Tanabe Moralsociety

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Moral society, political society and civil society in post-colonial India:A view from Orissan locality

Akio Tanabe1. Introduction

In todays world, t!e "nation-state# and "civil society# !ave been placed in aprivile$ed position of un%uestioned le$itimacy. &owever, we are well aware empiricallyt!at in many non-'estern countries, t!ere is a lar$e space w!ic! cannot be en$ulfed byt!ese two conceptions. In India, many political and social activities in public are carriedout not by "nationals# or "citi(ens#, but by t!e lo$ic of "community#, "faction# or"kins!ip#. T!ese activities ) be t!ey community ritual, factional politics or nepotism )!ave !it!erto been understood as a manifestation of t!e residues of non-modernised

"tradition# w!ic! would be $radually was!ed away from t!e public sp!ere in t!e course of!istorical development of modernisation. &owever, it is increasin$ becomin$ obvious toresearc!ers t!at t!ese p!enomena are connected to t!e modern post-colonial developmentand must be seen in t!eir contemporary conte*ts. T!is paper attempts to depict andunderstand t!ese activities accordin$ to t!eir own !istorical, political and cultural lo$ic. Iemploy t!e concept of "moral society# alon$ wit! "political society# and "civil society# inorder to look at t!e plural sp!eres of discourse and practice co-e*istin$ in post-colonialIndian society, eac! of w!ic! !as different role and values.

+art!a !atteree in$eniously takes up t!e concept of "political society# in orderto capture t!e space of political activities t!at mediate between t!e "population# and t!estate in post-colonial democracies !atteree /000. T!e lower strata of Indian society

lack t!e associational c!annels for individuals to interact wit! t!e state, t!ou$! t!is issupposed to be t!e norm in civil society. Alt!ou$! t!ere !ad been attempts to create a civilsociety by t!e urban elites in colonial India e.$. Isaka /001, it did not take root in t!elar$er se$ment of society. ivil society in t!e sense of "t!ose institutions of modernassociational life# !as been limited in its sp!ere of actual workin$s till today !atteree/000: 22.i Instead, t!e people of t!e lower strata use survival strate$ies in w!ic! "t!eima$inative power of a traditional structure of t!e community, 3, !as been wedded to t!emodern emancipatory r!etoric of autonomy and e%ual ri$!ts# !atteree 1445: /5/.+olitical society is built around frameworks t!at !ave relevance in modern politicalsettin$s, suc! as political parties, movements and non-party political formations. &owever,

t!e lo$ic of $roup formation is not t!at of civic association, but t!at of community and6fictional7 kins!ip w!ic! take on a modern institutional and discursive $arb.

!atterees concept of political society captures t!e actual field of mediationbetween t!e people and t!e state in w!ic! $roups, factions and communities 6invented,fictional or ot!erwise7 are t!e main players. '!at t!is concept does not capture, !owever,is t!e ot!er side of t!e ima$inative power of t!e community in Indian !istory. T!is is anaspect w!ic! !atteree !imself !as paid attention to in a different conte*t. It is t!e aspectof t!e community as t!e site of "et!ical life#.iiT!ere, !atteree pays attention to t!econdition of !uman bein$s w!o are born as members of society in w!ic! "subective ri$!tsmust be ne$otiated wit! t!e 8ascribed field of t!e et!ical life of t!e community#!atteree 1449: /9/.

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I would like to call t!is site of et!ical life of community, in w!ic! ri$!tness and$oodness rat!er t!an individual ri$!ts or political $ains are at issue, t!e space of "moralsociety#. T!is space is captured by t!e conceptions of neit!er "civil society# nor "political

society#. '!ile t!e ideas of e%uality and !uman ri$!ts pertainin$ to "civil society# indeed!ave !ad profound influence upon t!e idea of ri$!tness and ustice, t!ey !ave not replacedt!e morality of t!e community by individualist et!ics. Moreover, t!e concerns of "moralsociety# cannot be reduced to t!e strate$y of survival and political $ains as in t!e case of"political society#. T!e concerns of "moral society# are about w!at kind of practicess!ould be considered ri$!t and $ood.

Moral society is not a mere residue of t!e traditional community norms t!at standa$ainst modern ideas and institutions. It is rat!er a site w!ere continuin$ conceptions ofw!at is ri$!t and $ood are connected and mediated to t!e contemporary conte*t. &ere t!esymbols and r!etoric of morality may be used for affirmation, resistance andor

transformation of t!e e*istin$ socio-political order.I would like to point out t!e difference between t!e conceptions of "moralsociety# and "moral economy# !ere. T!e concept of "moral economy# of ;ames


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morality t!at are in contestatory, mutually supportin$ andor synt!esisin$ terms. T!ere isno monolit!ic set of moral rules t!at dominates society in contemporary India.Bonet!eless, it also seems true t!at post-colonial Indian society mana$es to maintain a

sp!ere of interaction w!ere t!e issue of w!at is ri$!t and $ood remains a common concern.It is t!is sp!ere, I su$$est, w!ic! may be referred to as "moral society#. Moral society ist!us a contestatory and !ybrid site in w!ic! w!at is ri$!t and $ood are multivocallydefined and redefined t!rou$! discourse and practice.

/. "Or$anic et!ics# in contemporary Orissan villa$e

In proposin$ a !euristic value of t!e concept of moral society, I use t!e word"moral# as a descriptive rat!er t!an an evaluative term. ;ust as t!e political society !as!istorical reasons to e*ist in t!e present form but contains elements t!at are not wort!y of

approval, moral society often contains elements of oppression and dominance in t!e nameof morality t!at demises t!e et!ics of a democratic nation. Bevert!eless, ust as "muc!c!urnin$ in political society in t!e countries of t!e postcolonial world 3 can be seen as anattempt to find new democratic forms of t!e modern state t!at were not t!ou$!t out by t!epost-nli$!tenment social consensus# !atteree /000: 2=, t!e c!urnin$ in moral societycan be seen as an attempt to find new forms of $overnance and social relations t!at canmediate between t!e modern ideas and institutions on t!e one !and, and t!e !istory of t!esense of ri$!tness and $oodness in modern non-'estern world on t!e ot!er.

As Cayly points out, t!ere is certainly a !istory of "popular ideas of politicalmorality and $ood $overnment 3 t!at remained an encompassin$ discourse of


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entitlements, since actions affect relations!ips and lar$er encompassin$ units t!rou$! bio-moral e*c!an$es. In want of a better word, I call t!is kind of bio-moral concern "or$anicet!ics#.

'e can observe workin$s of suc! traditional morality today in t!e practices in t!esp!eres of kins!ip, non-commercial a$riculture and ritual activities. Moreover, it !asinfluenced t!e villa$ers sense of morality for ud$in$ t!e le$itimacy of contemporarypolitics and society in an important way. Cefore $oin$ on to describe t!e comple*ity and!ybridity of contemporary moral society, let me e*plain t!e workin$s of or$anic et!ics insp!eres w!ere t!ey are still %uite tan$ible.

T!e cultural sc!ema re$ardin$ relations!ips between body, kins!ip and land is acase in point. onceptions re$ardin$ reproduction of t!e body and social institutions ofkins!ip are related to t!e continuity of t!e family line alon$ wit! t!e land t!ey possess.ac! family line is seen to !ave a particular duty for t!e community accordin$ to its caste

and linea$e role. Ei$!t actions on t!e part of !uman bodies in interaction wit! nature andot!er !uman bein$s are considered to work towards reproducin$ and en!ancin$ t!eprosperity of t!e community. T!e cultural sc!ema of body, kins!ip and land is in closeconnection wit! and is supported by t!e practices and activities of t!e a$ricultural cyclecombined wit! t!e annual rituals t!at make up t!e cyclic process of reproduction. &ere,

invocation of divine power 6akti7, especially t!at of t!e local $oddess as representativeof t!e local land, is considered important for successful a$ricultural production. T!e socialinstitutions of kins!ip and caste support suc! interaction between nature, deities and!uman bein$s. T!e subsistence economy and social networks based on or$anic et!ics t!usembed people in t!e lar$er cosmolo$ical world, w!ere people commune wit! nature and

supernatural bein$s.

9. Cody, food and land

Det me elaborate on t!e relations!ip between t!e body, food and land in t!is bio-moral sc!eme. Accordin$ to a $eneral folk belief, a !uman body is formed w!en t!e manFs

seminal fluid 6birja7 mi*es wit! t!e womanFs se*ual secretion 6raja7 durin$ intercourse.


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proper land and cooked by t!e proper person 6mot!er or wife7 in order for it to developinto a person fit to perform t!e necessary duties accordin$ to t!e family status. T!e proper

land par excellencesuitin$ t!e family is t!e service land. T!ere was an arran$ement

6khaj7 in pre-colonial times t!at a family receives certain entitlements suc! as a s!areof products from t!e service land in lieu of t!e service t!ey provide for t!e community andt!e state cf. Tanabe 1445, 1444, in press. Alt!ou$! t!e importance of t!e service land int!e economic sense !as decreased to a minimum, t!e idea t!at t!e body s!ould be nurturedby rice !arvested from ones own land continues till today. T!is is evident at t!e !arvest

festival 6suc! as Lakmi pj7 w!en t!e rice from t!e family land is used for wors!ipand consumed only by t!e family members.

T!ere is a tellin$ e*pression about nurturin$ of t!e body t!rou$! land. '!en a

man occupies a service land !e is said to "eat t!e land# 6jami khib7. T!is means t!att!e entitlement !older is eatin$ and nurturin$ !is body from t!e product of t!e allottedland.viiiT!ere is a parallel conception !ere between t!e body, person!ood and t!e allottedland.ix

&ere, t!e cycle of rice production and consumption is closely connected wit! t!eseasonal cycle of nature, annual rituals and institutions of kins!ip and caste.


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related rituals today do not constitute t!e complete picture of peoples economy orworldview. Also, kins!ip and caste are no lon$er t!e main institutions t!at decide t!epositions of individuals in society. ins!ip position does not $uarantee any entitlement of

politico-economic importance in society e*cept in ritual conte*ts. T!e idea of body, linea$eand land in t!eir fluid and !umoural interactions continues to be t!e basis of !umanreproduction and continuity. Cut t!e villa$ers are well aware t!at t!e in!erited land, paddya$riculture and annual rituals do not ensure t!eir survival, let alone material satisfaction, intodays consumerist world. &ere, practices pertainin$ to or$anic et!ics are by no meanssome kind of an unconsciously followed !abitus embedded in an unreflected andunc!an$in$ tradition. Eat!er, t!e paddy a$riculture and rituals, to$et!er wit! t!e socialinstitutions of kins!ip and caste, are $iven special importance precisely because t!e villa$epeople feel t!at t!e world of interaction and mutual workin$s between !umans, $ods andnature, w!ic! provide t!em wit! t!e sense of ontolo$y, is bein$ t!reatened. T!e

a$ricultural and ritual cycles are not only embodied but also obectified tradition w!osevalue is often placed in contradistinction to t!e market economy and related moderninstitutions.

2. In pursuit of cas!: +olitical society and market economy

Colonial dichotomy and post-colonial reflection

T!e fact t!at t!e sp!ere of kins!ip, caste, rice a$riculture and annual rituals is putin contradistinction to w!at is seen as modern institutions means t!at t!e world of or$anicet!ics is not complete in itself in contemporary India. It occupies only a limited part of t!e

villa$ers life and is $iven importance precisely because of its "traditional# c!aracter incontrast to t!e "modern# institutions of cas! economy and factional politics t!at seem tot!reaten !armonious e*istence. In peoples discourse, a dic!otomous distinction is oftendrawn between traditional community on t!e one !and and t!e modern state and market ont!e ot!er.xi

In . Jor t!e non-elite villa$ers, t!e dic!otomy was very muc! realunder colonialism as t!e villa$e was traditionalised, and t!e colonial administration andmarket economy circumscribed it from outside and above.

In t!e post-colonial period, !owever, t!e state and market economy becameomnipresent and deeply entrenc!ed inside villa$e life. It is in suc! a conte*t t!at t!e

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relations!ip between or$anic et!ics on t!e one !and, and values of democracy, e%uality andmarket e*c!an$e on t!e ot!er comes to be %uestioned.


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+eople classified as "outside people# 6bhra loka7 become t!e villa$epeoples tar$et for c!eatin$ in business interactions. In t!e cas!ew nut business, fore*ample, t!e business 6or rat!er t!e c!eatin$7 c!ance comes w!en t!e buyers from

alcutta and &yderabad approac! t!e villa$es in !urda to purc!ase cas!ew nuts. +re-!arvest buyin$ is a usual practice in t!e cas!ew nut business, and buyers from outsideoften !ave to rely on a local middleman for t!e collection of cas!ew nuts. T!e middlemanreceives a part of t!e money from t!e buyer in advance for reservation and collection ofnuts. !eatin$ occurs as t!e middleman does not $ive t!e due %uantity of cas!ew nuts andt!e money $iven in advance is not returned. Killa$ers know t!at t!e middleman intends toc!eat t!e buyer from t!e start, but do not dare to warn t!e buyer because, after all, t!emiddleman is a "brot!er# 6bhi7, w!ereas t!e buyer is an "outsider#. Outsiders usuallycannot do anyt!in$ about t!e c!eatin$ and t!e business relations!ip ends t!ere and t!en.

I once tried to convince a villa$er w!o was involved in c!eatin$ t!at it was better

to establis! a more permanent business relations!ip, and t!at nobody would want to dobusiness wit! t!is villa$e if t!is kind of activities continued. &is answer was, !owever, t!att!ere were plenty of buyers from outside and t!ere was no doubt t!at !e can make e*traincome every year wit! a new outsider. "Outsiders# !ere are seen as anonymous andreplaceable people, w!o are t!e tar$ets for one-time profit makin$ and for w!om no moralconsiderations are necessary.

mbe!!lement and bribery

Anot!er si$nificant irre$ular source of e*tra cas! income for t!e villa$ers isembe((lement of public funds, t!at is, takin$ ille$al mar$ins from $overnment subsidies.

T!is practice is intimately connected wit! t!e e*istence of bribery. Cribery !as been deeplyentrenc!ed in t!e post-colonial Indian administration. It is not too muc! to state,unfortunately, t!at it !as become a part of t!e normal procedure of administration. T!emoney, w!ic! t!e $overnment officials involved in t!e administrative procedure receive, isoften referred to as "percenta$e# 6t!e n$lis! term is used for t!is7. T!is is because t!eyare considered to !ave a kind of "entitlement# towards a certain percenta$e of t!e totale*penditure. T!is institutionalised bribery not only ensures e*tra income for t!e$overnment, but also opens a way for t!ose villa$ers w!o act as t!e contractors betweent!e $overnment officials and ot!er villa$ers to make e*tra cas! income.

Jor e*ample, w!en t!ere is a construction work in a villa$e, usually a man 6wit!

certain %ualifications7 from t!e villa$e works as a contractor. A small-scale constructionwork is usually dealt wit! at t!e block level, w!ic! e*ists between gram panchayat6villa$e meetin$7 and district levels. In order to $et sanction of t!e construction work fromt!e $overnment, various bureaucrats suc! as t!e Clock Gevelopment Officer 6C.G.O.7,;unior n$ineer and !i$!er officials, local representatives like t!e Clock !airman andpoliticians like t!e local Member of De$islative Assembly 6M.D.A.7 $et involved in t!eprocess. T!e leaders of t!e faction t!at supports t!e rulin$ party at t!e state level functionas a connectin$ point between t!e politico-administrative centres outside and t!e localsociety at t!e $rass-root level. T!e villa$e faction leaders are t!us usually involved in t!eprocedure of brin$in$ $overnment subsidies into t!e locality, and !ave a lot of say in

c!oosin$ t!e contractor. It is usually a member of t!e rulin$ faction in t!e villa$e w!o $ets

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t!e ob as t!e contractor.T!e contractor must $ive "percenta$es#, w!ic! in effect are really not!in$ ot!er

t!an bribes, to all t!e officials and political leaders involved in t!e procedure of brin$in$

t!e $overnment money to t!e contractors !and. T!e contractor attempts to reduce t!ee*penditure for t!e construction to t!e minimum, since !e can keep t!e remainin$ moneyafter deductin$ "percenta$es# and t!e actual e*penditure. Baturally, t!e contractor will tryto reduce t!e actual e*penditure and t!e %uality of t!e work is often below t!e planned andprescribed standard. T!ere is, !owever, an understandin$ between t!e contractor and t!esuperintendin$ officials suc! as t!e ;unior n$ineer, w!o !as received a "percenta$e#, andso t!e %uality of t!e work does not come into %uestion.

Anot!er supposedly c!eckin$ body in liberal-democratic society, t!e "public#,does not function !ere eit!er. In t!e lo$ic of t!e community, t!e contractor and t!e factionleaders are "brot!ers# as far as t!e villa$ers are concerned. Alt!ou$! t!e villa$ers may ask

t!em to !ost a feast as brot!ers, w!ic! is often done amon$ t!e main faction members,t!ey cannot accuse t!em in t!e name of "public $ood#. Cesides, t!e $overnment subsidy isa resource from "outside# w!ic! t!e villa$ers feel t!ey must try to $ain from as muc! aspossible. T!ere is certainly an understandin$ amon$ t!e people involved t!at t!e$overnment subsidy s!ould be used for public utility, at least at t!e level of officialdiscourse. &owever, in most cases, t!e necessity for survival and desire for cas! $ain, t!atis, t!e lo$ic of political society, supersedes t!e lo$ic of civil society. As far as t!e villa$ersare concerned, t!e $overnment subsidy is one of t!e important outside sources of cas!income, w!ic! s!ould be ma*imised in a "clever# manner if necessary. Cein$ "clever# isconsidered undesirable wit!in t!e community sp!ere, but a necessary evil in t!e sp!ere ofpolitical society.xiii

?. Jactional politics in rural Orissa

"actional politics and democracy in post-colonial #ndia

As I !ave already indicated, t!e practice of factions in villa$e Orissa is one of t!emain routes t!rou$! w!ic! people attempt to $et $overnmental resources.


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by w!ic! political society 6parties, movements, non-party political formations7 tries toc!annel and order popular demands on t!e developmental state, we s!ould call itdemocracy# !atteree /000: 2>-=. Ironically, t!e formation of factional politics in post-

colonial India indeed e*emplifies t!e diffusion of t!e idea and institution of democracyw!ere "everyone can ima$ine e*ercisin$ some influence# !ilnani 1444: >0 upon t!edistribution of t!e state resources. It is ironical to call t!is a development of democracy,since factional politics is often carried out accordin$ to t!e lo$ic of "maoritarianpopulism# Juller and &arris /000: /? w!ere electoral votes are sou$!t after at t!ee*pense of t!e et!ics of substantive democracy w!ere t!e ri$!ts of minorities and t!euniversal public $ood s!ould be respected. T!is is a typical e*ample of one of t!efundamental parado*es of democracy in India, namely t!e incon$ruity between t!e"institutional lo$ic of democratic forms# and t!e "lo$ic of popular mobilisation# avira1441: 49.

"unction and structure of faction

Det me clarify t!e constitution and function of w!at I refer to as a "faction# !ere.xv

I employ t!e term "faction# !ere to refer to t!e $roup called da$a at t!e villa$e level in

Orissa. Alt!ou$! t!e constitution of a da$adiffers from villa$e to villa$e, it is primarily a

political cli%ue wit! several oli$arc!ic leaders 6net7 w!o form a fairly stable core. Mosttypically, t!ere are two $roups wit!in t!e dominant caste w!ic! form t!e basis of factionst!at are supported by ot!er caste $roups.

One of t!e most important functions of a faction is to control distribution of t!e$overnmental resources t!at come to t!e villa$e t!rou$! politico-administrative c!annels.T!e members of t!e faction w!ose supportin$ party is in power at t!e national andor statelevel can e*pect to !ave priority in $ainin$ a s!are of benefits, suc! as subsidiseddistribution of seeds, fertilisers and rationed rice, $overnment obs, political offices,official contracts, development sc!eme, place in educational institutions and pensions. Ift!ey $o t!rou$! t!e ri$!t political c!annels, t!ey can also e*pect better treatment or at least

avoid !arassment from t!e bureaucracy, suc! astahasildar6land-officer7 office and blockoffice and also from t!e police. T!e resources are distributed amon$ t!e faction membersaccordin$ to t!eir ability to speak out and contribute wit!in t!e faction. +olitical status andinfluence are considered to be !onourable and are sou$!t after in t!e villa$e.

T!e members of factions, in return, act as t!e main supportin$ body of political

parties at t!e time of elections. T!rou$! suc! electoral support, t!e leaders of factionsdevelop rapport wit! !i$!er political leaders, suc! as t!e Member of De$islative Assembly6M.D.A.7 and Member of +arliament 6M.+.7, t!e ties wit! w!om ensure t!e network ofinfluences for t!e flow of resources to t!e faction w!en t!ey come into power. Lsually, afaction !as alle$iance to a particular political party dependin$ on t!e ties of network t!eleaders of t!e faction !ave developed over time.

T!e leaders of t!e villa$e factions !ave pivotal roles in formin$ connections wit!!i$!er political leaders, local administrative offices, police and court.


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and literary abilities. T!ey use t!ese abilities to$et!er wit! t!eir kin-caste-personal andpolitical connections to !elp faction members wit! various administrative processes. T!eleaders can !elp faction members to apply for various $overnment benefits and loans,

re$ister land purc!ases and sales, make police and court cases, apply for !i$!er educationalinstitutions, and arran$e to provide "facility# 6an n$lis! term used as an eup!emism forc!eatin$7 in student e*aminations etc.

T!e faction members and ot!er supportin$ villa$ers are often dependent on t!eleaders for matters w!ic! re%uire certain connections and knowled$e in t!e procedures.T!e leaders also act as political manoeuvrers at t!e time of elections. T!ey often receivemoney from t!e supportin$ political party and candidate and $o about visitin$ key personsin and around villa$e to arran$e for vote banks for t!e candidate t!ey support. T!eydistribute money in return for t!e promise of $ivin$ vote to t!eir candidate. T!e leaders ofdifferent castes in t!e same villa$e or ot!er villa$e members may ask for furt!er promise

from t!e faction leaders for s!ares of benefits once t!ey win in t!e election.

"actional politics and the discourse of corruption

Bot many people in India see t!is present condition of politics as a favourableone. Indeed, t!ere is increasin$ condemnation of corruption from every strata of Indiansociety e.$. Kisvanat!an and


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Goes t!e sense of ri$!tness t!at lead to criticism of corruption e*ist in contemporary Indiabecause "t!e impersonal norms and values of t!e modern state !ave been widelyinternalised by ordinary Indians# as Juller and &arris, alon$ wit! +arry, ar$ue Juller and

&arris /000: 12, +arry /000: /4N If we assume t!at t!e sense of morality comes from t!evalue of t!e modern state w!ic! t!e people !ave internalised, we are in effect sayin$ t!att!e real subect of modern Indian !istory is t!e modern state to w!ic! people aresubected.xviiT!e problem wit! t!is kind of lo$ic is t!at t!e a$ency of t!e people is lost.T!at is to say, t!is kind of ar$ument presupposes a modernisation process centrin$ aroundt!e modern state as t!e main a$ent wit! a teleolo$ical assumption. &owever, if it is t!ecase t!at t!e state in India is lar$ely influenced by social forces as Juller and &arrist!emselves ar$ue Juller and &arris /000: 12, t!is is rat!er a stran$e ar$ument.

Eat!er t!an simply assumin$ t!at state values are internalised by t!e people, Isu$$est we s!ould see !ow t!e socio-political values of ri$!tness and $oodness !ave been

formed and transformed in interaction wit! t!e forms of state politics and civil ideas in!istory. T!e sense of t!e $ood $overnment today is also formed in t!is space of ne$otiationand interaction in !istory. It is t!is space of mediation in w!ic! t!e sense of ri$!tness and$oodness of t!e people are in interaction wit! t!e modern socio-political ideas andpractices t!at I would like to call "moral society#. Det me $ive some e*amples forillustration.xviii

ase 1. I was walkin$ wit! a !aPQyat 6t!e dominant peasant-militia caste7leader in t!e villa$e before t!e Eamac!andi festival, w!ic! is t!e most importantcommunity festival in t!e re$ion. T!ere was a &QRi 6"untouc!able# sweeper-drummer caste7 man cleanin$ t!e street. T!e !aPQyat leader said to me, "&QRi

people clean t!e w!ole villa$e before t!e festival

. T!en, t!e &QRi man turnedaround to me and said, "If we do not clean, t!ese people !it us,# pointin$ at t!e!aPQyat leader.

T!e !aPQyat leader seems to !ave wanted to imply t!e idiom of or$anicet!ics in order to emp!asise t!e !armonious, cooperative aspect of t!e community festivalin w!ic! different caste people !ave different responsibilities. &owever, suc! !armoniousmodel was defied by t!e &QRi person. &is statement clearly indicated t!at !e was doin$t!e cleanin$ ob because of t!e violent sanction by t!e dominant caste $roup and notbecause !e accepted t!e present system. T!is &QRi person was well aware t!at t!ere arealternatives to t!e present social set-up and refused to take t!e present one for $ranted.

&owever, t!is does not imply t!at or$anic et!ics is a wanin$ morality t!at is

losin$ importance in t!e villa$e today. T!e same &QRi person, w!en it comes to drum-beatin$ in t!e festival, accepts t!e ob rat!er more willin$ly. One &QRi person said to mewit! a touc! of pride, "Lnless we beat t!e drum, t!e $oddess does not come to t!e

villa$e. Many youn$ male &QRi work in t!e cities nowadays, but some come back tot!e villa$e durin$ t!e festival to do t!e drum-beatin$. T!is s!ows t!at t!e idea of playin$ones role in t!e or$anic w!ole itself is not denied as lon$ as t!ere is an e$alitarian respectfor eac! role. T!e &QRi person w!o was sweepin$ was defyin$ w!at !e saw as!ierarc!ical and oppressive and was tryin$ to escape t!e work !e considered as de$radin$.

T!e criticisms a$ainst oppression are probably based on t!e peoples increasin$awareness of modern civil values of !uman ri$!ts and e%uality. T!is does not mean,

!owever, t!at t!eir awareness will lead to t!e formation of a civil society based on

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individuals. Eat!er, t!ere seems to be a process of redefinition of t!e contents of t!eprescribed duties and entitlements in t!e community of or$anic et!ics. Moral societyabsorbs new ideas and vocabulary wit!in itself in a !ybrid manner and transforms its

contents to suit t!e new environment. T!is can be illustrated by anot!er e*ample.ase /. ow!erds used to carry t!e palan%uins of $ods in festivals and t!at of uppercaste members in marria$e processions. &owever, t!ey be$an to refuse to carry t!epalan%uins of upper castes in t!e 14=0s. T!e upper castes t!reatened t!em andar$ued t!at t!ey s!ould perform t!eir traditional duty. T!e ow!erds answered backby sayin$ t!at t!eir real traditional role was only to carry t!e palan%uins of $ods inreli$ious rituals, but subse%uently t!e upper castes !ad forced t!em to carry t!em aswell. T!ey ar$ued t!at t!is deviation from real tradition s!ould be rectified. '!ent!e discussion did not result in a$reement, t!e ow!erds told t!e upper caste peoplet!at if t!ey continued to force t!em to carry palan%uins for t!em, t!ey would not

carry palan%uins even for deities in t!e villa$e festival. As t!e time of t!e villa$efestival approac!ed, t!e upper caste people !ad to $ive in and $ave t!eir word t!att!ey would only ask t!em to carry t!e palan%uins of deities. More disputes followedafter t!e festival, but as t!e ve!icle used for t!e bride$room in marria$e procession$radually c!an$ed from t!e palan%uin to t!e "ambassador# 6t!e Indian madeautomobile7, t!e topic was no lon$er brou$!t up.

&ere we can see t!e reconstruction of tradition t!rou$! a selective procedure. T!eow!erd people saw t!e work of carryin$ palan%uins for t!e upper castes as de$radin$accordin$ to t!eir sense of di$nity. &owever, instead of denyin$ t!e traditional role or t!eor$anic et!ics alto$et!er, t!ey decided to redefine w!at t!ey saw as constitutin$ "realtradition#. '!en t!is was denied by t!e upper castes, t!e ow!erd people resisted bysabota$in$ t!e ritual duty in t!e villa$e festival. T!e upper castes !ad to $ive in, probablybecause t!ey did not want to be !eld responsible for disturbin$ t!e proper performance oft!e community festival. T!e ow!erds were ready to accept t!eir role for t!e deities andt!ey continue t!eir ritual role of carryin$ deities in t!e festival till today. T!us, in t!is casetoo, we see t!at t!e contents of t!e specific duties are redefined to suit t!e newly emer$entsentiment of di$nity, as t!e ow!erd people feel t!at carryin$ palan%uins for t!e uppercaste people is de$radin$. &ere also we can see t!e process of transformation of t!e moralsociety. T!is kind of revision of t!e e*istin$ customs comes about as people be$in toreflect upon t!e prevalent social set-up as bein$ somet!in$ t!at can be c!an$ed and seepossibilities of alternatives.

ase 9. One youn$ Carber man opened a !air "salon# 6t!e n$lis! word salon isused for t!e barber s!op7 in ar! Manitri in 1440. T!is was t!e first time in t!isvilla$e t!at a Carber offered t!e service on payment basis outside t!e so-called"amani relations#. I asked !im w!y !e wanted to open a !air cut salon. &e said,"Instead of servin$ masters 6snta7, I wanted to do my work on my own. &ere, it is

my s!op and I am t!e owner 6mlika7.


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!onourable work. It is a service for t!e $oddess.T!is youn$ Carber man decided to pull !imself out of t!e "amani relations# in

order to become an independent owner of a barber s!op. &e did not opt to remain in t!e

"moral economy# w!ere patron-client relations!ip will at least $ive !im an assurance ofsurvival and $uarantee of subsistence. &e preferred to put !imself in a market relations!ip,w!ic! mi$!t lack $uarantee but would $rant !im a position of an independent owner andplace !im in e%ual e*c!an$e relations!ips wit! customers. Ee$ardin$ !is ritual duty in t!ecommunity, !owever, !is position is more nuanced. &e does not want to be forced to dot!e ritual duty, but sees t!e ob as an !onourable one and considers acceptin$ t!e dutyw!en t!e time comes. &e seems to accept t!at t!ere is some meanin$ in t!e communityritual and applies or$anic et!ics t!ere. &e says !e will do it not because of t!e communitypressure, but because !e feels it is !is service for t!e $oddess. In my understandin$, it ist!is attitude of service or self-sacrifice for a !i$!er principle t!at is at t!e basis of or$anic

et!ics.Or$anic et!ics is combined wit! a particular kind of social or$anisation in !istory.

Cut as t!at particular kind of social or$anisation ) amani relations in t!is case ) becomesobsolete, t!ere !as to be some c!an$e. In post-colonial India, amani relations !ave beenreplaced by market e*c!an$es in t!e sp!ere w!ere impersonal and alienable $oods andservices can take over. &owever, t!e division of labour !as remained in t!e ritual sp!erew!ere t!e or$anic et!ics is maintained. T!e youn$ Carber man accepts bot! t!e ritualisedor$anic et!ics and t!e market e*c!an$e relations. &is a$ency works !ere to reflect uponand c!oose w!at !e feels is wort! keepin$ or not. Moral society is a space w!ere suc!refle*ive a$ents interact to define and redefine w!at is ri$!t and $ood.

ase 2. T!ere was a meetin$ in w!ic! committee members for t!e new colle$e inar! Manitri were to be decided. T!e factional leaders attempted to include as manyfaction members as possible in t!e committee. T!e candidates of t!e factions weremostly !aPQyats. In t!e course of t!e meetin$, one youn$ 'as!erman spoke outand said t!at t!ere s!ould be a representative from eac! !amlet in ar! Manitri int!e committee. &is statement was met by loud s!outs from faction members tellin$!im to keep %uiet. One faction leader su$$ested t!at t!e committee members s!ouldbe elected on t!e basis of merit and recommendation. T!e discussion went backa$ain to selectin$ people from t!e two factions. After t!e meetin$, one !aPQyatmade a comment about t!e 'as!erman and said, "It is all very well to say t!at t!eres!ould be one representative from eac! !amlet. Cut t!at would not work. ommittee

members must possess a certain %uality. '!at %uality do t!ey !aveN ac! family !as!ad its role in t!e villa$e. 'e !ave been t!e leaders of t!e villa$e in !istory and t!is

%uality cannot be ac%uired overni$!t. T!e youn$ 'as!erman later said to me,"T!e factions are destroyin$ t!e villa$e. verybody must cooperate to develop t!evilla$e. T!at is w!y I said t!ere s!ould be a representative from eac! !amlet. T!en

t!ere can be real cooperation involvin$ everybody.T!e idea of representation !as lon$ been a part of t!e moral sense of ustice in t!e

political field. It !as ac%uired le$itimacy, alon$ wit! t!e idea of democracy, in t!ediscursive space of w!at constitutes proper administration and $overnment. T!ere seems tobe two conflictin$ ideas of representation !ere. T!e lo$ic of "representation of particulars#

demands t!at eac! social $roup s!ould be represented, w!ereas t!e lo$ic of "representation

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of maority# says t!at t!e maority s!ould rule. T!e latter is supported by t!e democraticinstitution of electoral politics w!ere numbers matter. T!e youn$ Carber man employedt!e lo$ic of "representation of particulars# w!en demandin$ t!at t!ere s!ould be a

representative from eac! !amlet of t!e villa$e, w!ic! more or less corresponds to a caste$roup. A$ainst t!is, t!e faction leader employed t!e lo$ic of "representation of maority#,w!ic! works in favour of t!e political primacy of t!e dominant caste !aPQyats.

In factional politics, t!e state resources !ave to be distributed in proportion topolitical influence in order for a ma*imum number of votes to be secured. In t!e abovepublic meetin$, t!is factional lo$ic of political society was rei$nin$ at t!e be$innin$. Cut,w!en t!e youn$ 'as!erman presented a le$itimate ar$ument based on t!e lo$ic ofrepresentation of particulars, t!e faction leaders !ad to respond by resortin$ to anot!erle$itimate discourse.


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sense, moral society is a space of mediation w!ere attempts are made to connect t!eindi$enous sense of ri$!tness, t!rou$! its reformation, to t!e present politico-economicideas and practices.

If a respectable democracy is to take root in Indian society, a popular commonsense re$ardin$ $ood $overnment and political morality s!ould be developed, and t!ismust also be applicable in modern politics. Also, in order to develop a !ealt!y marketeconomy involvin$ t!e local villa$e society, a common sense of moral commitment tocontracts needs to be nurtured so t!at people can proceed wit! economic transactions wit!trust. T!e development of suc! common sense would only be possible if t!e e*istin$ moralsociety wit! its sense of ri$!tness can find ways to reconcile itself wit! t!e e*istin$political society and t!e market economy. It is also necessary t!at moral society reconcilesitself wit! ideas and institutions of civil society in order to provide popular endorsement tot!e current institutions of modernity.

As !atteree points out, t!ere is "an emer$in$ opposition between modernity anddemocracy, i.e. between civil society and political society# !atteree /000: 2= in todayspost-colonial world. &owever, if we look at t!e sp!ere of moral society, t!e ideas andinstitutions of bot! community and civil society are taken to$et!er in a !ybrid manner int!e searc! for new et!ics. &ere, moral society may be seen as a space of mediation w!ereattempts are made to reconcile civil society and political society. If t!ere is emer$entopposition, t!ere are also attempts at reconciliation. It is not possible to predict w!at kindof new et!ics will come out of t!e present c!urnin$. &owever, it is probably not !elpful toover-emp!asise t!e opposition between modernity and democracy, civil society andpolitical society, or capital and community !ere. It is more necessary to see t!e possibilitiesof reconciliation and mediation between t!e two if we are to !ope for t!e creation of viableet!ics in t!e contemporary post-colonial world.

I !ave su$$ested in t!is paper to pay attention to moral society in India in order tosee t!e space of contestatory and ne$otiatory attempts at connectin$ and reconciliatin$ t!e!istory of popular sense of ri$!tness and $oodness wit! t!e present practices of democracyand ideas and institutions of civil society. T!is paper suffices if it is successful in indicatin$t!at suc! a space of c!urnin$ indeed e*ists.

Acknowled$ement: I would like to t!ank Gr. Cis!nu B. Mo!apatra for !is comments andcriticisms. Giscussion wit! !im !elped me a lot in clarifyin$ my ideas.

EeferencesCayly, !ris A., 1455, #ndian 'ociety and the (aking of the )ritish mpire ,

T!e Bew ambrid$e &istory of India /. ambrid$e and Bew Sork: ambrid$eLniversity +ress.

, 1445, *rigins of +ationality in 'outh ,sia .atriotism and thical

/o&ernment in the (aking of (odern #ndia. Gel!i: O*ford Lniversity +ress.

Ceteille, Andre, 1442, ">.Crass, Tom, 1441, "Moral conomists,


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'tudies, 15, /, pp. 1=9-/0?.

!atteree, +art!a, 145>, +ationalist 1hought and the Colonial 0orld ,

3eri&ati&e 3iscourse4Dondon: Ued Cooks., 1449, 1he +ation and its "ragments Colonial and .ostcolonial

5istories6+rinceton: +rinceton Lniversity +ress.

, 1445, "ommunity in t!e ast#, conomic and .olitical 0eekly, 99, pp./==-/5/.

, /000, "Two +oets and Geat!: On ivil and +olitical


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+en$uin Cooks.Marriot, Mackim, 14=>, "&indu Transactions: Giversity wit!out Gualism#, in C. apferer

6ed.7 1ransaction and (eaning. +!iladelp!ia: Institute for t!e

,1445, "t!no!istory of Dand and Identity in !urda, Orissa: Jrom +re-colonial+ast to +ost-colonial +resent#, in 2ournal of ,sian and ,frican 'tudies, ?>.Tokyo: Institute for t!e


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;apanese +erspectives on India: An Indo-;apanese Gialo$ue#, ;awa!arlal Be!ru

Lniversity, =t!-5t! Gecember /001.,in press, "T!e


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iBevert!eless, t!e ideas and ideals of civil society seem to !ave !ad profound influence on t!econception of ustice in moral society.

iiT!e reference is to &e$els concept in 1he .hilosophy of 9ight &e$el 14?/.

iii&ere, it is assumed t!at "+oor peasants and ot!ers draw upon t!ese traditional ri$!ts and customs

w!en faced wit! attempts by landlords or capitalists to impose new, more contractual and market-basednotions of ri$!ts and obli$ations#


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