Zograf 41 03 Krsmanovic-Milanovic.indd25
The paper discusses twelve visual depictions that in all like-
lihood represent St. Ignatios of Constantinople and were cre- ated
between the ninth and the thirteenth century. Most of these
depictions show Patriarch Ignatios beardless, which re- flects the
fact that he was a eunuch of the κτομας category. The paper
analyzes two iconographical elements distinctive of his portraits:
beardlessness and youthful appearance. It concludes that, on the
one hand, the artists who painted the beardless portraits of
Ignatios strove to depict the saint as realistically as possible;
while, on the other hand, his beardless and youthful appearance
also had a metaphorical meaning and served to highlight the
chastity and purity of the eunuch saint. Key words: Patriarch
Ignatios, eunuch, beard, iconography of saints, individualism
Patriarch Ignatios of Constantinople was the young- est son of
Emperor Michael I Rangabe (811–813). After Michael’s abdication in
813, one of the first steps of his successor Leo V the Armenian
(813–820) was to have Rangabe’s sons castrated – the
twenty-year-old Theophy- laktos and fourteen-year-old Niketas. Both
were forced to take monastic vows and sent to monasteries.1 It was
this turn of political events that led Niketas to take the mo-
nastic name Ignatios and begin his career in the church. He rose
through the clerical ranks to the position of Patri- arch of
Constantinople.2 Ignatios served two terms on the patriarchal
throne: from July 3rd 847 to October 23rd 858 and from November
23rd 867 until his death on October 23rd 877. This tumultuous
period was marked by various internal conflicts. On one hand, the
conflict between Pa- triarch Ignatios and the members of the
Amorian dynas-
* This paper was written as part of the project no. 177032 –
Tradition, Innovation and Identity in the Byzantine World –
supported by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological
Development of the Republic of Serbia. We would like to thank dr
Dejan Dzelebdzi (The Institute for Byzantine Studies, SASA,
Belgrade) for his help with greek inscriptions. Also we would like
to thank dr Allan P. Doyle (University of Puget Sound, WA, USA) for
his reading of the text and corrections. Any remaining errors
remain our responsibility.
**
[email protected];
[email protected] 1
Nicitae Davidis, Vita Ignatii Patriarchae, Greek text and
transl. A. Smithies, comm. J. M. Duffy, Washington, D.C. 2013, 8.
9–10. 2 Prosopographie der mittel-byzantinischen Zeit (PmbZ)
I/2,
Berlin – New York 2000, #2666; PmbZII/2, Berlin–Boston 2013,
#22712.
ty, Emperor Michael III (842–867) and his uncle Caesar Bardas, led
to the Patriach’s deposition. The appointment of the moderate
Photios (c. 810/820 – 893), a relative of the Amorians,3 as
Ignatios’s successor caused a bitter con- flict in the Byzantine
church that would not subside until shortly before Ignatios’s
death. On the other hand, the re- instatement of Patriarch Ignatios
was closely connected to the political coup that resulted in the
ascension of Basil I the Macedonian (867–886) to the throne.4 It
was these events and particularly Ignatios’s torture in captivity
un- der the Amorians that contributed to the emergence of the cult
of St. Ignatios the Younger. Ignatios was canon- ized soon after
his death and his feast day is celebrated on October 23rd according
to the synaxarion of the church of Constantinople.5
The short-lived popularity of Patriarch Ignatios is also evidenced
by a number of his surviving depictions in visual art, which are
particularly noteworthy because they show a eunuch patriarch.
Depictions of church dignitar- ies who were eunuchs are very
scarce, either because they have been lost or because they defy
identification. This is somewhat surprising in view of their
numerous represent- atives in the ranks of the Byzantine church.6
It is known that senior positions in the church were available to
eu- nuchs and that some, such as Ignatios, were even canon- ized
(Germanos, Methodios, Stephen, Theophylaktos).7 In addition, the
Byzantine Empire had special monaster- ies for eunuchs, which had a
long tradition in the Empire, between sixth and eleventh-twelfth
century, and were found even in Constantinople itself.8
3 For Photios, see PmbZ I/3, #6253; II/5, #26667. 4 P. Komatina,
Crkvena politika Vizantije od kraja ikonoborstva
do smrti cara Vasilija, Beograd 2014, 80–323. 5 H. Delehaye,
Synaxarium ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae,
Bruxelles 1902, 158. 6 The problem is discussed in the exhaustive
study by Ch.
Messis, Les eunuques à Byzance, entre réalité et imaginaire, Paris
2014, 119–209.
7 Ibid., 109. 8 S. Tougher, ‘The Angelic Life’. Monasteries for
eunuchs, in:
Byzantine style, religion and civilization. In honour of Sir Steven
Run- ciman, ed. E. Jeffreys, Cambridge 2006, 238–252; see also,
Messis, Les eunuques, 111–116.
Beards that matter. Visual representations of Patriarch
Ignatios
in Byzantine art*
The Institute for Byzantine Studies of the SASA, Belgrade
UDC 7.033.2»08/12» 7.041.5:271.2–732.2–36Ignatios DOI
10.2298/ZOG1741025K
41 (2017) [25–36]
26
As far as we know, there are at least nine and pos- sibly as many
as twelve surviving depictions of Patriarch Ignatios in various
forms of visual art.9 They were cre- ated between the ninth and the
thirteenth century. No- tably, these depictions portray the
patriarch both with and without a beard. In view of the fact that
Ignatios was certainly a eunuch of the κτομας category who had been
castrated in puberty, along with other physiologi- cal changes
characteristic of castrates, he must have also suffered a loss of
facial and body hair, which means that in reality he could not have
had a beard.10 This raises the question of the reason behind his
realistic depiction
9 C. Mango, E. J. W. Hawkins, The mosaics of St. Sophia at
Istanbul. The church fathers in the north tympanum, DOP 26 (1972)
1–41, esp. 29–30, were the first to list the possible visual
depictions of Patriarch Ignatios and found eight examples.
10 The concept of eunuchs in Byzantium was closely associ- ated
with sterility [cf. K. M., Ringrose, The perfect servant. Eunuchs
and the social construction of gender in Byzantium, Chicago–London
2003, 13–14; B. Krsmanovi, D. Todorovi, O Teofilaktovoj odbrani
evnuštva, ZRVI 52 (2015) 91–126]. The terminological classification
of eunuchs depended on the method of sterilization, as well as the
age of the victim. For a typology of eunuchs v. ibid., 99 n. 21,
102. The term κτομαι (lat. castrati) denoted eunuchs who had their
testicles com- pletely removed. These men were sterile and
impotent; they lost their male hormones and were prone to being
overweight, wrinkled, hairless etc. (v. S. Tougher, Byzantine
eunuchs. an overview, with special refer-
in some cases and his typological depiction as a bearded bishop in
others.
It is interesting to mention that some portraits of Patriarch
Ignatios were probably executed even during his lifetime. An
episode in his Vita refers to the existence of two luxuriously
produced manuscript volumes ordered by Pho- tios to mock Patriarch
Igantios during their conflict. The volumes contained seven Acts of
an imaginary synod creat- ed against Ignatios. Each of seven Acts
started with a color image of Ignatios in the form of caricature
with satirized names such as: the Devil, Antichrist, Source of Sin
and etc.11 According to the Vita Gregory Asbestas, metropoli- tan
of Syracuse, painted the images.12 However, the most notable and
oldest preserved depiction of Ignatios is found on a mosaic in
Hagia Sophia in Constantinople in one of the niches on the north
tympanum of the nave. It forms a part of a series of seven figures
depicting the church fathers (fig. 1).13 Based on a stylistic
comparison with other Con- stantinopolitan monuments dating from
the same period and an epigraphic analysis of the inscriptions
discovered in the tympanum, the mosaic has been dated to the last
two decades of the ninth century.14 The date of Ignatios’s death
(October 23rd 877) is considered the terminus post quem for the
manufacture of the mosaic. Ignatios is presumed to have been
canonized by his successor Patriarch Photios soon after his death,
probably between 877 and 886.15 In addition, it has been determined
that the production of the mosaic lasted around two decades and
that it was complet- ed under Leo VI the Wise (886–912).16
Ignatios is shown on the mosaic in the same fash- ion as most other
church fathers in the north tympanum: standing dressed in episcopal
vestments, which consist of a long sticharion with vertical red and
blue clavi and a phelonion draped over it. An omophorion decorated
with crosses is shown over the phelonion.17 His right hand
un-
ence to their creation and origin, in: Women, men and eunuchs.
Gender in Byzantium, ed. L. James, London – New York 1997,
168–185).
11 Vita Ignatii 54. 81–83. 12 A. Kazhdan, H. Maguire, Byzantine
hagiographical texts as
sources on art, DOP 45 (1991) 1–23, 20. On the possible existence
of the picture gallery of patriarch in the Patriarchal Palace
during Icono- clasm v. A. Grabar, L’ iconoclasme byzantine. Dossier
archéologique, Par- is 1957, 213–214; v. also, Mango, Hawkins, The
mosaics, 28–29, n. 58.
13 The north tympanum has three rows of decoration. The lowest zone
shows the church fathers; the zone immediately above it depicts the
prophets. The uppermost zone probably depicted the an- gels. For
the possible reasons behind this choice of bishops and their
location in the decoration of the interior. Cf. C. Mango, Materials
for the study of the mosaics of St. Sophia at Istanbul, Washington
D.C. 1962, 55–57; also, Mango, Hawkins, The mosaics, 6, 23–27; A.
Ricci, Reinterpretation of the “Palace of Bryas”. A study in
Byzantine architec- ture, history, and historiography, Princeton
2008 (doctoral dissertation, Princeton University), 143–144.
14 Mango, Hawkins, The Mosaics, 37– 41. 15 Ignatios’s depiction
together with the greatest of church fa-
thers is interpreted as one of the aspects of the redemption
efforts of Patriarch Photios (Mango, Hawkins, The mosaics, 38–39).
Another opinion is that the mosaic depiction in Hagia Sophia was
created in Ignatios’s lifetime (Ricci, Reinterpretation, 145; v.
also, K. Marsengill, Portraits and icons between reality and
spirituality in Byzantine art, Turnhout 2013, 127–128).
16 On the restoration of St. Sophia after the earthquake of 869 v.
Mango, Materials, 65–66. The present condition of the church does
not reflect the ninth century restoration, when the church had
larger windows that allowed more light to enter and enhanced the
visibility of the mosaics. Cf. Mango, Hawkins, The mosaics, 4;
Ricci, Reinterpretation, 140.
17 On the liturgical vestments of this period and their meaning v.
M. Parani, Fabrics and clothing, in: The Oxford handbook of
Byzan-
Fig. 1. Saint Ignatios, mosaic, north tympanum of the naos, Hagia
Sophia, Istanbul, Turkey, 9th century?
Krsmanovi B., Milanovi Lj.: Beards that matter. Visual
representations of Patriarch Ignatios in Byzantine art
27
der the phelonion holds a Gospel Book and his left hand seems to
support its upper border and point to it.18 Ig- natios’s face is
shown beardless, elongated, and youthful; his white hair, combed
back on his forehead, frames his face like a skull-cap (fig. 2).
His identification is facilitated by the inscription on the right
(INI) and left ( N) of the figure, as well as the nimbus delineated
in pearls around his head.19
It is precisely Ignatios’s beardless face that sets him apart from
the other two depictions of church fathers that have survived in
situ in the north tympanum: St. John Chrysostom and St. Ignatios
Theophoros. In Byzantine iconography, holy bishops were usually
shown with a more or less prominent beard.20 This was also
confirmed by the reconstruction of lost mosaics depicting other
church fathers in the north tympanum. The drawings and watercolors
made by the Fossati brothers in the mid- nineteenth century show
only Ignatios beardless, but even younger and with no trace of
asceticism in his face, unlike the original depiction.21 Patriarch
Methodios, who might have also been a eunuch, but not a castrate,
was shown by the Fossati brothers as an older man with a white
beard and a white cap tied under his chin. The appearance of the
cap has been associated with the fact that Methodi- os had his
teeth pulled out and his jaw broken during the iconoclast period
under Emperor Theophilos (820– 842) and that he wore the cap to
keep them in place.22 The bearded depiction of Methodios is
considered faith- ful. His possible eunuch status or sterility was
not the result of a surgical intervention or the complete removal
of testicles but rather of a possible illness or genital birth
defect.23 Hence his physical appearance showed no hor- monal
changes characteristic of castrates such as hairless- ness.
Unfortunately, the extant mosaic depiction in Hagia Sophia, in the
chamber above the southwest vestibule, is of little help in
recovering Methodios’s original appear- ance.24 The surviving image
only shows the upper part of his face, from the eyes up, and a cap
identical to the one
tine studies, ed. E. Jeffreys, J. Haldon, R. Cormack, Oxford 2008,
407– 421, 413—417; see also, St. Germanus of Constantinople, On the
divine liturgy, transl. P. Meyendorf, Crestwood – New York 1999,
65–67.
18 Ricci, Reinterpretation, 142, emphasizes this hand gesture in
both Ignatios’s and Methodios’s depictions as a distinctive sign
that sets them apart from other church fathers in the series.
19 This was an archaic iconographical feature. Cf. Mango, Hawkins,
The mosaics, 28.
20 A. Grabar, Un calice byzantin aux images des patriarches de
Constantinople, ΔΧΑΕ 4 (1964–1965) 45–51, 46.
21 Watercolors deviated even more than pencil drawings from the
mosaic originals (Mango, Materials, fig. 63–65). For more on the
Fossati brothers v. N. B. Teteriatnikov, Mosaics of Hagia Sophia,
Is- tanbul. The Fossati restoration and the work of the Byzantine
institute, Washington, D.C. 1998.
22 Mango, Materials, 52–53, fig. 66–68. 23 Sources inform us that
the patriarch was accused of sexual
abuse and that he allegedly publicly showed his mutilated genitals
to prove that he was indeed a eunuch and as such incapable of
commit- ting the crime he had been accused of; Methodios’s
impotence and sterility were presented as the work of St. Peter,
Theophanis Continuati Chronigraphiae, Libri I–IV, ed. M.
Featherstone, J. Signes Codoñer, Bos- ton–Berlin 2015, 226–228;
Ioannis Scylitzae Synopsis historiarum, ed. I. Thurn, Berolini et
Novi Eboraci 1973, 86–88. This legendary story is the only source
that suggests that Methodios could have been a eunuch.
24 For the images in the room above the south vestibule v. R.
Cormack, E. J. W. Hawkins, The mosaics of St. Sophia at Istanbul.
The rooms above the southwest vestibule and ramp, DOP 31 (1977)
175–251.
illustrated by Fossati. Other surviving depictions show Methodios
with a beard, such as the one in the sanctu- ary of the Virgin
Peribleptos in Ohrid (1294/1295)25 or the one on the well-known
icon depicting the Triumph of Orthodoxy (ca. 1400).26
The mosaic depiction of Patriarch Ignatios in Ha- gia Sophia is
probably the most realistic and authentic and was created shortly
after his death if not in his life- time. The one characteristic
that certainly deviates from reality in this portrait is his
youthfulness. Perhaps the patron who commissioned the portrait
wanted to high- light Ignatios’s innocence, asceticism and devotion
to the faith – characteristics frequently attributed to eunuchs.27
Prominently positioned in the most important church in the Empire,
this image of St. Ignatios indicates his own significance and role
in the struggle for the true faith. If the cap tightly tied under
Methodios’s chin can be seen as a symbol and sign of his sacrifice
for the faith,28 then the beardless face of Ignatios signifies his
martyrdom as a member of an imperial and iconodule family.
The depiction of Ignatios that is chronologically closest to the
mosaic in Hagia Sophia is found on the foot of a chalice kept in
the treasury of San Marco in Venice (fig. 3). The chalice seems to
have originated in Constan- tinople in the late tenth or early
eleventh century.29 The
25 S. E. J. Gerstel, Beholding the sacred mysteries. Program of the
Byzantine sanctuary, Seattle–London 1999, fig. 42.
26 A. Weyl Carr, Icon with the Triumph of Orthodoxy, in: Byz-
antium. Faith and power (1261–1557), ed. H. C. Evans, New Heaven
2004, 154–155.
27 The purity, chastity, humility and piety of eunuchs is discussed
by Theophylaktos of Ohrid. Cf. for example Theophylacti Achridensis
Orationes, Tractatus, Carmina, ed. P. Gautier, CFHB XVI/1, Series
Thes- salonicensis, Thessalonicae 1980, 305, 319, 325; v. also,
Krsmanovi, Todorovi, O Teofilaktovoj odbrani, 105, 108–109,
118–119.
28 Ricci, Reinterpretation, 46. 29 Grabar, Un calice, 50, dates the
chalice to the first half of
the tenth century. For other dating, see M. E. Frazer, Chalice of
the pa- triarchs, in: The treasury of San Marco Venice, ed. D.
Buckton, Milan 1984, 159–165; M. da Villa Urbani, Chalice of the
patriarchs, in: Byzan- tium, 330–1453, ed. R. Cormack, M.
Vassilaki, London 2008, 81.
Fig. 2. Saint Ignatios, detail, mosaic, north tympanum of the naos,
Hagia Sophia, Istanbul, Turkey, 9th century?
41 (2017) [25–36]
28
semicircular cup was carved in dark red dappled sardon- yx. The
chalice is decorated with vertical gilded straps fea- turing
portraits and ornaments in the cloisonné enamel technique. The rim
of the chalice contains a Greek in- scription written in blue
enamel: a quote read during the Eucharist (Mt. 26, 27–28).30 The
four medallions on the straps connecting the upper edge of the
chalice to its foot feature portraits of four martyrs: Demetrios,
Procopios, Theodore, and Akyndinos. The part that is of most inter-
est to the matter at hand is the foot of the chalice, which is
divided into four trapezoidal enamel panels with busts of St.
Gregory of Nazianzus, St. John Chrysostom, Patri- arch Ignatios of
Constantinople31 and St. Theophylaktos, Bishop of
Nicomedia.32
On the foot of the chalice Ignatios is shown in typi- cal episcopal
vestments, as a beardless young man with a very elongated face that
tapers towards the chin, large eyes and a thin mouth. Like in the
previous case, the saint’s hair is shown in the shape of a
scull-cap that traces the outline of the head, with long bangs
combed towards the forehead. The hair is rendered in a dark blue
color, apparently emu- lating white (gray) hair, which stands in
stark contrast to his boyish face. In Ignatios’s case, the artist
evidently strove
30 Frazer, Chalice, 159. 31 On the identification of Patriarch
Ignatios of Constantinople
v. Grabar, Un calice, 47. The catalogue entry from the exhibition
held in London in 2004, M. da Villa Urbani, Chalice of the
patriarchs, 81, states that the portrait on the foot depicts St.
Ignatios Theophoros and offers no further explanation.
32 Theophylaktos was probably appointed the bishop of Nico- media
during the reign of Michael I Rangabe, and as an iconodule clashed
with Leo V the Armenian. He died between 817/8 and 842 (PmbZ I/4, #
8295).
to indicate his eunuch status and therefore chose to depict him
beardless and youthful, just like the mosaic image from Hagia
Sophia. The use of darker shades of blue might have served to
highlight Ignatios’s middle age. The saint’s figure is flanked on
both sides by the inscription O (γιος) N-H in red enamel. All of
the four saints on the foot of the chalice have blue enamel
nimbi.
Interestingly, the chalice also shows St. Theophy- laktos beardless
and youthful, much like the depiction of St. Ignatios (fig. 4). In
addition to their beardlessness, both portraits share an almost
identical hairstyle and hair color. Assuming that the portrait
represents the bishop of Nicomedia, the reason for the depiction of
St. Ignatios and Theophylaktos one across the other on the foot of
the chalice, as well as their facial similarity, could be the fact
that they were both venerated as iconodules. However, the question
remains if Theophylaktos was a eunuch, but it would explain the
conspicuous resemblance between their two portraits.33 The sources
offer no explicit information about this. Another possibility to be
borne in mind is that the chalice shows Theophylaktos Lekapenos,
Patriarch of Constantinople (933–956),34 who also seems to have
been
33 There is also the possibility that St. Theophylaktos the Con-
fessor was shown as a young beardless man, although he was not a
eunuch. The icon depicting the Triumph of Orthodoxy shows him as an
old man with a long beard (v. Weyl Carr, Icon with the Triumph of
Orthodoxy, 154–155). In the fourteenth century Deani Monastery, he
is depicted as a young man, long-haired and beardless (v. M.
Markovi, Pojedinane figure svetitelja u naosu i paraklisima, in:
Zidno slikarstvo manastira Deana. Graa i studije, ed. V. J. uri,
Beograd 1995, 243 –264, 256 n. 150).
34 M. Sacopoulo, A Saint-Nicolas-du-Toit. Deux effigies inédites de
patriarches constantinopolitains, CA 17 (1967) 193–202, 196 argues
that the foot of the chalice portrays Patriarch Theophylaktos, and
cites the fig-
Fig. 3. Bust of Saint Igantios, a chalice, enamel, the treasury of
San Marco, Venice, Italy, late 10th or early 11th century
Fig. 4. Bust of Saint Theophylaktos, a chalice, enamel, the
treasury of San Marco, Venice, Italy, late 10th or early 11th
century
Krsmanovi B., Milanovi Lj.: Beards that matter. Visual
representations of Patriarch Ignatios in Byzantine art
29
a eunuch.35 If the depiction is taken to represent the latter, then
the dating of the chalice could be moved to the mid- tenth century
and the terminus ante quem would be 956, the year of the
patriarch’s death.36
The chronologically closest to the foot of the chalice is the
depiction of Patriarch Ignatios in two miniatures in the Menologion
of Basil II (Cod. Vati. gr. 1613). The manuscript has been dated to
the late tenth or very early eleventh cen- tury.37 The Menologion
bears testament to the ambivalent manner of depicting Patriarch
Ignatios, as one of the minia- tures shows him beardless and the
other bearded.38 The ex- planation for this discrepancy could be
that the miniatures were painted by two different artists.39 The
first illustration is particularly noteworthy because it depicts
the deposition of Patriarch Ignatios. The scene is found on page
134 of the
ure’s boyish appearance to support his claim. On Theophylaktos as a
holy patriarch v. E. Moutafov, Saints, eunuchs and iconography, in:
Heroes, cults, saints, ed. I. Georgova, . Moutafov, Sofia 2015,
201–213, 204. Although Patriarch Theophylaktos was never canonized,
it would not have been un- usual to depict him as a saint. Cf. P.
Miljkovi-Pepek, Dva nepoznati frag- menta na freska od vodoka
crkva, ZSM 3 (2001) 34–48, 39.
35 Sym. Mag. 324; PmbZ II/6, # 28192. Interestingly, Grabar
hypothesizes a link between the depiction of St. Theophylaktos, the
Bishop of Nicomedia, with Theophylaktos Lakapenos, Patriarch of
Constantinople, (933–956). Cf. Grabar, Un calice, 49–50.
36 The chalice could have been commissioned in the capital and
gifted to the oratorium of St. Theophylaktos that was built in the
imperial palace. The oratorium is assumed to have been built by Ro-
manos Lakapenos or his son Theophylaktos. Cf. Frazer, Chalice of
the patriarchs, 165; R. Janin, La géographie ecclésiastique de l’
Empire byzan- tin I/3, Paris 1969, 246.
37 For the dating v. S. Der Nersessian, Remarks on the date of the
Menologium and the Psalter written for Basil II, Byzantion 15
(1940/41) 100–125; I. Ševenko, On Pantoleon the painter, JÖB 21
(1972) 241–249.
38 The other miniature is discussed below, cf. infra. 39 Mango,
Hawkins, The mosaics, 30.
manuscript under the date of October 23 and was painted by a
certain George, who also signed his work (fig. 5).40 The center of
the scene is dominated by Patriarch Ignatios lying on an
elaborately decorated deathbed. The deathbed is situ- ated in
Ignatios’s foundation, the monastery of Satyros on the Asian side
of Constantinople.41 The background features a domed edifice and a
building with blind arcades support- ed by pillars; the deathbed
with Ignatios’s prostrate figure, dressed in typical episcopal
vestments, his hands crossed on his chest and his eyes closed, is
shown in front of the arcade. The saint’s face is beardless, and
seems to suggest a middle- aged man. His face is here rendered more
vividly than in Ha- gia Sophia, but is framed by the same
skullcap-shaped hair that has been combed forward, like in the
mosaic depiction from Constantinople. The hair is shown as dark
grey with white shading. Although beardless, and with some signs of
an advanced age, the depiction of the face is idealized, since
Ignatios is not represented here as an eighty-year-old man. The
portrait of the deceased suggests that the artist either de-
liberately chose to show a younger version of the saint in a bid to
emphasize his purity and chastity (supported by the fact that he
was a eunuch) or that he simply followed an old- er iconographical
model. However, he did not abandon the tendency to depict Ignatios
realistically – not only in terms of his beardlessness, but also in
terms of the setting of the entire composition. As the founder of
the abovementioned monastery, Ignatios was buried there.42
40 I. Ševenko, The illuminators of the Menologium of Basil II, DOP
16 (1962) 243–276, 245, 252; Ricci, Reinterpretation,
147–148.
41 Ricci, Reinterpretation, 151; eadem, The road from Bagh- dad to
Byzantium and the case of the Bryas palace in Istanbul, in: Byz-
antium in the ninth century. Dead or alive?. Papers from the
thirtieth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Birmingham, March
1996, ed. L. Brubaker, Aldeshort 1998, 131–149, 132.
42 Ricci, Reinterpretation, 136; eadem, The road from Baghdad,
148.
Fig. 5. Patriarch Ignatios on his deathbed, miniature, the
Menologion of Basil II (Cod. Vati. gr. 1613), Biblioteca Apostolica
Vaticana, Vatican city, late 10th or very early 11th century
41 (2017) [25–36]
30
In Kiev’s Cathedral of St. Sophia there is a fresco of a standing
figure, likely St. Ignatios, from the first half of the eleventh
century (fig. 6).43 He is represented in the northwestern part of
the church under the choir. Accord- ing to Vladimir Sarabianov, who
identified the saint, Ig- natios is depicted in company of another
iconophile, Con- stantinopolitan Patriarch Germanos (715–730).
Together they are part of a broader iconographic scheme of proph-
ets, apostles and saints, which shows the historical devel- opment
of the Church.44 Both Patriarchs are represented without beards and
dressed in ecclesiarch clothing. Patri- arch Ignatios’s portrait
was overpainted in the nineteen century, however, the
eleventh-century layer has been restored to the bust-length.
Although the portrait shows the saint with a youthful appearance,
he is also rendered wearing his characteristic white hair combed
forward in a skull–cap shape, holding a book in his hand and with
dark circles under his eyes, marking his advanced age. Atypically,
he is also given protruding ears.
43 For the dating v. E. N. Boeck, Believing is seeing. Princess
spotting in St. Sophia of Kiev, in: Dubitando. Studies in history
and culture in honor of Donald Ostrowski, ed. B. J. Boeck, R. E.
Martin, D. Rowland, Bloomington, IN 2012, 167–179.
44 N. V. Gerasimenko, A. V. Zakharova, V. D. Sarabi anov,
Izobrazhenii a sviatykh vo freskakh Sofii Kievsko, Chast I.
Vnutrennie gallerei, VV 66 (91) (2007) 24–59, 45, also see, V.
Sarabianov, Relics and Images of Saints in the Sacred Space of St.
Sophia Cathedral in Kiev, in: Spatial icons. Performativity in
Byzantium and Medieval Russia, ed. A. Lidov, Moscow 2011, 364–392,
374–375.
A surviving fresco fragment showing a beardless bishop from the
west church in Vodoa could indicate another depiction of Ignatios
(fig. 7). The fragment was not discovered in situ, but under the
floor of the original level of the sanctuary in its northeastern
part. The fresco was probably part of the oldest wall paintings
from ca. 1037.45 The youthful beardless face suggests that the pic-
tured saint could have been Patriarch Ignatios; however, the
fragmentary nature of the surviving evidence, which shows only a
smaller part the lower face and torso, pre- cludes a more reliable
conclusion.
A late eleventh century fresco in the Church of St. Nicholas of the
Roof, Kakopetria, Cyprus, depicts Patriarch Ignatios, as evidenced
by the inscription ΓΙ(ΟC) ΓΝΑΤΙ(ΟC) on both sides of his nimbus
(fig. 8).46 On the soffit of the arch that connects the prothe- sis
to the bema of the church, Ignatios is represented as a young
beardless man with prominent eyes, dark circles under his eyes and
a double chin. Unlike the previous de- pictions, here, his black
hair with white streaks seems to be combed to the right. The
depiction of St. Ignatios in the prosthesis corresponds to the
usual Byzantine icono- graphical scheme, which places images of
bishops in the sanctuary or its vicinity.47
A similar representation is found in the Church of St. George in
Naxos (fig. 9). The saint is pictured on an eleventh century fresco
as a standing figure in episco- pal vestments in the lower zone on
the south wall next
45 On this fragment and its possible attribution, as well as the
dating of the wall paintings v. Miljkovi-Pepek, Dva nepoznati,
34–49.
46 A. Stylianou, J. A. Stylianou, The painted churches of Cyprus.
Treasures of Byzantine art, Nicosia 1997, 54–55.
47 Gerstel, Beholding, 15–37.
Fig. 6. Saint Ignatios?, fresco in northwestern part under the
choir, the Cathedral of St. Sophia, Kiev, Ukraina, first half
of
the 11th century
Fig. 7. Saint Ignatios?, fresco fragment, west church in Vodoa, FYR
of Macedonia, ca. 1037
Krsmanovi B., Milanovi Lj.: Beards that matter. Visual
representations of Patriarch Ignatios in Byzantine art
31
to the altar. The inscription ΓΙΟC is still visible on his right,
but the name of the saint on the left has not survived. However,
the image is believed to represent Patriarch Ignatios.48 This is
suggested by the beardless face with a prominent double chin and
the semicircular hair combed towards the forehead typical of his
depic- tions, although in this case the hair is shown as black. The
position of the saint’s right hand, almost identical to the one in
the Church of St. Nicholas, is also indicative of his
identity.
The last known depiction of the beardless Ignatios is found on a
menologion icon for the month of Octo- ber from Mount Sinai (ca.
1200, fig. 10).49 The saints are shown in triads, with five days in
each row. In the mid- dle of the fifth row from the top there is a
standing figure of a saint with the inscription γ(ιος) γντ(ιος)
κων(σ) τα(ντινου)πλ(εως) on its right, which clearly confirms that
this is the Ecumenical Patriarch Ignatios. The face is beardless
and elongated with a long nose, deep-set eyes and very dark circles
under his eyes. Unusually, in this im- age the saint’s hair is
parted in the middle. The portraits
48 Μ. Αχειμστου-Ποταμινου, γιος Γεργιος ο Διασορτης της Νξου. Oι
τοιχογραφεςτου 11ου αινα, Αθνα 2016, 54–56.
49 Holy image and hallowed ground. Icons from Sinai, ed. R. Nelson,
K. Collins, Los Angeles 2006, 199.
Fig. 8. Saint Ignatios, fresco in prothesis, the Church of St.
Nicholas of the Roof, near Kakopetria, Cyprus, 11th century
Fig. 9. Saint Ignatios?, fresco, the Church of St. George in Naxos,
Greece, 11th century
41 (2017) [25–36]
32
in this icon are extremely individualized, as shown by the example
of Patriarch Ignatios.
There are four visual representations of Patriarch Ig- natios with
a beard. Notably, all are found in illuminated manuscripts. The
most important and oldest among them is a miniature from the
abovementioned Menologion of Basil II (Cod. Vati. gr. 1613). In a
scene on page 420 depicting the Third Finding of the Head of St.
John the Baptist, Patriarch Ignatios is pictured along with Michael
III the Amorian and other courtiers that were present at the
uncovering of the Baptist’s head. The miniature was painted by a
certain Nestor (fig. 11).50 Ignatios is shown here as an older man
wearing episcopal vestments, with a white beard, hair and eyebrows,
and a receding hair- line. Ignatios’s head is turned towards the
emperor, who
50 Ševenko, The illuminators, 245, 257
is the only figure in the scene with a nimbus around his head. The
center of the scene is dominated by Michael III, while the
Patriarch has a supporting role. The depiction of a eunuch
patriarch with a beard was meant to serve the composition and was
typologically executed according to established iconographical
models. The presence of the emperor obviously made the individual
characteristics of the patriarch irrelevant.
A similar composition was included in an eleventh century Gospel
Lectionary now kept at the Dionysiou Monastery on Mount Athos
(Dionysiou, cod 587, fol. 148r) (fig. 12).51 The scene once again
depicts the Third Finding of the Head of St. John the Baptist
attended by Michael III, Patriarch Ignatios and courtiers. Ignatios
is shown with a very long white beard and white hair combed across
his forehead. None of the depicted figures seem to have a nimbus
around their heads; however, as the gilded background has suffered
some damage, it is difficult to say if the patriarch originally had
a nimbus.
Another eleventh century Gospel Lectionary shows Patriarch Ignatios
with a long white beard and white hair combed back on his forehead
(Cod. Vat. gr. 1156)52. In his part of the menologion for the month
of October, Ignatios is depicted as a standing figure in a series
of others on the page. The image bears a resemblance to other
church fa- thers in the manuscript, which suggests that the artist
did not pay particular attention to the individual character- istic
of the patriarch’s face and instead used a typological
representation.
Finally, the numerous illustrations in the twelfth century Madrid
manuscript of the Chronicle of Skylitzes (cod. gr. Vitr. 26–2)53
include a historical scene depict-
51 The treasures of Mount Athos. Illuminated manuscripts, min-
iatures–headpieces–initial letters, ed. S. M. Pelekanidis et al.,
Athens 1974, 434–446, 444; M. Dolezal, Illuminating the liturgical
word. Text and image in a decorated lectionary (Mount Athos,
Dionysiou Monas- tery, cod. 587), Word & image 12 (1996)
23–60.
52 I. Spatharakis, An usual iconographic type of the seated
evangelist, ΔΧΑΕ 10 (1980–1981) 137–146, 138 n. 6.
53 V. Tsamakda, The illustrated chronicle of Ioannes Skylitzes in
Madrid, Leiden 2002, 7–29. For the most recent dating v. E. N.
Boeck,
Fig. 10. Saint Ignatios, detail, Menologion icon for the month of
October, Mount Sinai, Egypt, ca. 1200
Fig. 11. The Third Finding of the Head of St. John the Baptist,
miniature, the Menologion of Basil II (Cod. Vati. gr. 1613),
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican city, late 10th
or very early 11th century
Krsmanovi B., Milanovi Lj.: Beards that matter. Visual
representations of Patriarch Ignatios in Byzantine art
33
*
Most of the visual representations of the beardless Patriarch
Ignatios discussed above suggest that the ba- sic iconographical
type of St. Ignatios the Younger was established in the early stage
of the evolution of his cult, shortly after his canonization. In
images that were meant to highlight the individual characteristics
of his portrait, the artists obviously tended to depict Ignatios
identifia- ble.55 Ignatios’s fate as a church dignitary was
determined by castration in his puberty and it was precisely these
cir- cumstances that played the crucial role in the emergence of
the saint’s distinctive and recognizable model image. The
importance of the depictions of St. Ignatios without a beard and
with a youthful or rejuvenated face lies in the fact that it
deviates from the widely accepted depiction of church dignitaries,
in which the beard acts as a cultural, ideological and religious
symbol.
Imagining the Byzantine past. The perception of history in the
illustrated manuscript of Skylitzes and Manasses, Cambridge 2015,
32–41.
54 Tsamakda, The illustrated chronicle, 118. 55 On
individualization in Byzantine portraiture v. E. Kitzinger,
Some reflections on portraiture in Byzantine art, ZRVI 8/1 (1963),
185–195.
A sign of masculinity in antiquity, in the early Chris- tian
community beards continued to symbolically indicate the difference
between an adult man and a boy. Some in- fluential early church
fathers promoted the beard as a sign of Christian masculinity.
Clement of Alexandria (c. 150 – c. 215) claimed that a beard was a
sign of man’s supe- riority.56 The secular sphere of the Byzantine
society also emphasized the difference between two categories of
the emperor’s subjects: the so-called ‘bearded’ (βαρβτοι) and
56 Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus (The Instructor), 3. 11, in:
Ante-Nicene fathers. Translations of the writings of the fathers
down to A.D. 325, II, ed. A. Roberts, J. Donaldson, A. Cleveland
Coxe, Grand Rapids 1956, 286.
Fig. 12. The Third Finding of the Head of St. John the Baptist,
miniature, Gospel Lectionary (Dionysiou, cod 587, fol. 148r), the
Dionysiou Monastery, Mount Athos, 11th century
Fig. 13. Consecration of Patriarch Ignatios, miniature, the Madrid
Skylitzes, Codex Græcus Matritensis Ioannis
Skyllitzes (cod. gr. Vitr. 26–2), Biblioteca Nacional de España,
Madrid, Spain, 12th century
41 (2017) [25–36]
34
eunuchs.57 This official terminology suggested the classifi- cation
of Byzantine officials into two groups: the bearded, whose
masculinity was not questioned, and the beardless, who lacked this
proof of masculinity and maturity.
However, alongside this understanding of the beard as an obligatory
symbol of masculinity and virility, an- other line of thought
emerged which did not see beard- lessness as the absence of male
characteristics. Hence, the lack of a beard could be interpreted as
a symbol of youth, chastity or spirituality. It is noteworthy that
Christian art depicts angels as young, without any conspicuous
person- al characteristics, and as a rule beardless.58 The visual
rep- resentations of early Christian martyrs and warrior saints
also bear evidence to this. They are usually shown beard- less, but
this does not deny their masculinity. The lack of a beard only
serves to suggest their youth and, more impor- tantly, their
spiritual purity and devotion to the faith.59
The ambivalence of bearded or beardless visual rep- resentations is
also illustrated by the images of Constan- tine the Great, the
first Christian emperor. For example, his coinage established an
idealized model that showed the emperor clean-shaven and youthful.
This distinction served to differentiate Constantine from the
numismatic visual representations of the remaining tetrarchs, who
were depicted with beards; in addition, it established a link be-
tween Constantine and the Roman tradition, i.e. Octavian
Augustus.60 In contrast, in medieval Byzantine iconogra- phy
Constantine the Great was always shown bearded61 to correspond to
the universally accepted symbol of maturity and power, which was
particularly prominent in Byzantine society from the seventh to the
fifteenth century.62
While depicting St. Ignatios beardless deviates from the
iconography of bishops in Byzantium, it does not stand in contrast
with the representation of saints in Christian art. Although
Ignatios’s beardlessness high- lighted a realistic idiosyncrasy of
his appearance (as a cas- trate, he certainly would not have had a
beard), it should also be seen as a metaphor of another kind of
Christian masculinity – a possible mark of monastic asceticism,
which would have only been supported by the fact that he had been a
eunuch. The Byzantine literary tradition, summarized in Vita
Ignatii, describes his purity and the perseverance he showed during
the internal strife in the church in which he was also personally
involved: despite his beardlessness, his piety and spirituality
brought a new
57 N. Oikonomidès, Les listes de préséance byzantines des IXe t Xe
siècles, Paris 1972, 125–135; v. also, Krsmanovi, Todorovi, O
Teofilaktovoj odbrani, 102–103; on the term βαρβτοι and its antonym
νρχαι v. ibid. 134 n. 4 (D. Todorovi).
58 M. Hatzaki, Beauty and the male body in Byzantium, New York
2009, 86–116.
59 In this early period when the iconographical types of war- rior
saints and martyrs were established, the beard might not have been
fashionable and was hence perhaps not seen as an explicit sym- bol
of masculinity, courage, etc. Cf. Ch. Walter, The warrior saints in
Byzantine art and tradition, Aldershot 2003, 285–86; S. Tougher,
Cher- chez l’homme! Byzantine men. A eunuch perspective, in: The
Byzantine world, ed. P. Stephenson, London – New York 2010, 83–91,
86.
60 S. Tougher, Bearding Byzantium. Masculinity, eunuchs and the
byzantine life course, in: Questions of gender in Byzantine
society, ed. B. Neil, L. Garland, Farnham 2013, 153–167, 155.
61 O. F. A. Meinardus, The beardless patriarch. St. Germanos,
Makedonika 13 (1973) 178–186, 180.
62 Tougher, Bearding, 153.
spiritual and Christian masculinity which was contrasted with the
usual understanding of masculinity embodied in the bearded image of
his opponent Patriarch Photios.63 The significance of the beard as
a symbol of virility was replaced by the miracles Ignatios
performed both in his lifetime and after his death. Vita Ignatii
underscores the miracles that transcend the physiological
shortcomings of a eunuch saint; for example, the touch of his hair
(on his head?) restored milk to a woman’s breast, while oil from
his grave cured another woman’s infertility.64
The beardless depictions of Patriarch Ignatios are not the only
deviations from the usual iconography of a bishop in Byzantium:
Patriarch Germanos was portrayed as a beardless bishop and saint.
As he is known to have been castrated at an age past the usual time
for subject- ing an individual to this intervention,65 it follows
that his portrait also reflected his beardlessness as a realistic
indi- vidual characteristic. Unfortunately, earliest known of his
portraits date from the tenth century, but all of them show the
saint as aged and beardless (except one with a bare- ly noticeable
beard), with white hair, hollow cheeks, and deep wrinkles, the last
being one of the most conspicuous characteristics of
castrates.66
Unlike Germanos, one of the iconographical fea- tures of Ignatios’s
portraits was the emphasis on his youthful appearance. This could
have been one of the iconographical elements that allowed a more
readily ob- servable distinction between the two eunuch patriarchs.
The iconographical model that depicts St. Germanos of
Constantinople as a beardless and wrinkled old man can be assumed
to have been established before Igna- tios’s, which would have led
to the need to differentiate the portraits of the two bishops by
their age. In addition, it should be borne in mind that Ignatios’s
youthful face might have served to emphasize the torture he endured
in his youth that would have underlined his chastity, purity and
asceticism – the characteristics generally ascribed to eunuch
monks.67
The examples that endowed Ignatios’s portrait with individual
characteristics show a tendency to align the image to a prototype.
These portraits conform to the de- mands of the post-iconoclastic
period, when Byzantine art sought to achieve faithful depictions of
saints.68 In their own way, the examples that show Ignatios with
a
63 Messis, Les eunuques, 141–144. 64 Vita Ignatii 112. 15 –114. 2.
65 Germanos was also a eunuch of the κτομας category. Cf.
Ioannis Zonarae Epitome historiarum, libri XIII–XVIII, ed. Th.
Büttner- Wobst, Bonnae 1897, XIV, 222; L. Lamza, Patriarch Germanos
I. von Konstantinopel (715–730). Versuch einer endgültigen
chronologischen Fixierung des Lebens und Wirkens des Patriarchen,
mit dem griechisch- deutschen Text der Vita Germani am Schluss der
Arbeit, Würzburg 1975, 222. 300–303; v. also, Messis, Les eunuques,
128 n. 48; v. also, PmbZ 2298, 31 et. n. 1.
66 For the depictions of Patriarch Germanos and a comprehen- sive
list of monuments v. V. Sarabianov, Chtimye sviatye domongol’sko
Rusi v rospisiakh Sofii Kievsko. K voprosu o formirovanii lokal’no
tradicii. Chast I, Iskusstvoznanie 3/4 (2014) 49–87, 72, aslo see,
M. Radujko, Ka- meno saprestolje i friz fresko–ikona u otlaru ike
crkve Vaznesenja Hris- tovog, Zograf 29 (2002–2003) 93–117, 99, n.
47.
67 For more details v. Krsmanovi, Todorovi, O Teofilaktovoj
odbrani, 104–113, 118–120.
68 H. Maguire, The icons of their bodies. Saints and their images
in Byzantium, Princeton 1996, 100–146; Marsengill, Portraits,
112–137.
Krsmanovi B., Milanovi Lj.: Beards that matter. Visual
representations of Patriarch Ignatios in Byzantine art
35
beard also provide evidence that Byzantine artists strove to
establish a distinctive iconographical type of Ignatios’s portrait.
In scenes that depict Patriarch Ignatios as a par- ticipant in a
historical or religious public event, the artists’ focus was not on
the individualization of shown figures. Here the patriarch was just
a witness of the pictured event and was therefore depicted
typologically. This adherence to established iconographical forms
is also evident in the abovementioned menologion part of the Gospel
Lection- ary, which shows him as a bearded figure. In this sense,
the image from the Madrid manuscript of the Chronicle of Skylitzes
is particularly illustrative. Scholars have quite rightly
questioned if, and to what extent, the illustrations of the Madrid
manuscript, which originated in Sicily, tru- ly reflect the reality
of Byzantine society.69
69 M. Parani, Look like an angel. The attire of eunuchs and its
significance within the context of middle Byzantine court
ceremonial, in: Court ceremonies and rituals of power in Byzantium
and the me- dieval Mediterranean. Comparative perspectives, ed. A.
Beihammer,
An overview of the depictions of Patriarch Ignatios in Byzantine
art certainly reveals the portraitists’ tenden- cy to keep the
distinctive individual characteristics of the depicted saint.
Patriarch Ignatios’s cult was the strong- est in the capital and
left its mark in the period of the most intense activity of the
eunuch community at court and in Constantinople in the tenth and
eleventh century. The rise of the Komnenos dynasty to power
(1081–1185) marked the beginning of the marginalization of eunuchs
and seems to have led to the waning of the cult of St. Igna- tios
the Younger.
S. Constantinou, M. Parani, Leiden 2013, 433–465, 439, n. 23. Bente
Bjørnholt and Liz James have suggested that the Madrid Skylitzes
de- picts eunuchs with beards because the artists prioritized
showing their masculinity over their realistic appearance. Cf. B.
K. Bjørnholt, L. James, The man in the street. Some problems of
gender and identity in Byzantine material culture, in: Material
culture and well–being in byz- antium (400–1453). Proceedings of
the international conference (Cam- bridge, 8–10 September 2001),
ed. M. Günbart et al., Wien 2007, 51–57.
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/LVI
<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>
/NLD (Gebruik deze instellingen om Adobe PDF-documenten te maken
die zijn geoptimaliseerd voor prepress-afdrukken van hoge
kwaliteit. De gemaakte PDF-documenten kunnen worden geopend met
Acrobat en Adobe Reader 5.0 en hoger.) /NOR
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/PTB
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/RUM
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/RUS
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/SKY
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/SLV
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/SUO
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/SVE
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/UKR
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/ENU (Use these settings to create Adobe PDF documents best suited
for high-quality prepress printing. Created PDF documents can be
opened with Acrobat and Adobe Reader 5.0 and later.) >>
/Namespace [ (Adobe) (Common)