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FOTOGRAFIJA

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MILANKA TODIPROPAGANDA

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Milanka Todi'

PHOTOGRAPHY

AND

PROPAGANDA

19451958

2005

JU Knjievna zadruga, Banja Luka

Helicon, Panevo

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Milanka Todi'

FOTOGRAFIJA

I

PROPAGANDA

19451958

2005.

,

Helicn,

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(19451958)

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SADR?AJ

7

17

23

35

47

61

75

89

CONTENTS

99 Foreword

101 Art and Revolution

107 Photography in the Agitprop Culture

117 Photography and Monumental Propaganda

125 The Mass Spectacle of the Body

135 The Image of the New Man

151 Distilled Pictures

161 Notes

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6

, , 1932.

Imagination in the Service of Propaganda, Surrealism Here and Now, 1932

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7

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The Total Art of

Stalinism, AvantGarde, Aesthetic. Dictatorship, and

Beyond(1992). , -

1945. 1958.

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(NDIO)

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, . 3, , 1932.

Surrealism Here and Now, No. 3, Belgrade, 1932

(Bihaly), Sinclair Lewis, Babbit,

, , 1931.

Pavle Bihaly, Sinclair Lewis, Babbit, Nolit,

Belgrade, 1931

, ,

1930.

Aleksandar Vuo, A Letter to Marko Risti,

1930

(Bihaly), Egon E. Kisch, Raj Amerika, 1931.

Pavle Bihaly, Egon E. Kisch, Paradise America, 1931

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10

, 1947.

JugoslavijaSSSR, 1947

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12/171

11

, , 1929.

Nova literatura, Belgrade, 1929

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13/171

12

, , , 1949.

Milo Milunovi, Mosaic in the Yugoslav Drama Theater, Belgrade, 1949

, , 1949.

Hristifor Nastasi, Cleaning the Borehole, 1949

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14/171

13

, , 1949.Boa Ili, Trial Boring in New Belgrade, 1949

, , , 1948.

Foto Tanjug, Young Builders at the Building Site: Introducing the New Spirit at Every Working Place, New Belgrade,

1948

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15/171

14

, , 1958.

Slobodan Vasiljevi Macuoka, Twelve Years of Industrial Construction, 1958

, I, 1958.

Slobodan Vasiljevi Macuoka, Twelve Years of Industrial Construction I, 1958

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15

-, , 1952.

JAT Advertisement,Jugoslavija magazine, 1952

, ,

1954.

Jugoimport Advertisement,Jugoslavija magazine. 1954

-, , 1950.

JAT Advertisement,Jugoslavija magazine, 1950

-, , 1950.

IMT Advertisement,Jugoslavija magazine, 1950

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16

, , 1936. ()

Miroslav Krlea, A Letter to Marko Risti, 1936 (detail)

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Instead of Social Art, Surrealism Here and Now, 1932

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1. , 1946.

1st of May Celebrations in Babunica, 1946

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From the Album Builders of New Belgrade on New Years

Eve in 1950, 1950

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Untitled, from the Album of the Federation of Amateur

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1st of May Celebrations, Zagreb, 1947

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Dragi, 1952

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Flats for Super Workers, Belgrade (Severni bulevar), 1950

8/8/2019 1945-1958. -

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, , 1950.

Hristifor Nastasi, Oil Drilling Tower, 1950

8/8/2019 1945-1958. -

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, , 1946. ( )

Cupola with Star on the Presidium Building, Belgrade, 1946 (New Palace Before the Revolution)

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Marchpast of Miners from Vare at the1st of May Parade,

Belgrade, 1947

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, , 1950.

Filmske novosti at the 1st of May Parade, Belgrade, 1950

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9th of May, Victory Day, Parade in Belgrade, 1947

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Foto Tanjug, 1st of May Celebrations, Belgrade, 1948

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Rally in Zagreb on the Eve of the First Congress of the Antifascist Front of Women of Croatia, 1945

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the 1st of May Parade, Belgrade, 1961

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, , 1970.

Sailors at the 1st of May Parade, Belgrade, around 1970

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Peoples Army Stadium, Belgrade, 1957

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Formal Reception of Titos Relay Baton at the Yugoslav

Peoples Army Stadium, Belgrade, 1957

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Formal Reception of Titos Relay Baton at the Yugoslav

Peoples Army Stadium, Belgrade, 1957

, , 1958.

Youth Day Celebration at the Yugoslav Peoples Army

Stadium, Belgrade, 1958

,

, 1957.

Delivery of Relay Baton to Comrade Tito at the Yugoslav

Peoples Army Stadium, Belgrade, 1957

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subordination, integration and homogenisation of the go-verned on the basis of the integral politicisation of existence,whether collective or individual, interpreted according tothe categories, the myths and the values of a palingeneticideology, institutionalised in the form of a political religion ,that aims to shape the individual and the masses through

an anthropological revolution in order to regenerate the hu-man being and create the new man, who is dedicated inbody and soul to the realisation of the revolutionary and im-perialistic policies of the totalitarian party. The ultimate go-al is to create a new civilisation along ultranationalist lines,R. Griffin, The palingenetic political community: rethinkingthe legitimation of totalitarian regimes in interwar Euro-pe, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, Winter2002, Vol. 3, No.3, 2443, www.brookes.ac.uk/schools/hu-manities/staff/hirg.html

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21 . , , 2000.22 Nadrealizam danas i ovde, br. 2, br. 3, s.p; Stoer, . 10, 11,

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NAPOMENE

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Hristifor Nastasi, Assembly Shop in Olt Factory in Osijek, 1950

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117 I. Bibikova, The Design of Revolutionary Celebrations, u TheStreet Art of the Revolution, 23, 124. - . , , , . , - , , , ,

, , . - . - , . , . .

, A. V. Lunacharsky, On popularfestivals, Vestnik teatra, (Theater Courier), No. 62, Moskva1920, 13, TheStreet Art of the Revolution, 124.

118 '- (...)

. - , , . , . , -, 1985, 40. , 1969. .

119 M. Macarol, Karakter i istoriska uloga nae urnalistike fo-tografije, 91.

120 J. Berger, Understanding a Photograph, Selected Essays,London 2001, 215218.

121 Anonim, Najzad, razgovarali smo o fotografiji..., Fotokino revija, br. 78, Beograd 1961, 16.

122 B. Groys, The Total Art of Stalinism, 25.

, R. Barthes, Smrt Autora, Polja, br. 309, NoviSad 1984, 450.

123, , Ex

Ponta, (...) , , . , . , 212.

124 R. Guzina, Prva samostalna izloba, Fotografija, . 4,Beograd 1952, 45. , , 1953. - (1951), -

1952. .

125 J. Imirovi, nav. delo, 122.126 . , , :

(19501960), 1993, 104110; . , , , , . 3, , 1990, 124; P. Areina,est tipinih fotografskih karakteristika; Isti, Oblik i prostor,Foto-kino revija, br. 4, 5, Beograd 1958, 2, 23; V. Mojsilovi,Zakasnelo otkrie Slavka Vorkapia, Isto, br. 11, 24; V.Mojsilovi, Jubilej Foto-kluba Beograd, Isto, . 12, 9.

127 , - ,

, - , . 1, 1959, 3; , : 1.112 219 33 25.000 , - 17.000 , . , , , . 4, 18. - . . , - , 242250, 359360; Lj. Kolenik,Hrvatska spomenika skulptura u kontekstu europskogmodernizma druge polovice 20. stoljea: primjer V. Bakia,

www.hart.hr/pdf128 W. Benjamin, Pisac kao proizvoa, 109.129 G.C. Argan, Arhitektura i nefigurativna umetnost, Studije

o modernoj umetnosti, 177. 1950. 70.000 , Zakljuci II ple-numa Centralnog odbora Narodne tehnike, Fotografija, br.78, Beograd 1949, 98.

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, 1955.

Untitled, 1955

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Reality, precisely because it is that and because

it is beyond our individual minds, may reach

them only by multiplying itself into a thousand

faces and a thousand images.

H. Ortega y Gaset

The book Photography and Propaganda links

or edits the ideas of Yugoslav avantgarde groups,above all the surrealists, and then also those rallied

around the paper Nova literatura (New Literature),

with the agitation and propaganda culture based

on the thesis advanced by Boris Groys in his work

The Total Art of Stalinism, AvantGarde, Aesthetic

Dictatorship and Beyond (1992). Essentially, the

book explores and delves into the theme of the

rhetoric of photography from 1945 to 1958, which,

on the one hand, is articulated in the magazines

Nadrealizam danas i ovde (NDIO) (Surrealism Here

and Now) and Nova literatura, while focusing on

the spectacle of mechanical images of the new

socialist society on the other. Not only the textu-

al and visual narration but also the layout of the

book follow this analytical line. We can say right

away that the visual messages employed in the

magazine NDIO, and in particular the photograph:

Imagination in the Service of Propaganda were

the cornerstone i.e. the igniting spark of the ad-

venture of rethinking photography in the agitprop

era. It was, in a sense, hypothetically taken as the

matrix of a new popular culture that was directly

transplanted from the Soviet into the Yugoslav mi-

lieu, in 1932, as a visionary harbinger of a future

that had already begun in the agitation and pro-

paganda era if it is perceived as a society of the

spectacle of images.

As always, it took a while for the idea about

this book to ferment and the theme articulation

to run its course. In a way, the book is a part of

the by now many years of research devoted to

the photographic medium, but it is in no way

the second volume of the History of Serbian

Photography 18391940, my book published in

1993. Photography and Propaganda does notfollow the photography of socialist realism in lin-

ear fashion, meaning chronologically and system-

atically, but aims at establishing some basic prin-

ciples of pictorial communication in the agitprop

era, i.e. the semantic plane of photography as a vi-

sual language. In the context of the totalitarian so-

cialist culture, photography was for the first time

awarded the position of a mass medium config-

ured institutionally within the Popular Engineering

Society, and its visual message, apart from in the

aesthetic, functioned equally successfully also at

the ideological reformation level. Given such an

engagement of photography and the creative

zeal of the photographers, most of whom did

not even think it important for the photographs

to bear their signatures, I ran the risk of being

snowed under an avalanche of preserved photo-

graphs in museums, archives, the TANJUG Agency,

the press files of, primarily, the papers Komunist,

JugoslavijaSSSR, Jugoslavija, and Borba, but also

in a number of private collections.1 However, it is

important for the reader to know that the selec-

tion of the visual material reviewed was not made

with the intention of providing a comprehensive

overview of the Yugoslav photographic produc-

tion from 1945 to 1958, nor that of representing

the best pieces of the epoch or identifying the

FOREWORD

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98

principal authorial approaches in photography or

in the broader ambit of the art of socialist realism;

it was based on the subjective assessment that

analysis of photography as a mass visual commu-

nication language would reveal the mechanisms

of its ideological instrumentalization. That is why

I took into consideration, primarily, works thathad been subjected to some form of official selec-

tion, i.e. images that were reproduced en masse or

chosen to remain in albums of collective memo-

ry because their rhetoric was compatible with the

aestheticideological principles of the totalitarian

culture. In other words, the study deals only with

the official art of photography, and according to

Michel Ragon: In Yugoslavia living art is at the

same time official art.2

It is easy to view the engagement of art withderision today, wrote Argan in 1957, namely at a

time when traces of the revolutionary ideology in

Yugoslav photography were still clearly legible.3 At

the time, he asserted that we could not revert to

the old argument of the treachery of believers and

that engaged art was not making an unforgivable

ideological mistake, but, rather, was responding

to a historical necessity. My research, which in-

volved looking over tens of thousands of photo-

graphs, led me to the conclusion that no era be-

fore the agitprop one had been as photogenic. It

is also important to bear in mind that never before

or after had the photographic image featured as

a selfconscious mass visual medium putting its

rhetoric in the service of propagating the utopist

idea of the building of the new man.

The book that is before you, even though it

deals with the tactics of visual pronouncements,

does not aspire to agitate either in favor or against

the ideology of communism. It is a modest at-

tempt at conceptualizing basic visual narrativesand rhetorical norms arrived at with the aid of

the limited methods of cultural archaeology. In

the course of the excavation of photographs,

little about which is known today, I had the valu-

able assistance of many cultural establishments,

and I am particularly indebted to the Svetozar

Markovi University Library, The National Library

of Serbia, The Archives of Yugoslavia, and the

Museum of the History of Yugoslavia in Belgrade.

The advice and support of Vesna Danilovi, SaritaVujkovi, Divna Vuksanovi, Biljana Velaevi,

Ksenija Nikevi, Ljilja Kneevi, Bojana Popovi,

Zorica Netaj, Bojana Melcer, Brana Tomi, Milo

Jurii, Miko uvakovi, as well as of my own fam-

ily were, as always, an immeasurable input to the

final shaping of the book. From the very start, the

book was conceived so as to have little text and

lots of pictures, but, even so, the most difficult

thing was to select the photographs that would

tendentiously, i.e. from quite fragmentary visual

clips, put together a picture of the agitprop cul-

ture which is being consigned to oblivion without

us in fact having taken a proper look at it.

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, , 1948.Belgrade, Terazije, 1948

, , 1970.

SelfManagement Workers Day, Kragujevac, around 1970

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The notion of art is a favorite fetish of European

thought.

M. Risti and K. Popovi

Socialist realism was made official as the only

formula in art at the First Congress of Soviet

Writers held in 1943 in Moscow, although it had

been canonized, as the only stylistic form of artis-tic creation, already from 1934, when it was accen-

tuated as an antiformalist art that primarily dealt

with socialist matters.4 Already then, avantgarde

artists as well as its theoreticians viewed socialist

realism as reactionary and as abandoning the rev-

olution. On the other hand, one should not forget

that socialist realism regarded itself as the savior

that would deliver Russia from barbarism by pre-

serving the classical heritage and all of Russian

culture from the ruin into which the avantgarde

wanted to plunge it.5 One should also know that

the concept of realism was not rejected even by

some artistic drifts of the avantgarde itself.6 For

many, like for the constructivists, it became un-

acceptable only when it was charged with being

exclusively socialist. Many other forms of realism

in art are parallel with avantgarde flows, but as

Groys observes, in the early 30s, the avantgarde

more or less swayed towards socialist realism. He

illustrates this by the example of not only fascist

art in Italy and Germany, but also French neo

classicism and Hollywood movies.7 Renunciation

of the radical language of the avantgarde and a

comeback to order, especially after all the devas-

tating challenges of the profound economic crisis,

was recommended by numerous artists and hu-

manists.

The myth of the innocent avantgarde, in the

opinion of Boris Groys, stems from the widespread

conviction that the birth of the totalitarian art of

socialist realism between 1930 and 1940 was the

result of a simple reverting to the old, a regres-

sive reaction to the new art that was not under-

standable to the masses. In such interpretations,

socialist realism is simply a reflection of the tra-ditionalist tastes of the masses. But it was not

created by the masses but was formulated in their

name by welleducated and experienced elites

who had assimilated the experience of the avant

garde and been brought to socialist realism by the

internal logical of the avantgarde method itself,

which had nothing to do with the actual tastes

and demands of the masses.8

The period between the two world wars was

marked by dramatic changes, some of which were

not as eyecatching as the short skirt and the stri-

dent jazz music. The era of the technical reproduc-

tion of images, as Benjamin called it, transformed

not only the work of art itself, stripping it of its

aura, but also changed the classical European

culture. It was the new media photography and

film but also the advances in printing technol-

ogy, that primarily contributed to the enormous

increase of the number of pictures. Illustrated dai-

ly papers, magazines, posters, advertising leaflets,

postcards, etc., started to be produced in huge

circulations from the mid20s. That led many re-

searchers to the conclusion that a modern mass

culture that functioned within global frameworks

had sprung to life. For Debord, Dada and surreal-

ism marked the end of modern art.9 According

to him, the advent of the society of the spectacle

ART AND REVOLUTION

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102

should be placed in precisely the late 1920s, when

the zone of pure art was abandoned in favor of a

mass culture and the society of the spectacle.10

The rise of photography in the period between

the two world wars, and of course of film too, but

here we are dealing with photography, was also

boosted from the technological side by the ad-vancement of picture reproduction and multipli-

cation techniques. Radically new, both technical

and creative interventions in the structure of the

photographic image were the consequence of its

inclusion in the avantgarde context. And last, but

not least, the sphere of advertisement and agita-

tion in a society of mass culture and the spectacle,

could not have been imagined without the active

participation of photography. Photography with

all its subtypes: photomontage, photo collage,photogram, etc., offered a model for the mass

production of pictures. It became a visual matrix,

upon which the standard for representing reality

in popular culture was developed.

By definition, the avantgarde stems from a

militant context, and indeed it so behaves in some

of its segments. Quite generally, we can say that

one of its demands was for art to renounce the

representation of reality and to dedicate itself to

the utopistic project of reshaping the world. In the

view of Hannah Arendt, already as of the very be-

ginning of the 20th century, some of the ideas of

totalitarianism can be recognized in avantgarde

programs.11 After all, it is well known that the

avantgarde sprang from the bosom of the bour-

geois, capitalist system, but it would have never

had so courageously and aggressively opposed

the generally accepted societal conventions had

it not adopted the moral support of revolutionary

political ideas.12

Politically observed, totalitarianism can also be

said to have emanated from a revolutionary con-

text, like the avantgarde, which was predomi-

nantly leftist, although leftist in a wide range from

leftist civic democrats up to communist partisan-

ship.13 Appropriating the right to revolution, the

avantgarde renounced exclusivity, abandoned

the context of art and ushered in new fields of

action in the sphere of popular culture from

window dressing, magazine and poster design

to staging mass performances. One should not

forget either that many eminent representatives

of the avantgarde, like Rodchenko, Mayakovsky

and Lissicky, as well as the Bauhaus artists, for ex-ample, were propagandists and masters of adver-

tising.14 In a letter addressed to Yugoslav artists in

1945, the painter Alexander Deyneka particularly

emphasizes that in the days of war, many artists

worked in the Okna TASS (The TASS Windows),

which showed themselves to be high artistic pro-

paganda forms, a sharp weapon, with which the

Soviet artists killed the enemy just as neatly as the

fighters on the front.15

After the proclamation of the death of paint-ing, the death of easel forms, the triumph was an-

nounced of mechanical and collective forms of art

production and distribution, as stated in Nikolai

Tarabukins famous 1923 essay, From the Easel

to the Machine. Radojica ivanovi Noe, one of

the thirteen Serbian surrealists, having perceived

the limits of the traditional work of art, publicly

rejected his theretofore artistic work, easel paint-

ing, as well as his position of a portrait artist. In

the almanac NemogueL Impossible, in 1930, he

crossed out his painted selfportrait with a black

Xmark and explained in a manifesto text his act

of renunciation of stereotypical artistic practice in

which he no longer saw any sense.16 For him, as

well as for the entire Serbian surrealist movement,

the visual message, but one articulated in the

new media, such as film and photography, was,

from the very beginning, of equal importance as

the textual one. But, in contrast to the almanac

NemogueL Impossible and the first issue of

Surrealism Here and Now, in which photography

visualized the idea of the automatic dictation of

thoughts, in the last two issues of this magazine, it,

as indeed the entire surrealist movement, turned

to socially engaged themes. Or, as Rastko Petrovi

formulated it, from interpreting the diktat of the

subconscious, the surrealists shifted ad hoc to his-

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toric materialism procedures, substituting materi-

alism for idealism.17

This aboutturn of surrealism towards ideas of

dialectic materialism was met with distrust by the

leftists, despite Koa Popovis frank admission

that past activity along the lines surrealism to the

surrealists was mistaken, for surrealists belongedwithin the official frameworks of leftoriented

movements.18 One of the strongest ideological ac-

cusations from the left proceeded from the very

name of the movement, from the assertion that

any link with reality was necessarily alien to sur-

realism, and that, instead of on materialistic, it re-

sided upon metaphysical theories. Defending the

right to their own reading of Marx and Engels and

their own interpretation of historic materialism,

the surrealists rejected art that would from a stat-ic realism, entirely in the service of the prejudices

and interests of the bourgeois culture, shift to an-

other, just as shallow realism.19 Therefore, in the

third issue of the magazine Surrealism Here and

Now, under the title Instead of Social Art, they

published twelve photographs documenting vari-

ous aspects of reality: from Marconi conducting

experiments before the Pope, through street riots

in Philadelphia, to the man with four teats.20

The photograph, as an authentic picture of re-

ality, and not only the picture of shallow realism,

registers surrealist elements in modern social life,

as indicated in the title of this photoessay. How

close surrealism and social art really in fact are,21

even though they are vehemently critical of one

another, is perhaps best attested to precisely by

their shared love of photography. Namely, the

photographs from the book La Russie au travail,

which illustrate life and work in the Soviet Union,

are illustrations of the concrete effects of the revo-

lution, found their way, by no accident at all, that

same year, 1932, to both the Stoer (Pillar) and the

pages of Surrealism Here and Now.22 Particularly in-

teresting is the photograph entitled Imagination

in the Service of Propaganda, brought by the next

issue of the magazine Surrealism Here and Now,

because it was taken during the 1st of May pa-

rade in the streets of Moscow in 1932.23 Namely,

in Gorky Park, the Park of Culture, as they proudly

called it then, was established an art factory, in

which as of 1928 the best artists, mainly theatre

design students worked, to be joined in that same

year, 1932, by the former constructivists, who

created a series of temporary constructions and

carnival dolls.24

The material of avantgarde art is no longer

canvas, oil and paint, nor is it problems of the il-

lusionist representation of space, but it is life itself.

The artist was to be an engineer, and his atelier

had to become a workshop. And the promotion

of photography, above all in books and magazines

on the left wing, stemmed from the belief that a

factual type of artistic expression could more

easily convey the message to the most diverse

strata of society.25

Having opted for the photographic illustration

and photomontage, in other words for photog-

raphy, as the decisive visual medium in spread-

, ,

1958.

Zlatko Movrin, Crane at the Zvornik HydroPower Plant, 1958

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ing pictures about social and political reality, the

concept of the avantgarde magazine Surrealism

Here and Now, and with it of the entire surreal-

ist movement, aligned itself with the left artisticwing, where the groups Zemlja (Earth) and ivot

(Life) were already active, but also those around

the paper Danas (Today) with Miroslav Krlea at

the helm, as well as of the Nova literatura of Pavle

Bihaly and Oto BihaljiMerin. Pavle Bihaly in par-

ticular rendered a significant contribution to that

effect with his photomontages for Nolit editions.

Jovan Popovi, a writer and one of the promi-

nent theoreticians of socialist realism, considered

photomontage to be the expression of the newspirit which sees reality and which rediscovers this

world of objects around us. And, in connection

with Nolit book jackets, he observed quite rightly

that they were drawing on the experience of the

German Dadaists, primarily John Heartfield, but

while he likes the simultaneous multiplicity of

montage and collage, Bihaly prefers simplification

and the clear expressiveness of the ordinary.26

At the moment when in 1932 all art groups in

the Soviet Union were abolished by a decree of

the Bolshevik Party, the few Yugoslav avantgarde

groups, each on its own, championed the offi-

cial colors of the left and its totalist position thatonly the art of socialist realism was acceptable. In

a nutshell, that meant that art had to step down

from its ivory tower and was to be socially use-

ful and politically efficient. The objective of art

became to transform reality and create the new

man. Discussions on the autonomy of the work

of art were done with, and in contrast to the

postrevolutionary avantgarde that asked the

question what the role of the artist in shaping the

new society should be, a very dissimilar conceptwas espoused, the constructivist and utilitarian

slogan art into life.27 Utopistic ideas about art as

the generator of social change were reshaped in

the fold of the avantgarde itself, with one of the

key issues becoming the development of a new

language of art that would be understandable to

millions. Thus, the surrealist Djordje Jovanovi, for-

getting the original surrealist program, proposed

a return to realism in his essay entitled Realism

as the Artistic Truth, but in a revolutionary key:

Just as philosophers are long since not required

to only interpret the world, but also to contribute

to changing it, so may not artists only be elated or

disgusted with the world, but must also contrib-

ute to changing it.28

, , 1986.

Soldiers at the Stadium on Youth Day, Belgrade, 1986

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, , 1964, ()

Gligor Kudjerski, Shipbuilders in the Trei maj Shipyard in Rijeka, 1964, (photomontage)

, 1947.

From the Album Builders of the amacSarajevo Youth Railroad Line, 1947

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, , , 1954.

Branibor Debeljkovi, Blast Furnace, advertising page ofJugoslavija magazine, 1954

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The news photographer is required to have not

only expertise, but also politicalism, adroitness

and the skill of a true socialist agitator and

propagandist, who in the reproduction of

real life consciously and in an individual way

introduces prospects of tomorrow.

M. Macarol

The idea of the transformation of the world and

the building of a new, happier life, and with it of

a new political system as well, seemed realizable

with the coming into power of the Communist

Party, which, led by Josip Broz Tito, celebrated not

only victory over fascism but also an end to the

civil war. As previously said, numerous represen-

tatives of the avantgarde in prewar Yugoslavia

also supported the ideology of the left and ac-

cepted the art of socialist realism. It was, thus,

logical that with the victory of the revolution, all

of them believed that the utopistic projection

would be translated into concrete action and

the implementation of the charted program. The

avantgarde expected to be given an opportunity

for operative action on the wideranging front of

building the society of the future communism.

The more so as some, like Koa Popovi, had been

at the helm of partisan brigades or, like Miroslav

Krlea or Sreten Stojanovi, had themselves been

satisfied of the new values of postrevolutionary

life, having spent time in the Soviet Union. Those

avantgarde artists who had not directly joined in

the molding of the revolution and had not manned

its barricades, declared their full allegiance to the

ideas of communism immediately after the end of

the war, like Marko Risti and Ivo Andri, aligning

themselves again with their prewar fellows of

opinion, some of whom were at the very top of

the new power echelons. But the strong impulse

that induced representatives of the avantgarde

to occupy salient positions of political power, in

postwar Yugoslavia equally as in postrevolu-

tionary Russia, should not be viewed only in terms

of a personal desire for success, but should ratherbe seen, as Boris Groys put it, as the continued

interest of the avantgarde in the success of the

overall artistic project. If the avantgarde artist

must create an entirely new world, he must then

have absolute power over that world.29

The agitprop culture, which in Yugoslavia last-

ed from 1945 to 1952, can best be understood as a

reflection of the Stalinist era, but in a mirror giving

a proportionately downscaled image. Namely, im-

mediately after the end of the war, the Communist

Party of Yugoslavia set up an agitation and propa-

ganda apparatus, which had numerous and very

heterogeneous tasks: from organizing cultural life

in the towns and villages, monitoring work at the

universities and planning theater repertoires, to

reading cultural columns in the press.30 Already

its very name, apparatus taken over from the

rhetoric of the industrial society and its belief in

technical progress, was inappropriate to the actu-

al circumstances in Yugoslavia, most of whose in-

habitants lived in rural areas. But, the apparatus,

in terms of machines, was glorified in avantgarde

circles as well. There, the new aesthetics of the ma-

chine was conceived of as a radical reform of over-

all habits of both representation and perception.

It should be particularly emphasized, as well, that

the designation agitprop culture, an abbrevia-

PHOTOGRAPHY IN THE AGITPROP CULTURE

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tion of agitation and propaganda, underlined the

revolutionary cultural context through a new lexis

that was to openly propagate communism by allmeans of mass culture, primarily by new linguistic

constructions.

In that framework, photography, as the lan-

guage of visual communication, acquired a prom-

inent position in cultural reeducation and was

charged with quite specific tasks as part of the

projected FiveYear Development Plan. Artistic

photography should portray the struggle of the

working man who is creating a better future for

himself, it should express the thoughts and de-

sires of the people, their aspirations, sacrifices and

efforts with which the capitalist society is being

brought down and a new socialist society is be-

ing built, is stated in Fotografija (Photography), a

newlyfounded photographic magazine, which

promulgated Party directives by picture and by

word.31 The same demands, and in fact the same

formulations, can be found in respect of other arts,

from painting to ballet and music, as the boundar-

ies of artistic creativity were clearly marked and re-

duced to the framework of socialist realism, which

postulated that painting still life, vases and nudes

did not reflect the new reality. Realistic art is, in

the words of Gerasimov, a celebrated artist in the

Stalinist era, both in terms of its subjects, as well

as in terms of its form of expression, manysided,

just as the life of the people is manysided In

our country art is not a luxury, it is a basic need of

the people.32

The harmony of propagandistic and ideological

rhetoric was so perfect that not only were calls to

struggle constantly repeated in articles on art, but

over just a few postwar years, for example, the

names of all the streets in the towns and villages,as well as the names of all institutions, establish-

ments and organizations were changed. The new

vocabulary was additionally enriched by numer-

ous popular buzzwords, titles, neologisms and

slogans that became part of standard mass com-

munication. While more space cannot be devoted

here to this extremely exciting subject, suffice it

to say that the newlyinaugurated norm of official

communication in the agitprop era required that

every letter, even the briefest of correspondence,had to end in the victorious cry: Death to fascism,

freedom to the people! Relativizing the category

of real time, the new authorities constantly re-

minded the people of the threat and danger of

fascist occupation that had already been over-

come. By propagating potential fear, as shown on

the example of the dictatorship of the proletariat,

a firm and lasting position of the government as

protector and liberator could be promoted. That

kind of heedlessness of time coordinates is a key

feature in the agitprop era, but will be manifested

particularly patently several decades later, at the

very end of the Yugoslav community. In the years

following the death of Josip Broz Tito, the pillar of

Party and political power, a popular slogan was

After Tito, Tito. The concept of time is vectorial

and instrumentalized, as many theoreticians of