemporary situation’ (Assmann1995, 130).

Such basic features also ring true of the saga narrative as a mediation of culturalmemory. Sagas as a repertoire of traditional cultural narratives reveal which knowl-edge and experiences have been stored and storied in the representation of pastidentities, perhaps with the purpose of reinforcing the society’s understanding ofits historical premises. At the same time the sagas also reveal the strategies ac-cording to which the representation of the past is dynamically fitted into a contem-porary horizon, with its own specific purposes and motives.

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In further studies it would also be important to bring in certain broader aspects of island5

representation with regard to other forms of saga literature as well as eddic and skaldic poetry; thelatter two categories are to a certain degree discussed in a forthcoming paper by Zilmer. However,as stated above, in this current context the main interest concerns the depiction of islands in sagasthat address the events of the Viking Period.

However, certain parallels will also be drawn to relevant scenes related to the Icelanders’ native6

setting.

Interesting observations can also be made with regard to such island encounters that have a7

more exploratory nature, for example in connection with the Vínland voyages. However, since thiscurrent study is mostly concerned with the practice of ‘going back’ to areas of traditional interestthis material is not included in the further analysis.

Previous research concerning the narrative imagery of maritime traffic in the Baltic region has8

also shown that this area constitutes an elucidative case for analysis (cf. Zilmer 2006b).

As claimed above, the saga scenes relating island encounters have the potentialto illuminate certain aspects of insular understandings and self-imagery thatconnect with different temporal horizons and cultural practices. As such they are5

also reflective of the formation of cultural memories that make sense of the past asmuch as they reveal the interests and conventions of the present.

Islands: Geographical and Conceptual Frames

The imagery of islands is in sagas very much connected with general depictions oftravel and communication. In the following, scenes of island encounters will bedealt with mainly in the light of regional and inter-regional travel schemes.6

Primary attention will be devoted to such zones of activity that involve the Scan-dinavian countries — that is, island encounters in the waters around Norway,Denmark, and Sweden, with a certain focus placed upon the maritime landscapesof the North Sea, the Norwegian Sea, and the Baltic Sea. Relevant examples willalso be included from the realm of the British Isles. These are the zones where thesaga travellers move and act regularly. As explained above, from the Icelandic per-spective certain territories also form a natural unity with Iceland in terms ofmaintaining a vivid communication.7

A further reason for concentrating on the above-mentioned maritime terri-tories lies in their illustrative nature in the context of depicting Viking-Agemobility. In the period that the sagas represent, the Baltic Sea and other northernseas are known to have turned into major arenas for European mobility, forminga fresh alternative to the previously central Mediterranean Sea (Kleinschmidt2003, 250–51). According to Kleinschmidt, early narrative examples attesting to8

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the shifting focus from the Mediterranean to the seas in the north can be found inthe ninth-century travel reports by the merchants Ohthere and Wulfstan,incorporated into the Old English translation of Orosius. Into the same traditionwe can place the references to maritime traffic as attested to in various forms ofOld Norse literature, including the Icelandic sagas.

Having established the main geographical borders, it is necessary to examine thegeneral manner in which the concept of an island is communicated in the sagas. Inany study that deals with concepts of various natures, the shifting temporal andspatial frames around them have to be taken into account. With regard to theconcept of an island, we could, for one, consider the fact that in the mythicalgeography of ancient times (and similarly, in Old Norse cosmography) the wholeworld was perceived as an island, the so-called ‘earth island’, with the Ocean riveraround it (cf. e.g. Gillis 2004, 12–13). In the medieval context the terms referringto islands could also be applied to ‘any remote and mysterious place, whether land-locked or surrounded by water’ (Gillis 2004, 17). That is to say, a place that wasnot yet known could be perceived as an island — and in such settings unpredict-able and miraculous events were bound to happen. Connected to such an under-standing was the concept of sacred and holy islands: ‘These were also thresholdsbetween the natural and supernatural worlds’ (Gillis 2004, 28). To that we can addthat a more modern distinction between islands and continents first emergedduring the sixteenth century; at that time the practice of defining islands as specificentities surrounded by water was also firmly established (cf. Gillis 2004, 61–64).

As a contrast to the historically prevailing images of islands as ‘isolated and self-sustaining societies’, to quote Eriksen (1993, 133), more recent approaches withinanthropology have advocated a view according to which traditional insularity assuch is a misleading concept. That is to say, the island metaphor that seems toimply boundedness and isolation is to be replaced with concepts that ratherunderline extensive contacts, interaction, and influences from the outside (Eriksen1993, 133).

The Concept of an Island in the Old Norse Context

There are different ways of mediating the concept of an island in Old Norseliterature. One consists of naming practices and their logic. Thus, some names havean explicit component signifying ‘island(s)’ rather than speaking of ‘land’ — com-pare for example names such as Orkneyjar and Ísland. As for the recorded meaningsof ey in Old Norse, according to Fritzner it has two central senses:

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See e.g. Ellis Davidson (1999) who compares the application of the motif in both sources,9

discussing the apparent similarities as well as differences.

See also Knýtlinga saga (ch. 32) with references to Danish islands; as well as Óláfs saga helga10

(ch. 77) in Heimskringla, with evidence on Swedish islands.

1) Ø, omflydt Land, lat. insula [. . .] 2) flad Landstrækning langs ved Vand eller Elv, isærsaadan, som er udsat for at oversvømmes deraf. (1883–96, I, 354)

[1) Island, land surrounded by water, Latin insula [. . .] 2) flat stretch of land alongside lakeor river, especially of the kind that is exposed to floods.] (my translation)

Thus, the semantics of ey is connected with the image of water, providing us withthe possibility of treating islands as waterbound entities. This perspective is alsovisible in a comment provided in Snorra Edda (according to Codex Upsaliensis,Uppsala, University Library, DG 11 (U)): ‘en ey heitir þat land sem sior eða vatnfellr vm hverfis’ (Jón Sigurðsson 1852, 366) (an island is a land which is sur-rounded by sea or lake).

In fact, Snorra Edda (Gylfaginning, ch. 1) and also Heimskringla (Ynglinga saga,ch. 5) also offer insight into the mythical creation of land surrounded by water,from a conceptual point of view an island. In both sources there occurs the storyof the giantess Gefjon, who ploughed out a fraction of land in Sweden. The land9

was then dragged into the waters around Denmark to form Selund (the island ofSjælland, i.e. Zeeland); in the place where the land was taken from there emergeda lake called Lo3grinn (Lake Mälaren in eastern Sweden). Although in neither pas-sage is the label ‘island’ used explicitly, the general concept of creating an insularterritory is described. At the same time an understanding of this (is)land as afraction of a larger territory is presented, also highlighting the interdependentconnections between land and water.

In the context of Icelandic sagas the applied names and general references donot always reflect a clear topographical or geographical line of thought whendistinguishing between islands and mainland territory — the sources demonstratedifferent cases of overlapping. On the one hand, it is possible to find saga passageswhere the label ‘island’ indeed signifies separate units as opposed to other regions.To a certain degree the size, location, importance, and (administrative) status mayhave influenced the wording. An illustrative example is here taken from Óláfs sagaTryggvasonar by Oddr Snorrason, where in chapter 22 we meet comments con-cerning the division of Norway into districts:10

En landit er greint oc callat þessum heitum Vik. Ho3rðaland. Upplo3nd. Þrondheimr.Halogaland. Finnmo3rk. Iþessum rikiom eru morg heruð oc morg fylki. oc utallegar eyiar.(Finnur Jónsson 1932, 84)

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One of the supposed early names of Iceland, in fact, also contains the element signifying an11

island; according to Landnámabók (cf. Jakob Benediktsson 1968, 34–35) the name given to thecountry by the Swedish traveller Garðarr Svávarsson was Garðarshólmr (the Isle of Garðarr).

In a previous study some corresponding scenes have been illuminated in connection with the12

Baltic Sea region (cf. Zilmer 2006b, particularly 259–67).

[The land is divided and known by the following names: Vík, Hôrðaland, Upplônd,Þrándheimr, Hálogaland, Finnmôrk. In these provinces there are many regions anddistricts and countless islands.] (Andersson 2003, 71)

On the other hand, we find cases of varying designations; as already explainedabove, islands of alternating size and significance do not necessarily have to bear theexplicit label, but the manner in which the narrative presents a certain territory candraw attention to its insular character. This may be demonstrated in terms of therelative inwardness of the territory (an image strengthened in such cases when weare dealing with a remote region) as well as its necessary association with water. Onthe other hand, when focusing upon patterns of interaction the insularity of a par-ticular territory may also become evident by looking at its network ties with otherregions. To take Iceland as an example — characterized by Hastrup as ‘an island inthe world ocean’ (1990, 29) — its natural features as well as the self-understandingof the territory as represented in the narratives illuminate all of the above-mentioned features. In the meantime, it should be remembered that the notion11

of insularity must remain somewhat fluid; it is also based upon negotiating acertain status and identity for oneself in relation to something else. With regard tothe changing perspectives Iceland may hence also figure as mainland territory inrelation to smaller islands off its own coast.

Here we shall follow the broad concept of an island based upon Old Norsesemantics and the actual descriptions provided by the sources. For the sake ofsimplicity an island is thus understood as an entity surrounded by water — be it alake, river, or sea — that due to its features stands out as a particular insular com-munity. At the same time, as will be demonstrated later, the notion of ‘insularity’does not necessarily mean isolation and separation. On the contrary, differentschemes of interaction can be detected in relation to islands.

Islands and Viking Activities: Historical Renderings

To start with, we have to underline the role of islands in the general depiction ofViking interaction. Events that are characteristic of the period are frequently12

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The travellers Álfr and Finnbogi are travelling in the region of Hálogaland, i.e. northern13

Norway.

localized on or in the neighbourhood of islands — in fact, they appear to be placesfavoured by Vikings. Such an association of Vikings with islands (or vice versa) isa common strategy, and fittingly illustrated by a comment provided in Flóamannasaga (ch. 16) when introducing a new character:

Gyrðr hét víkingr, er þeir finna um sumarit undir ey einni. (Þórhallur Vilmundarson andBjarni Vilhjálmsson 1991, 262)

[There was a viking called Gyrd whom they met in the summer beside an island.] (Acker1997, 284)

A common strategy is to point out islands as part of one’s itinerary, since they pro-vide suitable places for (temporary) anchorage. Often it does not matter whetherthe island is small or large, and it is not compulsory to refer to it by name, as alreadyevident from above. In Finnboga saga (ch. 13) one saga character explains the logicbehind his chosen itinerary to a travelling companion in the following manner:13

Hér er ey í milli, ok em ek vanr at vera þar um nótt, þá er ek fer norðan, en þá kem ek heimannan morgin til dagverðardrykkju árla. (Jóhannes Halldórsson 1959, 278)

[There is an island between here and there, and my practice is to spend the night on thatisland when I come from the north, and to arrive early for a breakfast drink next morning.](Kennedy 1997, 235)

The islands thus function as perfect stopping places on the route, but also asoutposts upon one’s arrival to a certain territory. In O3 gmundar þáttr dytts it isdescribed how O3 gmundr arrived in the Trondheim district in Norway and sailedinto the fjord. There he moored his ship by the small island of Niðarhólmr (Nidar-holm, now known as Munkholmen, close to Trondheim) and continued into thetown by boat.

A characteristic motif is to name different islands in connection with raids andbattles, one of the best-known cases being the final battle of Óláfr Tryggvason atthe island of Svolder (Sv3olð(r)). Several islands emerge from the sagas as particularlyexposed to constant raids and (power) struggles; for example, those in the maritimeterritories around the British Isles. A typical account of corresponding eventsmeets us in ch. 89 of Njáls saga, which summarizes the activities of Kári and thesons of Njáll in the regions of Scotland and Wales. Among other undertakings, themen are said to have raided all around the Hebrides and killed a king’s son on the

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Unless stated otherwise the references to different kings’ sagas designate those found in14

Heimskringla.

Parallels to such scenes can be found amongst island motifs occurring in skaldic poetry.15

In connection with this the association created between small islands or holms (holmr/16

hólmr) and the ritualized act of holding a duel (hólmganga) should be underlined. According toCleasby and Vigfusson, hólmganga thus refers to ‘a duel or wager of battle fought on an islet or“holm”’ (1957, 280).

Isle of Man. Another common target area is made up of the Orkney Isles, as forexample described in ch. 103 of Óláfs saga helga:14

en í þann tíma var þar herskátt, því at Norðmenn ok Danir herjuðu mjo3k í vestrvíking okkómu opt við Orkneyjar, þá er þeir fóru vestr eða vestan, ok namu nesnám. (BjarniAðalbjarnarson 1979, II, 173)

[But in those days they were much exposed to raids, for both Norwegians and Danes weregiven to marauding on their viking expeditions to the west, and often touched on the Ork-neys, either going or coming from the west, and made ness-raids.] (Hollander 2002, 362)

In the context of the Baltic region we repeatedly hear about raids, battles, andtribute-collection campaigns that target various Danish islands — depicted bothin Íslendingasögur and konungasögur. In the latter it is typically shown how twokings (or chieftains) proceed against each other, and upon their meeting by someisland the battle is launched. The confrontations may be directly linked to the15

king’s or chieftain’s power extension schemes; as for instance Sveinn Úlfsson whoin ch. 33 of Magnúss saga ins góða took control of Sjælland (Zeeland) and Funenand other islands: ‘fór síðan út í Sjáland ok lagði þar undir sik, svá Fjón ok allareyjar’ (Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson 1979, III, 56) (‘thereupon proceeded to Seeland andmade himself master of it as well as of Funen and all the other islands’: Hollander2002, 570). Besides hosting bigger battles islands could in the meantime provideperfect locations for more private duels between two enemies. One such sceneoccurs in ch. 65 of Egils saga Skalla-Grímssonar, where Egill holds an island duelwith a hostile berserk.16

It is possible to explore specific explanations behind the strategy of selectingislands as the sites for fighting against one’s opponent. Islands make for a goodbattle scene because combat can take place either on the sea or on the shore or asa combination of both. Furthermore, certain topographical features of islands mayassist one in arranging a more efficient resistance; such facts may indeed be pointedout by the narrative. Thus, we can find short comments along the lines providedin ch. 18 of Haralds saga ins hárfagra, where it is mentioned that a certain King

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Bókn refers to the island of Bokn off the Norwegian west coast in the territory of the17

Rogaland county. A similar description can be found in Grettis saga Ásmundarsonar (ch. 4).

Brenneyjar and Eikreyjar refer to the Göteborg archipelagos. About Brenneyjar, see e.g.18

Bjarnar saga hítdœlakappa (ch. 7); Egils saga Skalla-Grímssonar (ch. 48), and Kormáks saga (ch. 26).

Concerning the depiction of islands as hiding places parallels can be drawn to the Icelandic19

setting; there islands often function as sites for outlaws and/or criminals. See for example Gísla sagaSúrssonar, Grettis saga Ásmundarsonar, Eiríks saga rauða, and Egils saga Skalla-Grímssonar.

Kjo3tvi fled to a little island so that he could make better resistance. Occasionally,the narrative may find it necessary to provide more detailed descriptions, as donein ch. 176 of Óláfs saga helga:

Óláfr konungr stefndi fyrir innan Bókn. Fal þá sýn milli þeira. Síðan bað konungr leggjaseglin ok róa fram í sund þro3ngt, er þar var. Lo3gðu þeir þar þá saman skipunum. Gekkkleppurnes fyrir útan þá. (Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson 1979, II, 313)

[King Óláf steered his ships in toward and behind the island of Bókn, so that the fleets lostsight of each other. Then the king ordered his men to lower the sails and row into a narrowsound which opens there, and there all his ships gathered. A rocky headland projectedbeyond them.] (Hollander 2002, 465)17

The particular features of islands also prove useful in organizing stakeouts or whenspying on one’s enemy. The narrative may represent the unfolding events fromvarying perspectives. On the one hand, there occur scenes of Vikings lying in waitby or behind some island and looking for a potential target to show up. On theother hand, it may be pointed out how a king or chieftain arranges a search onsome islands to find the Vikings who keep causing problems for his realm. Withregard to such events particular mention is made of two archipelagos off thewestern coast of Sweden, called Brenneyjar and Eikreyjar, as fitting spots for suchlurking activities (see also Zilmer 2006b, 263–66).18

Certain saga scenes further illustrate islands either as potential hiding places forfugitives or as sites where one could plant spies. In ch. 30 of Haralds saga ins hár-fagra jarl Einarr is searching for his opponent from Rínansey (i.e. North Ronaldsay)in the Orkney Isles, and having problems with locating him on the island. In Egils19

saga Skalla-Grímssonar (ch. 22) the practice of placing spies around islands isdepicted; King Haraldr is sailing along the Norwegian coast and observes nu-merous boats amongst the islands there:

ok hafði lið þat ætlat til fundar við Þórólf, því at njósnir hans ho3 fðu verit allt suðr íNaumudal ok víða um eyjar. (Sigurður Nordal 1933, 54)

[Their crews were on their way to see Thorolf, because he had planted spies all the way toNaumdal and in many islands.] (Scudder 1997, 56)

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See for example Óláfs saga helga (chs 174 and 192) for some corresponding scenes.20

For example, Brenneyjar is in ch. 12 of Laxdœla saga named as the destination for the Nor-21

wegian king planning to attend an assembly; according to the saga such trips were arranged thereevery third year. In ch. 62 of Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar by Oddr Snorrason Brenneyjar is presentedas an appropriate meeting point for kings.

Elucidative aspects of the more symbolic island representation are mediated by other forms22

of Old Norse literature as well; eddic poetry for example contains references to several imaginaryislands in the scheme of peculiar events but occasionally also points out islands that can be clearlyidentified (see Zilmer forthcoming). An illustrative example is stanza 24 of Lokasenna where Lokiblaims Óðinn for having practiced seiðr (seid, a form of sorcery) on the island of Samsø (a centrallylocated Danish island that is often mentioned in sagas).

The motif of spies accords well with the image of islands as bridges of communi-cation that contribute to the formation of numerous contact networks. Anotherfacet of the same imagery lets islands fulfil the function of news exchange; that isto say, they also emerge as arenas where travellers from different regions call in,meet each other, and exchange information; in this manner they have the chanceto learn about recent developments in other districts or find out about the move-ments of their friends or enemies.20

Finally it should be mentioned that besides the typical raids and battles islandsalso belong with the scheme of more peaceful events: they get mentioned inconnection with various meetings, banquets, assemblies, and feasts, and on someislands important farm sites or even royal estates are found.21

Islands and Remarkable Personalities and Events

Besides the typical cases of raids, battles, and other forms of Viking activities thereoccur on or around islands events of a more peculiar nature. The approach of theIcelandic sagas harmonizes in this respect with the general medieval concept ofislands as settings for remarkable and even supernatural events, which may also beof a religious significance.22

One very concrete facet of such imagery associates islands with outstandingpersonalities, both men and women, making a special point of the fact that thereare influential and/or wealthy persons among islanders. A characteristic descrip-tion is taken from ch. 104 of Óláfs saga helga, introducing a certain Hárekr ofÞjótta (i.e. from the island of Tjøtta in Alstahaug in northern Norway) who boughta farm on the island, but soon managed to own the whole island and became

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See e.g. also chs 106 and 117 of the same saga.23

The motif of a hidden treasure also occurs in Njáls saga (ch. 30) in connection with the24

island of Saaremaa (Eysýsla). However, in this case the treasure belongs to some Vikings.

extremely wealthy. Furthermore, certain islanders can also boast of their highly23

unusual origin. Thus, in Egils saga Skalla-Grímssonar (ch. 7) an islander calledBjo3rgolfr living in the region of Hálogaland is said to be descended from a moun-tain giant, as demonstrated by his extraordinary strength and size.

There are also women of extraordinary qualities living on islands. In ch. 37 ofHaralds saga ins hárfagra, a certain Þóra Morstrsto3ng from the island of Morstr(Moster in Sunnhordland) is introduced. She is described as a very attractivewoman, and thus it is only natural that she becomes the mother of a son of KingHaraldr (who is nearly seventy years old at that time). Another remarkable islandlady who gives birth to a child of a saga hero is Þórgunna from the Hebrides, awoman of certain prophetic powers. In ch. 5 of Eiríks saga rauða Leifr Eiríkssonsets sail from Greenland but is driven off course and lands in the Hebrides, wherehe stays for much of the summer. Upon his departure Þórgunna tells him that sheis with child and that their son will come to Greenland to find his father when heis old enough to travel.

The motif of hidden treasure extends the central role of Viking activities in thedepiction of islands. In some cases the treasure is guarded by a supernatural crea-ture, highlighting the special features of an island setting even more. A charac-teristic sequence of events occurs in ch. 18 of Grettis saga Ásmundarsonar. On theNorwegian island of Háramarsey (Haramsøy in Sunnmøre) there lives an impor-tant chieftain, Þorfinnr. His dead father Kárr is haunting the island and has thusscared away all the other landowning farmers. Grettir — who himself is a hero ofextraordinary character — undertakes the task of obtaining a treasure from themound of Kárr and succeeds in this after having defeated the mound-dweller in afierce combat (by chopping off his head).24

This scene also introduces the theme of extraordinary creatures — both realand imaginary — to be encountered on islands. In this manner the image of islandsas a potentially dangerous setting is created. Sagas may underline that certainislands are inhabited by malevolent people and criminals or, alternatively, thatislands are used for putting such evildoers to death. This last aspect contributes tothe understanding of islands as entities that are separated from other regions andtherefore suitable arenas for carrying out unpleasant tasks. In ch. 50 of Óláfs sagaTryggvasonar, the small island of Niðarhólmr is presented from such a perspective:

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A possible identification connects Sauðeyjar with Sandsøya in the coastal region of Sunnmøre.25

Sá hólmr var þá hafðr til þess at drepa þar þjófa ok illmenni, ok stóð þar gálgi. (BjarniAðalbjarnarson 1979, I, 298)

[This island was at that time used for putting to death thieves and evildoers, and a gallowsstood there.] (Hollander 2002, 192)

Besides realistic people and animals the dangerous side of islands may be connectedwith creatures of supernatural nature, as already shown in the case of the saga pas-sage from Grettis saga. The same concept is fittingly mediated by a series of eventsin Orms þáttr Stórólfssonar. In ch. 6 Ásbjo3rn learns about the islands of Sauðeyjar(according to the saga located somewhere in the vicinity of Nordmøre in Nor-way). It is told that the outer island is ruled by a great giant called Brúsi who eats25

human flesh; his evil mother is said to be a black cat the size of an ox. Reference tothese sinister beings explains why the inhabitants of the district could not have ac-cess and therefore also no profit from the islands. In this manner a border is drawnbetween this and the other world. Ásbjo3rn tries to defeat Brúsi but loses his life onthe island. Later on his former companion Ormr — who is said to have taken upthe Christian religion — has an encounter with the giant (chs 8 and 9). Ormr vowsto go on a pilgrimage if he manages to overcome the evil powers at work on theisland, and his mission succeeds. This scene illuminates the significance of thehero’s religious background.

Several of the scenes discussed above have included the motif of (violent) deathoccurring on islands, which may signify how the island by its essence provides asetting where more or less unexpected things can happen. There is a symbolicillustration of similar island experiences in Knýtlinga saga (ch. 40). King KnútrSveinsson is on his way to Bornholm in order to make enquiries over the fate of amerchant ship that has gone missing on its way from Norway to Estonia or some-where else on the eastern route. Before the king reaches Bornholm he lands onanother island and notices that the rocks there are of a deep red colour. As it turnsout, this is the site where the Norwegian merchants suffered an ill fate, with boththe ship and the crew burned to ashes by their captor. The saga says that the rockshave been red ever since that.

Besides death and danger, islands bring about important changes in identities;a dimension of holiness is added by depicting islands as arenas where religioustransformations take place. In particular, the sagas concerning Óláfr Tryggvasonand Óláfr Haraldsson highlight several islands in the context of the kings’ religiousexperiences, missionary activities, or other similar engagements. This is illustrated

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See also ch. 31 of Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar in Heimskringla.26

See also ch. 47 of Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar as well as ch. 96 of Óláfs saga helga in Heimskringla.27

In ch. 47 of Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar in Heimskringla a short reference is made to the same28

island.

Compare the mention of the island in ch. 29 of Óláfs saga helga in Heimskringla. There the29

island is referred to by the name Sæla which means ‘luck’, in its own way symbolizing the goodfortune of the king (cf. Zilmer forthcoming).

As is well known, Selja is associated with the cult of St Sunnifa who according to tradition30

was shipwrecked off the Norwegian coast when escaping from Ireland; she reached the island andset up a religious community there.

See also the events connected to the heathen man Rauðr in Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar (chs31

78–80) in Heimskringla. This source actually refers to several islands in the region of Hálogalandknown as Goðeyjar.

by a series of events in Oddr Snorrason’s Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar. In ch. 14 Óláfrmeets a gifted and prophetic man in the Scilly Isles:

Oc siþan skirþæ hann Olaf oc allt foruneyti hans oc helgaði þa alla iheilagri skirn. En siþanvaru þeir þar iþeirre eyio til þess er þeir niðr skirnarclæþin oc styrcðuse þeir þa huernihelgum kenningum. (Finnur Jónsson 1932, 45)

[Then he baptized Olaf and all his followers and sanctified them with holy baptism. Afterthat they remained on the island until they put away their baptismal robes, and they werestrengthened each day with holy teachings.] (Andersson 2003, 56)26

Later, in ch. 26, Óláfr sails to the Orkney Isles to preach the Christian faith to thelocal jarl Sigurðr Hlo3ðvisson; he manages to overcome the latter’s opposition andbaptizes both him and his men. To underline the success of Óláfr’s religious27

enterprise the saga further relates that on the way to Norway the King then has apleasant journey and a favourable wind.

Óláfr then reaches the Norwegian island of Moster where he is visited by a saintwho calls on him to convert the whole country. In the following chapters (chs28

28–30) noteworthy events on the island of Selja (in Nordfjord) are outlined. Onthat island people are said to see a special light, feel a sweet fragrance, and find holyrelics. The King has a church built on Selja, dedicated to the holy men. How-29 30

ever, in ch. 37 Óláfr encounters a heathen man Hróaldr living on the island ofGoðey (Godøya, or as it is now known, Knapplundsøya in northern Norway).31

Óláfr wishes to convert the man, but initially the heathen powers prevent the Kingfrom reaching the island, as he has to struggle with strong headwinds. With thehelp of God (and with the assistance of the bishop in his company) the King is said

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to have made it to the island, and the stubborn heathen who does not want toabandon his faith is hanged.

The religious experiences connected to islands may reflect both Christian andheathen practices. Most often — as demonstrated by Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar —the context is related to the transformations that take place which usually serve todemonstrate the supremacy of the new teachings. But different islands may fulfilvarying purposes. On the one hand, people can get baptized on islands and witnessmiraculous visions. On the other hand, certain islands may emerge as strongholdsfor heathen customs. Ch. 27 of Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar in Heimskringla includesparallel descriptions of both aspects. On the island of Mársey (Mors in theLimfjord), the Danish king Haraldr is baptized during a meeting with BishopPoppó. This is followed by a description of how jarl Hákon reaches some smallislands at the mouth of the Göta River. He is said to have anchored his ship thereand arranged a heathen sacrifice for Óðinn.

Islands as Valuable Landmarks: Manifested Memories

Islands thus represent both ordinary and extraordinary events. These two dimen-sions illuminate the meaning of islands from a variety of angles where differentcultural and cognitive layers blend together.

If sagas reflect cultural conventions, it is possible to explore some very realisticfacets of the tradition and examine the actual traces of collected knowledgeamongst the preserved images. The narratives present islands as useful features ofthe landscape that contribute to the activities of the Viking Age in various ways.The references to bigger and smaller islands serve to cast light upon strategic siteson different travel routes, and as such can be claimed to reflect practical travelexperience.

As shown, islands are suitable stopping places on a route; alternatively, they mayfunction as familiar outposts upon entering a certain territory: having reached theisland one can start preparations for reaching the final destination. In this wayislands may indicate the planned aspects of travels. Certain saga scenes even containglimpses of navigational knowledge in connection with islands or underline the factthat such skills are considered important. Ch. 100 of Óláfs saga Tryggvasonarreflects a man’s significant knowledge of sailing strategies in the waters aroundislands; as jarl Sigvaldi says to the king who intends to sail in the direction of Svolder:

‘mér er kunnast,’ segir hann, ‘hvar djúpast er um eyjasundin, en þér munuð þess þurfa meðþau in stóru skip.’ (Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson 1979, I, 351–52)

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[‘I know exactly,’ he said, ‘where it is deepest in the straits between the islands, and you mayrequire that for those large ships of yours.’] (Hollander 2002, 230)

In other instances the saga may instead comment upon a lack of familiarity withcertain territories. Thus, in Egils saga Skalla-Grímssonar (ch. 25) it is mentionedwith regard to the Sólundir islands (referring to the island of Sula, also known asSolundøy, in the county of Sogn og Fjordane) that in this region the islands areplentiful and with many different bays and inlets so that few people know all theharbour places there.

The narrative may point out the spots where one had to alter sailing tactics andbe careful about possible hazards, such as strong currents and tides, unfavourablewinds, narrow channels, small skerries, and so forth. A common motif is to depictislands as places where one can find shelter in stormy weather or simply wait formore suitable wind conditions. Thus, ch. 35 of Haralds saga Sigurðarsonar relatesthat when Haraldr is sailing north past Skagen in Denmark the ships have to takelee by the island of Hlésey (Læsø in the Kattegat) due to contrary winds. On theother hand, sometimes travellers are forced to leave the island setting because ofharsh conditions. Thus, in Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar (ch. 22) the King experiencesa strong gale at the island of Bornholm; because of that he has to sail further onsouth to Wendland to find a safe harbour.

Certain descriptive passages are explicitly concerned with the locations and/orfeatures of various islands. Elements of a strictly informative nature may beinserted even into saga scenes which otherwise mediate rather different messages.In the account of the events on Goðey (Godøya) in Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar inHeimskringla (chs 78–80) the saga blends different dimensions: on the one hand,the island emerges as a kind of heathen realm that has to be taken over by theChristian king; on the other hand, the narrative contains rather precise geograph-ical information, as in ch. 80:

Eyjar þær, er Rauðr byggði, heita Gylling ok Hæring, en allar saman heita þær Goðyejar okGoðeyjarstraumr fyrir norðan, milli ok meginlands. (Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson 1979, I,327–28)

[The islands where Rauth lived are called Gylling and Hæring, and the name for all of themis the Gothey Islands; and the Gothey Current is in the north between them and themainland.] (Hollander 2002, 214)

According to this, Goðeyjar include several islands that are separated from themainland by the Goðeyjarstraumr, connecting the setting to the current ofSaltstraumen in between Saltfjorden and Skjerstadfjorden (see also Hollander2002, 214). This provides an implicit explanation for the events occurring when

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Important complementary sources that contribute to the practical understanding of islands32

are the travel reports by Ohthere and Wulfstan, already referred to above (cf. Bately and Englert2007; Lund and Fell 1984).

See e.g. also ch. 85 of Óláfs saga helga; ch. 19 of Egils saga Skalla-Grímssonar.33

the King first attempts to reach the heathen island(s). That is to say, the chosenarena is perfect for depicting strong contrary winds and harsh weather as caused byheathen sorcery that does not let the King enter the fjord: Saltstraumen is knownas a particularly powerful current.

In ch. 118 of Óláfs saga helga the island of Ko3rmt (Karmøy in Rogaland) isdescribed. The saga emphasizes that this is a large island and that there is a largesettlement on the island, although the side that faces the sea is mostly uninhabited.Among other aspects it is mentioned that the island is located outside the maintravel route (þjóðleið). This raises another practical aspect of island imagery. Thedepiction of islands and useful navigation skills is often combined with the practiceof coastal sailing. This is easy to detect in the case of the Baltic region (cf. Zilmer2006b, particularly pp. 264–67), but similar strategies are also obvious in regard toother areas where the topographical features make it necessary. Travel along the32

Norwegian coast accords well with such a picture; coastal sailing and commonroutes amongst islands and skerries are highlighted on several occasions. The sagamay thus comment upon alternative travel routes that can be chosen according toone’s varying purposes. Chapter 9 of Haralds saga gráfeldar refers to the commonroute within the island belt along the coast and another one out in the open sea.The choice taken by Haraldr allows him to travel unnoticed:

Sigldi þá Guðrøðr austr með landi, en Haraldr stefndi til hafs út, sagði, at hann myndi siglavestr um haf, en er hann kom út um eyjar, þá stefndi hann austr hafleið með landi. Guðrøðrkonungr sigldi þjóðleið austr til Víkr ok svá austr yfir Foldina. (Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson 1979,I, 214)

[Guthröth sailed east [and south] along the land; but Harald steered out upon the high sea,announcing that he meant to sail west across the sea. But once he got outside the island belthe steered east along the land in the open sea. King Guthröth sailed the fairway within theislands and on across the Foldfjord.] (Hollander 2002, 138)33

The imagery of the Icelandic sagas highlights islands as useful and tactical spots formany reasons. Apart from its narrative uses such information echoes real-life travelexperiences. In the Viking Age and the early Middle Ages coastal sailing and thedetection of islands as navigational landmarks were a common method (see e.g.Crumlin-Pedersen 1984; Meier 2006). Meier underlines that ‘islands were a very

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important feature in sailing directions’ and that ‘along the coast, assistance wasgiven by natural features of the coastline’ (2006, 49).

Conclusions

The presentation of islands in Íslendingasögur, konungasögur, and þættir combinesdifferent cultural and cognitive layers and horizons. On the one hand, islandencounters are traditional representations of the Viking way of life that contributeto the formation of memories of the past. On the other hand, the imagery ofislands can be modified along more unusual lines. Altogether the sources mediatethe concept of an island that combines the features of separation and at the sametime essential outward orientation.

Separation and a certain inwardness are evident from the depictions that focusupon the more peculiar aspects of island encounters: islands seem to be the placeswhere extraordinary things and various transformations take place. Sometimesislands are explicitly set in opposition to other (mainland) territories due to theirirregular features, as for example the supernatural creatures who live there andprevent ordinary people from entering these territories. Motifs that highlightislands as dangerous settings or connect them with heathen powers that are yet tobe overcome by the new religion belong to the same pattern. However, even in suchcases the separation of islands is not total; sooner or later we learn about thechanges that occur. That is to say, even in the scenes that seem to characterizeislands as separate entities there is potential for further interaction.

The emphasis on interaction in the representation of islands becomes obviousin some other aspects of island encounters. Islands depend upon maintainingregular contacts with other regions and territories; indeed, in sagas they frequentlyfigure in the context of travel schemes and connect with the customary activitiesof the Viking Age. Furthermore, the picture of island communication seems to bemodified from collective experience and the knowledge of previous generations.The emphasis on islands as not merely significant but also as useful features of thelandscape reflects a very practical side of the narrative, containing various practicalobservations and different types of factual information that can have their back-ground in real-life experiences of travel and interaction in the Viking Age.

The Icelandic sagas depict islands as a characteristic facet of their overall repre-sentation of travel and communication. Travel in general emerges as an educatingactivity, and travel tales have a symbolic, entertaining, and realistic value. In timeswithout maps or advanced navigational aids, the information gained through

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The related oppositions between centre and periphery form a popular theoretical and meth-34

odological platform in numerous studies of cultural, historical, anthropological, and sociologicalorientation. Concerning the traditional Icelandic world-view Hastrup, for example, has referredto ‘the horizontal model of centre and periphery [. . .] as a confirmation of the distinction betweenthe “we” inhabiting the centre and “the others” inhabiting the periphery of the world’ (1990, 28).

constant personal networking and manifested in memory had to serve differentpurposes.

On a more general level the parallel features of separation and interaction in thesaga depiction of islands reflect the understandings established within the Icelandicinsular community itself. This allows us to a certain degree to re-examinetraditional understandings of the concept of ‘insularity’ as well as the customarydistinction between centre and periphery. Insularity as it emerges from the saga34

scenes rather underlines the importance of continuous contact networks. Severalislands come forward as bridges of communication that advocate connectivityinstead of separation and interaction instead of isolation. Therefore, an island isby its nature not necessarily a peripheral entity but can also act as a centre — or asan important outpost — in relation to other territories.

The imagery of island encounters as preserved in the context of Icelandic sagasilluminates the practice of maintaining regular contacts between different terri-tories and contributes to the understanding of Iceland as an insular communitywhich acknowledged its own particular features but at the same time also insistedupon continuous interaction and outward orientation.

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