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Creating New Discursive Terrain for the Custodians of the Tibetan Spiritscape:
A Bio-cultural audit of Sacred Natural Sites in NW Yunnan with special
reference to the Yubeng Valley
John Studley
Abstract
For hundreds of years numinous spiritscapes, presided over by place gods or gzhi bdag, have
been a defining cultural feature of Tibetan lay society, as well as being exemplars of explicit nature
conservation. The animistic beliefs that support Tibetan spiritscapes have had to be discursively
recalibrated repeatedly in the face of Tibetan Buddhism, the Cultural Revolution, and currently by
modernity, tourism and formal education.
Little is known about the recovery of Tibetan spiritscapes since the Cultural Revolution, the revival
of traditional religious practices (1984) and the felling ban (1998), so a bio-cultural audit was
conducted in 12 selected sites in Deqin Prefecture in Sept/Oct 2013 to assess their current bio-
cultural status and importance as exemplars of explicit nature conservation.
The audit was predicated on a literature review, participatory field methods and GIS technologies,
and was informed by the authors research in the region.
Most villages surveyed in Deqin Prefecture have on average 700ha of gzhi bdagspiritscape spread
over 3 sites comprising up to 60% of village land, although 25% is more typical.
Most respondents can describe the rituals for honouring a gzhi bdag, the taboos and forms of
retribution and restitution, the current status of biodiversity in the spiritscape and name unique
flora and fauna.
Whatever metrics are used there is greater biodiversity in sacred sites than in pilot plots and
these findings are supported by 83% of respondents. Although many respondents stated that gzhi
bdagspiritscapes had recovered from felling it was evident that there was much greater
biodiversity prior to 1950.
The preservation of gzhi bdagspiritscapes is contingent upon the protection of indigenous cultureand its intergenerational transmission. The greatest threats to gzhi bdagspiritscapes are posed by
the formal education and tourism.
Although Tibetan spiritscapes are exemplars of biodiversity and may constitute 25% of the land
mass of Cultural Tibet they have been discursively excluded from official narratives. Consequently
they are not recognized or protected internationally as unique phenomenon in their own right.
This chapter concludes by elaborating the challenges posed by the audit and provides some
recommendations for those interested in enhancing and protecting the bio-cultural diversity of
the Tibetan spiritscapes of Southwest China.
Key words: spiritscape, numina, Tibetan, gzhi bdag, animism, place gods, discursive terrain
Introduction
The sacred natural sites (SNS) of indigenous societies are mostly supported by a worldview
predicated on animism and numinous spiritscapes1. This paradigm is characterized by strong
psycho-spiritual values2, eco-spiritual auditing
3, topocosmic reciprocity
4and explicit nature
1Spiritscape describes an animistic phenomenon where landscape features (mountains, hills, knolls) or bodies of water
(lakes, ponds, mires) are inhabited by a divinity or numinaSee Byrne 19992Studley 2005
3Hollan 1996, Reichel 1992
4Posey 1999, Reichel 1992, Sahlins 2004
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conservation within the domains of numina5. In spite of this, numinous landscapes are more
vulnerable and threatened than SNS associated with mainstream faiths6.
1.1 Tibetan Spiritscapes
The spiritscape paradigm is a defining characteristic of Tibetan lay society and is exemplified in
territorial cults
7
and cadastral spirits
8
. These beliefs, however, have been subsumed by TibetanBuddhist (TB) and an environmental paradigm exemplified by holy mountains
9and the
mandalization of landscape10
. As a result Tibetan Spiritscapes are often discursively excluded as a
discrete phenomenon in their own right.
Historically the cultural identity of Tibetan nomads and farmers was predicated on the honouring
of mundane numina(known collectively as yul lha11
and locally as gzhi bdag12
) under the aegis of
what are commonly described as mountain cults13
, territorial cultsor the cult of height14
.
Most mountains in the Tibetan world are owned and inhabited by agzhi bdag15
who are usually
maleand are associated with specific communities and territories. They are part of an animistic
and shamanistic traditionconcerned with the immediate world,involving various rituals that take
place in the home and mountain locales. The gzhi bdag16
and other 'gods of the past', theoretically
'tamed' by Buddhism17
are closer to Tibetan nomads and farmers in both geography, identity and
in sensed presence. In the world of the lay Tibetan, many landscape features point back to the
worship of ancient gods. They are not onlyconscious of the constant scrutiny of gzhi bdagwhen
they go hunting, but engage in folk-religious rituals and place demands on them for protection and
health, and success, in hunting, trading, travel, farming etc.
Participation in territorial cults is still an essential element of rural Tibetan life and identity and is
expressed in cultural, economic, eco-spiritual and political behaviour. It is part of an ongoing
5Bayo 2012, Verschuuren et al 20106Wild et al 2008
7Huber 2004, 2006
8Mus 1975
9gnas ri
10McKay 1998
11Tibetan landscape is populated by a myriad of deities known as yul lha, who act both as protectors and wrathful gods,
depending on the ability of the local community to please them. They are grouped under the aegis of jig rten pai lha,
or mundane deities, and classified into the following categories: kl u(nagaspirits dwelling in the water), gnyan(kind of
spirit usually dwelling in trees and rocks), btsan(kind on spirit), sa bdagand gzhi bdag(protective spirits of the
ground), gdon(kind of demon), dre(kind of demon), sri (kind of demon), srung ma(protectors) and dgra lha(war
gods) See Punzi 201312
Often yul lhaand gzhi bdagare used together i.e. yul l ha gzhi bdagin a general sense for any places gods, includinggods of land, mountains, stone, water, etc (Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 20/11/2013)13
Blondeau & Steinkellner 199814
Karmay 199815
Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 11/3/1316
aplace god or territorial numina i.e a spirit or deity thatpresides over or inhabits a place or landscape feature17
When they theoretically became Dharma protectors (or srung ma)
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process of folk practice recovery18
, a contemporary means of expressing Tibetanness19
and a
means of ritual protest20
.
1.2 Explicit Nature Conservation
Territorial cults are characterized by explicit nature conservation and ritual protection within the
domain or liminal zone21
of the gzhi bdagwhich is encompassed by the territory they preside
over22
.
1.3 Monocultural myopia
The unique animistic spiritual ecologies of the Tibetan laity, which support these biodiversity
hotspots appear to have been discursively excluded23
from official narratives. Elite interests
reduce these beliefs to tamed or superstitious myths24and have attempted to assimilate them
under the rubric of modernity, tourism or orthodoxy, or have ignored them as a result of
secondary ethnocentrism or monocultural myopia25
.
Within the last ten years there has been a discursive recalibration26of the cultural and spiritual
values of biodiversity27
and the promotion of sacred natural sites as a means of conserving nature
and culture28
. This new discursive terrain29
, however, has not often included the spiritual
ecologies of animism30
which is the most common belief system of the worlds indigenous
people31
.
It has been estimated32
that more than 25%33
of Cultural Tibet is comprised of Sacred Lands
often dedicated to gzhi bdag.
The purpose of this study is to redress the monocultural myopia34
by attempting: -
18Huber 2002
19Kolas 2004
20Schwartz 1994
21See Robertson 2006liminal zones often refer to sacred places from which profane or mundane life is excluded
(Durkheim 1995)22
Studley 201023
Weinblum and Iglesias 201324
Xie Jisheng 200125
Hwa Yol Jung 2002 Page 326
Ferrera 2007, Page 1327
Posey 199928
Wild et al 200829Rabgey 2008, Page 33330
Sponsel 201231
Clarke and Beyer 200832
Buckley 2007, Shen et al 201233
567,000km2
34Hwa Yol Jung 2002 Page 3
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1) To ground truth the realities and extents of selected Tibetan Numinous Sacred Lands, under
the aegis of a territorial divinity known as a gzhi bdagpredicated on a bio-cultural audit.
2) To bring phenomenological recognition and understanding of the Tibetan Numinous Sacred
Land phenomenon to local and global audiences.
3) To begin to secure, with others, international recognition and protection for ca 510,300 km2of
Tibetan Numinous Sacred Lands
2 The Study Area
The Yubeng Valley
The Yubeng Valley, comprising 8899ha35
, lies at the heart of the Kawakarpo mountain range in
Deqin Prefecture, NW Yunnan and straddles the inner korapilgrim route36
. It encompasses nine
groups of peaks which are the abodes of gzhi bdag37
, including three forested peaks which are
also sealed38
. It is only accessible on foot and is an important trekking and pilgrimage centre. Its
Tibetan inhabitants mostly live in Upper Yubeng39
or Lower Yubeng40
and speak a dialect of
Kham. It is a constituent part of one of the properties within the Three Parallel Rivers World
Heritage Site because of its biodiversity, its sacred peaks and its ritual sites41
.
3 Survey Methods
The survey methods were predicated on:-
a literature review of sacred sites in NW Yunnan contact with sacred site researchers who have studiedNW Yunnan the preparation of GIS data sets of Deqin, Zhongdian and Kawakarpo a bio-cultural audit of the Yubeng Valley and selected villages in Zhongdian County42
3.1 Site Selection
The Yubeng Valley was selected as the principal research site because it was known as an
important Tibetan Buddhist site, its mountains are inhabited by gzhi bdagand several of them are
35GIS estimate
36
http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/37Pronounced redain much of Deqin TAPthis should not be confused with rida.38
Known in Tibetan as or ri rgya39
3350m40
3250m41
which include a sacred waterfall, a mystic temple, a conic megalith and a sacred cave complex42
Also known as Shangri-la County
http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/8/12/2019 Tibetan Spiritscape
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also sealed43
. In additional 11 sites were selected in Zhongdian County44
to assess the distribution
across the Prefecture.
Figure 1 Research sites (including Yunnan insert)
43Known in Tibetan as ri rgya
44Also known as Shangri-la County
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4 Resultsthe gzhi bdag survey
6 How many gzhi bdag
1 1 8.33%
2 5 41.67%
3 4 33.33%
5 1 8.33%
9 1 8.33%
Total 12
Mean 3.08
Standard Dev. 2.11
Variance 4.45
Response 12 100.00%
5 are there any gzhi bdag here
yes 12 100.00%
no 0 0.00%
Total 12
Mean 1.00
Standard Dev. 0.00
Variance 0.00
Response 12 100.00%
8 is there a known liminal boundary
yes 12 100.00%
no 0 0.00%
Total 12
Mean 1.00
Standard Dev. 0.00
Variance 0.00
Response 12 100.00%
Data analysis and graphics from www.questionpro.com
7 what is the size of the total gzhi bdag
domains in the village (mu)?
(how long does it take to walk around)
15 mu = 1 ha
Data Set:
350, 450, 500, 1212, 2000, 2500, 4401, 4500,
4500, 9000, 85320 ha
Descriptive Statistics: Minimum: 350
Maximum 85320
Range: 84970
Count: 11
Sum: 114733 7648.86
Mean: 10430 695.33
Median: 2500
Mode: 4500
Standard
Deviation:
24970
Variance: 623600000
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12 what activities are not allowed in gzhi
bdag domain
no tree cutting 2 8.33%
no litter dropping 1 4.17%
improper dress 2 8.33%
no hunting 4 16.67%
no burning 1 4.17%
no access to snow peaks 1 4.17%
no access for women 3 12.50%
no firewood collection 4 16.67%
self regulation 5 20.83%
no urinating or defecating on glaciers 1 4.17%
Total 24
Mean 6.04
Standard Dev. 2.80
Variance 7.87
Response 9 75%
13 can you name the types of retribution
for upsetting a gzhi bdaghuman illness 4 23.53%
cancer 1 5.88%
human death 2 11.76%
animal illness 2 11.76%
animal death 2 11.76%
hail and storms 1 5.88%
avalanches 1 5.88%
glaciers recede 1 5.88%
madness or craziness 1 5.88%
dreams and nightmares 1 5.88%
bad things happen 1 5.88%
Total 17
Mean 4.94
Standard Dev. 3.60
Variance 12.93
Response 6 50%
14 What are the means of restitution
offer bsang 7 43.75%
chanting 1 6.25%
prayer flags 2 12.50%
pray for all villagers 1 6.25%
white scarf 1 6.25%
plant trees 3 18.75%
release animals 1 6.25%
Total 16
Mean 3.06
Standard Dev. 2.26
Variance 5.13
Response 9 75% Data analysis and graphics from www.questionpro.com
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15 who assists you when you make
restitution
a lama 3 60.00%
a cangba 1 20.00%
a lha pa 0 0.00%
a sngags pa 0 0.00%
a divination master or mo pa 1 20.00%
an amchi / Tibetan doctor 0 0.00%
nobody 0 0.00%
Total 5
Mean 2.00
Standard Dev. 1.73
Variance 3.00
Response 3 25.00%
16 who is responsible for cultural
reproduction (of gzhi bdag cult)
Village elders 2 50.00%
Parents 2 50.00%
Lamas 0 0.00%
Cangba 0 0.00%
Total 4
Mean 1.50
Standard Dev. 0.58
Variance 0.33
Response 2 8.16%
17 Is biodiversity greater in the gzhi bdag
domain?
Yes 10 83.33%
No 2 16.67%
Total 12
Mean 1.17
Standard Dev. 0.39
Variance 0.15
Response 12 100.00%
Data analysis and graphics from www.questionpro.com
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18 Can you name any unique
flora or fauna in the gzhi bdag domain
nabi 1 3.45%
pheasants 4 13.79%
small panda 3 10.34%
wolves 2 6.90%
bears 1 3.45%
leopards 3 10.34%
tigers 2 6.90%
musk deer 2 6.90%
many bamboo species 2 6.90%
rare plants 3 10.34%
rare animals 1 3.45%
monkeys 2 6.90%
108 plant/tree species 2 6.90%
other 1 3.45%
Total 29
Mean 7.00
Standard Dev. 4.00Variance 16.00
Other Option [Other]
serow
Response 8 66.66%
19 What are the greatest threats to gzhi
bdag sites
Tourism 1 5.56%
Forma l Educa tion (in boa rding schools) 1 5.56%
Economic development 1 5.56%
Logging 3 16.67%
Mining 0 0.00%
Globalisation 0 0.00%
External philosophic values 6 33.33%
External cultural values 6 33.33%
Total 18
Mean 6.00
Standard Dev. 2.33
Variance 5.41
Response 6 50%
Data analysis and graphics from www.questionpro.com
Q15, 16 and 19 were based on volunteered information
5 Discussion
5.1 gzhi bdag Sites
gzhi bdagsites are a common phenomenon throughout the Tibetan world45
and may comprise46
25% of the land area of the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau47
. On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey
(section 4) 100% of respondents were familiar with gzhi bdag(Q5), they stated that there were an
45Huber 1999a+b, Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 11/3/13
46with (gnasor monastery land
47Buckley 2007
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average of 3.08 gzhi bdagsites in each villages (Q6) with an average estimated size48
of
10,430mu49
(Q7).
There are nine gzhi bdaglocales in the Yubeng Valley, and six of them are snow mountain groups
(over 4400m), and three are forested mountains. The gzhi bdagmountains comprise in total an
area of 5278 ha or 60 % of the Yubeng catchment.
Figure 2. The protected and sealed gzhi bdag domains of the Yubeng Valley
5.2 Ritual Protection and Sealing
The use and protection of gzhi bdagsites is not merely a cultural or spiritual concern. It is a
human right that has been identified and protected by international law50
. On the basis of the
48
per village49700 ha50
Article 25 of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples states that Indigenous peoples have the right
to maintain and strengthen their distinctive spiritual relationship with their traditionally owned or otherwise occupied
and used lands, territories,waters and coastal seas and other resources and to uphold their responsibilities to future
generations in this regard.
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gzhi bdagsurvey 100% of respondents knew the liminal boundary51of the gzhi bdagsites (Q8) and
were able to describe its geospatial extent and measures of ritual protection. Only 8.33% of
respondents, in Yubeng, were familiar with sealing (Q9) which ensures double protection of gzhi
bdagsites.
gzhi bdagsite sealing is not a universal practice in every Tibetan community but it is quite
widespread52
. Mountain domains are sealed to protect flora and fauna owned by gzhi bdagand to
prevent any disturbance within the domain of the gzhi bdag. Eleven villages53
out of fifty, in the
Kawakarpo Mountains have sealed off their numinous gzhi bdaglands from domesticated
settlements by establishing liminal lines above their villages.
Three forested mountains54
in the Yubeng Valley have been ritually sealed in a ceremony involving
the hereditary headmen of Yubeng and a Lama from Hong PoMonastery, Deqin55
.
5.3 Maintaining Topocosmic Equilibrium
The economies and well-being of most indigenous societies are maintained on the basis of
topocosmic reciprocity between the natural, social and spiritual domain. This is manifest through
behavioural expectations, customs, taboos, rites, and values and articulated in stories, histories
and lessons.
The respondents are no different and in order to secure the patronage
56
of the gzhi bdag,ratherthan retribution, efforts are made to protect their domain, honour and thank them and to make
restitution when necessary.
Taboos
Taboos exist in most cultures and are good examples of informal institutions, where norms, rather
than juridical laws determine human behaviour. In many traditional societies taboos frequently
guide human conduct toward the natural environment where they are defined as "resource and
51A threshold to a liminal zone (See Durkheim 1995, Robertson 2006)
52See Huber 2004
53Lanier 2005
54tso da, ben de ruand bon bo ru
55Upon the request of the local people, the Lama is invited to check the "feng-shui" (geomancy) of the gzhi bdag
mountain first. They will decide the direction of the boundary line after they have surveyed the landscape, forest, as
well as the places that are likely to be frequented with mudslides and landslides. They will set the line according to the
sun-dial, and then set up manistone piles intermittently, or bury a treasure vase containing 25 kinds of medicinal herbs,five kinds of silk and satin, five sorts of gold, silver and gem stones and five kinds of grain. Afterwards, they will recitethe Buddhist manuscripts for seven to 21 days. When all these have been completed, the grass above the divide line
cannot be collected, the trees cannot be felled and stones cannot be quarried. Each year, the local community will send
for the Lama to preside over the ceremonies and recite the Buddhist manuscripts (Guo Jing 2000)56
success (in hunting, trading, travel, farming, forestry), protection, blessing, glory, honour, fame, prosperity, progeny
and power for the people and their political and religious leadership
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habitat taboos57
. On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey 100% of respondents knew which activities
were allowed in a gzhi bdagdomain (Q11) but only 75% of respondents knew which activities
were not permitted (Q12).
Honouring and thanking the gzhi bdag
gzhi bdagsites are inscribed in the landscape and in local consciousness through folklore andthrough a cycle of daily, monthly, seasonal and annual ritual devotions. For each gzhi bdagthere
are specific prayers for specific occasions, many of which have been preserved in ritual texts58
.
On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q10) 83.3% of respondents were aware of the gzhi bdag
rituals including; household devotions (27.03%) the offering of bsang59
for all at a bsang thab60
(27.03%), community and ad hoc offerings (24.32%), offerings by monks and/or men at mountain
la btsas61
(21.62%).
Figure 3 An altar on the roof of a house in Upper Yubeng for honouring and appeasing the gzhi bdag of snow peak min tso mo
and forested peak of ben de ru
Retribution
57Colding and Folke 2001
58known in Tibetan as (bsang yig)
59incense
60incense altar
61mountain altar
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gzhi bdagare capricious and easily angered especially if they are not honoured and thanked and
humankind disturbs them, their domain, or the flora and fauna they own. If they are angered they
will take retribution on the people they are responsible for, or their stock, or their crops.
On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q13) only 50% of respondents were aware of the types of
retribution that would result from upsetting or disturbing a gzhi bdag. These included human
illness (23.53%), human death (11.76%), animal illness (11.76%), animal death (11.76%), cancer
(5.88%), hail and storms (5.88%), avalanches (5.88%), glacial retreat (5.88%), madness (5.88%),
nightmares (5.88%), bad things happening (5.88%).
Making restitution with thegzhi bdag
When a gzhi bdagis offended this not only results in retribution but it has an impact on
topocosmic equilibrium. As a result restitution is required between the transgressor and the gzhi
bdagand the transgressor and the community.
On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q14) 75% of respondents were aware of the measures
required to make restitution with a gzhi bdag. Typically the measures included offering bsang62
(43.75%), planting trees (18.75%), erecting prayer flags (12.50%), chanting (6.25%), praying for the
village (6.25%), white scarf (6.25%), and releasing animals into the wild63
(6.25%)
Mediation or Ritual Enquiry
Some form of mediation or ritual enquiry is often employed to establish which gzhi bdagis
offended, who the transgressor is, and what type of restitution is required. Traditionally deity
mediums or lha pawere consulted but as many of them were persecuted during the Cultural
Revolution transgressors/ enquirers have had to rely on a lama, a cangba64
, an amchi65
, or a mo
pa. In the case of a deity medium the gzhi bdagcommunicates verbally, but the lama,amchior
mo pa66
often has to rely on divination67
through astrology or chance.
On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q15) 25% of respondents referred to ritual enquiry, namely
lamas (60%), Canga (20%) and mo pa68
(20%).
62incense
63known as tshe tharin Tibetan. The release of animals is a pre-Buddhist custom, for averting danger,
regaining bla(soul) and health, and the annulment of misdeeds (sdig pa sel ba). It is a common practice among nomads
and the Tibetan diaspora (See Bauer 2013, Gerke 2012, Rosing and Spurkhapa 2006, Tucci 1988)64
The author was unable to establish if cangbawere trance mediums or relied on dice divination.65
Tibetan Doctor or66
Divination master67
moin Tibetan68
Divination masters
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The gzhi bdagdo sometimes warn transgressors through dreams, visions, omens69
,theophanies70and even the abduction of relatives
71. Omens and divination are both important for maintaining
harmony with a gzhi bdagand the topocosm72
.
Cultural reproduction (of the gzhi bdagcult)
In most indigenous societies the keepers of culture
73
or culturalspecialists
74
are oftendescribed as shaman
75or priests. These cultural specialistsare often knowledgeable about
flora and fauna and they play an important role in environmental storytelling the transmission of
culture and indigenous knowledge ensuring harmony within the cosmos. Their role in cultural
reproduction is usually augmented by parents and village elders.
As a result of persecution the role of the cultural specialists in Deqin (lamas, deity mediums
tantric lay practitioners76
, and diviners) appears to be limited to mediation77
, and with the
exception of one cultural specialist78
elders and parents appear79
to be shouldering most of the
responsibility for endogenousintergenerational enculturation80
.
5.4 Biodiversity
Sacred land, especially ritually protected numinous enclosures such as gzhi bdaglocales, are
characterised by explicit nature conservation and serve as exemplars or refugia81
of biodiversity.
In spite of the Cultural Revolution and Logging between 1950 and 1998 the gzhi bdagsurvey
revealed that 83.33% of respondents (Q18) believed that there was more biodiversity inside the
gzhi bdagdomain than outside, although most of them recognized that there had been much
greater biodiversity prior to 1950. In addition 66.66% of respondents (Q19) were able to name
unique flora & fauna.
69 (rten brel)in Tibetan and pronounced tendrel.
70
The temporal and spatial manifestation of a divinity in some tangible form (e.g. human or animal)71Norbu 199772
Samuel 199373
Zevik 200774
Yang Fuquan, 200275
Whatever the origin of the word shaman it seems clear that there is no single indigenous term that covers all the
various ritual activities (medium, divination, healing) and states of consciousness (trances) that Westerners have called
shamanism. A reasonable conclusion is that shamanism has been created and developed as a heuristic term in the
West, which helps researchers to identity phenomena that are linked by a complicated network of similarities and
common qualities. For broader and narrower definitions see Walter et al 2004.76
cangba andsngags pa77
On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q15)78
A monk in the chapel next to the padmacave complex in Yubeng79
On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q16)80Enculturation is the process by which people learn the requirements of their surrounding culture and acquire valuesand behaviours appropriate or necessary in that culture.
As part of this process, the influences that limit, direct, or shape
the individual (whether deliberately or not) include parents, other adults, and peers. If successful, enculturation results
in competence in the language, values and rituals of the culture
81An area where special environmental circumstances have enabled a species or acommunityof species to
survive after extinction in surrounding areas.
http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/communityhttp://dictionary.reference.com/browse/communityhttp://dictionary.reference.com/browse/communityhttp://dictionary.reference.com/browse/community8/12/2019 Tibetan Spiritscape
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Biodiversity studies of Yubeng82
flora suggest some significant differences based on sanctity.
These included differences in useful species, endemic species, tree size (DBH) and basal area
(m2/ha). The literature83
suggests that the fauna found in the Yubeng Valley includes:- deer, blue
sheep, golden-haired monkey, monkey, tiger, panda, musk deer, pheasant, bear, rabbit, wolf,
small panda, snow leopards, Ja84
,parakeets, golden eagles, bearded vultures, rose finches,
yellow throated buntings, Goulds sunbird and Lady Amhersts pheasant.
5.5 Threats to gzhi bdaglocales and culture
The preservation of gzhi bdagsites and their biodiversity is contingent upon the protection of
indigenous culture and its transmission from generation to generation. Possible threats to
indigenous culture are fully addressed elsewhere85
and can only be summarised in the context of
Yubeng in this chapter.
On the basis of volunteered information provided during the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q19) the greatest
bio-cultural threats included: - external philosophic values (33.33%), external cultural values
(33.33%), logging (16.67%), primary education in boarding school (5.56%), tourism (5.56%) and
economic development (5.56%)
In Yubeng the greatest threats are posed by: - formal education and tourism followed by the
expansion of transportation and communication links, mountaineering, and economic
development86. According to the Kawakarpo Culture Association if the local culture is degraded by
outside influences it will affect the religious culture and the conservation ethic87
.
There is already evidence of alienation, loss of identity and self-esteem among indigenous
secondary school children in Ganzi TAP88
which may have spread to Tibetan primary school
students in NW Yunnan89
. Although the headmaster still lives in Yubeng the Primary School was
closed in 2012 and primary school children currently attend boarding school in Deqin.
Tourism90
and the market economy have been more destructive in Southwest China than the
Cultural Revolution, because it has resulted in a new generation who care little for religion and
culture.
82Anderson et al 2005, Salick et al 2007
83Guo Jing 2000 Eckholm 2001, Holmes and Holmes 2011, Sonam Dorje p.c. 15/9/2013
84Ja is believed to be gyain Tibetan or serowin Lepcha or Capricornis thar. In the Kawakarpo mountains they often
have a white mane.85
Studley 200586Sonam Dorje p.c. 15/9/2013, Moseley et al 200387
Moseley et al 200388
Studley 201289
Recently the Deqin TAP government has established boarding schools in the main towns, for primary school students
from remote villages.90
Ma Jianzhong in Lanier 2005
8/12/2019 Tibetan Spiritscape
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The forced elimination of Tibetan Culture in one generation coupled with the effects of modernity
has significantly changed Tibetan culture in Yubeng91
and as a result of tourism92
the protected
areas in Yubeng are no longer safe, and beliefs in gzhi bdagare beginning to break down.
Figure 4 Yubengs defunct primary school (CCTV)
Efforts are now being made globally to bring indigenous language and knowledge into school
curriculum, and to move learning back into the community, thus reaffirming the status of elders as
knowledge holders93.
Although the Kawakarpo Cultural association and others94
have created a bio-cultural archive of
the region there are no formal mechanisms to reproduce enculturation or to move learning back
into the community.
6. Conclusions
Sacred Natural Sites continue to play a very important role in the lives and identity of all sectors
of the Tibetan population of China, but for very different reasons. The gzhi bdagsites are the
numinous abodes of territorial divinities that protect and grant success to local Tibetan nomads
and farmers and undergird their identity and Tibetanness.
Ritually protected enclosures are common throughout the Tibetan world and the diaspora95
and
may comprise up to 25% of the land mass of Cultural Tibet. In NW Yunnan most villages have three
91
Lanier 200592Tanga Lobsang p.c. 29/19/201393
Arenas et al 2010,http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdf94
Greer 2002, Lanier 2005, Xiao Xiangyi 201295
Tibetan emigration has occurred in five waves, 1) during the reign of Langdharma (836-842AD), 2) during the Era
of Fragmentation (9th
-11th
century), 3) following the 1959 Tibetan uprising 80,000 Tibetans emigrated to India, 4)
following opening and reform (from 1987), 5)School children going to India for further education (from 2000).
http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdfhttp://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdfhttp://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdfhttp://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdf8/12/2019 Tibetan Spiritscape
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gzhi bdagsites totalling approximately 10,430mu [per village] with well known and well defined
geospatial extents and greater biodiversity than adjacent areas.
The ritual protection of the flora and fauna within a gzhi bdagdomain is currently conducted on
the basis of endogenous regulation in order to ensure topocosmic equilibrium. Although ritual
protection is being maintained it is coming under pressure as a result of timber requirements for
tourism.
There is recognition that if the local culture is degraded by outside influences it will affect the
religious culture and the conservation ethic. Some steps have been taken both globally and locally
to strengthen ties between elders and youth in order to reinforce the transmission of indigenous
knowledge and culture, but more needs to be done.
Non-clerical cultural specialists were heavily persecuted during the Cultural Revolution and in
some locations only a few remain today. As a result in many cases villagers have to consult a lama
in place of a non-clerical religious specialist.
Given the paucity of cultural specialists elders and parents appear to be shouldering most of the
responsibility for endogenousintergenerational enculturation. It is questionable, however, if
cultural reproduction will continue automatically in much of Deqin TAP with primary school
children currently being sent to boarding school.
Currently there are two main international channels for recognizing and protecting unique areas
of bio-cultural diversity, namely via the IUCN96
or ICCA97
. Both of these avenues present problems
when the custodians are minority peoples living in countries that have top-down hierarchical
political systems and ambiguous autonomy. In the light of these difficulties the current ICCA
registration processes and GIS data publication protocols are in urgent need of review.
7 Recommendations
Further field work is required to confirm the total area of spiritscapes in Cultural Tibet. This
information can also be used as base material for their protection.
Further research is required in order to audit gzhi bdagritual activity.
Further research is required into the role of cangbaand mo pain Tibetan society and the viability
of increasing their numbers and distribution through training or mentoring.
Research is required into mechanisms for ensuring cultural reproduction.
96http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Nature
97http://www.iccaconsortium.org/
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Naturehttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Naturehttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Naturehttp://www.iccaconsortium.org/http://www.iccaconsortium.org/http://www.iccaconsortium.org/http://www.iccaconsortium.org/http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Nature8/12/2019 Tibetan Spiritscape
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There is an urgent need to identify international organisations and forums that can disseminate
the endangered status of Tibetan Spiritscapes and highlight the need to recognise them and
secure protection for them as discrete categories in their own right.
Representation need to be made to ICCA, WCMC98
and IUCN to amend registration and GIS
protocols so that Tibetan spiritscapes can be recognized and protected.
Lastly there is an urgent need for all to assist in the process of discursive recalibration to ensure
the bio-cultural diversity of the Tibetan Plateau and bring recognition to its custodians.
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