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    Tuesday, 13 May 2014

    What is the Current Phase of Imperialism?By Michael Burke

    A new situation requires a new analysis, and each new factor in the situation

    requires a specific and concrete analysis, placing it and its weight correctly in

    the overall situation.

    n world politics, the new situation is that the !" was una#le to #o$# "yria, it

    finds itself negotiating with, rather than #o$#ing ran, and its coup in the

    !%raine $ay not #e entirely successful in drawing &ussia's neigh#our into

    (AT)'s sphere of influence.

    This overturns recent history. The overthrow of the "oviet !nion in 1**1 wasacco$panied #y the !"+led ulf -ar. "ince that ti$e, the !" and its various

    allies have #o$#ed, invadedor intervened in "o$alia twice/, ugoslavia, aiti,

    Afghanistan, the hilippines, i#eria, raq, the Maghre#, e$en, i#ya, a%istan,

    i#ya and "outh "udan. The !" has also led, organised or outsourced countless

    other interventions, overthrown govern$ents and desta#ilised econo$ies in

    pursuit of its interests. There has also #een a series of coups and atte$pted

    coups in atin A$erica with varied success, and the so+called colour

    revolutions' in 5astern 5urope to install pro+!", pro+(AT) govern$ents, as well

    as the !" hi6ac%ing of the Ara# "pring.

    owever, the econo$ic rise of 7hina has warranted a strategic pivot' towards

    Asia in an atte$pt to cur# the rise of the only econo$y that could rival !"

    supre$acy in the foreseea#le future. iven this a#solute priority and the

    reduced circu$stances of the !" econo$y, it has #een necessary to suspend

    new large+scale direct $ilitary interventions elsewhere.

    This cur# on !" power has had i$$ediate and #eneficial consequences for

    hu$anity. "yria could not #e #o$#ed and neither could ran. n these, &ussian

    opposition to !" plans was a %ey political o#stacle, especially as the !" wanted

    to deploy $ultilateral and $ultinational forces to do its #idding and needed thei$pri$atur of the !( "ecurity 7ouncil. The !" response to this #loc%age has

    #een to increase pressure on &ussia, $ost dra$atically with its ouster of the

    elected !%rainian govern$ent in a coup and its atte$pt to #reach the country's

    agreed neutrality #y #ringing it into (AT).

    This cur# on !" power, however li$ited or te$porary, should #e welco$ed #y

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_wars_involving_the_United_Stateshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_wars_involving_the_United_States
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    all socialists, #y all de$ocrats and si$ply #y all those who desire peace.

    nstead, we have the strange spectacle that so$e on the left have raised the

    charge that &ussia is i$perialist, or that 7hina is, or countries such as 8ra9il, or

    ndia or "outh Africa aresu#+i$perialist':

    This is not a coincidence. n the !" "tate ;epart$ent's frustration it has

    produced every type of calu$ny againstutin, including that he is an

    i$perialist

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    the$ as a $easuring rule for $odern i$perialis$. $perialis$, li%e all

    pheno$ena, $ust #e analysed concretely, and only after ta%ing all the $ain

    factors into account, and so esta#lish its laws of $otion.

    Changing politics

    Three decisive changes in world politics have occurred since enin wrote his

    great wor%. As we shall see, the world econo$y has not stood still either, li%e all

    pheno$ena it too has continued to flow', in enin's words.

    The first decisive political change was in the contest over who would #e the

    do$inant i$perialist in the world, which #egan in 1*14 was resolved #y 1*4C.

    The !" had #eco$e the single do$inant i$perialist power and would

    countenance no serious rivalry fro$ other i$perialists. The #est they could hope

    for was to play so$e su#ordinate #ut $utually #eneficial role as a 6unior ally of!" i$perialis$.

    The second decisive change too% place #etween in the short period #etween

    enin's writing the pa$phlet and its later reface. The &ussian &evolution $eant

    that for the first ti$e the wor%ing class was a#le to lay hold of and $aintain

    state power. "ince that ti$e, and notwithstanding the overthrow of the "oviet

    !nion, there have #een continuously so$e parts of the glo#e where the wor%ing

    class holds state power, including 7u#a, Diet (a$ and Dene9uela. )f these

    wor%ers' states #y far the weightiest in the world econo$y is 7hina. n all these

    cases, private property in the $eans of production is not the do$inant for$ ofownership in the do$estic econo$y. owever, all are o#liged to operate in a

    glo#al capitalist syste$ in which i$perialis$ do$inates.

    Ta%ing advantage of this contradiction, the third change is that the anti+colonial

    and national li#eration struggles were a#le to free the great #ul% of hu$anity

    fro$ #urden of direct colonial rule, and in so$e cases this led ulti$ately to

    socialist revolution.

    These three facts, !" supre$acy within the i$perialist #loc, the continuous

    e?istence of wor%ers' states and the wave of direct decolonisation, are entirelynew factors. They are decisive in understanding that the $ain antagonis$ in

    the world is no longer inter+i$perialist co$petition which has certainly not

    #een a#olished/.

    (ow, the pre+e$inence of the !" and the e?istence of wor%ers' states with real

    political and econo$ic weight $eans that principal contradiction in world politics

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    is #etween the !" and its i$perialist allies versus the wor%ers states and the

    countries oppressed #y i$perialis$ including the se$i+colonial world and the

    re$aining colonies/. )f these, the #iggest, the weightiest threat to !" econo$ic

    interests is the rise of 7hina.

    Changing economics

    n Imperialism the Highest Stage of Capitalism, enin su$s upthe $ain

    econo$ic features of i$perialis$ in that period. To so$e readers these are well+

    %nown, #ut they are worth repeating here. -orth repeating too is his own

    characterisation of this definition, which is that it was a special stage in the

    historical development of capitalism which has continued to develop/.

    The five features identified #y enin are as followsE

    1/ the concentration of production and capital has developed to such a highstage that it has created $onopolies which play a decisive role in econo$ic life

    2/ the $erging of #an% capital with industrial capital, and the creation, on the

    #asis of this Ffinance capitalG, of a financial oligarchy

    3/ the e?port of capital as distinguished fro$ the e?port of co$$odities

    acquires e?ceptional i$portance

    4/ the for$ation of international $onopolist capitalist associations which share

    the world a$ong the$selves, and

    C/ the territorial division of the whole world a$ong the #iggest capitalist

    powers is co$pleted.

    enin's starting+point is the concentration of production into $onopolies, which

    is the #asis of i$perialis$. This concentration is the inevita#le outco$e of free

    co$petition' #etween capitalists and has as a result risen e?ponentially since

    the pa$phlet was written. 7oncentration $eans capitalist rivals are eli$inated,

    and so increased profits require expansion overseas.

    The increase in concentration of production and trend towards $onopolisation

    can #e illustrated #y the fact that the largest co$panies in the world are now

    larger than $ost countries. The tenth largest co$pany in the world

    has revenues of well over !"H200#n, andonly 40 countries in the worldhave agreater level of annual ;. n enin's ti$e, 44I of all !" industrial output was

    carried out #y 6ust 3,000 fir$s. (ow the output of6ust 130 fir$sis equivalent to

    4@I of !" ;

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    the leading Bortune C00 glo#al fir$s, the sa$e as its ne?t three i$perialist

    rivals together. At the turn of the twentieth century !" "teel was the largest

    co$pany in the world, with average net profits of !"H34$illion. This is

    equivalent 6ust under !"H1 #illion in today's ter$s. n 2013 the $ost profita#le

    co$pany in the world was Apple, with profits of !"H42#n. Aside fro$ the few

    loss+$a%ers, $ost co$panies in the Bortune C00 had profits far in e?cess of

    !"H1 #illion in 2013.

    The role of #an%s has also increased, #ut in an even $ore pronounced way.

    enin uses detailed data to show that the * leading #an%s in er$any held

    deposits of 10 #illion er$an Mar%s. Two #an%s in the !", owned #y the

    plutocrats J Morgan and &oc%efeller had deposits equivalent to 11 #illion

    er$an Mar%s. These were equivalent to !"H2.4 #illion and !"H2.K #illion in

    1*13 5L7A(5 &AT5" . n today's ter$s these are equivalent to !"HCK #illion

    and !"HK2 #illion respectively. n 2013, er$any's largest #an% ;eutsche 8an%alone had deposits equivalent to !"H2 #illion. J Morgan 7hase is the #iggest

    #an% in the !" which in 2013 held deposits of !"H 1,2@@ #illion. At the sa$e

    ti$e, enin identifies the growth in traded securities to the equivalent of 4*

    #illion Brench Brancs. This is the equivalent of !"H 2,00 #illion in today's

    ter$s. 8ut this is a fraction of the current level of international clai$s held #y

    #an%s in the i$perialist centres, of !"H32,@C* #illion

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    first i$perial power, 8ritain in reland, had #enefited fro$ a higher rate of

    e?ploitation in its colony, with the i$perial powerpoc%eting the e?cess'

    profitseven #eyond the rate of e?ploitation in their own do$estic $ar%et. As

    the #rutality and rapaciousness of the regi$e increases, so too does its

    parasitical nature. This leads to decay and its vulnera#ility to co$petition fro$ a

    $ore vigorous syste$ of production.

    At the #eginning of the twentieth century 8ritain was the pre$ier trading nation

    in the world, via its e$pire. owever, enin points out that 8ritain's profits fro$

    its foreign and colonial trade was 6ust one+fifth of its profits derived fro$ its

    overseas financial invest$ents. 8ritain had already #eco$e a rentier state,

    pri$arily living off these invest$ents.

    8ritain had run a trade deficit, the value of i$ports e?ceeding the value of

    e?ports for $ost of the period fro$ the 1@*0s to the out#rea% of the 1*14+1@war

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    The $uch greater si9e of the !" do$estic $ar%et, the consequent scope for

    increasing the division of la#our and the greater productivity of its industries all

    $eant the capitalist $ode of production retained a degree of vigour there that

    had long #eco$e a distant $e$ory in 8ritain. This was reinforced #y the pre+

    e$inent position of the !" following the 1*14 to 1*4C world wars.

    owever the !" too has #eco$e a net i$porter of capital over a different

    ti$escale. This is shown in 7hart 1 #elow. The !" #eca$e an i$porter of capital

    #ecause the growth of the econo$y was insufficient to $aintain #oth the growth

    in living standards of the population and to fund the Diet (a$ war. The !"

    #eca$e an i$porter of capital in the course of the Diet (a$ war and in order to

    pay for it.

    Chart 1. US Current ccount Balance 1!"# to 1!$#% US& 'illions

    "ourceE Bederal &eserve 5cono$ic ;ata

    The !" did not #eco$e an econo$ically oppressed nation while it was raining

    $ore #o$#s on Diet (a$, aos and 7a$#odia than were dropped in the whole

    of the "econd -orld -ar. nstead, imperialism and the dominant imperialist

    power has entered a new phase, where it sucs in capital from the rest of the

    world. t does so without in advance #eing either a net e?porter of goods or of

    capital.

    As enin and a host of co$$entators had shown, in an earlier phase

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    i$perialis$ had #een an e?porter of capital. 8y the early 1*0s the !" and

    8ritain, long #efore/ had #eco$e i$porters of capital.

    ersistently incurring new net de#ts will tend to run down any e?isting net stoc%

    of overseas capital. This is precisely what has happened. The !", as well as

    Brance and 8ritain are i$perialist powers who own nonet overseas assets, that

    is to say, their overseas de#ts are greater than their overseas assets. This is

    shown in Ta#le 1 #elow.

    (a'le 1. )et International In*estment Position +#1+% US& 'illions

    "ourceE MB, nternational Binancial "tatistics

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    Ta%en together these five i$perialist powers have effectively no net overseas

    assets, as the net assets of Japan and er$any are effectively #alanced #y the

    net de#ts of the !", Brance and the !N. et in 2012 they received a net !"HC2K

    #illion in net pay$ents of interest and dividends fro$ the rest of the world.

    -ithin this #loc, the !" is clearly pre+e$inent. t e?tracted $ore interest fro$

    the rest of the world than Japan, despite having net de#ts greater than the level

    of Japan's net assets. Brance and the !N were 6unior partners in this role. 8y

    contrast, #oth Japan and er$any are a#le to sustain trade surpluses #ecause

    of accu$ulated levels of productivity and in Japan's case severe restrictions on

    i$ports/. Bor the$, there is no i$perative to engineer invest$ent inco$e

    surpluses, these are a natural outco$e of their trade+driven accu$ulation of

    overseas assets. 5ven so, along with Brance and the !N, they too play a

    supporting role in the glo#al syste$ of i$perialis$ and #enefit fro$ it.

    The !N is undergoing a particular period of tur$oil in its overseas accounts,

    associated with the continuing crisis of its #an%ing syste$ and their overseas

    operations. n the prior year the surplus was H42 #illion. 8ut it re$ains to #e

    seen to what e?tent the !N can recover this position=.

    ,inance Capital

    A capitalist econo$y is one in which there is generalised co$$odity production.

    Money is the universal co$$odity, standing in for all other co$$odities in theprocess of e?change. The control over the direction or allocation of $oney

    capital therefore #eco$es decisive in the develop$ent of capitalis$ itself. The

    $ediu$ for this allocation is the #an%s

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    capital overseas than it is willing to pay. This e?plains how it is possi#le for the

    !" to draw in interest inco$e when it owns no net assets. At the sa$e ti$e,

    the !" and its 6unior partners in Brance and the !N have not grown as rapidly

    as the world econo$y over a prolonged period, and yet they are continually

    a#le to draw in capital fro$ the rest of the world. This too is only possi#le

    #ecause of the !" do$inance over the glo#al financial syste$, with 8ritain and

    Brance playing an i$portant su#ordinate role.

    The !" do$inates all glo#al transactions through the trading pre+e$inence of

    the !" ;ollar, which accounts for appro?i$ately @CI of all B)&5( 5L7A(5

    transactions.

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    disappoint$ent when the !" was o#liged to refrain fro$ #o$#ing "yria/ is

    e?plained #y this i$perative to plunder the rest of the world. !ilitar" dominance

    and repeated shows of militar" force are necessar" to underpin a s"stem of

    global financial extortion.

    The negative effects of i$perial do$ination are not $ost frequently felt through

    war. This is 6ust the $ost e?tre$e sy$pto$. nstead, a consequence of the

    do$inance of the !" and its interests in glo#al finance is that even any changes

    in the econo$ic or $onetary conditions of the !" rever#erate glo#ally. A#rupt

    changes in the !" repeatedly $anifest the$selves as regional or even glo#al

    crises. This is shown in 7hart 2 #elow.

    Chart +. US ong/(erm Interest 0ates and ,inancial Market Crises

    "ourceE Bederal &eserve 5cono$ic ;ata

    The chart a#ove shows long+ter$ !" interest rates and so$e of the $ain

    financial $ar%et crises. The yields on !" govern$ent de#t change if there is an

    alteration in the #alance of supply and de$and for capital in the !". This was

    the case when &eagan ca$e to office and hugely e?panded the !" #udget

    deficit. t has also #een the case with increasingly $odest/ econo$ic revivals

    in 1**4, in 1** and the very $ild econo$ic upturn in 2012. n all cases the

    increased de$and for capital in the !" led to a rise in !" long+ter$ interest

    rates.

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    The consequence was that capital flowed out of the se$i+colonial world and into

    the !", leaving the for$er in crisis. This occurred with the atin A$erica de#t

    crisis of the early 1*@0s, the glo#al financial crisis in the early 1**0s, the Asian

    financial crisis of 1** and 1**@. The recent e$erging $ar%et' slowdown is

    only $ilder to date #ecause the rising de$and for capital in the !" to fund

    rising consu$ption has #een e?tre$ely $odest #y historical standards. et

    a$ong the countries $ost affected #y this slowdown include 8ra9il, &ussia,

    "outh Africa, Tur%ey

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    the !" had esta#lished its supre$e do$inance over the rest of the world,

    including the su#ordination of these other i$perialist powers through war.

    The weight of the i$perialist econo$ies is not static, either as a group or

    individually. They have undergone a series of dra$atic changes. The only

    constant is !" do$inance. 7hart 3 #elow shows the relative weight of these five

    i$perialist econo$ies in the world econo$y, #oth individually and as a group.

    The data is shown in the ta#le #elow.

    Three distinct dates are chosen. 1*13 represents a snapshot of the world

    econo$y on the eve of 1*14+1*1@ war. 1*C1 represents the post+1*4C

    settle$ent. This is also the highest recorded point of i$perialist power on a

    world scale as accounted for #y share of world ; and is also the highest

    recorded level for the weight of the !" in the glo#al econo$y. 200@ is the final

    data availa#le fro$ Maddison #efore his death, and of course coincides with theonset of the glo#al financial crisis.

    Chart

    "ourceE Author's calculation fro$ Maddison data

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    The high+point of these i$perialist powers in ter$s of share of world ; was

    1*C1. There has #een a sharp decline since that ti$e which has al$ost

    certainly #een deepened #y the effects of the crisis/. -ithin that #loc, the !"

    has returned to its for$er starting point a century ago, whereas $ost of the

    other i$perialist powers have declined in a $ore $ar%ed way. The !N has

    e?perienced the $ost spectacular fall of all, its weight in the world econo$y

    declining #y two+thirds in a hundred years. Japan is the partial e?ception to this

    rule, having #een only on the verge of #eco$ing an i$perial power at the

    #eginning of the twentieth century and #eing utterly devastated #y war and

    nuclear #o$#ing #y the early 1*C0s.

    This still left 6ust *.CI of the world's population in these C countries to en6oy

    the #enefits of one+third of world output in 200@. -ithin those countries a tiny

    $inority of the population ta%es the lion's share. All $anner of chauvinist and

    racist e?planations are advanced for this unequal distri#ution of glo#al inco$e,and the accu$ulated wealth it #rings. 8ut in reality it is only possi#le if $ost of

    the world is do$inated #y a global s"stem of imperialism, the forcible transfer

    of incomes and wealth from most of the world to a minorit" of it. This syste$

    includes ideological, legal, institutional, co$$ercial and financial strands. All of

    these are underpinned #y the aggressive e?ercise of $ilitary do$inance, led #y

    the !".

    A century ago, 8ritain had already #eco$e a rentier nation', living off its

    overseas inco$e. The factual verdict on this strategy in ter$s of delivering

    growth is devastating. 8y contrast, Japan's post+-ar success was #uilt on very

    high levels of invest$ent and favoured nation status in its trade relationships

    with the !". Japanese invest$ent as a proportion of ; rose to what was then

    an unprecedented level of 30I of ; and in consequence ; growth

    accelerated to over @I per annu$.

    owever this period is already at an end. The Japanese do$estic econo$y has

    not #een accu$ulating net new capital for so$e years and the structural trade

    surpluses have #eco$e deficits. rowth has also stagnated for 2C years and it

    see$s pro#a#le that li%e the !", Brance and the !N, Japan's net overseasassets will dwindle towards 9ero or #elow/.

    A decisive #low was struc% #y the !" against #oth Japan and -est er$any in

    the late 1*K0s. 8oth countries had #een growing $ore strongly than the !"

    over a considera#le period #ased on $uch higher levels of invest$ent. !sing

    the pressure of its $ilitary relationships, in a series of $easures the !" forced

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    sharp revaluations of #oth the Japanese en and the ;eutsche Mar%. t

    suspended the converti#ility of the !" ;ollar and finally collapsed the entire

    post+-- 8retton -oods financial syste$. n this way it was a#le to disguise a

    su#stantial devaluation of the !" ;ollar as a widespread #ut piece$eal

    revaluation of other $a6or currencies, while its grip on Middle 5ast oil ensured

    this did not lead to an outright #alance of pay$ents crisis in the !".

    The effect was not to increase !" growth #ut to slow #oth the Japanese and

    er$an econo$ies for a generation, 6ust as it had used the co$#ination of its

    $ilitary and financial $uscle to devastating effect against Brance and the !N

    during the "ue9 crisis in 1*CK. The !" later repeated this feat particularly in

    relation to Japan, #y redirecting Japanese capital towards the !" ar$s race to

    #an%rupt the "oviet !nion in the 1*@0s. The $ost i$portant outco$e was the

    overthrow of the "oviet !nion and its reduction to the status of a se$i+colonial

    country, pri$arily producing raw $aterials for the !"+do$inated/ international$ar%ets. A side+effect was to foster the collapse of Japanese growth into

    stagnation, which has #een unaltered since 1**0.

    nter+i$perialist rivalry has not #een a#olished. 8ut the !" has used a

    co$#ination of its financial and $ilitary do$inance to ensure its own do$inance

    within the i$perialist #loc, even as that #loc has #een in relative decline.

    Conclusion

    The concentration of capital and the do$inance of finance capital have #oth

    #eco$e $ore pronounced features of glo#al capitalis$ in the current phase ofi$perialis$.

    "i$ultaneously, the decayed and parasitical rentier nation' that 8ritain had

    already #eco$e over a century ago is now the nor$ for the i$perialist countries

    as a whole and for its do$inant country, the !nited "tates.

    i%e an ancient despot, the !" and its allies draw in tri#ute fro$ the rest of the

    world in the for$ of a continuous inflow of capital. There is even a su#stantial

    net inflow of interest inco$e, even though they possess no net overseas assets,

    only lia#ilities.

    The $ain $echanis$ for this worldwide e?tortion is the !" do$inance over the

    glo#al financial syste$, which is itself the do$inant sector of capitalis$. This is

    only possi#le #ecause it is underpinned #y the vast $ilitary resources of the !",

    which are far greater than all its $a6or rivals co$#ined, and which it e?ercises

    repeatedly and #rutally.

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    i%e 8ritain #efore it, the !" has #eco$e a rentier nation', whose $ain

    overseas inco$e is derived fro$ the e?action of interest and other pay$ents

    rather than net trade. 8ut this has entered a new phase, where the tri#ute of

    interest inco$e continues to flow even though there are no assets on which it is

    #ased. -ithout any net overseas assets, this is only possi#le #ecause of its

    status as i$perial power.Imperialism is a global s"stem of super#exploitation,

    directed b" control over finance capital and supported b" militar"

    dominance. The sole i$perial super+power is the !", supported #y its allies.

    8ecause i$perialis$ has entered a $ore decrepit phase does not $a%e it $ore

    #enign. )n the contrary. The !" relentlessly see%s to e?tend its interloc%ing

    syste$s of $ilitary alliances, trade treaties and financial predo$inance #ecause

    it is in relative decline. The va$pire always see%s fresh #lood.

    !sing i$perialis$' as a ter$ of a#use, or even as a synony$ for a large tradingnation, al#eit one possessing nuclear weapons, is to ro# it of all scientific value.

    The fact that !" i$perialis$ can occasionally #e challenged or sty$ied #y so$e

    co$#ination of se$i+colonial countries and wor%er's states acting in concert

    does not alter the essential $eaning. nstead, these challenges are a reflection

    of the relative econo$ic decline of the i$perialist powers in general co$#ined

    with a growing and related war+weariness on the part of the population. The !"

    insistence on its own supre$acy within the i$perialist #loc has only

    e?acer#ated that collective decline, while preserving its own do$inant status.

    &ather than echo the frustrations of the !" "tate ;epart$ent, socialists andco$$unists welco$e the current i$potence of the !", for however long it lasts

    and however li$ited it is. n 1** a triu$phalist !" i$perialis$ set out its #old

    plan to #roo% no glo#al or regional opposition and to #e a#le to fight two $a6or

    wars si$ultaneously

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    FThe scientific concept of i$perialis$, $oreover, is reduced to a sort of ter$ of

    a#use applied to the i$$ediate co$petitors, rivals and opponents of the two

    i$perialists $entioned, each of who$ holds e?actly the sa$e class position as

    his rivals and opponents: This is not at all surprising in this day of words

    forgotten, principles lost, philosophies overthrown, and resolutions and sole$n

    pro$ises discarded.G

    enin, preface to 8u%harin's $perialis$ and the -orld

    5cono$y',httpsEOOwww.$ar?ists.orgOarchiveOleninOwor%sO1*1COdecO00.ht$

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    uriesofdata.xls