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Asset Building Agricultural Intervention Yudkin Program Proposal and Feasibility Plan: Reducing Food Insecurity in Madagascar Through Farmer Education and Training By: Josh Yudkin April 23, 2012 Washington University in St. Louis 1

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Page 1: file · Web viewIn order to address the issues of food insecurity and poverty in Madagascar, this asset building agricultural intervention seeks to use manure as a fertilizer

Asset Building Agricultural Intervention Yudkin

Program Proposal and Feasibility Plan: Reducing Food Insecurity in Madagascar

Through Farmer Education and Training

By: Josh Yudkin

April 23, 2012

Washington University in St. Louis

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Page 2: file · Web viewIn order to address the issues of food insecurity and poverty in Madagascar, this asset building agricultural intervention seeks to use manure as a fertilizer

Asset Building Agricultural Intervention Yudkin

Table of Contents:

Executive Summary……...…….…..……3

Background…………………….…..……3

Opportunity.………………..……..……. 4

Environmental Implications…..…..…… 8

Economic Implications…...…..……..… 9

Political Implications…..…..….……..…10

Socio-Cultural Implications….…..…… 11

Ethical Implications…..……..….…..… 12

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Executive Summary:

In order to address the issues of food insecurity and poverty in Madagascar, this asset building agricultural intervention seeks to use manure as a fertilizer. Partnering with the Missouri Botanical Garden as an implementing agent, this program increases crop production, sets up savings accounts that will be able to be accessed via mobile banking, and trains farmers to train one another on new farming techniques and nutrition. Key benefits include a healthier and more productive work force, a decrease in food insecurity and poverty, and an increase in social and political capital. Additionally, this program will incite economic growth that will help further the United Nations’ 2000 Millennium Development Goal of eradicating extreme poverty and hunger.

Background:

The United Nations reports that over 75% of the Madagascar’s 20-million inhabitants live below the national poverty line. About 85% of the poor live in rural areas, and 60% of those persons are deemed “extremely poor,” a term defined by living on less than US$1.25 a day. Moreover, Madagascar ranks in the lowest 21% of the United Nations Development Programme’s 2010 Human Development Index and is prone to a variety of natural disasters. Consequently, the Malagasy people are highly vulnerable to food insecurity. Because the first of the United Nations’ 2000 Millennium Development Goals is the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger, Madagascar—specifically the issue of food insecurity—is a global priority.

Before discussing the food security issue in Madagascar, it is imperative to define the terms. According to the United Nations, people are considered food secure when they have all-time “access to sufficient, safe, nutritious food to maintain a healthy and active life (World Food Summit, 1996). As such, food-security analyses look at food availability, access and utilization. Food availability conveys that food must be available in sufficient quantities and on a consistent basis. It considers stock and production in a given area and the capacity to bring in food from elsewhere, through trade or aid. Food access signals that people must be able to regularly acquire adequate quantities of food, through purchase, home production, barter, gifts, borrowing or food aid. Finally, food utilization means that consumed food must have a positive nutritional impact on people. It entails cooking, storage and hygiene practices, individuals ‘health, water and sanitations, feeding and sharing practices within the household.

Madagascar suffers from food insecurity in all three of the arenas described above. In fact, depending on the region, as high as 68% of families suffer from food insecurity. Anecdotal testimonies indicate that the people of the Mahabo region not only do not have access to a nutritious food but also that the rice, the main food consumed, is highly vulnerable to natural disasters. In a season where the rice is not wiped away, food shortages are ever-present. Finally, even those who do not suffer from food shortages, per se, are still not receiving adequate amounts of nutrients. As evidenced, while food insecurity manifests itself and affects various subgroups differently, most persons are suffering from food insecurity in some way.

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Research indicates that poverty and food insecurity can lead to malnutrition, impaired immune system, stunting, inadequate cognitive stimulation, iodine deficiency, and iron deficiency anemia (Walker, 2007). Such assertions are confirmed in Madagascar as chronic malnutrition rates reach 49%, 44% of school-aged children are stunted, and 42.5% are underweight. Other consequences include low birth weight premature births, impaired cognitive functioning, decreased energy levels, reduced productivity, and increased vulnerability to environmental toxins (Reid). Additionally, food insecurity has been associated with type 2 diabetes (Seligman et al., 2007). Unfortunately, “Patients with diabetes require special diets, and yet the ability to be consistent with those special diets was compromised by food insecurity,” said Mark Nord, PhD, of the Food Assistance Branch at the Economic Research Service of the USDA (Hampton, 2007). In the case of Madagascar, the ability to not only be consistent with but also know about the diets is highly compromised by the lack of access to proper medical care experts note. In fact, only 47% of people have access to safe water. As evidenced, food insecurity has many negative biological and social implications on both an individual and communal level.

The already-terrible conditions are only supposed to deteriorate. Due to the political crisis and instability that was incited by the 2009 events surrounding Andry Rajoelina, the conditions in Madagascar have been deteriorating. Not only have thousands lost their jobs due to the economic downturn but also the government’s ability to deliver basic social services have been comprised. Finally, much of the international non-humanitarian aid has been suspended. The absence of the necessary infrastructure and resources coupled with natural disasters such as the recent Tropical Storm Irina is only exacerbating the myriad of issues that the Malygasi people face in the status quo.

Intervention:

The proposed plan is to educate the people of the Mahabo region about how both animal and human feces have been and continue to be used to increase crop production and variety in Madagascar. By introducing feces into the agricultural practices in the Mahabo region, individuals will be able to accrue assets. Such an introduction will be executed by bringing farmers from other communities to discuss how they use manure in their tradition and letting Mahobo leadership make the best method for their own community.

Strategies 1: Training and Education of Farmers on Agricultural Practices & Nutrition

Manure has been identified as a successful fertilizer for centuries in places ranging from Europe to China (Olson, 1987). More importantly, it is a practice that has existed in various successful Malygasi tribes as well. Its success is due to its ability to supply necessary nutrients such as nitrogen and phosphorous to crops and boost crop growth. Additionally, it is a valuable source of organic matter. Organic matter is important as it improves soil structure or tilth, increases the water-holding capacity of coarse-textured sandy soils, improves drainage in fine-textured clay soils, provides a source of slow-

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release nutrients, reduces wind and water erosion, and promotes growth of earthworms and other beneficial soil organisms (Rosen & Bierman, 2005). In fact, whereas inorganic fertilizers have been demonstrated to increase African crops yields by 150%, African crop yields yield responses of 184% (Bationo, 1987). Manure increases plant growth in a holistic manner.

Manure has stopped being used in places such as the United States in recent years due to: 1) Farm specialization with increasing separation of crop and livestock production, 2) Cost of transporting manure, which is a bulky, relatively low analysis nutrient source, and 3) Increased availability of high analysis synthetic fertilizers that usually provide a cheaper source per unit of nutrient than manure. Experts from the University of Minnesota contend that, despite this trend and these pragmatic limitations, manure provides many benefits and should be utilized whenever possible (Rosen and Bierman, 2007). In fact, Stanford researchers assert that the major shortcoming of manure as a fertilizer source is that there is no possible way of producing enough. Whereas excess use of fertilizer and manure have damaged the environment in the developed world, the low use of such products is one of the main causes for environmental degradation in Africa: increased use of such products educe the pressure to convert forest and other fragile lands to agricultural uses (Bationo, 1987). Therefore, the direct and indirect benefits of using manure set a strong foundation for improving the quality of life in the Mahabo region, a topic that will be explored in much more depth at a later point.

Activity 1: Training and Education In order to properly train and educate farmers of the Mahobo region, the Missouri Botanical Garden has to greatly increase its human capital by hiring local staff dedicated solely to the evaluation of this program and others who are employed to educate and train the other farmers in proper ways to gather, store, and use manure. Hiring community lay educators has additional positive benefits, including creating jobs and allowing for ongoing formative evaluation of the cultural appropriateness of interventions. Job creation can increase the income of the community educators, which can enable workers to meet immediate basic consumption needs and save. These savings may have tangible and intangible effects: “…asset ownership contributes to financial security and also encompasses social and psychological benefits, essentially giving people a stake in their future.” (Sherraden, 1991, p. 148). Positive health outcomes are also expected to build human and financial capital, something that will be discussed in greater detail during the economic analysis.

Strategy 2: Asset Building

Asset building has been explored as a means to reduce poverty in rural populations in the developing world. Unlike traditional strategies for reducing poverty and inequality, asset-building strategies look to build human, physical, social and financial capital. Building such capital is instrumental in promoting individual capacities and long-term socioeconomic development (McKernan & Sherraden, 2008). Sherraden reports, “Asset ownership contributes to financial security and also encompasses social and psychological benefits, essentially giving people a stake in their future” (1991, p.148)

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Moreover, Caroline Moser reports, “An asset offers a way out of poverty because it is not simply consumed but rather constitutes a ‘stock’ that endures and can be used to generate economic, psychological, social and political benefits that foster resilience and social mobility (2007, p.99). Yet before continuing to discuss the role of assets and their benefits, it is crucial to define the term as it is integral to this proposal. Therefore, assets are defined as stocks of resources that people accumulate and hold over time. They provide for future consumption and are a source of security against contingencies. As investments, they also generate returns that generally increase aggregate lifetime consumption and improve a family’s well-being over an extended time horizon (McKernan & Sherraden, 2008).

Assets have direct and indirect benefits for households. Directly, assets increase potential for future consumption. Indirectly, assets: improve household stability by smoothing consumption; create an orientation towards the future by enabling households to obtain assets that

stimulate the development of other assets, for example a college degree; increase civic participation by developing a sense of being a stakeholder in social and

political processes, and; enhance the well being of off-spring by investing in their social and human capital

and allowing them to inherit assets (Beverly & Sherraden, 1999). In order to address these issues of poverty and inequality, it is important to

develop and implement programs to build the asset bases of families facing poverty (McKernan & Sherraden, 2008): “This [assets] includes a variety of positive effects including greater labor force attachment, political and civic interest, marital stability, better health, and so on (Bynner, 2001).

The asset-building approach is a useful conceptual framework for thinking about poor rural households (Siegel, 2005). This framework emphasizes the analysis of the “quantity, quality and productivity of assets needed,” which may generate long-term growth and well-being (Siegel, 2005, p. 17). Specifically, asset development tools such as IDAs, and social entrepreneurship through technology procurement processes are effective means of building assets of rural farmers (Choowa, Ansong, & Masa 2010; Guo, Huang, Zou & Sherraden, 2008; Ssewamala, Han, &Neilands, 2009).

Activity 1: Farmer-to-farmer Financial Education

In addition to offering agricultural training, community workers will also offer financial education training. This training will focus on teaching farmers how to effectively utilize the savings accounts and IDAs (described further below), both of which have been shown to be effective in enabling savings.

Behavioral economic theory suggests that at least part of why people engage in saving behavior is driven by both societal and communal expectations (McKernan & Sherraden, 2008). A farmer-to-farmer mentoring model will be utilized to foster a culture of savings and increase farmer trading. Further, Ssewamala et. al (2009), suggests that bundling mentoring with an IDA program has positive health, self-esteem, mental health, and economic outcomes.

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There is a body of evidence demonstrating a correlation between financial education and improved savings in asset holding programs for up to ten hours of education (Sherraden, 2008). This intervention will provide the ten hours of effective financial education by leveraging these positive impacts on savings behavior. The education will focus on the importance of short, intermediate and long-term goals. This will be tied closely with the IDA accounts to be established for participating farmers.

Activity 2: Partnering with a mobile banking initiative to set up savings accounts for farmers

The income farmers earn from additional sales will be placed into opt-out, Individual Development Accounts (IDAs). IDAs were originally proposed as a way to create a “universal and progressive asset-building policy that would bring the poor into asset-building policies” (Sherraden, 2008, p. 2) and are matched savings for low-income individuals (Sherraden, 2008). They are mostly funded by the state and federal government along with non-profit funding support. They are supposed to be used for “key development and social protection goals across the lifespan such as education, home ownership, business capitalization and retirement security in later life” (Sherraden, 1991, 2008, p. 2). Participants deposit savings into their accounts, and the savings are matched, in this case by MBG (and eventually by the Malagasy government). Matching rates can fluctuate from 1:1 to 3:1 or more. The amount to which the deposit is matched is called the match cap, an essential incentive technique (McKernan and Sherraden, 2008, p. 166). While it is acknowledged that these accounts are most successful when people have access to both short-term liquid cash as well as an ability to save for long-term infrastructure limitations will prevent accounts from being divided between short and long-term goals.

IDA effectiveness has been shown to improve when participants participate in a financial education program (Sherraden, 2008). The financial education associated with these IDAs will strongly emphasize farmers setting aside some savings for the next planting season and to save for long-term goals of purchasing more land, better farming tools, and healthier crops. Such asset purchases are likely to increase the productivity of their farms and will be aimed at long-term asset building objectives. Additionally, they serve as a buffer against returning to poverty. Mosner explains, “physical capital assets related to land and housing and human capital assets associated with health can be considered ‘protective’ or ‘preventative’ buffering against shocks that precipitate households into falling poverty” (Mosner, 2007). The accounts will be linked to financial education and will work with farmers to save for short, intermediate and long-term goals.

Savings will be housed in both traditional and mobile banking accounts. Currently, 70% of the adult Malagasy population owns a cell phone, and, as of three months ago, Airtel Madagascar and Bank of Afrika (BOA), plan to offer a myriad of mobile banking options (MFW4A, 2012). As part of the formative research for this program, farmers’ access to cellular technology will be assessed. For those who do not, this program can provide cell phones to participating farmers.

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The account withdrawals will be limited to funds that will be invested in things for physical and human capital increases. Evidence suggests that it may be the case that limiting withdrawals to funds that are spent upon developing capacity (i.e. education, a home, medical expenses, etc) ensures that savings are used to beget more savings (Laibson 1997; Thaler 1994; Thaler and Shefrin 1981)

Strategy 3: Monitoring and Evaluation

The overall design of this program evaluation is a quasi-experimental, step-wedge design. In the first step, the intervention group will be recruited from the 40 farmers currently living in this community with MBG (cohort 1). Simultaneously, a control group of 40 farmers (geographically different, but otherwise similar to cohort 1) will be recruited (cohort 2) and Cohort 2 will receive the intervention during grant year 3, while another cohort of 40 farmers is recruited (cohort 3). And will receive the intervention during grant year 4.

Strategies for recruitment will include community outreach by community lay workers and MBG staff and snowball sampling. Geographic information systems (GIS) and community mapping strategies will be used to identify geographic locations to target for outreach and implementation. Cohorts should be geographically different from one another ideally to avoid spillover/contamination from neighboring cohorts. Currently, it is not known what distance between cohorts of farmers would be required to avoid such spillover, but a variety of factors would be taken into consideration including proximity to current MBG activities and common use of markets, schools, health centers and other community facilities.

The strengths of this design include the fact that it will allow evaluators to observe short, medium and long-term outcomes, with multiple baselines. Multiple baselines will allow for validation of the results while a third phase of monitoring and evaluation. Finally, in the fourth step, the intervention will be expanded to all study participants and there will not be a control group. The long-term results from the intervention group in step one can then be evaluated against shorter-term results from the intervention group in step 3.

Additionally, this design avoids the ethical concern of expanding program services to organizational capacity. Ultimately, every cohort will receive the intervention. There will not be a control group who does not receive the intervention.

Environmental Implications:

The Missouri Botanical Gardens is fighting what Malagasy researcher Armand Randrianasolo labeled, “a race against the clock” (Seltzer, 2009). Randrianasolo explains that only about 10 percent of Madagascar's original habitat remains intact, and more forest is being destroyed all the time. He also points out that the indigent Malagasy population is much more concerned with their own survival than preserving the

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biodiversity of the island. Consequently, the Missouri Botanical Gardens focus on designing and implementing initiatives that make it profitable for Malagasy communities to engage in conservation. Current estimates propose that somewhere between 13,000-14,000 species of native plants may become extinct before they can be identified.

According to a Malagasy environmental advocacy group, the five biggest environmental threats in Madagascar are: deforestation, agricultural fires, erosion and soil degradation, overexploitation of living resources, and the introduction of alien species (WildMadagascar.org). Many of the aforementioned conditions are a result of tavy, or more commonly known as slash-and-burn in the Occident. When engaging in tavy, local tribesman cut down the rainforest an acre or two at a time in order to plant rice fields. After a few seasons of successful crop growth, the soil is exhausted of nutrients and can no longer produce. Consequently, the same farmers return and continue cutting down more of the forest until it is completed depleted. Burning the forest for pastures and logging for timber and charcoal are two additional reasons the forest is being depleted at an alarming rate.

Using manure to fertilize crops directly addresses the environmental problems that the Malagasy face and preemptively sets a framework through which they can begin rebuilding their island’s treasurers. It is essentially a natural and cost-free way to increase crop production, provide the necessary nutrients to eschew sterile soil, and, ultimately, increase forestation. This practice is currently being used by some of the more affluent and successful tribes who inhabit the island and has provided a means for a more diverse and healthy variety of crops. As such, adopting current practices is a safe and culturally sensitive way to restore the natural beauty of the environment.

The one variable that has not been addressed is natural disasters and its role on the environment. By their very nature, natural disasters are not controllable and, often, unpredictable. The use of manure, however, will increase the productivity and possibility of vegetation, ultimately allowing the island’s inhabitants to grow more crops quicker. Therefore, not only will islanders be producing more crop and quicker but also a variety of crops that they will be able to store in order to weather the difficult times. In essence, the manure is the desired program means that experts such as Randrianasolo seek that will enable the Malagasy nation to engage profitably in conservation.

Economic Implications:

Introducing the use of manure is an inclusive way for members in all strata of the Malagasy socio-economic spectrum to benefit. It will have both direct and indirect effects that improve the quality of life, as measured in both disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) and quality-adjusted life years (QALYs). Not only will owners of livestock benefit from such a practice but also their future laborers, who will have to collect, safely store, and use the product. Additionally, people to package the product and middlemen to sell the product to farmers are essential. As evidenced by issue of food insecurity, there is already an inherent demand in the market for food so that the indigent and subsistence farmers will be able to sell more products in the market. Also, it creates new markets for

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carpenters and other craftsmen to design and create innovative, safe, and easy-to-use storage containers for manure storage and banks to store and invest the farmers’ money.

In addition to the increase in financial capital, it is important to remember that such a program needs to be framed and executed through an asset-building lens. Therefore, in addition to the possible increase financial capital, it is important to discuss the potential physical capital that can be accrued. After a period of time, the manure itself because a valuable asset. It will aid in producing a bigger quantity and variety of food, another physical capital that both producers and consumers will be able to store, barter, and use. In fact, restaurants and the beginnings of a food industry could be the next area of growth if this product proves to be as effective as it has been shown to be in other settings. Finally, persons—perhaps craftsmen—might acquire numerous storage containers for the feces and provide some sort of rental service.

Indirect benefits to physical include acquiring more land and building a more durable home. By having the purchasing power and acquiring such commodities, the Malagasy are helping break the cycle of poverty: “physical capital assets related to land and housing and human capital assets associated with health can be considered ‘protective’ or ‘preventative’ buffering against shocks that precipitate households into falling poverty” (Mosner, 2007) In other words, by having diverse physical capital to consume, sell, and or pawn, families will be able to survive during harder times.

While it is one of the hardest areas to quantify in potential growth, there is a huge potential gain in human capital. As described in the background section, food insecurity is a major problem. Lack of nutrients and food consumption have been directly correlated with stunting, anemia, cognitive development etc… Additionally, people’s ability to absorb new information and the rate at which they learn are both significantly lowered due to lack of nutrients. Consequently, increasing both the quantity and the variety and availability of food will decrease many childhood illnesses and deaths, increase the physical and mental health of the island’s inhabitants, and, ultimately, increase the quality of life, length of life, and level of productivity of the Malagasy people. The final aforementioned advantage—level of productivity—will not only allow families to earn more but also reduce have numerous health and social benefits such as reducing the prevalence child labor by keep children in school longer or the prevalence of chronic stress.

Political Implications:Currently, the political situation in Madagascar is vulnerable. The central

government is relatively weak, causing the local elders and the tribal governments to wield most of the power. Reviving the central governments hegemony and increasing the governments’ role in citizen’s life is important in a successful nation. Additionally, political power, poverty level, and education are inextricably connected. It is important to understand how the use of manure will both directly and indirectly increase political stability and the governments’ ability to support their citizens.

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Political theorists have proven that a strong middle class is a systemic indicator of a stable government. Currently, there is almost no middle class in Madagascar; however, will be able to develop as a result of the manure. Building assets and savings have been proven to produce positive monetary and psychological benefits, and may be important for breaking the cycle or rural poverty in Madagascar. The disparity between urban and rural Madagascar is extraordinary, and the rural communities can only be differentiated with respect to socio-economic status when discussing poverty and extreme poverty. Therefore, it is both realistic to expect a positive shift where there will be a growing middle class in both urban and rural areas and a reduction in the number of persons in extreme poverty. From a political point of view, an increase in wealth and middle class leads to a more stable and educated population and a stronger government that will be able to provide more for its citizens. It fosters an atmosphere conducive to establishing and expanding financial services and other central products that not only reinforce order and stability but also the infrastructure of the country.

Political scientists have also determined that structural duplicity is central to the stability of a governing institution. In fact, the ability for an educational struggle between authorities (as evidenced between state and federal governments in United States) to occur in a society is symbolic of a successful and healthy governmental structure. Fortunately, there is already inherent tension and duplicity between the local authority [tribe leader] and federal government. Increasing the assets of the Malagasy people will empower and incentivize them to have more social capital and involvement in politics on both a local and national level. Whether it is taxes or laws pertaining to environmental preservation, the Malagasy people will have more of a vested interest and active involvement in the political happenings.

Behavioral economic theory suggests that, at least, part of why people engage in saving behavior is driven by both societal and communal expectations (McKernan & Sherraden, 2008). As noted above, IDAs are effective development tools to build the assets of rural farmers. When similar programs are developed and incentivized by governments—both on a local and national level—the politics can help shape and encourage a culture of fiscal responsibility. Similarly, the successful introduction of such entrepreneurial mechanisms into society with governmental backing will also demonstrate governmental interest and support of citizens’ success.

Socio-cultural Implications:

Working in international settings requires culturally competent social workers who are sensitive to the complex histories that shape different countries. This requires that all foreign personnel are culturally competent and have the tools to learn about different working environments effectively. Saying that, this approach is a community-based participatory initiative that is the least invasive and disruptive to both social and cultural norms. This program uses education to discuss already-used cultural practices in surrounding areas and how such practices can be adapted to better the lives of a tribe that does not currently engage such practices. Such efforts will be led and decided on by the local tribe and guided by fellow Malagasy support. Hiring and engaging local

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community members has additional positive benefits, including creating jobs and allowing for ongoing formative evaluation of the cultural appropriateness of interventions. Moreover, the initiative’s direction will be determined by the local people in order to reverse the epistemic and systemic effects of colonialism that still are still perpetuated in Africa.

Additionally, the temporal aspect of the potential political and economic outcomes is highly variable as this will be an effort led by the community and will occur at a time as determined by the community. Consequently, creating a timeline for the next steps will be unable to be completed until formative research has been conducted. Different programs and indirect services (e.g. IDAs) will be discussed and pursued when the community feels that the time is right in order to ensure that international organizations such as the World Bank and the International Monetrary Fund (IMF) do not repeat past mistakes and follow the advice of men such as Jeffrey Sachs by conducting “shock therapy” in the developing world.

Finally, the introduction of human feces as a fertilizer can and will only be implemented after a multi-year pilot study and extensive formative evaluation. Such an intervention will require educational training, the addition of major physical capital as well as its accompanying infrastructure. Experts of all fields—social work, engineering, and environmental health to name just a few—will be needed to oversee the plans, implementation, and evaluation and ensure that such a program is not causing unintended damages or creating the opportunity for irreparable damage to occur as evidenced by international aid such as the United Nations in countries such as Haiti (Sontag, 2012).

Ethical Implications:

The primary ethical considerations with this intervention include the fact that Madagascar is already a heavily aid-based society. The colonial legacy of Madagascar and Africa has lent itself to the development of institutions that do not support the empowerment of the Malagasi people, and instead depend upon foreign aid. Peruvian scholar Anibal Quijano (2000) explains this phenomenon by separating and defining the terms colonialism and coloniality. He affirms that, while these nations are not suffering from colonialism, the economic, political, and militaristic exploitation, they still suffer from coloniality, a term used to describe the epistemic consequences of colonialism. This context is important as it frames Malagasy ideas of aid and international development projects. In terms of this project, conducting this intervention has the potential to make the program participants more dependent on Western services such as banking that are not readily available. Although this is being accounted for with the community-based and driven initiatives that are described above, until it is done, there is no telling how successful such will be or how sustainable it will be once MBG is no longer heavily involved.

Most ethical considerations in the larger study deal with and are addressed by the health interventions and outcomes. Given past research, if implemented properly, the interventions proposed should be successful in at least decreasing food insecurity in a safe manner. An underlying assumption guiding the health outcome objectives of the

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larger study is that farmers and their families are not consuming enough nutrients. By having a step-wedge study design, the intervention study group will effectively be withholding interventions known to be successful from some study participants until the last year of the program. Although this might be true, it would be extremely difficult to scale up the interventions more rapidly than what is proposed here. It also allows time to assess the success (or failure) of certain education and training methods, allowing for more effective implementation of intervention techniques as time goes on. Ultimately, all four cohorts will benefit from the lessons learned from cohort-to-cohort.

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Running Head: ASSET BUILDING AGRICULTURAL INTERVENTION

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Appendix 1: Budget

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Budget

Quantity Item Individual Cost ($) Total Cost ($) 4 Lay nutrition educator 230 9204 Lay farming educator 230 9204 MBG Personnel N/A 200,0008 Airfare 2,500 20,0001 Logistics, on-ground 25,000 annually 10,000150 bags Seeds $1-1.50 200N/A IDA Matching Funds 25,000 25,000

Total: 257,040

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Running Head: ASSET BUILDING AGRICULTURAL INTERVENTION

Appendix II: Timeline