WOMEN’S UNDERREPRESENTATION IN MANAGEMENT …

WOMEN’S UNDERREPRESENTATION IN MANAGEMENT

POSITIONS IN THE CORPORATE WORLD:

GENDERED HUMAN RESOURCE MANAGEMENT PRACTICES AND

FEMALE COPING PATTERNS

Inaugural dissertation

submitted to attain the academic degree

doctor rerum politicarum

(Doktor der Wirtschaftswissenschaften)

at the

ESCP EUROPE

WIRTSCHAFTSHOCHSCHULE BERLIN

by

Dipl. Volkswirtin Angela Kornau

born on May 25th, 1984 in Münster, Germany

Berlin

2014

Doctoral examination committee

Head: Prof. Dr. Frank Jacob

Examiner: Prof. Dr. Marion Festing

Examiner: Prof. Dr. Barbara Sieben

Day of disputation: November 10, 2014

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

When I look back on the years of writing this dissertation, many people come to my mind who

were extremely supportive and helped me accomplish my goals.

First of all, I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Marion Festing, for being a great supervisor and

mentor to me – she was always encouraging and optimistic. As the co-author of the articles

presented in this dissertation she also provided her invaluable knowledge and thus added

significant worth to this thesis.

I also thank Prof. Dr. Barbara Sieben, for taking the time to be the second examiner of this

thesis.

I would like to express my gratitude to my other co-authors from ESCP Europe, Prof. Dr.

Claudia Jonczyk, Dr. Lena Knappert and Dr. Lynn Schäfer. In particular, I thank Lena and

Lynn, with whom I worked closely on different projects and not only profited from their

expertise and the exchange of ideas, but also enjoyed their encouragement and friendship.

Furthermore, I am grateful to all the other professors from ESCP Europe for their advice and

fruitful discussions as well as to the doctoral students who were with me during the last years

as researchers but also as great friends. Especially, I thank Dennis, Erik, Eva, Flo, Kathi, Max,

Michael H. and Steffi for making my time at ESCP so much fun. Special thanks go to my

(former) colleagues from the Chair for their great support and team spirit: Annabelle, Ihar,

Micha, Michael T., Stephi and Steve.

Finally, I express my gratitude to my family and friends, especially to my dearest friend Julia

and my husband Finn for their endless support, patience and love during the last few years.

Thanks for always being there.

i

Table of Contents

List of Figures...........................................................................................................................ii

List of Tables............................................................................................................................iii

List of Abbreviations...............................................................................................................iv

1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 1

2. The Challenge of Measuring and Evidence for the Global Underrepresentation of

Women in Management Positions ................................................................................... 6

3. Feminist Schools of Thought – Locating the Thesis in the Field .................................. 9

4. Conceptual Perspectives on Women’s Underrepresentation in Management .......... 14

4.1 Person-Centred Perspective ........................................................................................ 14

4.2 Organisation Structure Perspective ............................................................................. 16

4.3 Gender-Organisation-System Perspective .................................................................. 18

4.3.1 Gendered construction of management ............................................................ 19

4.3.2 Gendered human resource management practices ............................................ 20

4.4. Comparing Conceptual Perspectives and relating them to the Manuscripts ............. 22

5. An Overview of the Three Manuscripts ....................................................................... 24

5.1 Research Deficits, Research Foci and Applied Conceptual Perspectives .................. 24

5.2 Paradigmatic orientation and methodology ................................................................ 27

6. Research Manuscripts .................................................................................................... 31

6.1 Gender-Specific Preferences in Global Performance Management – An Empirical

Study of Male and Female Managers in a Multinational Context ............................. 31

6.2 Think Talent – Think Male? A Comparative Case Study Analysis of Gender

Inclusion in Talent Management Practices in the German Media Industry .............. 32

6.3 Female Managers in Professional Service Firms: Patterns in Work-Family

Management and Networking Approaches ............................................................... 33

7. Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 34

7.1 Summary of Results and Contributions ...................................................................... 34

7.2 Limitations .................................................................................................................. 37

7.3 Future Research Avenues ........................................................................................... 38

7.4 Practical Implications ................................................................................................. 40

ii

List of Figures

Figure 1: Framework of this thesis, in order to study the scarcity of female managers…3

Figure 2: Burrel and Morgan’s four paradigms for the analysis of social theory………28

Figure 3: Overview of the key findings of this thesis……………………………..........34

iii

List of Tables

Table 1: Women in top management positions in the EU (EU-28)..................................6

Table 2: Summary of feminist schools of thought..........................................................10

Table 3: Overview of manuscripts and publication status..............................................25

iv

List of Abbreviations

BMFSFJ Bundesministerium für Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend

BMBF Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung

Ed. Editor

Eds. Editors

e.g. Exempli gratia (for example)

et al. Et alii (and others)

EU European Union

GLOBE Global Leadership and Organizational Behaviour Effectiveness Program

GPM Global performance management

HRM Human resources management

Hrsg. Herausgeber (Editor/s)

i.e. Id est (that is)

ILO International Labour Organization

MNE Multinational enterprise(s)

NALP The Association for Legal Career Professionals

OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development

p./pp. Page/s

PM Performance management

PSF Professional service firm

TM Talent management

Vol. Volume

Women’s Underrepresentation In Management Positions Introduction

1

1. Introduction

Despite progress in the last 30 years relating to the more equal participation of women in the

corporate world, it is still a worldwide phenomenon that companies’ management positions are

composed predominantly of men (European Commission, 2013; ILO, 2010). As a

consequence, a political debate has arisen internationally about how to improve women’s share

of management positions, causing many countries to introduce female quota legislation or

voluntary measures to prevent discrimination (European Commission, 2012b). Though

evidence on this matter is mixed (De Cieri, 2009), many studies suggest that companies may

increase their financial performance by integrating more women into important decision-

making processes (e.g. Campbell & Mínguez-Vera, 2008; European Commission, 2012b;

Robinson & Dechant, 1997). However, excluding women from positions of power is not only

a question of ensuring a company’s competitiveness, but also a question of social justice and

equal rights for women and men within and beyond organisational boundaries (European

Commission, 2012a). Therefore, the career advancement of female managers, defined in terms

of vertical movement, and the identification of factors favouring or hindering female career

prospects are of major relevance for organisations and society.

The debate about discrimination against women in the workforce has occupied the

thoughts of scholars and practitioners for many decades. As part of this debate the women-in-

management research field emerged in the 1980s and started to establish itself as an important

scientific area devoted to addressing questions of gender inequality in management (Powell,

2011). In particular, since 1986, when The Wallstreet Journal first used the term ‘glass ceiling’

as a metaphor for an invisible barrier that blocks women’s vertical career advancement, an

extensive discussion about the underrepresentation of women in positions higher up the

hierarchy, and the underlying reasons for this issue, has commenced (Morrison, White, & Van

Velsor, 1987; Schmidt, 2004). Numerous factors that explain the scarcity of women in

management positions have been identified, among which the most prominent ones are

women’s isolation from male-dominated networks, the scarcity of female role models and

mentors and the challenge in reconciling conflicting time demands between family and career

(Baumgartner & Schneider, 2010; Guillaume & Pochic, 2009b; O'Neil, Hopkins, & Bilimoria,

2008; Oakley, 2000; Sealy & Singh, 2010).

In line with previous researchers (Festing & Okech, 2007), and in order to structure

these various influencing factors better, the thesis is dissected into two levels of analysis:

organisational and individual. Accordingly, the overarching research objective of this thesis is


2

to investigate how certain organisational- and individual-level factors (specified further below)

may – in different contexts – contribute to the lack of female managers in the corporate sector.

On the organisational level, women-in-management researchers stress the importance

of HRM practices, in order to understand better women’s poor promotion prospects (Holst &

Wiemer, 2010; Powell, 2011). Scholars have analysed the discriminatory dynamics in the

context of HRM practices such as performance appraisal or selection procedures, in particular

the pro-male bias exhibited in interpersonal interactions (Koenig, Eagly, Mitchell, & Ristikari,

2011; Maurer & Taylor, 1994). However, less is known about and how (international) HRM

practices may be gendered in a way that they reflect and reproduce male-biased norms, values

and patterns of working (Hearn, Metcalfe, & Piekkari, 2012).

The first overriding goal of this thesis is thus to address this research deficit and to

analyse apparently gender-neutral (international) HRM practices critically through a gender

lens (Hearn et al., 2012; Dickens, 1994; Konrad & Linnehan, 1995; Steele, 1992; Woodall,

1996). We narrow down the variety of HR practices by targeting two practices that impact

significantly on women’s career development, namely global performance management

(GPM) (Alimo-Metcalfe, 1993) and talent management (TM) (Tatli, Vassilopoulou, &

Özbilgin, 2012). Performance management (PM) is a process through which the performance

of employees is continuously evaluated based on specific criteria that are linked to

organisational goals (Björkman, 2002; Festing, Dowling, Weber, & Engle, 2011; Lindholm,

2000), while GPM can be understood as “the conceptualisation and application of PM in the

international context of MNEs” (Knappert, 2013, p. 20). TM can be defined as an

organisation’s ability to attract, select, develop, and retain key talent (in a global context) (Stahl

et al., 2007). These talented employees are pivotal, valuable, rare and difficult to imitate

(Barney, 1991, 1995; Boudreau & Ramstad, 2007; Cascio & Boudreau, 2010; Vaiman &

Vance, 2008), and therefore they are of significant strategic importance to any organisation

looking to create a competitive advantage (Barney, 1991, 1995; Thunnissen, Boselie, &

Fruytier, 2013). Hence, the design of GPM and TM strongly influences who is considered a

‘high performer’ or a ‘talent’ – and thus who has the greater chance of being promoted to a

management position.

On the individual level, studies have examined (perceived) gender differences in

organisational behaviour, e.g. leadership style or work values, in order to explain differential

career outcomes for women and men (Ely & Padavic, 2007; Oakley, 2000; Tharenou, 1999).

Studies focusing on gender differences in organisational behaviour add an important

perspective to the study of managerial women; however, results on this matter are ambiguous


3

(Holst & Wiemer, 2010) and these investigations tend to oversimplify reality by presuming

homogeneity within the female group (Ely & Padavic, 2007). Examinations focusing on the

heterogeneity of career-oriented women and how they deal differently with barriers to career

advancement, such as the challenges involved in combining family and career and the

dominance of male networks, are scarce (Due Billing, 2011; Hull & Nelson, 2000; Walsh,

2012). Therefore, the second goal of this thesis is to consider not only differences between

women and men, but also diversity among women. Figure 1 illustrates the research framework

of this dissertation, including factors on the individual and organisational level.

Figure 1: Framework of this thesis, in order to study the scarcity of female managers

Furthermore, as illustrated in Figure 1, throughout this dissertation it is acknowledged

that the reported numbers of women in management roles vary according to the country-

specific, industry-specific and organisation-specific context (Holst, Busch, & Kröger, 2012;

Schwarze et al., 2012; Terjesen & Singh, 2008). Regarding the organisational context, the

number of women in management positions decreases as the size of the company increases

(Holst et al., 2012; Schwarze et al., 2012). Hence, large companies are an interesting object of

research, in order to understand better the lack of women in managerial positions and thus


4

present the focus of this thesis (number of employees of investigated firms between 5,500 and

180,000).

Moreover, industries vary in the degree to which women are present in managerial

functions. Some industries, for instance, such as the energy sector, are thoroughly male-

dominated, i.e. they lack women not only in positions higher up the hierarchy, but also at entry

level (Carlsson-Kanyama, Ripa Juliá, & Röhr, 2010). Other industries, such as professional

services and the media industry, are more gender-balanced, in that they display almost equal

numbers of men and women at entry level, albeit women in decision-making positions are

scarce (BMBF, 2005; Catalyst, 2013a, 2013b; NALP, 2013; Weischenberg, Malik, & Scholl,

2006).

With respect to the country-specific context, data sources consistently demonstrate that

the underrepresentation of women managers is a worldwide phenomenon that persists across

the globe, albeit to varying degrees due to different legislative and cultural characteristics (De

Cieri, 2009; European Commission, 2012b; ILO, 2010). In order to obtain an all-encompassing

perspective of this phenomenon, this dissertation includes data from various country-specific

contexts, including China, France, Germany, South Africa, UK and USA, and different

industry contexts, including the energy, professional services and media industries.

Each of the three manuscripts follows a specific research question and methodological

approach, in order to accomplish the abovementioned research goals. By conducting a

quantitative study (questionnaire) in a multinational enterprise (MNE) in five globally spread

and economically relevant countries, the first research manuscript investigates gender-specific

preferences concerning various GPM elements and whether actually applied GPM practices

are gendered in a way that they are systematically more in line with male managers’

preferences. The second article seeks to conceptualise what constitutes inclusive TM with

respect to gender and then contrasts – based on a comparative case study design – how two

companies from the German media industry approach issues of gender inclusion differently.

While the first two manuscripts stress gender (stereotypical) differences, the third manuscript

– based on in-depth interviews with female managers from auditing and law firms (UK) –

focuses on the heterogeneity between women and analyses how they cope with the challenges

of reconciling the partnership track and family within a professional service firm (PSF) as well

as identifying the networking strategies they employ in this respect.

To sum up, this dissertation seeks to contribute to existing research in various ways.

First and foremost, it aims at enriching the women-in-management and (international) HRM

literature by questioning the gender neutrality of commonly applied HRM practices crucial to


5

the career advancement of women, namely GPM and TM. First of all, this is achieved by

suggesting a conceptualisation to measure the degree to which GPM and TM practices can be

considered gendered, i.e. more in line with men’s preferences, masculine stereotypes or

discriminatory against women. Secondly, a methodological tool from cross-cultural research is

developed and applied to a gender-specific research question. Specifically, this questionnaire

serves to capture the extent to which HRM practices are biased towards male managers’

preferences. Moreover, this thesis concentrates not only on gendered HRM practices on the

organisational level, and possible obstacles that may hinder the opportunities of women in the

workplace, but it also provides an all-encompassing analysis by stressing individual agency

and the coping patterns of female professionals, thereby taking into consideration how women

deal (successfully) with the status quo from an individual perspective. Furthermore, the

consideration of different contexts and multiple methodological and paradigmatic orientations

allows us to increase our understanding of the scarcity of female managers as a complex and

multilayered global phenomenon.

The remainder of this thesis is structured as follows. In the next section, some evidence

on women’s underrepresentation in management positions is provided, followed by a short

overview of feminist schools of thought, in order the locate the present thesis in the research

field. Next, different perspectives on the scarcity of women managers are presented, in order

to structure the conceptual background information considered in the three manuscripts.

Thereafter, an overview of the manuscripts is given, followed by a presentation of the original

research manuscripts. Finally, the thesis concludes by summarising the key findings and

contributions, discussing the limitations of the manuscripts and then presenting ideas for future

research and practice.

Women’s Underrepresentation In Management Positions Challenge of Measuring and Evidence

6

2. The Challenge of Measuring and Evidence for the Global

Underrepresentation of Women in Management Positions

Data on women in management positions are highly heterogeneous. This is partly due to the

fact that a variety of definitions of the term ‘management position’ exist, which in turn makes

it difficult to compare figures, especially over time (Holst et al., 2012). Therefore, I draw on

the databases of two international organisations, namely the European Commission and the

International Labour Organisation (ILO), to provide comparable international data on women’s

representation in management roles and to illustrate the different approaches to measuring this

phenomenon. Furthermore, the context specificity of the data is discussed.

Table 1: Women in top management positions in the EU (EU-28)

Source: European Commission (2013)

Recent data from the European Commission (2013) indicate that the

underrepresentation of women in management positions in the corporate sector is still striking.

1 The highest decision-making body in each company refers to the supervisory board (in the case of a two-tier

governance system) or the board of directors (in a unitary system) (European Commission, 2013). 2 ‘n.a.’ indicates that no data were available for that year. 3 The two highest decision-making bodies in each company refers to the supervisory board and the management

board (in the case of a two-tier governance system) and the board of directors and executive/management

committee (in a unitary system) (European Commission, 2013).

Position Definition Proportion of women (%)

2003 2013

Board

Member All members of the highest

decision-making body in each

company1 (i.e. chairperson, non-

executive directors, senior

executives and employee

representatives)

9 18

Board

President Chairperson of the highest

decision-making body in each

company

2 5

CEO Chief Executive Officer or

equivalent position

n.a.2 3

Executive Senior executives in the two

highest decision-making bodies in

each company3

n.a. 12

Non-

Executive Non-executive directors in the two

highest decision-making bodies in

each company

n.a. 19


7

Although there is at least a positive upward trend, as the percentage of female board members

has doubled in the last ten years from 9% (2003) to 18% (2013), in other positions such as

Board President or CEO, women’s representation is still marginal (see Table 1).

In contrast, the ILO uses a different statistical measure than the European Commission

and defines the indicator “Female share of employment in senior and middle management (%)”

as “the proportion of females in total employment in senior and middle management

corresponding to the ISCO-88 categories 11 (legislators and senior officials) and 12 (corporate

managers). The indicator provides information on the proportion of women who are employed

in decision-making and management roles in government, large enterprises and institutions”

(ILO, 2010). Accordingly, the ILO applies a much broader definition compared to the

European Commission, which does not focus exclusively on the corporate sector and also

includes middle management positions. Consequently, the ILO data draw a more optimistic

picture and suggest that female participation in managerial roles increased between 2002 and

2012 from 31.4% to 32.3% in the United Kingdom and from 23.3% to 28% in Germany (ILO,

2010). Despite different definitions applied by various studies, the overall picture is clear:

although there is a positive trend, progress remains slow and women are still far from being

represented equally in management positions across the globe. When referring to this issue

throughout this thesis, we refer not only to top management roles (e.g. supervisory or

management board members) (European Commission, 2013), but also middle management

positions (e.g. head of department) (Schwarze et al., 2012) in the private sector.

In spite of this overall tendency, as mentioned in the introduction, figures on the

proportion of women in management positions vary according to the country-, industry- and

organisation-specific context. Concerning the organisational context, the size of the company

(number of employees and/or sales volume) is a crucial factor related to opportunities open to

women (Holst et al., 2012; Songini & Gnan, 2009). Data suggest that there are fewer women

in management positions in larger enterprises compared to small- and medium-sized

enterprises (Holst et al., 2012; Schwarze et al., 2012). However, research investigating the

conditions for women in smaller organisations, and the extent to which they create a more or

less favourable environment, is scarce (Songini & Gnan, 2009), and thus little is known about

the reasons why large companies, compared to smaller enterprises, have more difficulties in

ensuring equal promotional chances for women.

Furthermore, there are major industry-specific variances in women’s participation in

decision-making processes. For instance, in Germany, women occupy 35.1% of management

positions in the health and social sectors, while they only achieve 15.6% in the energy sector


8

and 13.5% in banking and financial services (Schwarze et al., 2012). This is partly due to the

fact that women have different preferences concerning their field of study at university. For

instance, while women only make up 22.1% of university graduates in engineering, they

constitute the large majority of degree holders in elementary school teaching (89.7%)

(BMFSFJ, 2010). However, in some industries the lack of female managers cannot be

explained by the scarcity of young female talent. For instance, the media industry and the

professional services sector (including law and auditing firms) display an almost equal

representation of women and men at entry level, though gender inequality persists in middle

and top management positions (Catalyst, 2013a, 2013b; NALP, 2013; Weischenberg et al.,

2006).

Finally, regarding the national environment, progress depends on political and

legislative measures, which range from the implementation of female quota legislation with

sanctions (Belgium, France, Italy and Norway) or without sanctions (Netherlands and Spain)

through to voluntary instruments such as corporate governance codes (e.g. Germany, Sweden

or UK) (European Commission, 2012b). Furthermore, countries vary in their cultural traditions

and values and the extent to which they support the idea of ‘gender egalitarianism’ (House,

Hanges, Javidan, Dorfman, & Gupta, 2004), thereby indicating that existing barriers to female

career advancement, for instance the persistence of gender stereotypes or male-dominated

networks, are contingent upon the national environment (Cooke, 2010; Davidson & Burke,

2000). As a consequence, the number of women in top management positions varies strongly

and ranges, for example, from 1% in Japan and 3% in Malta through to 10-15% in China and

the USA and up to 42% in Norway (European Commission, 2012b; OECD, 2008; Terjesen &

Singh, 2008).

Overall, this brief summary demonstrates that the scarcity of female managers still

persists; however, data on managerial women are heterogeneous, as they are contingent upon

the definition applied and the context of the data collection.

Women’s Underrepresentation In Management Positions Feminist Schools of Thought

9

3. Feminist Schools of Thought – Locating the Thesis in the Field

Feminist research is a major influence on mainstream social science and incorporates a variety

of feminist approaches (Campbell & Wasco, 2000). The goal of the following section is to

provide the reader with a brief overview of feminist perspectives, in order to clarify where the

research projects presented herein can be located within this field. It must be noted that

throughout the thesis (including the manuscripts) the terms ‘feminist studies’ and ‘gender

studies’ are used synonymously. There is little difference between gender and feminist studies

with regard to the topics of interest and applied methods, but just with respect to the

terminology, as the gender studies notion is considered less intimidating (Bendl, 2006).

There are multiple forms of feminism or schools of thought, each of which embraces

different historical roots and research interests (Calás & Smircich, 1996; Campbell & Wasco,

2000; Hanappi-Egger, 2004). All of these “feminisms are similar in that they focus on the

experiences of women’s lives and the oppression of women in this culture, yet they are different

in how they conceptualize that marginalization” (Campbell & Wasco, 2000, p. 775). A

summary of the features and key differences of feminist approaches is provided in Table 2.

However, it must be noted that feminist schools of thought cannot be seen as completely

distinct or sequential categories but rather as overlapping and sometimes having blurred

boundaries (Calás & Smircich, 1996). The objective of the following paragraphs is not to go

into detail about every approach to feminism (see Calás & Smircich, 1996 for an in-depth

review) but rather to explain the connection between them in relation to this thesis.


10

Table 2: Summary of feminist schools of thought

Features Liberal Radical Psycho-

analytical

Marxist Socialist Poststructuralist/

Postmodern

Third world/

(Post)Colonial

Conception of

sex/gender

Sex as part of an

essential

biological

endowment, a

binary variable.

Gender is

socialised into

human beings

for appropriate

behaviour.

‘Sex class’ is the

condition of

women as an

oppressed class.

Gender is a

social

construction that

ensures women’s

subordination to

men.

Individuals

become sexually

identified as part

of their

psychosexual

development.

Gender structures

a social system of

male domination

which influences

psychosexual

development.

Gender is part of

historical class

relations which

constitute

systems of

oppression under

capitalism.

Gender is

processual and

socially

constituted

through several

intersections of

sex, race,

ideology and

experiences of

oppression under

patriarchy and

capitalism.

Sex/Gender are

discursive

practices that

constitute specific

subjectivities

through power

and resistance in

the materiality of

human bodies.

Considers the

constitution of

complex

subjectivities

beyond Western

conceptions of

sex/gender

focusing on

gendered

aspects of the

globalisation

process.

Conception of

the ‘good

society’

Allows

individuals to

exercise

autonomy and

fulfill

themselves

through a system

of individual

rights.

Gender/sex-free

society (or

maybe

matriarchy).

No gender

structuring

because both

parents share

children’s

upbringing.

Classless society

that allows for

the full

development of

human nature.

Eliminates all

systems of

private/public

oppression based

on sex, gender,

race, class, etc.

and thus

transforms social

relations.

Requires an

ongoing

deconstruction of

discourses and

practices that

constitute it.

Western

ideology

produced

through colonial

relationships

that favour

Westernisation.

Other social

formations are

possible.

Main research

interests in

organisation

studies

Women-in-

management,

e.g. glass ceiling,

sex differences

in leadership,

biased HRM

practices.

Feminist

organisational

practices,

‘women-centred

theorising’.

Early socialisation

and psychosexual

development and

their effects, e.g.

on managerial

women.

Focus on society

and capitalism to

analyse

inequality and

power relations.

Gendering of

organisations,

sexual division

of labour,

occupational sex

segregation.

Focus on the

discursive

construction and

the precarious

nature of gender

in organisations.

Questions

gender as a

stable analytical

lens across

cultures,

intersectionality.

Source: Adapted from Calás and Smircich (1996)


11

One major feature that distinguishes feminist approaches from one another is the

conception of gender. In contrast to some feminist schools of thought, which understand gender

as socially constituted through intersections of sex, race and ideology (socialist feminism) or

as a discursive practice (poststructuralist feminism), liberal feminists rely on a binary definition

of sex and gender and often treat it as a dichotomous variable with universal characteristics

(Calás & Smircich, 1996). While ‘sex’ refers to an individual’s biological and physical

characteristics, the term ‘gender’ is understood as a social construction of the categories

‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’, based upon which are culturally considered appropriate attributes

and behaviours for a man or a woman (Unger, 1979). For instance, characteristics

stereotypically associated with the female sex or gender are collaboration, egalitarianism, the

empowerment of others, gentleness, nurturing or inclusiveness. Conversely, stereotypical

masculine attributes include aggressiveness, competitiveness, control, hierarchical authority,

individualism, objectivity, status orientation or task efficiency (Loden, 1985; see Maier, 1999

for a comprehensive review).

In this dissertation, sex is understood as an integral part of a person’s gender, but at the

same time it is acknowledged that gender also includes societal and cultural constructions

(Broadbridge & Hearn, 2008). Consistent with liberal feminists, our arguments throughout the

manuscripts are based on a binary conception of gender. Yet, we understand gender differences

as variations not only between women and men (sex differences), but also as variations between

people (differences based on gender stereotypes, i.e. stereotypical masculinity and femininity).

Liberal feminism has received a lot of criticism for relying on this binary gender definition

because of the risk in reproducing gender stereotypes and existing gendered power relations

(Calás & Smircich, 1996; Due Billing, 2011). However, in the context of this work we value

this definition because it provides a helpful analytical framework for our research purposes.

A second important feature employed to differentiate feminist schools of thought is the

conception of the ‘good society’. The majority of women-in-management research is

“consistent with liberal political theory’s assumptions about human nature” (Calás & Smircich,

1996, p. 223). Basic assumptions of liberal feminism are that humans are rational individuals

and a just society is one that allows them to fulfill themselves. In line with these assumptions,

much of the women-in-management literature presumes that individuals seek to attain high-

status, well-paid leadership positions higher up the organisational hierarchy and that a fair

organisation is one that minimises obstacles that may otherwise prevent women from achieving

that goal. The primary research topics and overarching goal of liberal feminist and women-in-

management researchers is thus to break down structural barriers hindering the career


12

advancement of women and to investigate the extent to which gender differences prohibit fair

access to managerial positions for both women and men (Calás & Smircich, 1996; Hanappi-

Egger, 2004). The primary focus of liberal feminists is not to analyse or revisit societal systems

or norms but instead to promote change within a given system (Campbell & Wasco, 2000).

Other feminist schools of thought approach this issue differently, e.g. radical feminists

question if the increase of women in management positions is a desirable goal in itself and

argue that “the glass ceiling exists only because so much value is put into climbing the

corporate ladder, a competitive approach to jobs and occupations that emphasizes scarcity”

(Calás & Smircich, 1996, p. 227). Accordingly, only major societal change and the redefinition

of institutions may alter sex-related power differentials. In line with this perspective, socialist

and Marxist feminists emphasise the need to restructure fundamentally society and

organisations, in order to eliminate all forms of oppression based on gender or class, as the

status quo (including the capitalist system) is considered inherently detrimental to women.

Research topics within these perspectives include feminist organisational practices which are

characterised by, for instance, more participatory decision making, flexible jobs or equal pay

(radical feminism) and the gendering of organisations, for example, referring to sex segregation

in recruiting and promotion or social interactions that reproduce male dominance (socialist

feminism) (Calás & Smircich, 1996; Campbell & Wasco, 2000).

Where can the present thesis be located within this complex field? Considering the

binary definition of gender, the conception of a ‘fair organisation’ as one that ensures equal

opportunities for women and men to access important resources, as well as the respective

research focus on managerial women and obstacles that prevent them from climbing up the

corporate ladder in this dissertation, I see myself as a women-in-management researcher who

has been influenced strongly by liberal feminist ideas. However, throughout the manuscripts

my co-authors and I seek to address one of the major shortcomings of liberal feminists, namely

the tendency to be uncritical of the male-dominated status quo and apparently gender-neutral

organisational practices (Calás & Smircich, 1996; Hartl, 2003). Inspired by radical and socialist

feminists, who put women’s perspectives at the centre of research and explore the gendering

of organisations (Calás & Smircich, 1996), we not only focus on the individual’s role (see

research focus liberal feminists), but also analyse critically gendered underlying assumptions

(see research focus radical and socialist feminism) relating to the managerial role and HRM

practices. Hence, combining different feminist schools of thought allows for an all-

encompassing analysis of the often invisible gendered norms and practices on the


13

organisational level which contribute to the lack of female managers and the way in which they

cope with structural constraints on the individual level.

To sum up, this thesis in essence corresponds to liberal feminist ideas, while at the same

time it is inspired by radical and socialist feminist schools of thought. As liberal feminism is

largely in line with women-in-management research (Calás & Smircich, 1996; Hartl, 2003),

and the research focus of this dissertation is on managerial women, different conceptual

perspectives and theories from the women-in-management field relevant to the manuscripts are

summarised in the following chapter.

Women’s Underrepresentation In Management Positions Conceptual Perspectives

14

4. Conceptual Perspectives on Women’s Underrepresentation in

Management

Women-in-management scholars have adopted a variety of conceptual perspectives to analyse

women’s career opportunities and obstacles in the workplace. In particular, there are four

perspectives that may serve as a framework to structure the field. These perspectives can be

classified as the ‘person-centred perspective’, the ‘organisation structure perspective’, the

‘gender-organisation-system perspective’ and the ‘power perspective’ (in line with, e.g., Hartl,

2003; Izraeli & Adler, 1994). Apart from the latter view, which emphasises the role of power

to understand gender inequality, all of these conceptual perspectives are considered in the

manuscripts of this thesis. In order to provide a more detailed overview of the applied

theoretical approaches, this section summarises and compares the three relevant perspectives

as well as their key issues and findings.

4.1 Person-Centred Perspective

The person-centred approach, also sometimes referred to as ‘gender-centred’, focuses on

gender differences in organisational behaviour and leadership styles, in order to explain the

scarcity of female managers in decision-making positions. Scholars taking this perspective

assume that due to their biological disposition or gendered socialisation into pre-defined sex

roles, women’s values, characteristics and behavioural patterns diverge from men’s and

therefore women do not match male-biased managerial standards (Hartl, 2003; Izraeli & Adler,

1994; Powell, 2011). The following paragraphs are devoted to a critical literature review about

evidence on gender differences relating to organisational behaviour and values.

Gender differences in value orientation have been discussed extensively in the scholarly

literature, and many studies support the idea that women’s value orientation corresponds more

to stereotypical feminine values. Existing research mostly investigates gender differences in

personal or work-related values, by relying on student samples or younger age cohorts such as

Generation Y students (e.g. Terjesen, Vinnicombe, & Freeman, 2007). These findings claim

that on average men are more aggressive, competitive and agentic and value individual

achievement and monetary rewards, while women are more communal, relationship-oriented,

have a more holistic approach to problems and value peace more than men do (Ferriman,

Lubinski, & Benbow, 2009; Giacomino & Akers, 1998; Giacomino & Eaton, 2003; Schwartz

& Rubel-Lifschitz, 2009; Terjesen et al., 2007).


15

These findings are reflective of many women’s struggles in corporate life, which is still

dominated by stereotypical masculine values and life patterns (Meyerson & Fletcher, 2000).

Many female managers are irritated by aggressive competition at peer level, power games,

project rivalry (Simpson, 1998, 2000) and the high relevance of status and visibility

(Rutherford, 2001). Conversely, evidence suggests that they are more satisfied in organisations

that integrate more collectivistic values and practices, such as team spirit and communication

(O’Connor, 2000), being protective and generous as a supervisor and treating organisational

members more like a family (Jandeska & Kraimer, 2005). Furthermore, if an organisation is to

integrate women fully in the future, women argue that the firm should be less accepting of

established authority (Wicks & Bradshaw, 1999) and instead more participatory (Miller, 2009;

Van Vianen & Fischer, 2002). Hence, organisational practices that emphasise low power

distance, i.e. the low acceptance of an unequal distribution of power (House et al., 1999), and

high humane orientation, i.e. “the degree to which an organization or society encourages and

rewards individuals for being fair, altruistic, friendly, generous, caring, and kind to others”

(House et al., 2004, p. 569), contribute positively to the proportion of women in leadership

positions (Bajdo & Dickson, 2001).

In contrast to these findings, other scholars argue that gender differences are frequently

overemphasised by researchers and that other variables, such as age, education, marital status

or full-time work are more crucial determinants of differences, in particular with respect to

work-related values (Chusmir & Parker, 1991; Levey & Silver, 2006; Lyons, Duxbury, &

Higgins, 2005; Rowe & Snizek, 1995). For instance, Ferriman et al. (2009) find that the

disparity in gender differences may widen in line with increasing age, and they go further by

suggesting that the birth of children reinforces the prevalence of gender-stereotypical values.

Compared to mothers, the value orientation of childless women is found to be more in line with

stereotypical masculine values, as it is for most men (Ferriman et al., 2009). Furthermore, it is

unclear whether the findings described above are in fact valid for women in management

positions as well or if they only apply to students or female employees in non-managerial

positions (Van Vianen & Fischer, 2002). Therefore, many scholars doubt the existence of

significant variations according to gender within groups of managers (e.g. Chusmir & Parker,

1991; Fagenson, 1993). This corresponds to the mixed evidence that can be found on gender

differences in leadership style.4 While many studies do not identify any statistically significant

4 This debate is summarised in more detail in manuscript No. 1 and will not be repeated at this point, in order to

avoid redundancy.


16

differences in this respect (e.g. Chapman, 1975; Dobbins & Platz, 1986; Van Engen, Van der

Leeden, & Willemsen, 2001), other authors claim that gender differences do exist in this

domain, showing for example that women have a more participative, relationship-oriented or

transformational leadership style (e.g. Book, 2000; Eagly, Johannesen-Schmidt, & van Engen,

2003; Eagly & Johnson, 1990; Rosener, 1990).

4.2 Organisation Structure Perspective

Instead of focusing on the individual level, scholars taking an organisation structure approach

address structural barriers that prevent women from advancing to management positions.

Gender differences and disadvantages for women are considered a consequence of structural

factors, including organisational demography, male-dominated networks and the difficulty in

combining family and career (Hartl, 2003; Holst & Wiemer, 2010; Izraeli & Adler, 1994). An

overview of these structural issues is given in the following paragraphs.

Conceptual perspectives such as tokenism (Kanter, 1977) or social identity theory

(Tajfel & Turner, 1986) focus on organisational demography – or, more precisely, the

numerical distribution of men and women in management positions – as the central

independent variable to be investigated with respect to its impact on social interactions and

women’s opportunities. The frequently cited phenomenon of tokenism, developed by Kanter

(1977), explains how social dynamics are shaped by women’s minority status (tokens) in

management. It is suggested that they are more salient compared to their male counterparts,

which causes them to become subject to increased performance expectations. Furthermore, the

male majority tends to exaggerate the dominant male-oriented culture and emphasises

differences between dominants and tokens, hence causing the social isolation of women.

Finally, female tokens become representatives of ‘the female group’ and women’s success or

failure, again enhancing self-consciousness and performance pressure on women (Kanter,

1977).

In line with these perspectives are the social intergroup dynamics explained by social

identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). It is argued that groups which are different with regard

to a certain social category, such as gender, engage in social comparison processes. Out of this

comparison people tend to feed their human need for high self-esteem, which in turn causes in-

group/out-group categorisations (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). As long as men occupy most

management positions and are thus considered the higher status group, the devaluation of

women and the characteristics and skills stereotypically considered feminine within the

organisation, as well as exclusion from the male in-group, is likely to occur. In line with other


17

scholars who have applied social identity theory to the organisational level (e.g. Ashforth &

Mael, 1989; Hogg & Terry, 2000), Ely (1995) investigated the impact of the gender

composition of an organisation’s top management on women’s social construction of gender

differences and gender identity. Her findings illustrate that women in companies with a more

balanced female representation in decision-making positions compared to male-dominated

firms tend to minimise gender differences, value stereotypical female characteristics higher

than masculine ones and believe in their own success (Ely, 1995). This illustrates how strongly

the opportunity structure for women can be determined by the gender composition of its

leaders.

The second issue addressed by scholars who stress the importance of structural factors

to explain the scarcity of women managers is women’s exclusion from informal networks

(Holst & Wiemer, 2010). The persistence of male-dominated networks and related

exclusionary dynamics for women are associated with a lack of social capital, and so women’s

inadequate social integration represents one of the greatest disadvantages they face within the

corporate world (O'Neil et al., 2008; Oakley, 2000). Ibarra (1992, 1993) provides an

explanation for this phenomenon and suggests, in line with social identity theory arguments

(Tajfel & Turner, 1986), that numerically dominant males remain in their in-group and tend to

form more homophilous relationships compared to women, i.e. men prefer to work and

socialise with men, while women rely on men (for instrumental) as well as on women for

(expressive) network ties5 (Ibarra, 1993). Based on the fact that men are found

disproportionately more often in the upper echelons of organisations, and thus they fill

positions of power that enable them and their network partners to access important resources,

women tend to obtain lower returns from their mixed networks (Ibarra, 1992).

The third factor refers to the challenge for women in reconciling the competing

demands of having a family and a career (Hartl, 2003; Holst & Wiemer, 2010). Researchers

across the globe stress the fact that the organisational requirements to work long hours, along

with high demands in terms of flexibility and geographical mobility, in order to signal

commitment, creates working conditions that are incompatible with many women’s lives, due

to family-related responsibilities (Bacik & Drew, 2006; Guillaume & Pochic, 2009; Ren &

Foster, 2011; Rutherford, 2001; Schein, 2007). Though researchers should be cautious not to

conceptualise work-life balance issues as purely a woman’s problem (Özbilgin, Beauregard,

5 Expressive benefits of networking include friendship, social support and high levels of closeness and trust. In

contrast, instrumental networks encompass the exchange of work-related expertise and the provision of career-

related support, for example by increasing a person‘s visibility and promotional opportunities (Ibarra, 1993).


18

Tatli, & Bell, 2011), evidence shows that they nevertheless undertake the lion’s share of family

and household work (European Commission, 2012a; Holst et al., 2012), thereby making it

extremely difficult for them to flourish and advance within organisations that take conventional

male lives and working standards as the norm (Rutherford, 2001). In its extreme form, a

“competitive presenteeism” (Simpson, 1998, p. 44) emerges which involves employees

engaging in competition based on the amount of hours worked – even if they are not required

to accomplish the job (e.g. Cahusac & Kanji, 2013). Under these conditions, it is not surprising

that some women in fact fear to show interest in organisational measures introduced to

reconcile family and career better (e.g. flexible working hours) because of the risk of not being

considered as ambitious or as committed as their male counterparts (Wilson, 1998) and thus

running the risk of fundamentally harming their careers (Almer, Cohen, & Single, 2004; O'Neil

et al., 2008).

4.3 Gender-Organisation-System Perspective

The gender-organisation-system approach is in line with the basic ideas of the person-centred

and organisation structure perspectives; however, it shifts the focus to gendered organisational

theory and practices and points out that gender inequality in organisations cannot be analysed

independently from the societal context (Hartl, 2003; Izraeli & Adler, 1994).

Britton (2000) proposes that there are three ways of understanding the concept of

gendered organisations. The first research stream uses the term ‘gendered’ simply to indicate

that organisations or occupations are numerically dominated by men (or women). The second

stream focuses on bureaucratic organisations and how they reproduce gender differences and

inequalities. The third and most common way of speaking of gendered organisations addresses

how organisations and occupations become associated with masculinity through discourse and

how a masculine ideal dominates organisational norms and practices (Britton, 2000).

The present thesis primarily applies the term ‘gendered’ in line with the third literature

stream. As women in the managerial role and the analysis of HRM practices are at the core of

this work, the following subsections summarise the current state of research in this tradition

and specify what is meant by a gendered construction of management and gendered HRM

practices.


19

4.3.1 Gendered construction of management

The beginning of industrial forms of production and the decreasing role of agriculture caused

a separation of public and private spaces, with the public sphere and its organisations being

dominated historically by men. As a result, a gendered division of labour, i.e. men specialising

in paid employment and women specialising in unpaid family work, has long been the societal

norm (Calás & Smircich, 1996; Due Billing & Alvesson, 1994; Hartl, 2003). The corporate

world – and especially top management circles – can thus be compared to a game that was

invented by and for male players, which follows certain rules that correspond to men’s ideas

and principles of work that shape taken-for-granted concepts about the ideal worker (Due

Billing & Alvesson, 1994). As a consequence, organisations are often conceptualised as

gendered or more ‘masculine’, indicating that they are more in line with stereotypical

masculine values such as aggressiveness, competition, status-orientation, hierarchy and control

(Maier, 1999; Wajcman, 1998).6 Some authors refer to a “gendered construction of

management” (Rubin, 1997, p. 26), emphasising that the job position of a manager is not a

neutral category but instead relates strongly to assumptions about appropriate gender roles

(Rubin, 1997).

Gender-stereotypical assumptions that women ‘do not have what it takes’ to be a

manager (e.g. Aaltio-Marjosola, 1994) and are ‘not made’ for certain jobs, such as in the

construction or engineering industries (e.g. Worrall et al., 2008), still exist in today’s

organisations. Inequalities are created and recreated because men and women are rewarded

differently for the same behaviour, which is due to societal expectations based on gender. For

instance, Wicks and Bradshaw (1999) found that men are rewarded better than women for

exhibiting unfriendly behaviour (e.g. acting self-interested and being uncooperative), because

being unfriendly is culturally not associated with the female gender. At the same time, female

executives (e.g. Bierema, 1996) as well as women at the pre-management stage (e.g. Cassell &

6 Though there is an overall tendency in the gender and organisation literature to emphasise one specific form of

patriarchal masculinity – and thus simplify to a large extent this complex topic (Collinson & Hearn, 1994) – the

need to take a more differentiated approach to the concept of gender is duly acknowledged (Due Billing &

Alvesson, 1994). Collinson and Hearn (1994) demonstrated vividly how different forms of masculinity are

prevalent in management and serve to reproduce gendered power differentials in contemporary organisations.

These masculinities, which in practice are likely to overlap and exist simultaneously, include authoritarianism

(men as aggressive and hierarchy-reliant leaders), paternalism (men as protective leaders and moral

authoritarians), entrepreneurialism (men as tough leaders focused on competition, targets and economic

efficiency), informalism (men as informal networkers identifying with their own in-group) and careerism (men

as competitive and all-time-available careerists) (Collinson & Hearn, 1994). Nevertheless, the dominance of

masculinity in organisations based on common elements of a historically patriarchal system cannot be negated

(Gherardi, 1994, 1995).


20

Walsh, 1997) report high amounts of pressure to conform to prevailing masculine behavioural

norms related to the managerial role, in order to be successful. These conflicting demands from

society on being ‘female’, on the one hand, and from the organisation or managerial role on

being more ‘masculine’, on the other, create a dilemma for woman managers about how to

behave ‘correctly’ in organisational life.

The male-biased manager definition described above was first identified by Schein

(Schein, 1973; Schein, 1993; Schein, 2007), who labelled it ‘think manager-think male’, a

phenomenon which is empirically well-established. Schein indicates that stereotypical

masculine characteristics, often also labelled ‘agentic’ (e.g. aggressive, decisive), are related

strongly to attributes perceived to be needed for effective management. On the contrary,

stereotypical female traits, also referred to as ‘communal’ (e.g. sympathetic, concerned about

others), are not perceived to fit the cultural concept of the ‘ideal manager’ (Schein, 1973;

Schein, 1993; Schein, 2007). Evidence suggests that this male-biased construal of effective

management still prevails in today’s organisations (Koenig et al., 2011).

The basic ideas behind the lack of fit model (Heilman, 1983, 2001) and the role

congruity theory of prejudice towards female leaders (Eagly, 1987; Eagly & Karau, 2002) are

in line with Schein’s approach. All of these theoretical approaches refer to social role

expectations and gender stereotypes prevalent in a society, in order to explain the detrimental

effects on women in evaluation processes for jobs traditionally conducted by men. The

perceived misfit or incongruity between the perceived job requirements of traditionally male

roles, such as management, and conversely the skills and characteristics stereotypically

ascribed to women create the expectation that women will perform poorly in management jobs

(Alimo-Metcalfe, 1993; Heilman, 1997, 2001). Moreover, this perceived incongruity between

women and the executive role intensifies as women move higher up the corporate ladder

(Heilman, 1997).

Based on these theoretical elaborations about the gendered construction of managerial

positions, the question arises as to whether organisational practices such as HRM practices –

the designs of which have a major impact on the career opportunities of employees – reflect

and reproduce this biased definition of the ‘ideal manager’. The following section summarises

previous research conducted on the gendered nature of HRM practices.

4.3.2 Gendered human resource management practices

Although women are nowadays overrepresented in HRM functions in many countries of the

world, they seldom achieve top management positions in the HR field (Pichler, Simpson, &


21

Stroh, 2008). Moreover, despite their dominance in this area, men have been historically crucial

in conceptualising and institutionalising HR practices (Trudinger, 2004). Furthermore, the

gendered division of labour and related stereotypical assumptions and expectations about

men’s and women’s roles has had an impact on the definition of work or success and on the

evaluation of job positions (Wilz, 2008). For instance, Steinberg (1992) shows vividly how the

Hay System of Job Evaluation, generally perceived as objective and gender-neutral,

systematically produces gender inequalities. The root cause of its gendered nature lies in the

historical context of the development of the tool in the 1940s, as lower factor weights were

assigned to traditional women’s jobs, and non-managerial positions (dominated by women)

were not weighted with the same complexity as managerial jobs (dominated by men)

(Steinberg, 1992). This example thus demonstrates how HRM tools that reflect a long outdated

organisational and societal value set may currently be used in contemporary organisations,

without questioning critically the gendered assumptions upon which it was once based.

Woodall (1996) further points out: “Far from being androgynous, HRM is gender blind. Its

underlying features are insensitive of gender aspects of employment […]. At the centre is a

unitarist managerialism that cannot admit to the diversity of a plurality of workforce interests”

(p. 349).

In this thesis, gendered HRM practices are understood as practices that increase the risk

of sex-related discrimination against women and/or reflect the preferences and values of men

or those associated with men (masculine stereotypes) more than those of women (in line with

Maier, 1999). Regarding the discriminatory risk in HRM practices, in the last decade increasing

attention has been given to the critical analysis of commonly applied HRM practices such as

recruitment or promotion processes (Hearn et al., 2012; Powell, 2011). For instance, research

on selection and performance evaluation processes indicates that selectors and assessors exhibit

a pro-male or at least a pro-stereotypical-masculine bias during interpersonal interactions (e.g.

Axelson, Solow, Ferguson, & Cohen, 2010; Elsesser & Lever, 2011; Maurer & Taylor, 1994;

Robbins & DeNisi, 1993; Smith, Paul, & Paul, 2007; Terborg & Shingledecker, 1983). There

are even indications that standardised and more ‘sophisticated’ assessment methods (e.g.

Alimo-Metcalfe, 1993; 1994), or apparently gender-neutral personality and intelligence tests

applied in personnel selection (McKinney & Miles, 2009; Powell, 2011), are inherently male-

biased.

Concerning the dominance of men’s preferences or stereotypical masculine values in

HRM practices, academic research is rare. With respect to HRM as a system, one study

suggests that women’s opportunities to advance their careers are greater in organisations that


22

adopt a ‘soft’ approach to HRM policies and practices, characterised by a focus on employee

development, commitment and autonomy (Truss, 1999). Other studies that should be

mentioned (though non-academic) have addressed the possibility of gendered TM practices

(McCartney & Worman, 2010; Warren, 2009). Findings indicate that, in line with the ‘think

manager-think male’ phenomenon (Schein, 1973), masculine stereotypes are strongly

associated with the description of senior management and are therefore reflected

disproportionately in respective TM documents (Warren, 2009).

4.4. Comparing Conceptual Perspectives and relating them to the Manuscripts

All of the perspectives presented in this section approach why women managers are

scarce from a different angle. The latter two approaches address the importance of structural

barriers and the gendered nature of organisations, while the person-centred perspective stresses

differences in behaviour and preferences on the individual level. However, the summary in

section 4.1 shows that when investigating personal values or leadership style, gender certainly

is a crucial variable that must be taken into consideration; yet, other parameters that may

account for variations within gender groups, such as parenthood or age, are also important. For

example, younger generations such as Generation X and Y highly value a good work-life

balance compared to older generations (Arsenault, 2004; Benson & Brown, 2011), and younger

men place greater importance on relationship-oriented leadership styles (Sessa, Kabacoff,

Deal, & Brown, 2007). Consequently, younger men (Generation Y) tend to have preferences

which traditionally are more associated with stereotypically female values such as maintaining

a balance in work-life activities and relationships and a more collaborative and compromising

team orientation (Maier, 1999). These arguments are in line with critical views on person-

centred research that claim that gender differences are often exaggerated, misleadingly treating

women and men as homogeneous groups. As a consequence, it is criticized that stereotypical

assumptions about gender are reproduced (Hartl, 2003; Holst & Wiemer, 2010).

Powell (2011) points out that there are two forms of distortion in the way researchers

may approach gender issues, namely alpha bias and beta bias. Alpha bias refers to an affinity

to overemphasise gender differences, while beta bias indicates a tendency to neglect possible

differences between gender groups (Powell, 2011). To avoid extensive bias in one or the other

direction in this thesis, not only are gender differences analysed (manuscript No. 1), but also

heterogeneity within the female group is taken into account (manuscript No. 3), depending on

the focus of the study.


23

The organisation structure perspective contributes greatly to understanding better why

women are underrepresented in managerial positions; however, a major limitation of this

approach is that it focusses on structural barriers within the given status quo, presuming the

gender-neutrality of organisational practices and neglecting the role of the broader societal

context. For instance, regarding work-family issues, scholars who take an organisation

structure approach are occupied primarily with the analysis of how women’s greater family

responsibilities impede their career progress and the effects of family-friendly measures such

as flexible work arrangements or childcare facilities. Conversely, the gender-organisation-

system perspective questions underlying assumptions in contemporary organisations, such as

the necessity of separating family (private sphere) and professional life (public sphere) as

detached parts of life (Hartl, 2003).

In order to address this shortcoming, this thesis considers not only structural aspects

such as networking and work-family issues (manuscript No. 3), but also analyses critically

gendered aspects entrenched in HRM practices, including GPM and TM (manuscripts No. 1 &

2). This is essential because performance management or talent selection procedures decide the

allocation of important resources (e.g. who gets a promotion or becomes a member of a talent

development programme) (Alimo-Metcalfe, 1993; Knappert, 2013; Tatli et al., 2012), and

biased, underlying assumptions and practices may impede female employees’ career

opportunities.

Women’s Underrepresentation In Management Positions Overview of Manuscripts

24

5. An Overview of the Three Manuscripts

Before presenting the manuscripts in full in the next chapters, this section provides the reader

with an overview of the publication status, research questions and applied methods of each

document (see summary Table 3). Furthermore, research deficits, corresponding research foci

and applied conceptual perspectives are outlined. Finally, the paradigmatic and methodological

backgrounds are presented for each manuscript respectively.

5.1 Research Deficits, Research Foci and Applied Conceptual Perspectives

First manuscript. In previous HRM research, scholars have seldom taken into account the

diverse needs and preferences of employees in relation to gender and ethnic background

(Kamenou & Fearful, 2006); expressly, studies investigating gender diversity in preferences

and perceptions concerning performance management are rare (one exception being Hind &

Baruch, 1997). However, performance management is important for promotional decisions (of

women), and obtaining a better understanding of how GPM could be designed to reflect the

preferences of women and men alike is crucial. The research focus of the first manuscript

(Gender-specific preferences in global performance management – an empirical study of male

and female managers in a multinational context) thus involves the analysis of gender

differences in perceived practices and preferences regarding crucial GPM elements (actors’

roles, evaluation methods, feedback procedures, GPM purposes). Furthermore, by

investigating gender-specific patterns across five different countries (China, France, Germany,

South Africa and the USA), we add an international dimension to the debate about the scarcity

of female managers and gendered HRM practices (Hearn et al., 2012).

Although the examination of gender differences implies the application of a person-

centred conceptual perspective, we also add insights from the gender-organisation-system

perspective. In so doing, we scrutinise the gendered nature of GPM practices on the

organisational level, i.e. we analyse their discriminatory potential and establish if actually

applied GPM practices are more in line with male managers’ values and principles.


25

Table 3: Overview of manuscripts and publication status

No. 1 2 3

Title Gender-specific preferences in global

performance management – an empirical

study of male and female managers in a

multinational context

Think talent – think male? A comparative

case study analysis of gender inclusion in

talent management practices in the German

media industry

Female managers in professional service

firms: Patterns in work-family management

and networking approaches

Co-authors Marion Festing

Lena Knappert

Marion Festing

Lynn Schäfer

Claudia Jonczyk

Marion Festing

Journal Human Resource Management International Journal of Human Resource

Management Special Issue: A global perspective on

diversity and inclusion in work organizations

Journal of Business Ethics

ABS ranking

position

A B B

Publication status Published Published Under review

Research

questions Do gender-specific preferences

concerning the various elements of

GPM exist?

Do these differences occur across all

investigated countries?

Do the preferences of male managers

match GPM practices applied in real

life better than the preferences of

female managers?

How can gender-inclusive TM be

conceptualised, and under which

conditions may TM be considered

inclusive with respect to gender?

Do firms pursue different TM

approaches with respect to gender

inclusion, and if so, how do they differ?

Are these differences linked to the

number of women in management

positions?

How do female managers in PSFs deal

with the challenges of reconciling career

and family, and what are their networking

strategies?

Are there similarities or differences

within the group of women?

Are there specific behavioural and

perceptual patterns?

Research method Quantitative (questionnaire) Qualitative (comparative case study) Qualitative (semi-structured interviews)

Additional

information

Paper presented at the Academy of

Management Annual Meeting in

Boston, USA, August 2012

Paper presented at the 29th Colloquium of

the European Group for Organizational

Studies (EGOS) in Montréal, Canada, July

2013


26

Second manuscript. Conceptual as well as empirical knowledge on TM is extremely

scarce, especially when it comes to diverse workforces (Dickinson Shepard & Betof, 2011;

McCartney & Worman, 2010; Warren, 2009). Furthermore, little is known about the role TM

might play in the context of the underrepresentation of women managers and if the potential of

qualified women is explored fully in firms’ talent pools (Tatli et al., 2012). The second

manuscript (Think talent – think male? A comparative case study analysis of gender inclusion

in talent management practices in the German media industry) therefore explores conceptually

and empirically the extent to which TM is inclusive with respect to gender. A range of

propositions on the inclusiveness of certain TM elements (talent definition, underlying career

orientation, the content of talent development programmes, the TM approach and the talent

selection process) are developed in order to indicate the extent to which talented employees

have equal opportunities to contribute fully to an organisation, completely independent of their

gender. These propositions represent a framework for empirical analysis and cross-case

comparison. In the conceptual part of the manuscript, we rely on two research streams, namely

TM and gender studies, in particular gendered HRM. Apparently gender-neutral notions such

as the talent definition or underlying career orientation are challenged by analysing TM

primarily from a gender-organisation-system perspective.

Third manuscript. Previous studies have identified major structural barriers that hinder

female managers’ career advancement in PSFs, in particular the exclusion of women from

male-dominated networks and the expectation to work long hours – all of which impede female

prospects from achieving a partner position (Korzec, 2000; Walsh, 2012). However, less is

known about the way women managers in PSFs deal (differently) with these obstacles (Hull &

Nelson, 2000; Walsh, 2012). The research focus of the third manuscript (Female managers in

professional service firms: Patterns in work-family management and networking approaches)

is thus to examine intra-gender differences in the coping mechanisms of women and to identify

patterns in the way they perceive the reconciliation of work and family and how they develop

networking and mentoring relationships within a male-dominated context. In the conceptual

part, structural mechanisms in the specific context of PSFs (e.g. homophily, dual burden) are

explained and inter- and intra-gender differences in dealing with these issues are addressed.

Hence, both an organisation structure and a person-centred perspective are applied.


27

5.2 Paradigmatic orientation and methodology

In order to allow for a systematic overview of the paradigmatic orientation of each manuscript

and its respective methodology, in the following section the four paradigms developed by

Burrell and Morgan (2005) – functionalist, interpretivist, radical humanist and radical

structuralist paradigm – are used to categorise each manuscript.

The four paradigms were developed along two dimensions, namely the ‘objective-

subjective dimension’ and the ‘regulation-radical change dimension’ (see Figure 2). The

‘objective-subjective dimension’ refers to the extent to which scientists adopt an objectivist or

a subjectivist view. An objectivist view is characterised by the belief that an objective reality

exists (ontology: realism) that can be explained and predicted (epistemology: positivism) and

then captured based on quantitative techniques of data collection (methodology: nomothetic).

In contrast, a subjectivist view presumes that reality is an individual’s subjective construction

(ontology: nominalism) that can only be understood from an individual’s point of view

(epistemology: anti-positivism) and is captured by exploring that individual’s experience

(methodology: ideographic). Conversely, the ‘regulation-radical change dimension’ is less

concerned with specific methodological issues and more so with the overall research focus of

the scientist. It refers to the extent to which scholars emphasise the need to understand and

explain the status quo and how it is maintained (regulation) or if they focus on the need for

radical societal change and develop alternatives to the status quo (radical change) (Burrel &

Morgan, 2005).

Gioia & Pitre (1990) point out that “it is obvious that the paradigmatic dimensions […]

are actually continuua, making it difficult, if not impossible, to establish exactly where one

paradigm leaves off and other begins” (p. 592), therefore suggesting that transition zones exist

between the paradigms (Gioia & Pitre, 1990). In line with this suggestion, in the following

sections the dimensions are treated as continuua which exhibit four transition zones between

the paradigms – interpretivist-functionalist transition zone, functionalist-radical structuralist

transition zone, radical structuralist-radical humanist transition zone and radical humanist-

interpretivist transition zone (see shaded area Figure 2). The goal is to locate the manuscripts

of this thesis within a given framework, in order to allow for a structured overview of the

underlying paradigmatic beliefs and assumptions and the related methodological approaches

of this research. Hence, the paradigms are used as a “tool for establishing where you are, where

you have been and where it is possible to go in the future” as a researcher (Burrel & Morgan,

2005, p. 24).


28

Figure 2: Burrel and Morgan’s four paradigms for the analysis of social theory7

Source: Adapted from Gioia and Pitre (1990)

First manuscript. Concerning the ‘objective-subjective dimension’, the first manuscript

takes an objective approach. We follow the tradition of positivism, i.e. the primary goal is to

identify regularities and explain them within an objective reality (Burrel & Morgan, 2005).

Based on these assumptions, we adopted a nomothetic methodological approach and developed

a quantitative research design. More specifically, by taking a deductive approach, we

developed theory-driven hypotheses and tested them in a sample of 241 middle managers8

within a single multinational enterprise (MNE). In order to operationalise how global

performance management is applied (practices) and how it should be applied (preferences),

and in order to identify gender-specific differences, respective items and scales were developed

in line with approaches provided by cross-cultural research (e.g. House et al., 2004; Milliman,

Nason, Zhu, & De Cieri, 2002) and gender was included as an independent variable.

Regarding the ‘regulation-radical change dimension’, on the one hand, manuscript No.

1 analyses an organisational phenomenon as it is (gender differences, fit with actual GPM

practices) and thus focuses on explaining the status quo (regulation), while on the other hand,

we offer a critique of the “structural relationships within a realist social world” (Burrel &

Morgan, 2005, p. 34) and outline possible modifications and changes to reduce “modes of

7 The shaded areas between the paradigms illustrate the transition zones. 8 Data collection was conducted by Lena Knappert (Ozyegin University).


29

domination” (Burrel & Morgan, 2005, p. 34) (radical change). Hence, we emphasise the need

for organisational change without claiming the radical transformation of society (radical

structuralist) or the acceptance of the status quo (functionalist). Overall, the first manuscript

can thus be categorised into the ‘functionalist-radical structuralist transition zone’.

Second manuscript. Considering the ‘objective-subjective dimension’, the priority in

manuscript No. 2 was to obtain “first-hand knowledge of the subject under investigation”

(Burrel & Morgan, 2005, p. 6), in order to understand the reality from the individual’s

perspective (anti-positivism) (Burrel & Morgan, 2005), i.e. we adopted a rather subjective

perspective. Although we drew on previous knowledge from gender studies to develop specific

propostions, we adopted a qualitative approach in order to remain open to new insights, because

TM as a research field is still in its infancy (Collings & Mellahi, 2009; Lewis & Heckman,

2006; Scullion & Collings, 2011; Strack et al., 2011) and has not been investigated previously

through a gender lens. In order to be able to explore this new field holistically, based on a

subjective world view, a multiple case study of two German media companies was deemed

appropriate, including the analysis of six expert interviews, 37 in-depth talent interviews9 and

company documents.

When regarding the ‘regulation-radical change dimension’ the classification is again

ambiguous. While we do indeed seek to describe and explain the status quo (gender

inclusiveness of TM), we also address disadvantages in existing TM design and discuss

alternative forms of organisational practices, without claiming radical societal change. Hence,

for similar reasons as outlined for the first manuscript, manuscript No. 2 can be located in the

‘radical humanist-interpretevist transition zone’ (Gioia & Pitre, 1990).

Third manuscript. With respect to the ‘objective-subjective dimension’, we adopted a

subjectivist view point in this manuscript. We focus on how “people socially and symbolically

construct and sustain their own organizational reality” (Gioia & Pitre, 1990, p. 588). The

methodological approach is thus ideographic, as it concentrates on an in-depth analysis of the

subjective perceptions of the reconciliation of family and partner track and the networking

behaviour of women managers in PSFs. By taking an inductive qualitative research approach,

we analysed and coded 19 semi-structured interviews with female managers10 in order to

9 Interviews were conducted by Lynn Schäfer (ESCP Europe) and myself. 10 Please note that this research project is part of a larger research project on netwoking in professional service

firms. Data collection was conducted by Ben Bensaou (INSEAD), Charles Galunic (INSEAD) and Claudia

Jonczyk (ESCP Europe). For the purpose of the networking project, interviews were performed at two different

points in time. Both interviews or interview parts conducted with female managers were included in the data

analysis for manuscript No. 3.


30

“discern patterns […] so that descriptive codes, categories, taxonomies, or interpretative

schemes that are adequate at the level of meaning of the informants [could] be established”

(Gioia & Pitre, 1990, p. 588).

Concerning the ‘regulation-radical change dimension’, the third manuscript focuses on

the analysis of the status quo in PSFs and is concerned with understanding an organisation and

the situation for women as it is, without stressing organisational change (regulation). Overall,

this paper is therefore in line with the assumptions and beliefs of the interpretivist paradigm

(Burrel & Morgan, 2005).

To conclude with the words of Gioia and Pitre (1990), “[…] the use of any single

research paradigm produces too narrow a view to reflect the multifaceted nature of

organisational reality” (p. 584). Furthermore, there is a consensus now that neither

methodology (quantitative nor qualitative) can capture women’s experiences without some sort

of bias (previously qualitative modes of inquriy were considered more appropriate by feminst

scholars) and that both approaches are needed to answer complex research questions (Campbell

& Wasco, 2000). Therefore, this thesis combines multiple paradigmatic and methodological

orientations.

So far, the more general conceptual and paradigmatic foundations have been clarified.

In the following chapter the research manuscripts which build the core of this thesis are

presented in their full length. It must be noted that the sequence and labelling of headings,

tables, figures and appendices, as well as the list of references related to each manuscript,

remain as in their original versions (as published or submitted) and can be found in sections

6.1, 6.2 and 6.3, respectively. For the remaining text, the relevant figures and tables can be

found in the respective lists at the beginning of this thesis, while bibliographic information can

be found in the list of references at the end of this dissertation.

Women’s Underrepresentation In Management Positions Manuscript No. 3

31

6. Research Manuscripts

6.1 Gender-Specific Preferences in Global Performance Management – An Empirical

Study of Male and Female Managers in a Multinational Context

Manuscript No. 1

This manuscript is published as: Festing, M., Knappert, L. & Kornau, A. (2014). Gender-

specific preferences in global performance management – an empirical study of male and

female managers in a multinational context. Human Resource Management, DOI:

10.1002/hrm.21609.


32

6.2 Think Talent – Think Male? A Comparative Case Study Analysis of Gender

Inclusion in Talent Management Practices in the German Media Industry

Manuscript No. 2

This manuscript is published as: Festing, M., Kornau, A. & Schäfer, L. (2014). Think talent –

think male? A comparative case study analysis of gender inclusion in talent management

practices in the German media industry. The International Journal of Human Resource

Management, DOI: 10.1080/09585192.2014.934895.


33

6.3 Female Managers in Professional Service Firms: Patterns in Work-Family

Management and Networking Approaches

Manuscript No. 3

This manuscript is under review as: Jonczyk, C., Kornau, A. & Festing, M.. Female managers

in professional service firms: Patterns in work-family management and networking

approaches.

Available from the author upon request.

Women’s Underrepresentation In Management Positions Conclusion

34

7. Conclusion

This final chapter provides a summary of the key findings and main contributions of this thesis.

Furthermore, the limitations of this work and avenues for future research are discussed. In order

to avoid redundancies, the specific limitations and future research ideas for each study, already

outlined in detail in the respective manuscript, will not be repeated, but instead the focus is on

more comprehensive aspects and some further thoughts and reflections. Finally, several

implications for practice are outlined.

7.1 Summary of Results and Contributions

This dissertation seeks to enrich the women-in-management and HRM literature by outlining

possible reasons for the scarcity of female managers on the organisational and individual

levels. The main findings of the thesis are summarised in an overview in Figure 3 and will be

explained in more detail in the following.

Figure 3: Overview of the key findings of this thesis

As suggested earlier, the organisational level addresses HRM practices crucial to

women’s chances of attaining a managerial position, namely GPM and TM. Based on

arguments from the HRM literature and different conceptual perspectives from the women-in-


35

management field (person-centred, organisation structure and gender-organisation-system), it

is proposed in this thesis that GPM and TM practices can be considered gendered if they (i)

better match male managers’ preferences than those of their female counterparts, (ii) are in line

with masculine more than feminine stereotypes or (iii) are discriminatory against the female

sex (see list of indicators in Figure 3). The main conceptual contribution of this dissertation is

the development of these indicators to conceptualise and measure the degree to which HRM

practices can be considered gendered.

For example, with respect to TM (manuscript No. 2), we challenged the assumption

that TM equally supports all talented employees to contribute fully and effectively to the

organisation, and we also proposed that some TM elements, such as talent definition, might be

biased towards stereotypical masculine attributes (e.g. competitiveness or assertiveness) and

reflect a ‘think talent-think male’ philosophy (in line with the ‘think manager-think male’

phenomenon of Schein, 1973; 1993; 2007). Other examples are the underlying career

orientations of TM that might be biased towards an outdated male career model favouring

vertical and uninterrupted career paths (Collinson & Hearn, 1994; Liff & Ward, 2001; O'Neil

et al., 2008), or the selection process might disadvantage female talent due to the dominance

male nominators (Bauer & Baltes, 2002; Varma & Stroh, 2001).

Regarding the empirical contributions of this thesis on the organisational level, we first

provide empirical evidence for the gendered nature of GPM and TM practices. Concerning

GPM (manuscript No.1), we do so by measuring discrepancies between female and male

managers’ preferences and their perceptions of actually applied GPM practices. As a result, we

take a unique approach and contribute a useful quantitative tool for researchers and

practitioners to determine the extent to which HRM practices are biased towards male

preferences. In fact, our study shows that women managers are less satisfied with actually

applied GPM practices which correspond better to male manager’s preferences. Women prefer

a stronger group focus in an appraisal, the higher relevance of soft purposes (e.g. employee

development or motivation), more directness and involvement in feedback communication and

more explicitness in appraisal procedures, thereby indicating that they envision practices that

are more in line with stereotypical feminine values (e.g. relationship-orientation) (Maier, 1999)

and are less prone to discrimination (e.g. through more structured and explicit rules) (Heilman,

2001).

Moreover, one key empirical finding of our comparative case study on TM (manuscript

No. 2) is that the investigated organisations vary greatly in the degree to which their TM is

gender inclusive and that the TM of organisations with a greater proportion of women in


36

management positions is less gendered. These results provide a first indication that there might

be a positive relationship between the scarcity of female managers and the gendered nature of

HRM practices; however, as discussed in the section on future research avenues, more research

is needed to clarify this relationship.

On the individual level, we add empirical insights to the research field discussing inter-

gender differences (manuscript No. 1), but we also acknowledge the rising call for the

consideration of intra-gender differences (Due Billing, 2011) and examine the role of female

professionals’ differences in perceptions and agency and how they deal differently with

structural barriers hindering career advancement, such as the difficulty in balancing family and

career and exclusion from male networks (manuscript No. 3). The findings of the latter

manuscript suggest that women managers in the specific context of PSFs have different

perceptions regarding the compatibility of the partnership track and having a family, and they

also pursue different networking approaches. Furthermore, these differences are not

independent from each other but constitute specific coping patterns labelled ‘high agency’ (HA,

n=7) and ‘low agency’ (LA, n=12). The HA pattern combines the perception that the

partnership track and having children are reconcilable in PSFs through a highly proactive

approach to creating networks and close relationships with higher-status mentors. In contrast,

the LA pattern describes women who are convinced that the partner track does not fit into a

mother’s life and at the same time show less proactivity in their networking and mentoring

behaviour. These findings show that career-oriented women are far from being a homogeneous

group and have different personal capacities in dealing with the status quo.

Moreover, regarding additional theoretical insights on the individual level, based on the

fact that networking and mentoring are crucial for career success (e.g. Blickle et al., 2009a;

Singh et al., 2009; Wilkins & Gulati, 1998; Wolff & Moser, 2009), it is proposed that women

displaying a HA pattern are more likely to make it to top management compared to LA pattern

women. That way, we add an explanation to the women-in-management discussion and suggest

why some – although few – women make it to senior management positions while others don’t

– despite equal external conditions.

Furthermore, on a more general level, the studies included in this dissertation can be

considered an example of the value that may be created through a multi-paradigmatic

perspective (see Gioia & Pitre, 1990). As suggested earlier, various conceptual approaches,

including person-centred, organisation structure and gender-organisation-system perspectives

which have their roots in different feminist schools of thought, are applied. In addition, various

data collection and analysis methods, ranging from questionnaire or case study design to semi-


37

structured interviews, were included. All of these projects are based on a wide range of

epistemological (anti-positivism and positivism) and methodological (ideographic and

nomothetic) orientations (see Burrel & Morgan, 2005), and thus they reflect the paradigmatic

diversity of this thesis. Moreover, as the persistent lack of female managers is a worldwide

challenge (European Commission, 2013; ILO, 2010), various countries were included in the

studies of this thesis ranging from China, France and Germany through to UK and USA. With

the multiplicity of views and datasets applied, we hope to shed more light on the complex

phenomenon of women’s underrepresentation in managerial roles.

7.2 Limitations

Despite various findings that this thesis contributes to the existing literature, there are several

limitations that need to be acknowledged.

As suggested earlier, this thesis is largely inspired by liberal feminism – a perspective

which has received a lot of criticism from representatives of other feminist schools of thought.

For instance, Marxist feminists argue that “liberal feminism is totally inadequate for explaining

the situation of women in the economy. Its uncritical approach to women in organizations and

overemphasis on women in management is ultimately inconsistent with women’s interests”

(Calás & Smircich, 1996, p. 232). This thesis partly addresses this shortcoming, as it is far from

being uncritical of organisational practices, albeit its focus is certainly on the specific group of

managerial women. Women managers are a small, elitist group and are not representative of

all women who vary in class, religion, sexual orientation or cultural background. Moreover,

radical feminists question if the emphasis on women’s vertical career advancement is not a

gendered goal in itself and that the glass ceiling exists only because so much importance has

been attached to it by (a gendered) society (Calás & Smircich, 1996).

Furthermore, postcolonial feminists have a “fundamental suspicion of ‘gender’ as a

stable and sufficient analytical lens that can be applied unproblematically across cultures and

histories” (Calás & Smircich, 1996, p. 238). Although we provide some evidence that women’s

preferences across cultures consistently diverge from the more masculine-oriented status quo

(manuscript No. 1), the question emerges as to whether our unitary definition of masculinity

or masculine stereotypes falls short of the complex reality of diverse cultures. According the

GLOBE study, countries vary in ‘gender egalitarianism’ and ‘assertiveness’ (House et al.,

2004) and may have different concepts of stereotypical masculinity than those prevalent in the

Western world, where it is mainly associated with values such as aggressiveness, competition,

status-orientation, hierarchy and control (Maier, 1999; Wajcman, 1998). A more differentiated


38

understanding of masculinity could embrace the multiplicity and dynamics of gender facets to

a greater extent than those approaches that assume a traditional, monolithic, stable and

consistent form of masculinity (Gherardi, 1994, 1995).

In addition, talking about ‘male orientation’, ‘masculinity’ or ‘masculine stereotypes’

throughout the manuscripts may be misleading, as it largely implies congruency between

certain values and the male sex. In this way, we do not account fully for heterogeneity within

the group of men and give insufficient attention to the fact that “men too may find the content

and demands of their job at odds with what they really want” (Due Billing, 2011, p. 300). More

and more men – especially the younger generations – attach importance to values

stereotypically categorised as feminine, such as a relationship-oriented leadership style (Sessa

et al., 2007), become increasingly involved in parenting (Haas & Hwang, 2007) and start to

follow career patterns typically associated with women (Sullivan & Mainiero, 2007). This

implies that the prevailing organisational practices may be discriminatory not only against

many women, but also against an increasing number of men, especially those who want to

exercise their right to be active fathers (Haas & Hwang, 2007). In fact, evidence suggests that

men are severely sanctioned when they participate in flexible work arrangements or take

parental leave, because they behave outside the long hours working norm and are therefore

considered less committed and successful, even compared to women who reduce working time

due to family duties (Almer et al., 2004). The reliance on absolute definitions and

conceptualisation of gendered practices in terms of the dominance of male preferences or

masculine stereotypes thus risks oversimplifying the reality and reproducing gender

stereotypes.

However, as suggested earlier, we value this approach despite its limitations, as it

enables us to capture the gendered nature of practices based on specific criteria and to provide

evidence for it.

7.3 Future Research Avenues

There are several future research avenues that scholars may pursue based on the findings of

this work (see manuscripts for details); however, in the following, two future research areas

are selected for discussion: first, the context-specificity and operationalisation of gendered

HRM practices and second, the causality between the lack of female managers and gendered

HRM.

Concerning the first aspect, scholars need to acknowledge that reality is not black and

white and organisations are not gender neutral or holistically gendered per se; instead, some


39

organisational (HR) practices, structures or organisations in certain industries or countries

display gendered patterns whilst others do not. While this thesis makes an attempt to include

different contexts and provides empirical evidence for two specific HR practices, there is a

need for more organisation-, industry- and country-specific analyses and empirical

investigations as well as theoretical contributions (Wilz, 2008).

Regarding the operationalisation of gendered HRM practices, this thesis may serve as

a starting point for other scholars to capture possible gender biases in other practices and

different contexts. This could be accomplished by relying on the three indicators proposed in

this dissertation, including the gender-specific fit between individual preferences and real

practices (see manuscript No. 1), the dominance of masculine stereotypes and/or sex-related

discrimination (see manuscript No. 2). In addition, the first indicator and the respective

methodological tool could be used by scholars to measure relative differences in perceptions

of the status quo and how organisations and their practices should be designed according to

(female) employees’ perspectives. Furthermore, inspired by Wicks & Bradshaw (1999),

researchers and practitioners could capture what the ideal, non-discriminatory organisation

constitutes according to the perceptions of female and male employees and identify possible

discrepancies between these perceptions and the status quo, thus offering a relative and

differentiated indicator of gendered aspects in the organisation.

With respect to the second direction for future research, in this thesis it is proposed that

the higher number of women in management positions is associated with more gender-

inclusive HRM practices (manuscript No. 2), and it is argued that gendered HRM practices

may be discriminatory and contribute to the scarcity of female managers. However,

empirically, it remains unclear if the lack of women managers is the antecedent or the outcome

of gendered HRM. Do gendered HRM practices limit women’s career advancement or are they

the result of the low proportion of women in management positions? Or both? These questions

have major implications, in particular with respect to the much-debated implementation of

quotas in Europe (European Commission, 2012b) and the potential of that tool to create

effectively more gender-equitable corporations.

Based on a longitudinal research design, future research could examine systematically

how an increase in the number of women in leadership roles through quota legislation in the

next few years will affect the design of HRM practices. For instance, it could be assessed

whether an increase of women in managerial roles actually enhances the critical gender-related

revision of existing tools and procedures for selection and performance assessment and the

design of typical career tracks or the type of training offered. Furthermore, it could be clarified


40

if the bias towards a linear, all-time-available model of career and stereotypical masculine

attributes that foster the strict separation between professional and private life is in fact being

questioned by female leaders.

However, it is important to point out that a great deal of the women-in-management

literature does not support the hypothesis that a ‘critical mass’ of 30% of women in leadership

positions is sufficient to implement fundamental change in organisations (e.g. Lortie-Lussier

& Rinfret, 2002; Powell, Bagilhole, & Dainty, 2006). In fact, research indicates that women

often fail to act as influential change agents, because they mostly assimilate to the male-

dominated organisational context by adopting stereotypically masculine behaviour in order to

be successful, e.g. by modifying speech and behaviour (Davies-Netzley, 1998), by creating a

perception of similarity with the dominant male group through network ties (Westphal &

Milton, 2000), by adopting a less interpersonally-oriented leadership style (Gardiner &

Tiggemann, 1999), by accepting gender discrimination as something ‘normal’ (Powell et al.,

2006) or at least by not addressing actively issues related to equal opportunities (Rindfleish &

Sheridan, 2003). That is to say, many female managers who want to succeed have an incentive

to make themselves and their femininity less salient and thereby stabilise masculine hegemony

instead of scrutinising it accordingly. According to Lewis and Simpson (2012), the

“persuasiveness of current ‘number-based’ solutions to gender inequalities that predict positive

outcomes from having more women, particularly at senior levels” (p. 154), can therefore be

questioned.

This is in line with the work of other scholars, who argue that organisations that are

nowadays female-dominated may still be gendered in such a way that relevant skills and

attributes are based upon masculine stereotypes because it was historically a male industry

(Britton, 2000; Mills, 1998). Instead of only focusing on the “power of demography” (Ely,

1995, p. 589), future research activities should also be devoted to the ‘power of history’, in

order to better understand how organisational practices are rooted in traditional men’s lives and

norms, and patterns of life and work from the past. More research on this question could allow

for a more substantive discussion by scholars and practitioners on the effectiveness of quota

legislation for creating more equitable working environments.

7.4 Practical Implications

Due to the fact that the data collection for the studies in this thesis took place in only a few

organisations (manuscript No. 1: single MNE, manuscript No. 2: two media companies;

manuscript No. 3: one audit and one law firm), unfortunately, the generalisability of these


41

results and their practical implications are limited. However, if our findings are confirmed by

large-scale investigations in the future, they imply important changes that organisations may

pursue to enhance equal career opportunities for women and men.

With respect to gendered HRM practices on the organisational level, and based on the

indicators proposed in this thesis, there are different ways in which HR professionals may

enhance the gender inclusiveness of their practices. First of all, there is a need to take into

account the preferences and expectations of female employees when HRM practices are

designed, in order to ensure that practices do not one-sidedly reflect men’s preferences. In

doing so, companies will not only increase the satisfaction of women managers, but eventually

they will ensure the retention of their female talent, as it is crucial that this cohort identifies

with organisational practices and feel that they fit in (e.g. Simpson, 2000). Second, HR

professionals could revisit existing practices in order to foster gender inclusiveness in such a

way that practices equally appreciate stereotypically masculine and feminine principles, by

ensuring, for instance, that technical and personal development are equally promoted or that

horizontal and vertical career movements are equally appreciated by the organisation. That

way, companies support not only one specific type of employee, but also embrace different

world views and truly value diversity in their employees, and foremost in their managers.

Finally, practitioners should make sure that HRM practices do not (unconsciously) discriminate

against women and exclude them directly from the promotion pipeline. For instance, this can

be accomplished by implementing a female quota for important talent development

programmes or by ensuring that female supervisors or HR experts are involved in talent

selections and appraisal processes to prevent a pro-male bias.

Despite these numerous measures that may be taken, Woodall (1996) critically states

that “[…] it would be foolhardy to argue that HRM alone has proved an obstacle to equality in

employment [as] its conscious pursuit will not guarantee the eradication of labor market

segmentation, working practices centered around a male model of working time, and the

persistence of stereotypes and biased assessments” (p. 349-350). Hence, although a systematic

and critical revision of HRM practices from a gender perspective alone may certainly not be

able to break the glass ceiling entirely, it might at least create some cracks that allow more

women to slip through.

Regarding the individual level, our study on the coping mechanisms of women

managers indicates that HR professionals cannot presume that organisational measures applied

to support female career advancement affect all women in the same way. Instead, some women

need organisational support at a very early stage of their careers, in order to develop an


42

optimistic view of their long-term promotion prospects in the first place, for example through

same-sex mentoring or networking programmes for psychological support or specific training

offers. In contrast, other women believe in their success and are highly proactive and strategic

in their networking and might thus favour informal socialising events and cross-sex mentoring

or networking for career-related support. Hence, companies should first identify the specific

needs of their female employees and then offer customised measures to assist them in their

career development. Furthermore, specific emphasis should be placed on the subjective

perception of women’s opportunities for promotion, because this influences their intention to

leave a firm and is thus crucial to avoid an extensive loss of female talent (Walsh, 2012).

Overall, I hope that the findings of this thesis serve researchers and practitioners who

are devoted to the more equal participation of women in decision-making positions as a source

of inspiration for their projects and thus contribute to the proliferation of fairer and more

diverse organisations.

Women’s Underrepresentation In Management Positions References

43

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