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Environmental Variation, Agriculture, and Settlement Processes in Coastal Ecuador (3300-1500B.C.)Author(s): Jonathan E. DampSource: Current Anthropology, Vol. 25, No. 1 (Feb., 1984), pp. 106-111Published by: on behalf ofUniversity of Chicago Press Wenner-Gren Foundation forAnthropological ResearchStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2742946Accessed: 26-12-2015 15:10 UTC

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2/7

Environmental

ariation,

Agriculture,

and

Settlement

rocesses in Coastal

Ecuador

(3300-1500

B.c.)'

by

JONATHAN E.

DAMP

1911

51 St., N.W, Calgary,

Alta., Canada

T3B ICl.

11 vii

83

The

Early Formative Valdivia

culture appeared

on the Ecua-

dorian coast around 3300

B.C.

(Damp 1979) and became well-

known

because of the precociousness

of the

Valdivia ceramics

in

the

Americas. Some researchers

e.g., Lathrap,

Collier, and

Chandra 1975, Zevallos

et al. 1977) contend

that Valdivia cul-

ture

developed

in

northwestern

South America

in a context

of

tropical-forest,

riverine-oriented

agriculture.

An alternative

position (Meggars,

Evans, and

Estrada 1965)

is that Valdivia

ceramics

were introduced

to the New World

by Neolithic Jap-

anese

fishing olk who encountered

shellfish

gatherers and fish-

ermen ivingon the seashore. The

work of Estrada (who

named

Valdivia),

Meggers, and Evans (Meggers

et al. 1965)

and Zev-

allos and Holm

(1960; Zevallos

1966-71) laid the basis

for the

study of the

Early Formative of

southwestern

Ecuador and

outlined

these alternative

positions. Because

this early

work

was

done on the coast,

it was first ssumed

that Valdivia

was

maritime-oriented.ubsequent researchby Norton (1971, 1972)

demonstrated

that the

earliest dated Valdivia

sites lay

inland.

Norton's

excavations at

Loma Alta (12 km

inland from

he

type

site

of Valdivia)

and more recent work

there Damp 1982)

and

at

Real Alto (Lathrap,

Marcos, and Zeidler

1977; Damp 1979,

1982), as well

as survey

in

the Guayas

Basin (Raymond,

Mar-

cos,

and Lathrap 1980),

call into serious

question

the

notion

of

a

coastally adapted

Valdivia.

The evidence

fromValdivia sites,

both on the

coast and well

inland,

includes the remains

ofwhat appear

to have been

set-

tled

agricultural villages,

some with

ceremonial

structures

(Marcos

1978). The villages

of 3300

B.C. were

U-shaped,

and

this configuration provided

the basis for

the subsequent

con-

struction of

ceremonial mounds

(Lathrap et al.

1977). Agri-

culture s indicatedbyfindsof corn Zevallos 1966-71, Zevallos

et al.

1977,

Pearsall 1978) achira

(Pearsall 1979),

Canavalia

plagiosperma

(Damp,

Pearsall, and Kaplan

1981), bottle gourd

(Lanning

1967a), and cotton

Marcos 1973),

and Pearsall (1979)

has

used most of this evidence

in modeling

the operations

of

various possible

agricultural systems.

Discussion

ofsettlement

patterns

and settlement

systems is,

however,

rarely incorpo-

rated

into any examination

of Valdivia, and

this omission

has

led

to some interpretive

rrors.For example,

Roosevelt (1980:64)

says

that it was not until

Chorrera times

(ca. 1100-300

B.C.)

that there was "a notable

expansion of habitation

sites

n

inland

areas along rivers," but

it is now known

that significant ex-

pansions

in

these areas

took place long

before the

1st

millen-

nium B.C.

The question

of settlement processes

tends to evoke

reexaminations of the problem of trans-Pacificorigins (Mc-

Ewan

and Dickson 1978)

or searches for the

very first eramic-

bearing settlement" (Raymond

et al. 1980:701).

As

Flannery

(1973:308)

has pointed out, however,

first vents

will not do;

instead, "we need settlement

pattern data;

well-excavated

liv-

ing

floors with the plants left n

situ; and samples

of 100 spec-

imens with a mean,

standard deviation, and

a range of

variation." Some evidence

of this order is now

available

for

Valdivia.

Settlement-pattern

ata exist

for at least three

valleys

of

coastal

Ecuador

(Zeidler

1977,

Damp 1979, Damp

and

Clarkson 1980)

and for the

Santa

Elena Peninsula

(Lanning

1967b). Real Alto and Loma Alta have yielded house structures

(Lathrap et al. 1977; Damp 1979, 1982), and although seeds

do not yet number

in

the hundreds they do exist with good

provenience from San Pablo (Zevallos et al. 1977), Real Alto

(Damp et al. 1981), and Loma Alta (Damp 1982). This report

will

present

and

offer

n

interpretation

of some of the settle-

ment-patterndata.

The three coastal valleys I shall report on here are the Chan-

duy, the Valdivia, and the Blanco-Ayampe (fig. 1). The Chan-

duy Valley, formed by the Rios Verde

and

Zapotal

and

their

tributaries,was first urveyed systematicallyby Zeidler in 1975

and

by Zeidler

and

myself

n

1976

under the

auspices

of the

Real Alto Archaeological Project of the University of Illinois

(Zeidler 197 7, Damp 1979). The survey focused upon accessible

transects adjacent to the river bottoms. It was essentially non-

probabilistic in approach because of logistical problems and a

desire to inventorythe Formative-period settlement.The Val-

divia

Valley has been looked at

in

several ways since the work

ofEstrada, Meggers, and Evans. Bischof (1975) contributed a

survey near the coast, and Norton was instrumental n opening

up the interior.An incomplete survey aimed at cataloging the

entire sampling universe was begun by the University of Cal-

gary'sLoma Alta Archaeological Project (see Damp and Clark-

son

1980).

The tabulations of

this

report

are based on the

somewhat conflictingresults of these surveys. The Blanco-

Ayampe Valley and

that of the Rio Pftal were

surveyed

in

conjunction

with excavations

by

Marcos

and

Norton

on La

Plata Island. Again, logistical problems

dictated

survey

strat-

egy.

The

Pftal

Valley

bottom

was traversed

completely

because

of the lack

of

vegetation,

but

in

the

thickly

forested

region

of

the Colonche Hills the

survey depended upon establishing

ac-

cessible

transects along

the

valley

bottom

and

up

the tributar-

ies; for the most part, existing roads were employed

for this

purpose. Of

the three

valleys surveyed,

the

Blanco-Ayampe

was

the most

difficult o

survey

but

yielded

the

largest

number

of Valdivia sites. The utilization of transect

samples (Flannery

1976a: 159) allowed the reliable sampling of areas of dense veg-

etation. Plog (1976:158) suggests

that "for

surveying

unknown

areas, the simplest sampling designs well may be the most

practical" and considers transect samples

useful

for standard-

izing survey data.

In

any case,

the results of these

various

studies do not

support

the contention that

the

densest Valdivia

occupation

was

along

the coast.

If

survey strategy

was biased

by

the

greater

ease

of

surface

inspection along

the

dry coast,

this is

certainly

not reflected n the

results.

Three periods of Valdivia settlement are employed here to

illustrate the

evolving pattern

from 3300 to 1500 B.C.

Period

A

extends from about 3300 to

2300 B.C. and

ends

with

the

construction of ceremonial

mounds at such sites

as Real

Alto;

it includes Valdivia I and

II

of Hill's (1972-74) eight-partse-

quence.

Period

B,

from 2300 to 1850

B.C.,

includes Valdivia

III, IV, and V; during

this

time the main villages had their

largest populations. Period C comprises Valdivia VI, VII, and

VIII and ends about 1500

B.C.

with the transition nto Mach-

alilla;

this

period

witnessed the establishment of satellite com-

munities around sites such as Real Alto and the

dispersion

of

population away

from

the

ceremonial centers.

The Chanduy Valley.

The

Chanduy Valley

lies on the

south-

east

edge

of the

Santa

Elena

Peninsula,

where

the terrain

is

relatively

flat nd broken

only by

the

occasional

range

of coastal

hills. Rainfall

is

less here than

in

areas

to the north or east.

Centinela

(OGSECh-19)

and Real

Alto

(OGSECh-12)

are the

two

earliest settlements

n

the

valley (fig. 2). They

lie 30

km

apart

and

have

sequences spanning

Periods

A, B,

and C. Two

sites between

them

date to Period

B;

OGSECh-11

and

-91 lie

about 10 km from Real Alto and Centinela respectively. Since

5 km may, according to Vita-Finzi and Higgs (1970), be pre-

sumed to be the distance village agriculturalists would walk

to their fields (productivity n terms of energy consumed

and

CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

I

( 1984

by The

Wenner-Gren Foundation

for Anthropological

Re-

search,

all rightsreserved 0011-3204/84/250

-0006$

1.00.

I

thank

Persis

Clarkson,

Maria Isabel

Silva de Zeidler, Don Lathrap, Jorge

Marcos,

Presley Norton,

Scott

Raymond,

Mike Schott,

Jim Zeidler, the

Ford

Foundation, Earthwatch, the Explorer's Club, the Social Sciences and

Humanities

Research

Council

(Canada),

and the administration

of

the

University

of Calgary.

106


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8/17/2019 10.2307@2742946

3/7

derived dropping off

eyond that distance),

the new settlements

of

Period

B

seem to lie at

the point where a

new 5-km-radius

catchment area could be

developed while

at the same time

remaining close to the

parent village. The

rule of colonization

apparentlygave priority

o the opening up of

new farmlands.

A third

Period

B

site,

OGSECh-80, is less than 5 km

from

Real

Alto, and its

location gives the

impression that it lies

within

Real Alto's

catchment area. However,

it is actually pro-

pitiously

ocated on a different

iver drainage, that of

the Rio

Perere. The

farmlands adjacent to

this river were

sufficiently

far

removed

from Real Alto to

preclude their use by

the

in-

habitants of that

village, the most important Valdivia

occu-

pation

in

the

lower part of the valley.

Period C settlements

include four satellites

of Real Alto

(-16a, 17, 20,

and 22); Engomala (OGSECh-7), almost

exactly

halfway between OGSECh-11

and -91; and OGSECh-108 and

-117, about 10 km upriver, overlooking

the floodplain from

elevated positions

on an inland savanna. The Valdivia VII

and

VIII and early

Machalilla settlements closely adjacent

to Real

Alto indicate

an evolving settlement ystem. By

this time Real

Alto was a center for administration

and ceremony. Marcos,

Lathrap, and Zeidler (1976:4) describe

Real Alto as regulating

MANA8I

0

Z5

so

8/17/2019 10.2307@2742946

4/7

farmsteads dispersed along the river valley and

controlling

some 600 acres of agricultural bottomland. They

assert

that

a

stratified ociety

is

implicit

in

the presence of a control

center,

Real Alto, with satellite

settlements. Engomala's location

is

predictable in that it is situated on an expansive

floodplain

below the juncture of the Rio de

Azucar

and the Rio

Zapotal

and

below the Chanduy

hills.

It

was also the only place left

along the river bottom

between Centinela and Real Alto where

a

catchment area with a 5-km

radius could be carved out.

OGSECh-108 and -117 are

slightly nomalous because of their

10-km

distance

from

Real Alto. This distance

may reflect n

unidentified ite in between, the conditions of the first xpan-

sion

up the Rio Verde of the

Chanduy Valley, or the increased

aridityof this area (see Pearsall

1979: map 5). By this third

stage of the Valdivia

colonization of the Chanduy Valley, sat-

uration was

complete; there

were

no longer any unused 5-km-

radius catchment areas. The

settlement patternclearly shows

this. The rule that governed

the system was no doubt engen-

dered

by

the

availability

of

farmland. Flannery (197

6c: 180)

has

suggested that new

Formative settlements

n

Mesoamerica will

be

located

according to processes of symmetrical

expansion,

settlement

packing, and ultimate saturation when

a certain

spacing is

reached. Such processes seem to have

taken place

during

Valdivia times

in

the Chanduy Valley.

The

Valdivia Valley. The Valdivia Valley is a

short valley (20

km) opening onlyto the coast; the hills riseprecipitouslyto the

east

beyond

Loma

Alta. The

valley encompasses

a

drier coastal

region and

almost

impenetrable

hilly

forest.

Two Period

A

sites

are known from the

valley

(fig. 3):

the

Valdivia

type site,

G-31

(Meggers

et

al.

1965),

and Loma

Alta

(Norton 1971, Damp 1982). These sites

lie about 12 km

apart,

with Loma Alta at the base ofthe Colonche Hills and Valdivia

on the coast. Four sites represent Period B: Loma

Alta

(OGSEMa-182), Valdivia (OGSEMa-17 2), OGSEMa-1 13,

and

an unrecorded site, revealed to pot hunters after activity by

heavy machinery,halfway between Loma Alta and Valdivia near

the modern town of Barcelona.

All

of these sites continue

into

Period C and are joined by eight others.

The positioning of

these sites recalls the placement

of

the Valdivia

sites

in

the

Chanduy Valley;

an

infilling

f

settlement

s

obvious. OGSEMa-

55 is subordinate to Loma Alta; OGSEMa-62 lies between

Valdivia and Barcelona; five sites are 'atellites to Valdivia.

There is, thus, a distinct parallel between

the Valdivia sites of

the Valdivia Valley and those of the Chanduy

Valley

in

the

evidence

they present

of settlement

nfilling

nd clustering

of

satellite

communities

around

important

centers.

The Blanco-Ayampe Valley. Survey

in

southern

Manabf prov-

ince located 19 Valdivia sites along the Rfos

Pftal and Blanco-

Ayampe (fig. 4).

All

but

2

of these sites are packed

into a space

of

only

8

km

from north to south

along the

Blanco. There may

be

many

more

Valdivia

sites

in

the area

(some

15 linear km),

but

dense vegetation precluded their dentification.

The Blanco

is close to the 500-mm isohyet, and the

area is rugged and

heavily forested. The Rfo Pftal area is rather

dry because of

the rainshadow of the Colonche Hills,

and

except

in its

upper

reaches no Valdivia sites were found in it.

There

are

three Period

A

sites

on the

Blanco-Ayampe:

San

Jacinto OMJPLP-37),

El Triunfo

OMJPLP-40),

and

El Achiote

(OMJPLP-48).

These

sites have

large

ceremonial

mounds

(up

to

4 m

high)

similar to those

excavated

at Real Alto

(Lathrap

W)

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~entLnela

10~~~~90

0m

km.

/

RealAo(

AL* Eno ()

C; :A

T

Pemod

A,B,

aA

C

OCea4m

*

PerLodis

and

C

*

PerLod

C

FIG.

2.

Valdivia

sites

of

the

Chanduy

Valley.

108

CURRENT

ANTHROPOLOGY



8/17/2019 10.2307@2742946

5/7

et

al. 1977). San

Jacinto,

at

least, spans

the entire

Valdivia

sequence;

the other

two

may

have

equal longevity,

but

diag-

nostic sherds from theirdisturbed deposits

are

not

sufficient

o

include Phase I. There

are six sites

that

belong

to Period B

and

eighteen

that

represent Period C. The extreme

packing

of Val-

divia settlements

n

this

region s

not

yetduplicated

in

the other

valleys. The most

economical explanation

for

this pattern is

that this region is

better watered than the others, more

closely

resembling the Guayas Basin that some

researchers

(Lathrap

et

al. 1975, Damp

1979, Raymond et

al.

1980) consider the

homeland of the coastal

Valdivia cultures. The rainfall

gradient

that Momsen (1968) has described for southwestern Ecuador

seems to be reflected n

the Valdivia settlement system.

Momsen

(1968:101-4)

has

pointed out

that the

coastal

strip,

the

Colonche Hills, and the

Guayas Basin vary widely

in

pre-

cipitation as a result of

the interaction

with

the

topography

of

the Peru

current, which

brings a cool, low-humidity air

mass,

and the

Equatorial air mass, which

brings warm, moist air

southward. The Colonche Hills halt the flow of

the Equatorial

air

mass and make the

Pacific coast near the Santa Elena Penin-

sula much

drier than the

Guayas Basin. This difference s

made

less

extreme from outhern Manabi

province northward by the

proximity of the Colonche Hills to the

coast. Thus the envi-

ronments of

southwestern Ecuador

vary from the desert-like

conditions

of the

Santa Elena Peninsula to the

tropical forest

ofthe Colonche Hills. The relative distance of ndividualcoastal

valleys

from the

500-mm isohyet has

profound archaeological

consequences,

since

the 500-mm isohyet

marks

the

effective

penetration of

the rain-bearing Equatorial

air mass

in

normal

years. Thus, the area

southwest

of

the

line receives

less pre-

cipitation. I believe that it was amount

of

precipitation

that

modulated adaptations in southwestern Ecuador and influ-

enced the colonization pattern

of

Valdivia

from the

Guayas

Basin to the Pacific coast.2

The most conspicuous phenomena of the settlementpatterns

examined

here are an

infilling

f

sites

during

the course of the

Valdivia

occupation

and

a

clustering

of settlements

n

certain

locales. All three valleys are clear examplesof Flannery's

Form-

ative-type

settlement

pattern:

a

linear and

symmetrical expan-

sion of settlement and

infilling

ver a period

of time

between

established

communities

Flannery

1976c:173-80). The Blanco-

Ayampe data further ttest to a greater density of settlement

in

better-watered nd

more

heavily

forested reas. This density

2

There has been

some suggestion hat paleoenvironmental

ircum-

stances ffected

ettlementncoastalEcuador.

A

seven-year

eriodicity

seemsto influencehe arrival of the rainy eason typically

anuary

throughMay).This s a function

f the northernxtensionf thePeru

current long the Ecuadorian coast

before

t

moves west.

In

the dry

years hecurrent

tays n itsplace during he rainy eason

ratherhan

withdrawing

s usual to the Gulf of Guayaquil (Momsen

1968:101).

Some

researchers(e.g., arma 1974)suggest

hat his

ycle

s

part

ofa

larger ycleof aridity nd pluviality.

he extent f this ruth s com-

plicated y many actors. arma garners

is data from heSanta Elena

Peninsula, n area

always marginaln rainfall, nd bases

his conclu-

sions on certain aleoenvironmental

actors including hellfishbun-

dance

in

archaeological

ites)

which

are

in factthe result fhuman

activities ndpreferences,hecontext fwhichwas probablymodifiedby physiographic hanges brought bout by coastal uplift Ferdon

1981). Pearsall 1979),however, elieves

hatthere s no evidencefor

a major vegetation

hift

xcept

for hat

which

can mostprobably e

attributed

o humandegradation

f

the environment

hrough ree ut-

tingfor uel nd

for he clearing f agricultural lots.

*113

*~ ~~~A

/cel

rcto

l

%l4SLodr;Vi-3twUsgtt

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ U11)

l

A

~~~~~~~~~~~~~'~ J

OceoAt

, /

buenA

peno&s A,1Oa&

Cl

*

TerPLOdS

ar

C|

*

?eotd

C

HB

Bischof survey (iS95)

0

2.

5

FIG.

3. Valdivia sites

of the

Valdivia Valley.

Vol.

25

No.

1

February

984 109



8/17/2019 10.2307@2742946

6/7

may be considered as support for the argument that Valdivia

settlement

was guided by rules derived

from the

practice

of

tropical-forest griculture (Lathrap 1970).

A

comparison of site densities

in

the three valleys reveals a

south-to-north

line (table 1). The matrix

for

density

over time

indicates sequential infilling or each of the valley areas when

sites

per

linear

kilometer re considered. Density plotted against

time

shows

an exponential relationship which is more than

fortuitous.

feel that the spacing and relative density of set-

tlement are determined by the amount of

rainfall. The densest

settlement

ccurred

in

the wetter

Blanco-Ayampe area and the

more dispersed settlements n the drier Chanduy Valley. The

steep precipitation gradient noted by

Momsen (1968) models

the relationship between the three valleys

surveyed. The sig-

nificance of the precipitation gradient is that

more fertile and

was accessible in the northern and interiorregions of south-

western

Ecuador. The implication is that rainfallwas a reg-

ulator of

Early Formative settlementspacing.

TABLE 1

VALDIVIA SITES

PER LINEAR KILOMETER

IN

THREE

COASTAL

VALLEYS DURING

THREE

TIME PERIODS

SITES

PER

LINEAR

KILOMETER

VALLEY A

B

C

Chanduy

.

...........

07 .13

.40

Valdivia .

............

.10

.20 .60

Blanco-Ayampe

......

.20 .40

1.20

In thisexample

from rehistoric cuador,

suggest,

much

as

inLeach's (1961:17)Pul

Eliya, water upplydetermines

he

"limit

o the area of and that

may be cultivated

nd henceto

the size

of the population

whichmaysurvive hrough

ubsis-

tence

agriculture." settlement-pattern

nalysis

of Valdivia

sites

n southwesterncuador

indicates hat rainfall

was

im-

portant

n

setting

he imits f ettlement

acking

n the

Chan-

duy,Valdivia,and Blanco-Ayampe alleys.

The relationship

between

ainfallnd patterns

f ettlements highly

uggestive

that iteswerepreferentially

ocated or

arming urposes. his,

combinedwith he

growing umber f

paleobotanical emains,

lendsfurtherredibilityo the belief hatValdivia was an ag-

riculturalociety.

he measurementf

prehistorichenomena

is imperative or

an increasedunderstanding

fthis culture,

which

was pivotal

n

the

transition o a settled gricultural

way

of ife. hope thatfuture

tudywill address his uestion.

ReferencesCited

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an

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Referees,

anuary-July

983

The following ersons erved as referees f contributionso

CURRENT

ANTHROPOLOGY

betweenJanuary 1

and July 15,

1983:

JoanAblon U.

S.A.), William

Abruzzi U. S.A.),

AttilaAgh

(Hungary),

AnneAkeroyd

England), John Alden

(U.S.A.),

Paul

AlexanderAustralia),Alan

Almquist

U.S.A.), Alan B.

Anderson

Canada), Lawrence

Angel U.S.A.),

Michael An-

grosino U.S.A.),

Donald Attwood

Canada),

Anthony veni

(U.S.A.), Daniel

Aycock Canada).

Paul Bahn

England),Ch.

J. N. Bailey

F.R.G.), Paul

Baker

(U.S.A.),

A.

J.

Barnard Scotland),

Brad Bartel

U.S.A.), Ami-

tabha Basu

(India),

Brenda Beck

(Canada), Harumi

Befu

(U.S.A.), Robert E.

Bell (U.S.A.),

Antonio

Beltran Spain),

Abdulbari ener

Saudi Arabia),J.

W. BennettU.

S.A.), Leon-

ard

Berkowitz

U.S.A.), Riva

Berleant-Schiller

U.S.A.), Cath-

erineH. Berndt Australia), ernardBernierCanada),Marian

Binkley

Canada), Valda

Blundell Canada),

Nicholas

Blurton-

Jones

U.S.A.), Bernhard

Bock (F.R.G.), Jeremy oissevain

(The

Netherlands), alph

Bolton

Norway),Batsheva

Bonne-

Tamir Israel),

Silvana

Borgognini-Tarli

Italy),JohnR. Bower

(Kenya),

VictoriaBricker

U.S.A.), Harald B.

Broch (Nor-

way),David

Browman U.S.A.),

Judith rown

U.S.A.), Alice

Brues

(U.S.A.), Jean

Burton (Belgium),

Michael Burton

(U.S.A.), W. F. L.

Buschkens The

Netherlands).

Gabriel

Camps (France),

Elizabeth

Cashdan

U.S.A.),

Sally

Cassell

(New

Zealand),

Gast6n

Castillo G6mez

Chile),

L. L.

Cavalli-Sforza

U.S.A.), Lynn Ceci

(U.S.A.), Anne

Chapman

(France), Karen Mohr

Chavez (U.S.A.),

Michael

Chibnik

(U. S.A.), M.

Chlenov U. S. S.

R.), Andrew

hristensonU.

S.A.),

Monica Cira-SalemmeArgentina), enriJ.M. Claessen The

Netherlands), J. Desmond

Clark

(U.S.A.), Michael

Coe

Vol.

25

*

No. 1

*

February

1984

(U.S.A.), Erik

Cohen

(Israel), Ronald Cohen

(U.S.A.), Ben-

jamin

Colby U.S.A.), JohnR.

Cole (U.S.A.),

Donald Collier

(U.S.A.), J. Collman (U.S.A.), E. S. Crawcour Australia),

Ross Crumrine

Canada), Fernando

ruz-Sandoval

Honduras).

GrahamDann

(Barbados),

Regna

Darnell

Canada), Pierre

Dasen (Switzerland),

Richard Davis

(U.S.A.),

Jacquelinede

Durand-Forest

France), Julesde

Leeuwe (The

Netherlands),

BernardDelfendahl

France), Henri

Delporte France),

Gisele

de Meur

Belgium),Ari

de Ruijter

The Netherlands), hlomo

Deshen Israel), Paul

W. Dixon

(U.S.A.), Marlene Dobkin

de

Rios

U.S.A.), Phyllis

Dolhinow U.S.A.),

Frederick . Dunn

(U.S.A.), Denis

Dutton

U.S.A.).

JohnEarly

U.S.A.), Jeffreyhrenreich

U.S.A.), Jule

Ei-

senbud

U.S.A.),

GordonF.

Ekholm

U.S.A.), Frederic

ngel

(U.S.A.), BruceErlich

U.S.A.).

LindaFedigan

Canada), Valerie ennell

U.S.A.), Gabriella

Ferro-Luzzi

Italy), eonardoFigoli

Brazil), aul Fish

U.S.A.),

Alan G. Fix (U.S.A.), K. Fladmark Canada), StanleyFreed

(U.S.A.), D. G.

Freedman

U.S.A.), Milton

Freeman Can-

ada), Regula Frey-Nakouz

Sierra

Leone),

A.

E.

Friday

En-

gland),StephenFuchs

(India).

Baldur Gabriel

F.R.G.), Stanley

M.

Garn

U.S.A.),

Lila L.

Gatlin

U.S.A.), Nils-Gustav

Gejvall

(Sweden),VicenteGian-

cottiTassone

Brazil),

Allan S.

Gilbert

U.S.A.), Marija

Gim-

butas

U.S.A.),

A.

Ginsberg

Brazil),MarcusGoldstein

Israel),

JurgenGolte

F.R.G.), Nelson

Graburn

U.S.A.), J. A. Gray

(England), dward

C. Green U.S.A.),

Edward Gross

U.S.A.),

AmyraGrossbard-Shechtman

Israel),David

Guillet

U.S.A.),

Christian

Guksch

F.R.G.),

Ranjan Gupta

India).

Per Hage

(U.S.A.), B. G. Halbar

(India), WilliamJ.

Ham-

ilton II

(U.S.A.), Eugene

Hammel U.S.A.),

JawaharlalHan-

doo (India), P. J. C. Harries-JonesCanada), Brian Hayden

(Canada),

Dwight

B.

Heath

(U.S.A.), Hermann

S.

Helmuth

111

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