Relationship of Fan Identification to Determinants of Aggression Authors: James A. Dimmock a; J. Robert Grove a Affiliation:   a The University of Western Australia,DOI: 10.1080/10413200590907559

Published in: Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, Volume 17, Issue 1 March 2005 , pages 37 - 47 Abstract Fan identification refers to the psychological connection that individuals have with sport teams…. Fans of four professional sport teams (N = 231) were placed in one of three groups based on their scores for fan identification strength. …

Introduction

Aggression by spectators has concerned sport and civil authorities for many years (Russell & Arms, 1998). Spectator aggression consists of behavior by spectators that intends to destroy property or injure another person, or is grounded in a total disregard for the well-being of self and others (Coakley, 1998). Recently, concern for public safety at sporting events has led to the development of new stadia and stringent anti-violence policies in many sports (Bale, 2000; Wann, Melnick, Russell, & Pease, 2001). Unfortunately, spectator aggression still presents a problem to authorities despite their attempts to curb its incidence (Bale, 2000), and some reports even suggest that spectator aggression is becoming more severe (e.g., Wann et al., 2001). The prevalence of spectator aggression and its societal effects have fuelled constant debate within the social sciences over its precursors.

…Fan identification is another individual difference variable that is likely to influence spectator aggression (Russell & Arms, 1998; Wann, 1993). Fan identification refers to the extent to which a fan feels psychologically connected to a team (Wann & Branscombe, 1993)….

Two explanations of the relationship between fan identification and spectator aggression have drawn upon processes discussed in social identity theory or self-categorization theory. The psychosocial model of fan violence (Simons & Taylor, 1992) suggests that identification predisposes fans to follow a sequential series of psychological processes that ultimately primes them for aggression. According to Simons and Taylor (1992), highly identified fans are more likely to experience a strong sense of group solidarity and are more likely to deindividuate within a crowd of fellow supporters than fans low in identification. In the presence of leadership, Simons and Taylor suggest that the highly identified, de-individuated fans are more likely to aggress than fans low in identification….

Wann's (1993) self-esteem maintenance hypothesis also addresses the relationship between fan identification and spectator violence. Wann theorizes that highly identified fans are less able to protect their self-esteem by distancing themselves from the team after failure, but are more likely to repair their identities by acting in a negative or hostile manner against players or fans of the opposing team. This process, called 'blasting,' has been drawn from social identity theory's tenet that people have a basic need to see themselves in a positive light in relation to relevant others (see Hogg et al., 1995). According to social identity theory, group members respond to unfavorable group comparisons by making comparisons along another dimension which yields positive distinctiveness. Aggression is an example of one such social creativity strategy. By acting in a negative and/or hostile manner toward out-groups, people maintain the perception that they are 'better' than others which subsequently leads to increases in self-esteem (Oakes & Turner, 1980; Wann, 1993)….Therefore, highly identified fans may hold more positive attitudes towards spectator aggression because it offers them an opportunity for identity reparation following their team's losses….It was hypothesized that highly identified fans would hold more positive attitudes towards aggression due to social creativity mechanisms….

Haka of the All Blacks

The All Blacks, the international rugby union team of New Zealand, perform a haka (Māori traditional dance) immediately prior to international matches….

The All Blacks perform Ka Mate before a match against France in November 2006.

History

The first New Zealand rugby team to tour overseas, playing eight matches in New South Wales, Australia, in 1884, performed "a Maori war cry" or haka before each of its matches….The Ka Mate haka was not well known at this time. In 1900, a newspaper reported New Zealand soldiers in the Boer War chanting "Ka Mate! Ka Mate! Ka ora! Ka ora! Hae-haea! Ha!" The soldiers thought it meant "Kill him! Chop him up! Baste him!"…

In 1905 New Zealand made their first tour of Britain… they… performed "Ka Mate" before their first test, against Scotland, and before the match against Wales. The Welsh crowd, led by the Welsh team, responded by singing the Welsh national anthem….

"Ka Mate"

This haka is commonly said to have been composed by Te Rauparaha of Ngāti Toa to commemorate his escape from death during an incident in 1810…

Performance

The "Ka Mate" haka generally opens with a set of five preparatory instructions shouted by the leader, before the whole team joins in:

"Ka Mate"

Leader: Ringa pakia! Slap the hands against the thighs!

Uma tiraha! Puff out the chest.

Turi whatia! Bend the knees!

Hope whai ake! Let the hip follow!

Waewae takahia kia kino! Stamp the feet as hard as you can!

Leader: Ka mate, ka mate 'I die, I die,

Team: Ka ora' Ka ora' 'I live, 'I live,

Leader: Ka mate, ka mate 'I die, 'I die

Team: Ka ora Ka ora " 'I live, 'I live,

All: Tēnei te tangata pūhuruhuru This is the hairy man

Nāna i tiki mai whakawhiti te rā ...Who caused the sun to shine again for me

Upane... Upane Up the ladder, Up the ladder

Upane Kaupane" Up to the top

Whiti te rā,! The sun shines!

Hī! Rise!

"Tena Koe Kangaroo" 1903

Early in July 1903, when the New Zealand players were assembling in Wellington for their Australian tour, the Evening Post reported that... A unique souvenir has been by prepared for the New Zealand team by Mr C. Parata. It contains the following warcry

Tena koe, Kangaroo How do you do, Kangaroo!

Tupoto koe, Kangaroo! You look out, Kangaroo!

Niu Tireni tenei haere nei New Zealand is invading you

Au Au Aue a! Woe woe woe to you!

…

"Ko Niu Tireni" 1924

The Invincibles performed this haka during their unbeaten 1924-1925 tour. It was written during their voyage to England by Wiremu Rangi of Gisborne, and polished up by Judge Acheson of the Native Land Court. It had two verses, but the second verse (Put a few of your famous teams on display, and let's play each other in friendship) was omitted in later matches.

First verse of Ko Niu Tireni, with a 1925 translation

…

Kia whakangawari au i a hau Let us prepare ourselves for the fray

I au-e! Hei! (The sound of being ready)

Ko Niu Tireni e haruru nei! The New Zealand storm is about to break

Au, Au, aue hā! Hei! (The sound of the imminent storm.)

Ko Niu Tireni e haruru nei! The New Zealand storm waxes fiercer

Au, Au, aue hā! Hei! (Sounds of The height of the storm.)

A ha-ha!

Ka tū te ihiihi We shall stand fearless

Ka tū te wanawana We shall stand exalted in spirit

Ki runga ki te rangi, We shall climb to the heavens

E tū iho nei, tū iho nei, hī! We shall attain the zenith the utmost heights.

Au! Au! Au!

"Kapa o Pango" 2005

Overview

Before a Tri Nations match against South Africa on August 28, 2005 at Carisbrook in Dunedin, the All Blacks unexpectedly introduced a new haka, "Kapa o Pango". It featured an extended and aggressive introduction by team captain Tana Umaga and was highlighted by its more aggressive climax, a drawing of the thumb down the throat. This was interpreted by many as a "throat-slitting" action directed at the opposing team. The All Blacks went on to win the match 31 to 27.

The words to "Kapa o Pango" are more specific to the rugby team than "Ka Mate", referring to the warriors in black and the silver fern. [1]…………

Published words and the NZRU explanation"Kapa o Pango"

Kapa o Pango kia whakawhenua au i ahau! All Blacks, let me become one with the land

Hī aue, hī!

Ko Aotearoa e ngunguru nei! This is our land that rumbles

Au, au, aue hā! It’s my time! It’s my moment!

Ko Kapa o Pango e ngunguru nei! This defines us as the All Blacks

Au, au, aue hā! It’s my time! It’s my moment!

I āhahā!

Ka tū te ihiihi Our dominance

Ka tū te wanawana Our supremacy will triumph

Ki runga ki te rangi e tū iho nei, tū iho nei, hī! And be placed on high

Ponga rā! Silver fern!

Kapa o Pango, aue hī! All Blacks!

Ponga rā! Silver fern!

Kapa o Pango, aue hī, hā! All Blacks!

Words chanted on field, and their literal interpretation

Taringa whakarongo! Let your ears listen

Kia rite! Kia rite! Kia mau! Hī! Get ready...! Line up...! Steady...! Yeah!

Kia whakawhenua au i ahau! Let me become one with the land

Hī aue, hī! (assertive sounds to raise adrenaline levels)

Ko Aotearoa e ngunguru nei! New Zealand is rumbling here

Ko Kapa o Pango e ngunguru nei! The Team in Black is rumbling here

Au, au, aue hā!

I āhahā!

Ka tū te Ihiihi Stand up to the fear

Ka tū te Wanawana Stand up to the terror

Ki runga ki te rangi, To the sky above,!

E tū iho nei, tū iho nei, hī! Fight up there, high up there. Yeah!

Ponga rā! The shadows fall!

Kapa o Pango, aue hī! Team in Black, yeah!

Ponga rā! Darkness falls!

Kapa o Pango, aue hī, hā! Team in Black, Yeah, Ha!

The words of both 'Kapa o Pango' and 'Ko Niu Tireni' are taken from the haka of the earthquake god Ruaumoko, Ko Ruaumoko e ngunguru nei. The lines beginning Ka tū te ihi-ihi... are found in many old haka.Ponga ra, ponga ra is the opening line of 'Te Kiri Ngutu,' an 1880s lament for stolen territory.

Controversies

Haka prior to a game against Portugal in Lyon, France….

In 1997, Richard Cockerill was disciplined for responding to the haka before the start of an England vs All Blacks game. Cockerill went toe-to-toe with his opposite number Norm Hewitt while they performed the Haka. The Referee became so concerned that Hewitt and Cockerill would begin fighting that he pushed Cockerill away from Hewitt. Cockerill went onto say afterwards "I believe that I did the right thing that day," he said. "They were throwing down a challenge and I showed them I was ready to accept it. I'm sure they would rather we did that than walk away."[7]

In the 2008 Rugby Autumn Tests, Wales responded to the haka by standing on the pitch refusing to move until the All Blacks did. This resulted in the referee Jonathan Kaplan berating both teams for a full two minutes after the haka had ended until eventually New Zealand captain McCaw instructed his team to break off. After a spirited first half display which ended with Wales leading 9 - 6, the All Blacks responded positively and won the game 9 - 29.

On November 18th, 2008 four New Zealanders within the opposing Irish club Munster did the Haka against the All Blacks. The final result was 18-16 to the All Blacks.

Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Haka_of_the_All_Blacks"On 09/11/09

Hoodies strike fear in British cinema (FOR THIS ARTICLE, think about the effect of the article/films on people in society, as well as the content of the films).

If you want to scare a British moviegoer, you don't make a film about zombies – you cast a kid in flammable sportswear and a hoodie

Jane Graham guardian.co.uk, Thursday 5 November 2009 21.35 GMT Fear on the streets … Michael Caine in Harry Brown. Photograph: Rex Features/Everett

Who's afraid of the big bad hoodie? Enough of us, certainly, that the smart money in British cinema is going on those films that prey on our fear of urban youths and show that fear back to us. These days, the scariest Britflick villain isn't a flesh-eating zombie, or an East End Mr Big with a sawn-off shooter and a tattooed sidekick. It is a teenage boy with a penchant for flammable casualwear.

What separates hoodies from the youth cults of previous moral panics – the teddy boys, the mods and rockers, the punks, the ravers have all had their day at the cinema – is that they don't have the pop-cultural weight of the other subcultures, whose members bonded through music, art and customised fashion. Instead, they're defined by their class (perceived as being bottom of the heap) and their social standing (their relationship to society is always seen as being oppositional). Hoodies aren't "kids" or "youngsters" or even "rebels" – in fact, recent research by Women in Journalism on regional and national newspaper reporting of hoodies shows that the word is most commonly interchanged with (in order of popularity) "yob", "thug", "lout" and "scum".

Greg Philo, research director of Glasgow University Media Group and professor of sociology at the university, traces our attitudes to hoodies back to the middle classes' long-held fear of those who might undermine their security. That is what they see in what Philo describes as "a longterm excluded class, simply not needed, who often take control of their communities through aggression or running their alternative economy, based on things like drug-dealing or protection rackets"…. Obviously, not all young people in hoods are dangerous – most aren't – but the ones who are can be very dangerous, and writing about them sells papers because people are innately attracted to what's scary. That's how we survive as a species – our body and brain is attuned to focus on what is likely to kill us, because we're traditionally hunters and hunted."

Once the images of the feral hoodie was implanted in the public imagination, it was a short journey to script and then to screen – it's no surprise that hoodies are increasingly populating British horrors and thrillers, generating a presence so malevolent and chilling that there are often hints of the supernatural or the subhuman about their form.

…Harry Brown's hoodies, however, are still very much human, and like most cinema hoodies, the ones who circle the eponymous vigilante hero (played by Michael Caine) hunt in packs and move in unison, commandeering the gloomy underpasses and stairwells of the concrete and steel London estate they inhabit. To Barber, the threat they present is very real and was, he believes, the motivating factor for Caine to make the film.

…from a director's point of view, hoodies are gold dust. "We're afraid of what we don't understand or know, and there's so much about these kids we just don't understand," he says. "That's a good starting point for any  film baddie."…

The hoodies of the celebrated British horror Eden Lake have a similarly vampiric quality, though we quickly understand – through the deployment of the Rottweiler, the white van dad, the tracksuits and the Adidas gear – that these are the great British underclass. We know the territory we're in when a mass of disembodied bodies and grabbing hands surround a holidaying young couple's car. "The film isn't an attack on a particular social group," says Eden Lake's director, James Watkins. "But if you had a bunch of public school kids in blazers, it just wouldn't be that scary. There's an element of, 'these are feral kids let off the leash.' The films that stay with you exploit the fears closest to you – like Jaws, the sense that there might be

something underneath the water. It's a very primal fear, the fear of the dark or a fear of violence, fear of children – these are very real fears which go very deep in today's society."…

The Disappeared, like Harry Brown, is set on an estate in south London. In both films hoodies set up camp on a favoured spot and punish trespassers – in Harry Brown they seize the underpass, in The Disappeared it's the children's playground. The noises that echo around the estates – car alarms, barking dogs, gunshots and loud, taunting shouts – are crucial elements in the films' relentlessly forbidding atmosphere….

It's interesting that when British cinema has made a genuine attempt to engage with hoodies on a one-to-one basis, the result is rarely a thriller. Within the last year we have had Penny Woolcock's sensitive and funny 1 Day; Andrea Arnold's Loach-inspired and deeply moving Fish Tank; Duane Hopkins's debut, Better Things; or Wasted, which was nominated for a Scottish Bafta….

"The more I know, the less fearful I am," says Caroline Paterson, director of Wasted, a love story centred around two homeless drug addict teenagers in Scotland. "When we were filming in Glasgow, the actors actually got regularly picked up by the police and told to move on. These kids looked like the people we cross the street to avoid and I know that most people make snap decisions – you're a thug, you're a junkie, you're a lager lout. I wanted to make a film that said these people are human beings, they count, there is love and human connections in these people's desperate lives. I wanted to make people take a second look."…

"People have families and relationships and deal in silly mundane things all the time – they're real people. I wanted to show the fun of these people, too. These are the things that humanise these excluded kids.”…

A crowd of nearly 2,000 people gathered in Georgia in 1899 to witness the lynching of Sam Holt, an African American farm laborer charged with killing his white employer. A newspaper described the scene:

Sam Holt...was burned at the stake in a public road.... Before the torch was applied to the pyre, the Negro was deprived of his ears, fingers, and other portions of his body.... Before the body was cool, it was cut to pieces, the bones were crushed into small bits, and even the tree upon which the wretch met his fate were torn up and disposed of as souvenirs. The Negro's heart was cut in small pieces, as was also his liver. Those unable to obtain the ghastly relics directly paid more fortunate possessors extravagant sums for them. Small pieces of bone went for 25 cents and a bit of liver, crisply cooked, for 10 cents.

From 1889 to 1918, more than 2,400 African Americans were hanged or burned at the stake. Many lynching victims were accused of little more than making "boastful remarks," "insulting a white man," or seeking employment "out of place."…

Lynching was community sanctioned. Lynchings were frequently publicized well in advance, and people dressed up and travelled long distances for the occasion…What makes the lynchings all the more chilling is the carnival atmosphere and aura of self-righteousness that surrounded the grizzly events…

It seems likely that the soaring number of lynchings was related to the collapse of the South's cotton economy. Lynchings were most common in regions with highly transient populations, scattered farms, few towns, and weak law enforcement--settings that fueled insecurity and suspicion.

The Census Bureau estimates that 4,742 lynchings took place between 1882 and 1968. Between 1882 and 1930, some 2,828 people were lynched in the South; 585 in the West; and 260 in the Midwest. That means that between 1880 and 1930, a black Southerner died at the hands of a white mob more than twice a week. Most of the victims of lynching were African American males. However, some were female, and a small number were Italian, Chinese, or Jewish. Mobs lynched 447 non-blacks in the West, 181 non-African Americas in the Midwest, and 291 in the South. The hangings of white victims rarely included mutilation.

Apologists for lynching claimed that they were punishment for such crimes as murder and especially rape. But careful analysis has shown that a third of the victims were not even accused of rape or murder; in fact, many of the charges of rape were fabrications. Many victims had done nothing more than not step aside on a sidewalk or accidentally brush against a young girl. In many cases, a disagreement with a white storeowner or landowner triggered a lynching. In 1899, Sam Hose, a black farmer, killed a white man in an argument over a debt. He was summarily hanged and then burned. His charred knuckles were displayed in an Atlanta store window.

The journalist G.L. Godkin wrote in 1893:

Man is the one animal that is capable of getting enjoyment out of the torture and death of members of its own species. We venture to assert that seven-eighths of every lynching part is composed of pure, sporting mob, which goes...just as it goes to a cock-fight or prize-fight, for the gratification of the lowest and most degraded instincts of humanity…

Text edited from article at:http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/database/article_display.cfm?HHID=213