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construyendo agendas 2011
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Nora Cárdenas
Oscar Espinosa
Patricia Ruiz Bravo
With the support of María del
Rosario Castro
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BUILDING AGENDAS: GENDER AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES
© Oxfam© Oxfam AmericaAddress: Avenida Benavides 1130 - Miraflores, Lima 18 - PeruPhone: (511) 700 9200www.oxfam.org
First edition: October 2011.500 copies.Copyright National Library of Peru, Nº 2011-11346.
ISBN: 978-9972-9666-8-2Coordinator: Adelaida Alayza Sueiro, Gender and Policies Advisor - Oxfam Peru.Graphic design: Maritza Correa Alamo.Copy editor: Ricardo Virhuez Villafane.Cover photo: Percy Ramirez / OxfamPhotographies: Evan Abramson, Percy Ramirez, Charlie Jara.
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Index
Presentation 7
1. Conceptual framework 11
1.1 The gender concept 11
1.2 Definition of indigenous and indigenous peoples 12
2. National and local context 17
2.1 Socio-economic and gender indicators 17
2.2 Human development, poverty and general equity 18
2.3 Areas included in the study 21
2.4 Normative and institutional framework 25
2.5 Historic and current considerations 29
3. History of indigenous women’s organizations 37
3.1 Ayacucho 38 3.2 Puno 46 3.3 Junín 47 3.4 Current assessment 50
4. Indigenous–peasant women and their agendas 53
5. Conclusions and recommendations 59
6. References 65
Appendix
Methodological strategy 68
Photo: Evan Abramson / Oxfam
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Presentation
This context report on the issue of gender and indigenous peoples was prepared at the request of Oxfam America. The central idea was to assess the progress made and obstacles encountered where these two themes intersect. We were interested in examining the situation of women in relation to the demands of indigenous peoples. The following objectives were formulated to this end:
• Undertake a context analysis to summarize the gender agendas within the indigenous women’s movement;
• Reflect on the particular qualities of the gender agendas of indigenous women; • Analyze the relationship between the gender agendas of indigenous women and
those of urban movements and feminist NGOs; • Recommend working guidelines to prepare a policy on gender and indigenous
peoples in Latin America.
A qualitative methodology was used for the study. Three areas were chosen for in-depth analysis and interviews with women who participate in organizations. The research proposal, methodology and data gathering were debated with the Oxfam America team.
Data gathering involved a review of secondary sources, including documents produced by Oxfam and magazines and reports from indigenous women’s organizations. Specialized bibliographic materials on the theme were also reviewed, as were websites and blogs, to complete the review. Interviews were conducted with Oxfam America’s work teams, program coordinators and directors to gather their proposals and visions on the theme. Fieldwork was conducted in Ayacucho (Ayacucho province), Junín (Satipo province) and Puno (Puno and Melgar provinces).
Interviews were conducted with women and key local informants. In the majority of cases the interviews were with women who form part of women’s organizations or federations. While grassroots women were not interviewed directly in their communities, regional and national events were attended and provided an opportunity to establish direct contact with women leaders from diverse districts and peasant communities. The work is presented in five sections. The first section briefly describes the conceptual framework, explaining the principal concepts used and the focus of the work. The second section presents the national and local contexts, analyzing scenarios that, as can be appreciated, play an important role in the histories and identities of the women in each of the zones included in the report. The third and fourth sections present an analysis of women’s organizations and agendas. The final section includes the report’s conclusions and recommendations for Oxfam America’s policies. The report also includes a bibliography and appendices.
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We would like to thank the Oxfam America team, especially Adelaida Alayza, for creating an enjoyable and inviting work environment. Her permanent encouragement and suggestions enriched the final report.
We also want to express our gratitude to all the women who, from their diverse experiences, were willing to share their wisdom with us. They let us know about their joys, successes, fears and dreams. We hope the results of this work can contribute to “living well” for them and their families.
Special thanks go out to Ana María Pino, of the Casa del Corregidor in Puno, Zenón Choquehuanca, of the SER team in Puno, and Rosa Palomino, of the Network of Aymara Communicators. Different people contributed to the report in the regions where we conducted the research. In Ayacucho, we would like to thank professors Gumercinda Reynaga and Jeffrey Gamarra, and Dania Pariona, a student, at the San Cristóbal de Huamanga National University´s Hatun Ñan Program. Our thanks also to the support provided by Andrés Solari, the former president of the Consensus Roundtable to Combat Poverty; Clelia Rivero, current president of FEDECMA and past president of the Institute of Ayacuchan Women (IRMA); Gloria Huamaní; Socorro Arce, councilwoman for the Ayacucho Provincial Municipality; Carmen de los Ríos and Ada Luz Rojas Marín, of the Loyola Center; Tania Pariona, of the Ñoqanchiq Youth Organization; Lucy Mucha Chate, of the Ombudsman’s Office; Aurora Luján Gutiérrez, of the Manuela Ramos Movement; and Edgar Capcha, of the Departmental Agrarian Federation of Ayacucho (FADA). Special thanks to Teodora Aime, founder of the Departmental Federation of Mothers’ Clubs of Ayacucho (FEDECMA), and Adelina García, president of the National Association of Relatives of People Kidnapped, Detained and Disappeared of Peru (ANFASEP), for sharing their life experiences with us and for inviting us to participate in different events held by their organizations.
With respect to the work in Satipo, we want to thank Beatriz Fabián, of the Amazonian Center for Anthropology and Practical Application, for the information, friendship and trust she offered us; María del Pilar Ego-Aguirre and Eduardo Pacheco, who helped us with interviews; and the indigenous leaders who kindly dedicated valuable time to respond to our questions.
Photo: Percy Ramírez / Oxfam
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1. Conceptual framework Two central concepts were used for this report: Gender and indigenous or “indigenous peoples.” Following is a presentation of these concepts, which explains the focus of our work.
1.1 Gender concept
We start by considering gender as a category that allows us to understand one of the central components of social ordering. Distinct societies establish criteria to classify and order different people and populations, which is a fundamental part of the way a society is organized and functions. While gender is one of the most important elements, it is not the only one. Alongside gender are social class, ethnicity, religious creed, age, etc. Studies done on these different elements of social classification have shown that in many cases they are also used as criteria for differentiation, subordination and domination. This means that at the same time that a society classifies and orders, it also establishes hierarchies that favor some groups over others (Harvey Brown 1993).
What do we understand as gender? Gender is a concept that allows us to conceive the way in which each person builds an identity as a woman or man. It is assumed that the ways of relating to peers or people of the opposite sex are profoundly oriented and influenced by the models of woman or man that each considers appropriate. In this sense, the way in which we are constructed as men or women implies taking on certain societal roles, attributions and representations. This presumes a socialization process through family, school, community, peer group and other institutions that establish norms and guidelines for our behaviors, expectations and self-image.
From the moment we are born, and even from within the womb, we are exposed to these social and cultural influences, including language, which is one of these influences
Gender is sometimes considered an external social construction of a person, leaving aside the more subjective and individual aspects through which a person reads and interprets these messages and produces, at the same time, their own narrative. In this way, the concept of a gender system tries to show that gender relations not only define the relationship between men and women, but also a social system.
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because it expresses and reproduces the models that condition our way of seeing the world. These conditions permeate all social structures and institutions: Family, school, market and church, among others, as well as the normative body that guides collective behavior in a society, such as government and state administration. Within this learning it is important to recognize that the internalization of norms and guidelines demands significant psychological work. Gender is sometimes considered an external social construction of a person, leaving aside the more subjective and individual aspects through which a person reads and interprets these messages and produces, at the same time, their own narrative. In this way, the concept of a gender system tries to show that gender relations not only define the relationship between men and women, but also a social system.
If we start by recognizing that people are constructed as men and women according to each social and cultural context, work from a gender focus requires understanding and analyzing these local models of identity, as well the way they are learned and reproduced. A central element of the analysis stemming from this point is that there are a diversity gender repertoires, as well as processes and institutions that intervene in their construction. As will be seen further on, one of the demands of the women who were interviewed is recognition of heterogeneity in being a woman. Another element to take into account is that identities are constructed in a rational manner. We define, reaffirm and transform who we are in relation to others. As such, it is very important to analyze the relationships between men and women, observing their characteristics and transformations. But it is not only about relations between males and females. Gender relations are also constructed within each of these groups, consolidating ways of being and behaving within each gender. Feminine identifies are created and recreated according to contexts, but also in function of people and institutions with which they have contact. As will be seen later, belonging to a family with a tradition of being part of an organization can be a central element in defining the femininity of a group of women that other do not possess.
Gender identities and relations are, as such, constructed in socio-cultural processes, are heterogeneous and change over time, making it essential to have a historic and dynamic view that allows for changes to be seen and valued in a special way. We are opposed to labels constructed a priori that, by homogenizing the situations of the men and women, deny them their identities and block their development.
As a result and confirming our distance from dichotomous essentialist focuses, we are interested in affirming the importance of getting away from the model that portrays women as victims of dominant men. This focus is static and of little used to analyze the situation and demands of peasant and indigenous women, as well as their relationship to national organizations.
Instead of this focus, we propose observing and analyzing gender relations by considering agency and conflict. The concept of agency allows us to see the processes through which people manage their own lives. It is about seeing women as subjects with possibilities for action, thereby moving away from the image of woman as victim, needy and defenseless in the face of oppression. According to Gidden (1987), this approximation not only lets us talk about the stakeholder, but also the structural circumstances that constrain her and ways or resistance or alternatives to these constraints. This focus, within the scope of this report, allows us to understand the situation of women and recognizes the contradictory processes where we find their practices, representations, desires and achievements as a way of responding.
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The concept of agency is particularly useful for the study of women, because it transcends the reductionist dichotomy1 that identifies people as autonomous subjects or dependents. It allows us to get beyond the dominant stereotype that portrays women as victims or heroines, seeing instead gray areas, tensions and the diverse spaces where their lives unfold. This approach also allows for the recognition of conflict as a possibility for reflection and change, which is also a very important factor.
1.2 Definition of indigenous or indigenous peoples2
First, it is important to recognize that actual people do not define themselves as “indigenous” in the abstract, but as belonging to a determined people. For example, there are not “Amazon indigenous people,” but Asháninkas, Awajún or Matsés. The same thing is true in other regions of Peru, Latin America and the rest of the world. There are Aymara, Quechua, Mapuche, Wichí, Kuna, Huichol, Purépecha, Inuit peoples, etc. Along the same lines, there are also people and groups that do not want to be called “indigenous.”
In some cases, however, this rejection has to do with an association to a history of discrimination. In the case of Andean countries, for example, the term indigenous is often associated with the term Indian, which is strongly associated with a history of abuse and exploitation. Many people believe that the word indigenous is a modification of the term Indian or indigent. These interpretations are, nevertheless, incorrect. The word indigenous comes from the Latin words inde (from there) and gens (original). It has the same meaning as original, local or native peoples.
Second, as a social category the term indigenous classifies and locates peoples in a specific place within the larger spectrum of relations that exist within a determined society. In this case, the category indigenous refers to ethnic identity. As such, the category indigenous works like any other social category we can conceive, such as age or generation, through which we classify people in a determined society by using date of birth as the principal criteria. In this sense, we refer to people whose ethnic identity is fundamental to their life or an aspect of it.
These categories operate constantly in daily life, given that we generally do not see people as complex beings but representatives of a specific role or social sector. For
1 One of the contributions of gender studies following difference feminism is the criticism of the dichotomous way of constructing the identities of men and women, placing them in opposing positions and classifications that eliminate intermediary and transitory situations. For example, the dichotomy of productive work versus reproductive work stops us from seeing and analyzing not only the productive work done by many women, but also the potential contributions of men to reproductive work.
2 Alternative names to indigenous or indigenous peoples are preferred in some places. These names include aboriginal, native, native populations, ethnic groups or ethno-linguistic groups, Indians, nations or nationalities, indigenous populations, uncivilized populations, non-integrated populations, original populations, semi-tribal populations, forest peoples, tribes or tribal people. In the case of the Peruvian Andes, terms include Andean peoples, original peoples, peasant-indigenous peoples, or simply peasants. The United Nations recognizes these terms as synonymous with indigenous or indigenous peoples.
Conceptual framework
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example, in classrooms people become teachers, students, classmates; in public transportation there are drivers, fare collectors and passengers, etc. In the same way, in Peru, as in any other society, indigenous people are not seen in terms of their personal complexity, but as representatives of a social sector. For example, if an indigenous person wants to sell his or her land, the assumption is that all indigenous people want to sell their land, etc.
The term indigenous also constitutes a legal category. That is, a person or group of people classified as indigenous implies a series of duties and rights contemplated in national legislation or international legislation. There exist certain consensus-based basic criteria expressed in international legislation, including:
a) Territory. This is an objective criterion to allow for the continuity of people over time. In this sense, indigenous people are considered the descendents of peoples who inhabited a territory before modern states were created;
b) Historic continuity. Closely linked to the first criterion, the idea of historic continuity refers to the descendents of original peoples who existed before the processes of colonization, conquest or creation of modern states;
c) Ethnic and cultural identity. This criterion refers to the identification of the person with his or her own people, culture and traditions. As such, it is related to the following criterion, as well as to the concept of self-definition and self-identification;
d) Traditions. This is not only about knowing and maintaining traditions and cultures of one’s own people, but the willingness to maintain tradition and continue living with social and cultural institutions different than those of the larger national society. Traditions, if they are still in force, are in a state of constant change and transformation. As such, it is not about repeating what one’s ancestors did, but providing continuity to heritage. This means that while some customs have been lost and others invented, the important thing is the attitude of people of the collectives to maintain cultural difference from the rest of the population;
e) Situation of marginalization. Indigenous peoples generally occupy a subordinate place within modern societies. Marginalization is so intense in some cases that the survival of these societies is at risk. Finally, it is unusual that an indigenous people occupy a dominant position within a state. In any case, this is a complementary and contrasting criterion;
f) Self-definition and self-recognition. This is the principal criterion today. Indigenous peoples, in the end, are those who define themselves as such. It is common to hear in different places phrases like “they do not appear indigenous”, “they do not wear traditional dress, so they are not indigenous”, “they went to university, so they are no longer indigenous”, “they live in the city and are no longer indigenous,” etc. All of these expressions lead to a negation of indigenous identity on the part of outsiders and are based in large measures on superficial perceptions. Indigenous identity does not depend on dress, customs, language or even territory (which may have been lost), but belonging to a people. In addition, no one, not even states, can decide who is indigenous. Having indigenous ancestors does not mean that a person continues to be indigenous. In this sense, only indigenous people have the right to define themselves as such.
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For this report, we have decided to pay attention to two of the categories presented: Gender and indigenous, looking at the way they strengthen and support each other. Focusing on the concept of intersectionality, we pay special attention to the way in which both dimensions become criteria for discrimination to which other conditions, such as social condition and geographic location, can be added.
Conceptual framework
Photo: Percy Ramírez / Oxfam
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2. National and local context2.1 Socio-economic and gender indicators
Socio-demographic profile
According to the results of the 2007 national census (INEI, UNFPA, UNDP 2008), Peru has a population of 28,220,764 people, making it the seventh largest country in the Americas in terms of population size3.
The population is located primarily in urban areas and along the coast. The statistics state that 75.9 percent of the population lives in urban areas, while 24.1 percent live in rural areas. The country is divided into 24 regions and one constitutional province. The regions with the most people are Lima, Piura, La Libertad, Cajamarca and Puno. These five regions concentrate 52.5 percent of the national population (INEI, UNFPA, and UNDP 2008). Lima has the highest number of people, concentrating 30.8 percent of the national total.
The average age of the Peruvian population is 28.4 years, with 30.5 percent of the population under the age of 15, 63.1 percent between the ages of 15 and 64, and 6.4 percent over the age of 64.
Regarding the breakdown by sex, the population is almost evenly divided between men and women, with a slightly larger number of women. “According to the 2007 census, the masculine population in Peru is 13,622,640, which represents 49.7 percent of the population counted by the census, and the feminine population is 13,789,517, or 50.3 percent” (INEI, UNFPA and UNDP 2008: 39).
Peru is a multi-ethnic and multi-linguistic country, but due to problems in defining the concept of ethnicity and the term indigenous, there is a gap in statistical information
3 Following the United States, Brazil, Mexico, Colombia, Argentina and Canada.
Peru is a multi-ethnic and multi-linguistic country, but due to problems in defining the concept of ethnicity and the term indigenous, there is a gap in statistical information that makes it difficult to know in depth and in real terms the country’s true ethnic and linguistic diversity.
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that makes it difficult to know in depth and in real terms the country’s true ethnic and linguistic diversity.
The 2007 Household Census presents information on the ethnic dimension based on the original language a person learned in childhood. According to the results, approximately 15 percent of the population over the age of five learned a native language in childhood, while the rest learned Spanish:
According to the result of the National Population Census of 2007, Spanish is the language the majority of the population learned in childhood. Of the population over the age of five, 83.9 percent reported learning this language in childhood, 13.2 percent learned Quechua, 1.8 percent Aymara and 0.9 percent another native language (INEI, UNFPA and UNDP 2008: 117)
The data shows that more women (16.4 percent) than men (15.6 percent) learned Quechua or another native language in childhood. The data also reveals that in rural areas 37.5 percent of people over the age of five learned a native language in childhood, compared to urban areas, where it is 9.3 percent (INEI, UNFPA and UNDP 2008: 118). The authors of a study conducted by the Analysis Group for Development (GRADE) used first language as a baseline criterion to approach the topic of indigenous peoples, but stated that there are limitations to the definition due to the “richness and heterogeneity of the country’s multiple ethnic groups (Benavides, Mena and Ponce 2010: 4). The data found in the study is similar to that of the 2007 census: 15.7 percent of Peruvian population is considered indigenous (this represents around 4 million people). The study shows that throughout the years an increasingly larger number of young people are reporting Spanish as the first language they learned.
The study also reveals that the majority of children in rural areas learned to speak a native language first. The authors observe that the number of children who speak native languages in rural areas diminishes as they get older. This could be tied to migration. The regions where more than 45 percent of children speak native languages are Apurímac (69 percent), Huancavelica (56 percent), Ayacucho (53 percent), Puno (49 percent) and Cusco (45 percent) (Benavides, Mena and Ponce 2010: 12).
2.2 Human development, poverty and gender equity
The results of different national and international reports show an upward trend in the Human Development4 Index (HDI) in Peru and a reduction in poverty levels.
According to the result of the 2010 Human Development Peru, Peru is located in the group of countries with High Human Development, moving up four positions between 2005 and 2010 (UNDP 2010).
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In addition, national statistics prepared by the National Statistics and Information Institute (INEI) indicate that poverty and extreme poverty at the national level have dropped significantly in the past few years: “Poverty in Peru in 2009 dropped to 34.8 percent, witnessing a 1.4-point reduction from the previous year, which means that 35 out of each 100 people had spending levels below that of the basic consumption basket” (INEI 2010).
Regarding gender equity, the statistics reveal that an increasing number of men and women have access to formal education, there has been a substantial decrease in the illiteracy rate and there is greater participation of women in the public sphere. The data included in the 2009 Gender-related Development Index (GRD) and 2009 Gender Parity Index (GPI) for Peru confirm that the gap between men and women has narrowed, although there are still differences in estimated income and life expectancy.
The trends recorded in different national and international indicators place Peru in a favorable context for economic growth, improved living conditions and gender equity. Nevertheless, growth does not necessarily mean equal access to opportunities. Other indicators show inequality in wealth distribution, access to services and the relations between sexes.
4 In the second grouping for nations, following the first group of countries that are ranked as having very high human development.
5 From a total of 169 countries.6 Out of a total of 182 countries.7 Out of a total of 169 countries.
Chart 1. Human Development Index 2010 (Peru)
Rank5 Valor Life expectancy2007(years)
Mean years of schooling (years)
Expected years of schooling (years)
GDO Per capita (2008 PPP US$)
63 0.723 73,7 9.6 13.8 8.424
Source: UNDP (2010)
Chart 2. Gender-related Development Index and its components (Peru)
Ranking6 Value
Life expectancy 2007
Adult literacy rate(% aged15 and older)1999–2007
Combined gross enrolment ratio for primary, secondary andtertiary education (%)2007
Estimated earned income (PPP U$) 2007
Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men
65 0.804 75,8 70,4 84,6 94,9 89,9 86,4 5.828 9,835
Source: UNDP (2009)
National and local context
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For example, the Human Development Index adjusted for Inequality reveals that Peru has one of the highest levels of inequality. Our country drops 26 points from the position it held in the 2010 Human Development Index.
The existence of inequality can also be seen in the HDI index for the country’s 24 regions. The population with the greatest well-being is found in districts, provinces and regions along the coast and in urban areas, while the populations with the least favorable conditions are found primarily in high-Andean zones and in areas in the low-lying jungle (UNDP 2009). The five regions with the lowest HDI in 2009 were Huancavelica, Apurímac, Puno, Ayacucho and Cajamarca.
If the results of the 2009 national HDI are compared with national poverty rates, the conclusion can be drawn that these regions present the highest levels of poverty (INEI 2009). Of the regions with the highest poverty levels (Huancavelica, Apurímac, Huánuco, Ayacucho and Puno), four present the lowest levels in the 2009 National HDI.
With respect to the relationship between poverty and the indigenous population, the study by Benavides Mena and Ponce (2010) indicates that children whose first language is a native language are poorer than those whose first language is Spanish. In addition, this population has less access to health and education, and demonstrates problems with malnutrition, among other things.
Regarding gender equity, while significant progress has been made, particularly in the areas of education, employment and political participation, Peru still faces major challenges in achieving gender parity. This is particularly true in regions with lower levels of wellbeing.
Peru is ranked 74th in Gender Parity Index (IPG) out of 169 countries. In 2009, Peru’s ranking in the IPG was 11 spots below its HDI ranking.
7 Out of a total of 169 countries.
Chart 4. Gender Parity Index (Peru)
Gender Parity Index
Maternal mortality rate
Adolescent birth rate
Seats held in
Congress by women
Secondary school completion rate (% de people 25 years and older)
Participation in the workforce
Ranking2008
Value2008
2003–2008
1990–2008
Women2008
Women2010
Men2010
Women2010
Men 2010
74 0.614 240 54.7 29.2% 64.1 78.6 66.6 77.6
Source: UNDP (2010)
Chart 3. Human Development Index adjusted for Inequality 2010 (Peru)
Ranking7 ValueHuman development Index adjusted for inequality
Value Global loss (%)
Change in ranking
Gini coefficient of income distribution
63 0.723 0,501 30,7 -26 50,5
Source: PNUD (2010)
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8 First place in the Peru HDI (UNDP 2009)9 Last place in the Peru HDI (UNDP 2009)
The regions with the lowest values on the Human Development Index and regarding poverty and gender inequality level also have the highest percentage of people who speak a native language as their first language. The same report shows that those populations with lower values on different indicators measuring wellbeing live in rural zones, are women and were affected in an intense way by the political violence the country experienced between 1980 and 2000. “Undeniable progress was achieved in the past decades. However, the hardest part remains: Reaching dispersed rural populations, above all in the Amazon and highlands, indigenous groups and women” (UNDP 2009).
2.3 Areas included the study
The areas chosen for the study include Ayacucho, Puno and Junín. The study examined areas corresponding to the southern highlands and central jungle in these regions.
A high percent of the population over the age of five in the regional included in the study learned a native language in childhood. This is particularly true in Ayacucho (Quechua) and Puno (Aymara). These regions are found within the top five in terms of poverty rates at the national level and low values in the 2009 HDI. Junín has the second highest population over the age of five that learned Asháninka in childhood.
Chart 5. Areas studies – HDI, poverty, native language
País/región Población
(2007)
IDH Na-cional(2009)
Incidencia de pobreza (2009)
Lengua aprendida en la niñez (2007)(% de la población de 5 y más años de edad
Valo
r
Cal
ifica
ción
Valo
r (%
)
Pos
ició
n
Cas
tella
no
Que
chua
Aim
ara
Ash
ánin
ka
Otra
le
ngua
nativ
a
Perú 28 220 764 0,623 __ 34,8 __ 83,9 13,2 1,8 0,3 0,7
Lima8 8 482 619 0,679 1 15,3 22 de 24 93,2 6,2 0,3 0,0 0,1
Ayacucho 612 489 0,562 21 62,6 4 de 24 35,7 63,9 0,2 0,0 0,1
Junín 1 225 474 0,600 11 34,3 14 de 24 86,4 9,6 0,1 3,1 0,6
Puno 1 268 441 0,561 22 60,8 5 de 24 33,8 38,5 27,5 0,1 0,0
Huancavelica9 454 797 0,539 24 77,2 1 de 24 35,1 64,6 0,1 0,0 0,0
Fuentes: INEI (2007), PNUD (2009), INEI (2009)
National and local context
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Education
The percentage of the population receiving formal education has increased strongly in the country in the past few decades. This has been particularly favorable to the female, rural and indigenous populations.
The results of the 2007 census show that a majority of the population between the ages of six and 11 attend school and there is parity between boy and girl attendance. More girls than boys attend school in some regions, which is the opposite of the data recorded in the 1993 census:
According to the results of the 2007 census, 94.9 percent of the population in this age group attended a grade level regularly, which is 7.6 points higher than what was observes in 1993, when it was 87.3%. (…) School attendance in this age group does not show difference between men and women, with a rate of 94.9 percent. Compared to 1993, the attendance rate of girls increased by 8.1 percent; and by 7.2 percent for boys (INEI, PNUD and UNFPA 2007: 95)
Secondary school attendance for adolescents between the ages of 12 and 16 also increased between the 1993 and 2007 censuses. While more young men (89.1 percent) attend secondary school than young girls (87.5 percent), the difference is insignificant.
An important number of indigenous women have not only concluded secondary school, but have enrolled in higher education, in technical institutes, teaching colleges or universities. Access to education, particularly higher education, is leading to important changes in the way women see themselves, their families and their people. Nevertheless, there continue to be gender gaps by area of residence in access to and attendance of school. Women in rural zones make up the population facing the greatest challenges.
The female student population in rural areas faces greater difficulties regarding school access and attendance, which is associated with socio-cultural aspects given that at older ages girls and adolescents take on chores in the home and family, limiting their possibilities for personal development (Ombudsman’s Office 2010: 21)
Different studies (Ballara and Parada 2009) state that while there has been clear progress in the access of women to educational institutions, rural women who work in agriculture have the lowest education rates in the country. This situation has very negative consequences for these women, primarily because it directly limits their capacity for employment. Along these lines, an analysis of illiteracy rates shows, as Barrig (2001) states, that while levels have declined percentage-wise, this remains a female phenomenon. And this phenomenon, as is predictable, not only reflects inequalities between men and women and rural and urban areas, but also ethnic differences.
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An analysis of the illiteracy rate by sex shows high levels of female illiteracy in the departments of Apurímac (32.2 percent), Huancavelica (30 percent), Ayacucho (26.9 percent), Cajamarca (25.5 percent), Huánuco (23.8 percent), Cusco (21 percent), Puno (19 percent), Ancash (18.6 percent) and Amazonas (17.8 percent). On the other side, the illiteracy rates among the female population is lower in the departments of Ica (4.2 percent), Tumbes (4 percent), Lima (3.3 percent) and the constitutional province of Callao (2.4 percent) (INEI, UNFPA and PNUD 2008: 101)
As Barrig (2001) states, the inequality gaps are expressed in the sphere of gender relations and along regional and ethnic differences:
The results of the 2007 census reveal that that population that learned a native language in childhood presents high illiteracy rates, while the illiteracy rate is lower among those who learned Spanish in childhood: 21.8 percent of those who learned Quechua, 27.5 percent Asháninka, 20.8 percent another native language and 14.6 percent Aymara are illiterate, while the illiteracy rate is 4.3 percent for the population that learned Spanish in childhood (INEI, UNFPA and UNDP 2008: 120).
Labor
In relation to labor access and permanence, gender differences to enter the labor market are declining (INEI, UNFPA and UNDP 2008). Nevertheless, the Ombudsman’s Office states that the quality of access to jobs is unfair for the female population, given that women occupy jobs at a lower level, and with lower productivity and pay.
In the 2007 annual report on “Women in the Peruvian Workforce,” which was prepared by the Ministry of Labor and Job Promotion, there are important differences between employment for men and women, and it states that ‘while everything seems to indicate that female participation and human capital have increased in recent years, at the same time working conditions for women continue to be precarious and the salary gaps between men and women persist’ (INEI, UNFPA and UNDP 2008: 51)
According to Ballara and Parada (2009), the number of women employed in rural and urban areas is the highest in the history of humanity. Access of women to the workforce has increased exponentially, which is extremely positive. However, the authors state that it is necessary to evaluate the quality of jobs women are obtaining, particularly in rural zones.
In this sense, in Peru 50 percent of the rural female population works in agriculture, principally in non-remunerated family farming. This situation can put women at a disadvantage because it does not provide them with economic retribution for their work and because this work tends to be seen as support or complementary to the work of men. In addition, women who do get paid for agricultural work tend to receive very low wages. In the case of rural female work outside the farming sector, women tend to work independently, predominantly in crafts, retail or as domestic help, which keeps them in the informal sector without rights or adequate working conditions.
National and local context
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Family and sexual violence
One of the most troubling aspects when analyzing statistics broken down by sex in Peru is the existence of family and sexual violence, which the Ministry of Women and Social Development (MIMDES) says “has a woman’s face.”
While the work of the MIMDES in the struggle against violence against women must be recognized, data shows that the cases of family violence nationwide are increasing.
The statistics on cases of family and sexual violence in our country are troubling: During the current year the Ministry of Women and Social Development reported that 34,882 case of violence were attended to in the Women’s Emergency Centers; 116 women were the victims of femicide between January and October. This number confirms that family and sexual violence has a women’s face, and that there continue be conditions of extreme vulnerability in the lives of women (MIMDES 2009).
The situation described above is similar in the areas included in the report. The gaps in several areas of social life in the Ayacucho, Puno and Junín appears to growing worse, possibly because of the double or triple exclusion suffered by women who live in rural zones and who are indigenous. This is nothing new, but something persistent over time.
The regional government, Regional Social Development Office and Regional Institute of Ayacuchan Women clearly see that women continue to face the same problems as decades ago: Illiteracy, maternal mortality, difficult access to health services, persistent gender violence, restricted democracy and few possibilities to access decision-making, political, labor and other spaces that guarantee a dignified life (Equal Opportunities Plan of Ayacucho).
2.4 Normative and institutional framework
The objective of normative frameworks prepared at the international level is to guarantee equity between men and women as a response to the historically adverse context for women worldwide. In this sense, there is an international commitment to bring about equality of rights and opportunities between men and women, as well as eliminate the diverse forms of discrimination and infringement of rights maintained between the different sexes.
Among the different commitments signed over the years are the following:
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The existence of a normative framework at the international level and the adoption of these commitments at the national level have allowed Peru to implement norms and commitments to close the gender gaps that still exist in the country. Local norms that can be highlighted include:
According to the testimonies received during fieldwork in the zones of the study, the norms that have had a positive impact on the situation of women are those related to: (1) participation in decision-making spaces; (2) construction of concrete plans to address gender inequality; and (3) addressing situation that infringe on human rights, such as family and sexual violence.
In 1997, the government incorporated an article into the Organic Election Law (Law 26859) and the Municipal Election Law (Law 26864) establishing gender quotas on election slates to ensure the political participation of men and women. Those interviewed
Table 2. National FrameworkConstitution of Peru 1993
Law creating the Ministry of Women and Social Development (Decree Law 866) 1996
Resolution 280-98-JNE, modifying Law 26859, the Organic Election Law, and Law 26864, the Municipal Election Law, incorporating Article 116. Law of Gender Quotas. Law 27387, expansion of the gender quotas.
1997
Organic Law of Regional Governments, Law 27887. 2002
Law 27867, Article 60. Use of inclusive language. 2002
General Education Law, Law 28044. 2003
Law creating the Consensus Roundtable to Combat Poverty and Create Opportunities for the Poor. 2002
National Accord 2002. Eleventh policy. 2002
Plan for Equal Opportunities between Men and Women 2006 -2010 (PIO) 2005
Law of Equal Opportunities between Men and Women (LIO), Law 28963. 2007
National Plan to Combat Violence Against Women 2009-2015 (Supreme Decree 003-2009- MIMDES) 2009
Regional Equal Opportunity Plans (PRIO) in Ancash, Apurímac, Arequipa, Ayacucho, Cusco, Ica, La Libertad, Lambayeque, Loreto, Junín, Moquegua, Pasco and Ucayali.
2008-2010
Sources: Regional Equal Opportunities Plan of Ayacucho, Ayacucho Women’s Observatory, Puno Women’s Observatory.
Sources: Regional Equal Opportunities Plan of Ayacucho, Ayacucho Women’s Observatory, Puno Women’s Observatory and MIMDES.
Table 1. International framework for gender equity Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women 1979
International Conference on Population and Development 1992
Vienna Declaration and Program of Action 1993
Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women
1994
Program of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo 1994
Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women 1994
Platform for Action of the Fourth World Conference on Women 1995
Millennium Declaration 2000
National and local context
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said this law is one of the mechanisms that has allowed for greater access of women to participate in decision-making spaces at the regional, provincial and district levels. This perception has a correlation with the values of the Gender Parity Index at the world level, which shows the process in access of women to decision-making spaces. With regard to this index, Peru is ahead of many other countries in the world. It is ranked 36 out of 109 included on the index.
The women interviewed in the Ayacucho region said that one of the major changes for women is greater political participation in local and community governments. Little by little women are being elected mayors, council members, governors and community presidents.
There has been a radical transformation in the past decade concerning political participation of women in Junín. The number of indigenous women actively participating in electoral politics has increased. This is due primarily to two quotas systems – one for women, the other based on ethnicity – in electoral processes. Today, there are many women serving on municipal councils and one woman was elected to the regional council.
While the importance of the quota law and greater access of women in politics has been recognized, there is criticism that this has been used for the political manipulation of women and that women are basically seen as “filling” for the electoral slates.
Particularly in our region (Ayacucho), the right to vote is not a mechanism that allows for women to access the political decision-making sphere, despite the quota system (affirmative action measure) that is a mechanism to close the existing gap in political power between the sexes. A significant number of political organizations, nevertheless, continue to disregard the law (Regional Equal Opportunities Plan of Ayacucho).
The Equal Opportunities Law (LIO) and Equal Opportunities Plan (PIO) are also extremely important instruments that have led to the implementation of Regional Plans for Equal Opportunities for Men and Women (PRIO).
To comply with the functions of social development and equal opportunities that have been transferred, some regional governments have Regional Plans for Equal Opportunities for Men and Women (PRIO). Although some of these plans were approved before functions were transferred by the MIMDES, they constitute programming instruments that guide the government in this area (Ombudsman’s Office 2009: 122)
Chart 6. Gender Parity Index 2007 (Peru)Ranking Value Seats held
by women in Parliament (%)
Women lawmakers, high-ranking officials, directors
Professional and technical women (%)
Estimated income ratio between women and women
Women in ministerial posts (%)
36 0.640 29 29 47 0.59 29
Source: UNDP (2009)
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According to María Mercedes Barrenechea, representative of the U.N. Population Fund (UNFPA), the preparation and presentation of the PRIOs in different regions around the country is framed in the international and national norms, which has been fighting for equal opportunities for men and women since the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted in 194810
The PRIO is a management tool that guides and fosters public policies at the regional level for the development of women and reduction in the gender inequality gap, cutting across the gender, interculturality and inter-generation themes within the framework of respect for human rights, strengthening integral capacities and the exercise of ethics and transparency11.
Each region must prepare a Regional Equal Opportunities Plan as part of the implementation of the Equal Opportunities Law, passed in 2007, and the Equal Opportunities Plan 2006-2010. These plans have been prepared and presented in 13 regions, Ancash, Apurímac, Arequipa, Ayacucho, Cusco, Ica, La Libertad, Lambayeque, Loreto, Junín, Moquegua, Pasco and Ucayali (MIMDES 2010).. The existence of a general normative framework that aims at ensuring equal opportunities for men and women is considered by experts as a positive element given that it allows women to address situations of inequality. However, experts also say that despite the framework there are still obvious gaps between men and women and between urban and rural areas. The limitations in implementing the norms at the regional and local levels appear to be the most coherent reasons to explain this. Among these limitations are the problems in the Quota Law, which demands that women be included on electoral slates but does not require that they lead the list and, as such, have a greater chance of being elected. In this case, problems are associated with the difficulty women face taking on a protagonistic role in public spaces and the adverse social and cultural context that in many cases does not recognize the importance of women’s political participation and often manipulates it or tries to keep it invisible. There are difficulties adapting the normative framework to particular social, cultural and ethnic contexts that could bring about profound changes in the situation of women.
The Ombudsman’s Office maintains that the normative limitations in the specific case of the PRIO are linked to policies that have been prepared but not been incorporated into Consensus-Based Development plans in the regions where the PRIOs have been implemented:
Despite their importance, the regional governments that have approved the PRIO through 2008 have not incorporated their policy contents into Consensus-Based Regional Development Plans, creating a serious obstacle in the search for equal opportunities for women and men in the country (Ombudsman’s Office 2010: 126)
10 Personal communication during the presentation of the Regional Equal Opportunities Plan in Ayacucho. Huamanga, Aug. 19, 2010.
11 Regional Equal Opportunities Plan of Ayacucho.
National and local context
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In addition, the Ombudsman’s Office states that the lack of implementation is also linked to a lack of funds for this to happen. Regional governments prefer to invest in infrastructure and not social development. This can lead to the conclusion that while the norms exist they have not necessarily generated interest on the part of authorities or the general public:
In summary, resources are not earmarked for the implementation of the PRIO and, as such, to eliminate gender gaps. Resources are, instead, spent on infrastructure projects without a gender perspective and actions to develop capacities are not considered, much less a focus a result-based management (Ombudsman’s Office 2010: 126)
Significant progress has not been made on the normative and legal fronts regarding sexual and reproductive health. On the contrary, the policy of forced sterilization carried out during the government of Alberto Fujimori opened up a chasm that created a lack of trust in health services among rural women. The legal agreements and norms on indigenous rights can be seen in the following tables:
Table 3. National and international framework for indigenous rights Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples 2007
International Labor Organization’s Convention 169 Concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries
1989
International Labor Organization’s Convention 107, Indigenous and Tribal Populations Convention
1957
Inter-American Convention on Human Rights 1969
Convention of Patzcuaro 1940
Original design
Table 4. Declarations of indigenous women Declaration from the II Conference of Indigenous Women 1990
Declaration of Indigenous Women at the Fourth U.N. World Conference on Women 1995
Declaration of Indigenous Women of Peru regarding Discrimination and Racism 2001
Declaration from the IV Continental Encounter of Indigenous Women of the Americas 2004
Declaration of the National Encounter of Indigenous Women of the Peruvian Amazon 2007
Declaration of Quito: Evaluating our Progress 2008
Declaration of the I Continental Summit of Indigenous Women 2009
Urgent Decree of Peruvian Indigenous Women 2010Original design
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Original design
2.5 Historic and current considerations
Political violence
For Degregori, the most important gaps during the years of armed conflict were:
Those between rich and poor, which has to do with inequitable and unfair distribution of income; between Lima and the provinces, which reflects a growing level of centralism; between the coast, highlands and jungle, which, like the previous point, reflects profound regional differences; and between criollos, mestizos, cholos and Indians, which is synonymous with ethnic-cultural and racial exclusion and discrimination. In addition, the work of the CVR ratified the importance of two other gaps, whose importance increased in the decades prior to the internal armed conflict: the generational and the gender gaps (2004: 1).
According to the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2003), 85 percent of the fatalities of the armed conflict were in the Ayacucho, Junín, Huánuco, Huancavelica, Apurímac and San Martín regions. In addition, 75 percent lived in rural zones and spoke Quechua or another native tongue as their first language. More than 50 percent were farmers and had a lower educational level than the national average.
Taking this into account, the context analysis needs to consider the importance the process of violence had on the Ayacucho and Junín regions in the construction of identities and the demands of civil society, particularly women’s organizations. The two decades of political violence are a vital experience that marked in a definitive way perceptions, and ways of seeing the world and the future. Women responded and organized in the face of violence unleashed by the Shining Path (PCP-SL), Tupac
Table 5 . National framework on indigenous rightsPeruvian Constitution 1993
Law of Native Communities and Agrarian Development in the Jungle and Low Jungle (Decree Law 22175)
1975
General Law of Peasant Communities (Law 24656) 1987
Law to Demarcate and Title Peasant Communities (Law 24657) 1987
Law for Private Investment in the Development of Economic Activities on Lands in the National Territory and in Peasant and Native Communities (Law 26505)
1995
Law to Title the Land of Peasant Communities on the Coast (Law 26845) 1997
Forestry and Wildlife Law (Law 27308) 2000
Regional Elections Law (Law 27683) 2002
Law Modifying Law 26864, the Municipal Elections Law (Law 27734) 2002
Law to Protect Biological Diversity and the Collective Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples (Law 27811)
2002
Law for Bilingual and Intercultural Education (Law 27818) 2002
Peasant Patrollers Law (Law 27908) 2002
Law to Protect Indigenous and Original Peoples Living in Situations of Isolation and Initial Contact (Law 28736)
2006
National and local context
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Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA), and the response of the Armed Forces to these irregular groups.
Many of the current women leaders in Ayacucho were formed during this period and are the wives, mothers and sisters of the dead and disappeared. They also suffered firsthand the effect of this violence and they still do not talk about in an open way.
In the face of this violence, women formed organizations to look for the disappeared and established a network that allowed them to maintain communication. An important element that allowed this network to function was the fact that it was based on mothers’ clubs12 in districts and provinces where women had to operate within this new context.
We have also found that many social organizations played an invaluable role in defending the lives of people affected by the violence. We pay special tribute to the human rights movements, organizations of relatives that have as a symbol ANFASEP and women’s organizations like FEDECMA. They are organizations that early on drew attention to the abuses committed and those responsible, and they fought, including risking their own lives, for their families, friends, neighbors and fellow residents (Lerner 2003).
This experience of fear, but also helplessness and struggle, defined what was learned and leadership profiles. In fact, by confronting the state in the search for their relatives they saw human rights as a way of struggling and defending themselves. They realized that the struggle needed to include this dimension, otherwise they would be lost. In addition, human rights organizations were present and received their complaints. This is one of the features that characterizes the struggle of the women who were interviewed: Defense of their individual and collective rights. It is also necessary to consider the actual situation in the Apurímac-Ene River Valley (VRAE). Not much is said about this area, but it is alternative for temporary work and implies the migration of men. There were not many non-governmental organizations operating in Ayacucho during the years of violence. The majority moved in after Abimael Guzmán was arrested.
The situation of violence the Asháninka population lived through during the armed conflict can be seen in Junín. This process, which is similar to what occurred in Ayacucho, redefined the identities of the population and women. It is an important element on the agenda of women. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission stated that the political violence experienced by the Asháninka population requires particular analysis and reflection:
Unlike other regions of the country, the cultural component constituted a key element for understanding the processes of political violence experienced by these indigenous peoples This special mark can be appreciated in the conditions that allowed for the start of violence in the region, the factors that maintained it and the process of reconstruction (CVR 2003: 241).
12They are grassroots organizations that began in the 1950s. Nevertheless, they became an original response of women in poor urban areas beginning with the economic crisis in Latin America at the end of the 1970s. The impact of the crisis was addressed by them in a collective way, fostering new organizational forms with social and political importance.
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The political violence suffered in Peru’s central jungle shows the massive violation of human rights suffered by the Asháninkas, a population decimated by the violence13.
Peru’s central jungle is the traditional territory of the Asháninka, Yánesha and Nomatsiguenga peoples. These indigenous peoples – principally the Asháninkas — were hard hit by the internal armed conflict as a result of a high number of direct victims, a situation that was exacerbated by the exclusion and marginalization suffered over centuries. There are no precise numbers, but the majority of specialists and institutions calculate that of the 55,000 Asháninkas, nearly 10,000 Asháninkas were forcibly displaced from the Ene, Tambo and Perené river valleys, 6,000 were killed, nearly 5,000 were held captive by the PCP-SL, and it is calculated that between 30 and 40 Asháninka communities disappeared during the years of conflict (CVR 2003: 241).
According to the analysis of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, among the resources used by the indigenous population in the central jungle was “the flexibility of women to develop mechanisms for group survival and family protection. Faced with oblivion, women became bearers of memory” (CVR 2003: 277).
The struggle for land
There is a particular horizon in the case of Puno that defines the agendas and organizations of women: The struggle for land. This horizon holds much greater importance in Puno than in the rest of the regions studies and, as such, merits its own analysis.
The agrarian reform did not change the situation of peasants in Puno. The haciendas that were expropriated were converted into associative production companies, prolonging the struggle for land in this region. It was only in the 1980s, when lands were formally converted into communities, that land was restructured and people had access to the companies. As one of the people interviewed stated: “The evicted us after we first entered the company. The police arrived and there were mainly women present. The police asked for the leaders, but no one was going to sell out, and a voice shouted out that they were in Puno. This is how women fought and learned how to speak up” (Germán Quispe, Puno).
This stage in the struggle is what women recall. They participated actively in the struggle and had a protagonistic role within the organizational structure and the formulation of demands. They showed their faces and confronted the authorities and the company. Quispe added: “They (women) negotiated with the businessmen and the police, when there was a clash they were the ones who led the march …” (Germán Quispe, Puno).
It is through this struggle that the participation of women is legitimized, and gained visibility and recognition not only among women, but also among men. This legitimacy transcended the issue of land takeovers and the struggle for land, producing a peasant
13The Truth and Reconciliation Commission states that the central jungle is formed by the provinces of Satipo and
Chanchamayo in Junín and the province of Oxapampa in Pasco (CVR 2003).
National and local context
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movement that become a strong national organization. This dynamic produced a generation of male and female leaders who would go on to occupy different roles n the local, regional and national governments. In the case of women, this is also encouraged by active participations in social organizations, such as mothers’ clubs, Glass of Milk programs, etc. This social leadership led them to know other places, participate in public spaces, join political parties and become engaged in the management of relationships within national politics. In addition, it let them share with other women and act in mixed spaces. “We would go to Lima for courses and there would be other compañeros and compañeras … we would to afraid at first, like everyone else, but little by little we learned” (Emilia Barrios, Puno). Another woman interviewed said: “In Lima, we met with other women, but also with men, and we learned how to express our opinions and make ourselves heard (…)” (Fabiana Sebastiana, Puno)
They set their sights on municipal politics after this period of learning. Winning the district municipality or being a regional or national representative is now a possibility for women. The case of Paulina Arpasi, the first woman elected to Congress from Puno, has become a symbol not only for Puno but for all Peruvian women. She is not only a woman and the highest vote-getter in the region, but the first peasant-indigenous woman to reach this important decision-making body.
Before we only used to look at our organizations, but then we starting looking at municipalities and we were invited and little by little there are now women council members, mayors and even being elected to Congress of the regional government is no longer a novelty. After compañera Arpasi was elected to Congress we are prepared to take on challenges and I believe that we are better prepared than before. Arpasi arrives in Congress as our representative of peasant women, but in only a short time she leaves (…). (Rosa Palomino, Puno)
The local political space is particularly important for women. The district is not only an issue for men. Women participate and have their sights set on this space. In the case of Puno, the public-political sphere does not appear to be off limits to anyone. Overcoming the first impediment – speaking in Spanish – women begin to participate actively in the public lives of their communities. They have their own agendas and see local management as a space where they can follow through on projects for the welfare of their communities. “I was on our slate as deputy mayor, but we lost and I am now the opposition’s first council member. We are thinking about a list headed by a woman for the next elections. There is so much corruption, women need to enter” (Fabiana Sebastiana, Puno).
Indigenous women’s movement
In the framework of the agendas and demands of indigenous peoples and nationalities, which is developed through different encounters, congresses and summits at the international and national levels, there is also an effort to define an agenda for women that allows them to define how they see the issues facing their peoples and the roles they need to assume for their recognition and defense. In this context, the I Continental Summit of Indigenous Women was held in Puno in 2009 with the goal of creating a space for debate to present the perspective of indigenous
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women. This summit was part of the preparations for the IV Continental Summit of Indigenous Peoples and Nationalities, which was also held in Puno from May 29 to 31. In preparation for this summit, and as a result of the mandate from the III Continental Summit in 2007, different preparatory events were held in Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia and Brazil. The meetings were aimed at guaranteeing debate (…) “from a perspective of indigenous women for the construction of pluri-national states and (the concept of) living well14.”
The agendas, mandates and discourses brought together in the document summarizing the I Continental Summit of Indigenous Women were presented in a global fashion for all indigenous peoples and nationalities in the Americas. As such, there are situations and common issues that transcend geographic and political borders.
In this sense, the agendas and mandates mentioned earlier are linked to the need to emancipate indigenous peoples and nationalities from an unjust and dominant system. They call for a system that eliminates the injustice, discrimination and violence that indigenous peoples are subjected to by an oppressive system linked to Spanish domination, neoliberal economics, patriarchy, consumerism and environmental domination. What kind of system is needed? According to what was stated, this new system should be based on the values and ways of life of the original peoples of the Americas. It calls for the need to return to “ways of mutual respect harmonious with planetary life” that respond to the idea of the organization of original peoples, the allin kawsay or living well.
Indigenous women are presented as a central component in the defense and appreciation of indigenous peoples and nationalities. First, they define themselves as transmitters of indigenous identity and the values cited above. Second, women are identified as guarantors or life, because they are responsible for food security and are in contact with the environment and resources, above all water.
What do women want? The demands of indigenous women are presented from their identity as indigenous people and are linked to the general concerns of indigenous peoples and nationalities. The first demand, as such, is defense of the rights of indigenous peoples before states, international agencies and transnational companies. Second, there is conservation of the identities and practices of original peoples regarding agrarian economy, culture and language, among others. Finally, they demand defense of the environment to guarantee the food sovereignty of their peoples.
In this sense, while some difficulties women face with regards to men are recognized (domestic violence, limits to community participation, rights to land, etc.) the mandates of the first summit refer more to indigenous women within the national, regional or continental context and than to their community settings.
The particular demands of women are linked to the need to strengthen the training processes for indigenous women in different aspects of social, economic and political life. It is about making women key stakeholders with active and critical participation in diverse spaces (national, regional, continental) that involve the destinies of indigenous peoples and nationalities. They also see the need to build agendas from and for indigenous women.
14Report from the I Continental Summit of Indigenous Women, May 27-29, 2009, Puno.
National and local context
Photo: Charlie Jara / Oxfam
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3. History of indigenous women’s organizations The participation of women in indigenous organizations and the creation of indigenous women’s organizations are extremely new phenomenon in the history of our country in both the Andean and Amazonian contexts.
The most important historic events for the creation of indigenous women’s organizations are found primarily in the years immediately after the internal violence suffered in the country, and in the long struggle of indigenous demands in the highlands and jungles in which women have been gaining increasing levels of participation.
The decentralization process ─ which began formally in 2002 with passage of the Decentralization Foundation Law (Law 27783) ─ and the spaces for consensus-based development created around it have opened up new possibilities for the participation of women’s organizations. This process has also generated demands that the organizations have not capacity to meet on many occasions. One of the woman interviewed commented that the decentralization process required that organizations be formally registered and that women’s organizations without formal registration saw their participation limited.
The electoral context has an important impact on agendas and many events in which the demands of different groups struggling for their slice of power are debated. In this context, the women who were interviewed coincided in pointing out the importance of women’s political participation and the quota law.
Following is more detailed look at the situations in Ayacucho, Puno and Junín.
The participation of women in indigenous organizations and the creation of indigenous women’s organizations are extremely new phenomenon in the history of our country in both the Andean and Amazonian contexts.
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3.1 AyacuchoThe first organizations led by Ayacuchan women appeared in the 1980s and 1990s, within the context of economic crisis and political violence. Among these organizations are the Departmental Federation of Mothers’ Clubs of Ayacucho (FEDECMA), National Association of Relatives of the Kidnapped, Detained and Disappeared of Peru (ANFASEP), Chirapaq, Network of Councilwomen of the Ayacucho Region and the Coordinating Committee for Work with Women of Ayacucho (COTMA). These organizations are reference points in different areas of the political, cultural and social life of Ayacucho and fostered the creation of other organizations and collectives in defense of the rights of women, people affected by political violence and indigenous peoples, among others.
The following brief descriptions of these organizations were prepared based on commentaries of their leaders.
Departmental Federation of Mothers’ Clubs of Ayacucho (FEDECMA)
Teodora Aime, founder and president from 1991 to 1996, relates the process that led to the formation of FEDECMA, a women’s organization at the regional level. First, is it important to point out that before the organization was created there were grassroots and intermediary groups formed, including Provincial Federation of Mothers’ Clubs, and sector and district committees. This process took nearly 30 years since the formation of the first women’s organizations in peri-urban barrios in the Huamanga province:
(…) I respect the mothers’ clubs that we founded, that we formed. It was here in Ayacucho that we began forming in 1960 … Why this date? Why did we form? Out of necessity, because we needed to work, because of machismo. We wanted rights for women, children, seniors. This was the goal for organizing. It has taken us many years to arrive at a larger organization (Teodora Aime, Ayacucho).
According to Aime, the origin of mothers’ clubs dates back to awareness-raising work done by social work students from the San Cristóbal de Huamanga National University. The students would visits neighborhoods to encourage women to address domestic issues, problems with their children, including excess work, family violence and alcohol consumption by their spouses. “(…) This is when we began to form, we talked when the young girls would come and the mothers would listen … they brainwashed us” (Teodora Aime, Ayacucho).
One of the first activities was preparing food for sale. The money raised was used to create a little fund to help sick mothers and the neediest. This process, which Aime said was long and took a time to mature, began to gain strength and recognition from other institutions at the end of the 1970s.
Aime recalls that a local parish began to offer breakfast for children and they considered doing it through the women’s organizations that already existed. The women went to the church as representatives of the mothers’ club and began to receive help from the parish. This allowed them to organize a breakfast program for children. By this time the number of members had grown substantially, as had the funds generated by the clubs.
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The funds were used to help offset some of the costs for families and provide small food baskets for members are Christmas.
Aime said at the start of the 1980s the mothers’ clubs faced a new stage related to the need to define what they were going to do and who they would turn to try and stop the wave of violence that was starting to sweep over Ayacucho.
Around 1982, the war had already started, the socio-political war that is terrorist violence. We were organized and as leaders we had to talk about what to do, what was happening? Our people were being killed, people were disappearing. What were we to do? This is what we talked about. Should we organize? Where to begin? Where to go? (Teodora Aime, Ayacucho).
Between 1984 and 1985, a group of women from the political and academic spheres called on the mothers’ clubs to participate in an assembly. Among them were Blanca Sanabria, a councilwoman in Huamanga, Gumercinda Reynaga, a professor at the San Cristóbal de Huamanga National University, and Isabel Coral. The assembly was organized and the women were told that the government had set aside money for the Glass of Milk program in Lima. They decided to organize to demand this right for Ayacucho and they started preparing registered of children and mothers who would benefit from the program in Huamanga.
They coordinated with the provincial municipality and delivered to the Ministry of Economy and Finance (MEF) the registry of beneficiaries in the province of Huamanga. Instead, the budget was for the entire Ayacucho department. Aime recalls that on July 13, 1986 they celebrated the first anniversary of the Glass of Milk Program in Ayacucho.
Trying to guarantee this right, they asked what would be the best way to organize and distribute the Glass of Milk Program at the provincial level. The municipal government purchased the supplies and distributed milk to the mothers who were registered. The milk was prepared and all the women had to do was warm it and give it to their children. Aime said the program was designed this way so that children and not other members of the family would benefit from the milk. Today, she criticized that the program is handing over milk and other food stuffs directly to women to prepare themselves, which means that they can be consumed by family members other than children.
Thinking about the need to form an organization that resolves the problems of distribution, preparation and budget management, they were advised to organize and call an assembly to form a larger organization. The assembly decided to form the Provincial Federation of Mothers’ Clubs of Huamanga, which would oversee the work of 318 mothers’ clubs in Huamanga’s districts. The first president elected was Carlota Morales. Aime was the secretary for sports. Unfortunately, Aime recalled that less than a month after Morales was elected she disappeared because of political violence:
“Not even a month went by and she was disappeared … we called an assembly because there was danger … 1986, 87, 88, we were in danger (…) There were the Shining Path members who thought we managed the budget. They wanted to know about the budget, how it was used, where it was it going? (Teodora Aime, Ayacucho).
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There were attempts on the lives of different public figures and authorities at this time, including the assassination of the mayor of Huamanga. The municipality decided to transfer the Glass of Milk Program to the provincial federation so that they could distribute the milk to the mothers’ clubs. The mothers were afraid of accepting this commitment and suffering the consequences of violence. Aime was elected president within this context.
No one wanted to take this job, no one. Neither did I. They elected me, and I told them one or two months and that was it, I was going to leave. My children were born in a row and they were all little … ‘They are going to kill you,’ my husband told me. He hit me, ‘What are you doing? They are going to kill you! Kill you! What is going to happen to your kids when they kill you?’ This is how it went. I was kind of capricious. The women would ask me to help them, to attend to their needs. They would tell me not to go. ‘You can’t leave. You are going to be president, you can do it, you can do it!’ These mothers gave me the strength. I also had my way of thinking. Today, tomorrow, death would be the same … if they kill me, they kill me, but I was not going to do nothing … I was serving my people, the mothers, the children” (Teodora Aime, Ayacucho)
After her election, the Center to Promote Human Rights (CEPRODEH) provided a location for meetings and the self-managed soup kitchens began to develop in the province. The mothers began organizing district and sector committees at this time, because the provincial federation needed intermediary spaces to coordinate and supervise the different programs operated by the mothers’ clubs. Between 1989 and 1990, the mothers’ clubs in Huamanga had four levels of organization: mothers’ clubs, zone committee, district committees and the provincial federation.
Once the provincial organization was consolidated it become obvious that there were unmet needs in other provinces. Aime recalls that once again that Professor Reynaga and Councilwoman Sanabria said that it was time to broaden the program to all the provinces in the department, which is how the final step in forming FEDECMA was taken.
Aime, as president of the provincial federation, noticed that the budgets for the Glass of Milk Program were not being used correctly in the rest of Ayacucho. The budgets were used for other municipal projects, such as the construction of locales, etc. Aime said she contacted the MEF and asked for the budgets for the different provinces. With a copy of the Glass of Milk law, her provincial credential and the information provided by the MEF, she traveled to the different provinces to oversee compliance with the Glass of Milk law. “In Lucanas … and in the south … they had misused the funds. I had the advisors to the mayors in front of me and I confronted them” (Teodora Aime, Ayacucho).
A congress was organized for Nov. 17, 1991 (between 800 and 1,000 delegates participated) and the Departmental Federation of Mothers’ Club of Ayacucho was formed. “This is how the organization grew, but we fought, struggling not only for women but against the Shining Path cadres (…)” (Teodora Aime, Ayacucho).
For the first president of the federation, the history of FEDECMA is like the history of a seed that becomes a tree with many branches. She says that women today know how to develop. They are leaders and have been elected councilwomen and even to Congress. Aime said that there has been tremendous progress compared to when they began and women were afraid to speak in public and defend their rights. This struggle has had to face violence and overcome fear and shyness.
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The current president, Clelia Rivero, coinciding with Aime, said the organization has five tiers and is hierarchical. FEDECMA joins together around 12,000 mothers’ clubs in Ayacucho and represents around 100,000 women. At the second and third levels are the zone committees and 111 district committees. The fourth level includes 11 provincial federations and the VRAE federation. The fifth level is the departmental federation.
According to the organization’s operating plan, FEDECMA is “(…) an autonomous political organization with regional and national representation that fosters social, economic, cultural and political development of Ayacuchan women and families” (FEDECMA s/d).
Rivero states that the organization’s work adheres to the following objectives: (1) Ensure the participation of women in different spheres; (2) Work for political and citizen participation; (3) Work for a better quality of life for women and their families; (4) Build the organization (Clelia Rivero, Ayacucho).
What sets apart of the Ayacuchan organization is that the mothers’ clubs organize the different social programs, like the Glass of Milk Program, soup kitchens, and Juntos, among others. It is not organized by program like in other parts of the country. The president states that the mothers’ clubs are overseen by FEDECMA, but they are autonomous and each has its own independent internal regulations and make their own decisions. The grassroots clubs have between 30 and 90 members.
FEDECMA is considered by its leaders as one of the most important women’s organizations in the region. Thanks to its training process and the kind of leadership it exercises, the federation maintains relations with different public and private institutions throughout Ayacucho. The current president says the federation does not receive funding or have projects with other institutions, but it collaborates with different organizations to serve as an intermediary or mediator with grassroots organizations.
Rivero states that the federation works with the regional government, local governments, regional health bureau, Health Forum and other state institutions. The federation forms part of the roundtable to fight poverty, network to stop violence against women, regional indigenous platform of Ayacucho, Permanent Workshop of Andean and Amazonian Indigenous Women of Peru and the National Organization of Andean and Amazonian Women of Peru. Finally, FEDECMA has historic ties to the agrarian federation of Ayacucho and different NGOs that operate in the region.
According to the comments from the founder and current president of FEDECMA, the organization has passed through different situations that show that it has become increasingly political over the years. The participants become leaders and authorities not only thinking about welfare programs, but in defending and demanding their rights as citizens.
National Association of Relatives of the Kidnapped, Detained andDisappeared of Peru (ANFASEP)
The current president of the ANFASEP, Adelina García, said the organization was founded with the objective of reaching three goals: Truth, justice and reparation.
ANFASEP is a non-profit civil society organization that does not have political objectives. Its work has revolved around the defense, promotion, education and dissemination of
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human rights in Peru. ANFASEP was founded on Sept. 2, 1983, and since then has worked permanently on its objectives, obtaining national and international notoriety.
García stated that, unfortunately, the goals with which the association was founded still have not been met, because “there still is no truth, justice or reparation” (Adelina García, Ayacucho). She said that her participation in the organization began when her husband was detained in 1983. García began to search for him and at the same time defend the rights of other victims of the armed conflict. She said that her struggle continues, because she still has not found her husband.
ANFASEP is not an organization dedicated exclusively to defending the rights of women, but we believe it is important to include it because the majority of its members are women. As such, this organization has played a leading role in the way Ayacuchan woman have exercised and exercise their human rights.
García commented that during times of violence women have suffered sexual violence; have lost parents, husbands, children and siblings; have been persecuted, detained and received death threats. She said that women have played a fundamental role, because many widows participated in the organization in search of relatives. In addition, they have had to play mother and father to their children, while facing up to the violence, deaths, detentions and disappearances in the country.
Among the organization’s activities and achievements, García highlights the implementation of a soup kitchen that provides food to 247 children in the countryside who were orphaned as a product of political violence. Another achievement was having purchased the organization’s locale. Finally, she said the construction and inauguration in 2005 of the Memory Museum is an achievement for ANFASEP in its work to foster reflection on the effects of violence. For the president, this reflection will help guarantee that situations of conflict or war in our country are never repeated. On a broader scale, she views as a right the state’s creation of the Single Registry of Victims that will organize information for effective reparation. The budget for the work has still not been approved, which continues to be one of the organization’s demands. The association is actively demanding that the state comply with the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission that have not yet been implemented. Among it principal demands are individual economic reparations for the members of the association. García’s states that many mothers lost their children and that the reparation will help them as they grow older. She said she hopes to achieve this while many of the women are still alive, because a large number of them are sick. Regarding collective and symbolic reparation, she said the organization is pushing for a Sanctuary of Memory, where women can place flowers in the names of their loved ones.
Finally, she said that ANFASEP started an important struggle and opened the door for other organizations that fight on behalf of the victims of violence, such as the National Coordinating Committee of the Victims of Political Violence (CONAVIP), whose current president is the son of an ANFASEP member.
ANFASEP is not an example of traditional female leadership, given that the organization does not include gender as a specific demand of its agenda like FEDECMA. However, it is clear that its agenda is framed by the issue of gender and role that women assumed during the process of political violence.
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Center of Indigenous Cultures of Peru – Chirapaq
According to the institutional website, this center is defined as “a civil society organization formed by indigenous citizens who work to defend the rights of indigenous peoples. To do this, it works from an interdisciplinary and democratic focus, paying special attention to the issues facing indigenous women” (Chirapaq 2010). The institution wants to be “a space or platform for reflection and proposals on indigenous issues, participating, coordinating and leading different national and international movements of indigenous peoples” (Chirapaq 2010).
The organization has four programs to help it reach its objective, including: Indigenous women; food security; communications; and ourselves or Ñoqanchiq.
The indigenous women’s program, which began in 1996, is aimed at strengthening the roles of indigenous women, offering them the tools necessary to fully exercise their socio-economic, political and cultural rights in the different spheres where they operate (family, community, society). Chirapaq runs different projects to meet this objective, some of which are geared toward strengthen identity “through the affirmation of our own culture and dissemination and practice of equitable gender relations from the indigenous world view” (Chirapaq 2010). Other projects offer leadership training and promotion of the participation of indigenous women in their organizations.
The Center for Indigenous Cultures of Peru’s second program is aimed at improving levels of nutrition in different provinces in Ayacucho. The program began in 1990 and has spread to different areas in the department, including the provinces of Cangallo and Vilcashuamán, and marginal urban zones in the provinces of Huamanga.
A third program is communications for the affirmation of identity. This is a cross-cutting program that involves all of the organization’s actions and projects. It is aimed at strengthening indigenous identity, creating spaces for debate and proposals, as well as providing the opportunity to disseminate messages and contents based on indigenous agendas and world views.
The fourth program, Ourselves or Ñoqanchiq, focuses on the creation of spaces “to recuperate the cultural identity of indigenous children and adolescents, strengthening their artistic abilities and skills to contribute to their integral development” (Chirapaq 2010).
The organization is part of Regional Indigenous Platform of Ayacucho and the National Organization of Indigenous Women of Peru (ONAMIAP), which got its start after 15 years of work by the Permanent Workshop of Andean and Amazonian Indigenous Women of Peru.
The Ñoqanchiq Youth Organization (Ourselves)
The Ñoqanchiq Youth Organization has its origins in the Center of Indigenous Culture of Peru’s Ñoqanchiq Program. This program began in peri-urban neighborhoods in Ayacucho’s Huamanga province in the 1980s. The objective is to reaffirm indigenous identity, defend individual rights (women) and collective rights (indigenous people), and recover ancestral wisdom.
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The organization’s principal achievements are found in the transmission of ancestral knowledge or wisdom in schools. Tania Pariona, an association member, commented that young people trained by Chirapaq’s Ñoqanquiq’s Program, learned art and ancestral techniques at school during art class. As part of its work, the organization has created a proposal for intercultural, bilingual education geared toward recuperating Andean wisdom through art, culture, language and teacher training.
Ñoqanchiq is part of the Regional Indigenous Platform (other members of Chirapaq’s Network of Indigenous Communicators and FEDECMA) and the National Organization of Indigenous Women of Peru (ONAMIAP).
As part of the Regional Indigenous Platform, it carries out policy advocacy with the local and regional governments to make the organization’s proposals visible. The group emphasizes traditional knowledge, art as a way of learning and cultural affirmation, the importance of Yachac15 in the community and the dissemination of the rights of indigenous peoples.
Finally, the organization states that one of its achievements is being considered a reference point for young people who want to recover their self-esteem and identity, and become agents for change.
Network of Councilwomen in the Ayacucho Region (RRRA)
According to the vice president of the organization, the Network of Councilwomen of the Ayacucho Region
(..) is a reference point for organized women authorities with the goal of being a center of attention for any strategic or cooperation agency to see that in Ayacucho women are organized as authorities, can share experiences, opportunities and strengths, and are open to any kind of opportunity (Socorro Arce, Ayacucho).
This organization links together women council members and mayors from Ayacucho’s 11 provinces, which are defined by highway corridors. Sandra Rojas Sandoval is president of the network and also vice president of the National Network of Women Authorities. The Ayacucho region has 112 women council members and 97 of them participated in the last congress organized by the national network. Arce stated that many of the councilwomen are from rural areas and are the “heavyweights” of the organization. She said the RRRA depends on rural women, because they are the stakeholders of social programs. Arce said the organization’s work should be focused on these women “empowering their principles, knowing their obligations and defending their rights” (Socorro Arce, Ayacucho).
There is a commitment on the part of the RRRA members to leave aside partisan politics with the goal of preparing norms and ordinances, supporting and sharing knowledge to foster and facilitate good government.
15 Men and women who understand and know technology and have the capacity to transmit it.
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Arce said the RRRA’s principal achievements are in building the organization as a space for organized women that is a reference point for those who want to implement social development projects in Ayacucho. Among its principal allies are national NGOs, such as Flora Tristán, Manuela Ramos, Aurora Vivar, the Social Studies and Publication Center (CESIP), the Bartolomé de las Casas Center, among others.
Arce said the problems faced by the network are linked to the difficulties women have entering political spaces. First among these difficulties are family and personal problems, followed by problems associated with good governance. Because they are a minority, women feel that they have fewer opportunities, are kept down and often have their votes manipulated. From her point of view, there exist few opportunities for women to strengthen their capacities for governance, because they are not invited to events, enter through quotas on party slates and are often in the minority, and face recall elections.
Arce said the elected women authorities do not have a common agenda. However, she said that within the network members have worked on a series of common projects, including an anti-discrimination ordinance, equal opportunity ordinance, and ordinance for inclusive gender language. They are also working on creation of a new administrative division for women’s issues.
Future projects include a regional encounter and Training School for Women Leaders in Politics. The school will train women to be prepared to take on public positions. Arce said that this kind of school is necessary so that women are not surprised by what they encounter when elected. She said this school could focus on the Organic Municipalities Law, international council regulations, manual for participatory budgets, and consensus-based plans, as well as development management tools. She commented that it would have been good to have this kind of school when she was first elected a councilwoman, but she said that women who help public posts in the past have done nothing to transmit learning to new female authorities.
3.2 Puno
The organizational experience of indigenous women in Puno dates back to the military government of General Juan Velasco Alvarado. For women in Puno, the agrarian reform implemented by the military government did not substantially modify the situation for people in rural areas. The haciendas that were expropriated were converted into associative production companies, which only prolonged the struggle for land reform in the region. It was only in the 1980s that lands were formally converted into communities and land was restructured and peasants allowed access to the companies. The principal women’s organizations in the region were formed within this context.
Confederation of Peasant Women
The Confederation of Peasant Women of Puno is one of the region’s most representative organizations. Founded in 1974, it played a fundamental role in the struggles of peasant communities to recuperate their lands.
Today, Claudia Cuari, secretary of women’s issues of the Peasant Confederation, states that agenda includes defense of the environment, water and the right to territory. Many
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of these issues are part of the agriculture-mining conflict. In this context, Cuari states that opposition to the construction of the Inambari hydroelectric plant, which would affect peasant communities, is a central plank of the organization’s struggle and demands. “The state is promoting projects, like the Inambari hydroelectric plant, behind the backs of the communities. This project, as is known, would wipe out the populations in Inambari, Mazuco and Lichimayo (…)” (Claudia Cuari, Puno).
Urban Marginal Women’s Association of Puno Central (CAMUBP)
This organization brings together more than 60 mothers’ clubs in the city of Puno. This group of women has an increasing level of participation regional public spaces, as well as an important role in local dynamics. These women play an important role in the participatory budget processes and are part of the Regional Consensus Council and Local Consensus Council, which are stipulated as part of the Organic Municipalities Law. According to Articles 98 and 102 of the law, the organization is a space for consensus and coordinator to establish agreements for local development between municipal authorities and representatives of civil society at the district and provincial levels. This is where it importance can be found.
The CAMUBP has won the competition for the Employment Fund for Craft Production. Teófila Ochochoque Figueroa, CAMUBP president, stated: “This is very important theme for our organization in the face of the employment problem.”
Another important issue for the organization is violence. “The statistics that are used to portray violence against women in the city of Puno mask even higher numbers. Women continue to be the victims of violence and the family forms part of this,” (Teófila Ochochoque, Puno). Finally, the president emphasizes that CAMUBP is working for women in Puno to know their rights and that this rising tide of violence against them is stopped once and for all.
National Federation of Peasant, Artisan, Indigenous, Native and Salaried Women of Peru (FEMUCARINAP)
National Federation of Peasant, Artisan, Indigenous, Native and Salaried Women of Peru is a relatively young organization. It was founded three years ago and has been growing at a stead and important rate. It now has regional offices in several areas around the country, including Puno, where it is led by Rosa Palomino, who has a long history in the region.
The organization includes the defense of the sovereignty of peoples as a key component of its platform of demands. As such, its struggle focuses on the right to decide how territories and resources are used, and what economic development model is followed. As women, they believe in the right to choose what happens with their lives and bodies. Another important element in their platform is the defense of food sovereignty, which is why they promote organic agriculture that does not harm the earth or people’s health. They also focus on recuperating and conserving cultural heritage. Finally, Palomino states that “our struggle is not only about equal treatment in the home, street, workplace and political life in the country, but a life without exploitation, violence and discrimination of women and men.”
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In conclusion, peasant women in Puno over the years have fostered spaces for reflection, work and demands not only at the local, regional and national levels, but also internationally, which can be seen in their important participation of in the Summits of Indigenous Women. As was stated above, their struggles speak to their bravery and capacity for negotiation, which has been strengthened over the years. From the struggle for land reform to the multiple demands in their agendas today, there are central issues that focus on democracy and the fight against discrimination. “Education is what is important to us. When you are not a professional, when you do not know how to read or write, they discrinate aginst us, exploit us” (Fortunata Cañasa, Puno).
3.3 Junín16 The number of indigenous women actively participating in organizations in Peru’s Amazon region has increased substantially in recent years. Only a few years ago it was unconceivable to think of women running indigenous organizations.
A few women began to form part of the governing boards of some indigenous organizations at the start of the 1990s, basically being put in charge of the so-called “women’s issues secretariats.” The creation of these spaces in several cases responded to the pressure and demands of international cooperation agencies, the state or NGOs, and it was often unclear exactly what function these secretariats served. In some cases, the wife of the federation president was elected as secretary of women’s issues with the idea that she would be able to accompany him on his travels and this way avoid problems with family life or relationships, which were often affected by prolonged absences of male leaders from the homes.
In an interview from 1992 with the secretary of women’s issues for the Asháninka Central of the Tambo River (CART), she responded to the question about her role, stating that her job was to acquire sewing machines and kerosene stoves for Asháninka women. She had been educated at a Catholic mission and believed that it was important for indigenous women to acquire this knowledge and practice to “improve” and modernize. It is also important to note that she was also the federation president’s wife and that one of the reasons they were elected was because they were Catholics and the church had played a decisive role in supporting the Asháninkas population affected by political violence.
Twenty years later, indigenous women are now presidents or leaders of native communities, or hold different positions within their organizations in many part of the Peruvian jungle. They are no longer secretaries of women’s issues, but are in charge of cultural issues, are book keepers, treasurers, vice presidents and presidents. At the national level, the vice president of AIDESEP, Daysi Fasabi, took charge of the organization for nearly a year when president Alberto Pizango was forced to flee the country with political asylum after the tragic events in the city of Bagua.
One of the most interesting changes has been in AIDESEP, the principal indigenous organization in the Peruvian Amazon. The National Executive Council created
16 Amazonian region.
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the Women’s Secretariat in 2000 and in 2002 established a special program titled “Indigenous Women.” One of the principal objectives of this program is “to strengthen the management capacity of women in the regions and federations that form AIDESEP.” This program has fostered the participation of indigenous women in diverse areas around the country, and similar programs have been created in regional and grassroots federations that belong to AIDESEP, such as the Federation of Native Communities of Madre de Dios (FENAMAD).
This program has also contributed to changing the way the relationship between men and women is understood within AIDESEP and other indigenous organizations. Teresita Antazú, who has worked with this program since the beginning, said that there were difficulties at first, but little by little the program gained respect and support from male leaders, starting with former AIDESEP President Gil Inoach.
Indigenous organizations exclusively for women started to appear in the early 1990s. Some of these groups have gone through crises and have disappeared, but others have gained strength and grown over the years. The majority of these organizations represent women from the largest indigenous populations (Asháninka, Awajún and Shipibo), and there are only a few exception of women’s organizations in other indigenous societies in the Peruvian Amazon. There is the Federation of Awajún Women (FEMAAM), Federation of Shawi Women of the Province of Alto Amazonas (FEDEMUSHAAL), Organization of Kakataibo Indigenous Women of the Peruvian Amazon (OMIKAP), Organization of Indigenous Women of Loreto (OMIL), Organization of Ashéninka Indigenous Women of the Gran Pajonal (OMIAG), and the Regional Federation of Asháninka, Nomatsiguenga and Kakinte Women of the Central Jungle (FREMANK).
Of particular interest is the case of Shipiba women who have created several organizations. The first was the Organization of Shipibo Women (ORDEMUSH) in 1986. It was followed by the Organization of Indigenous Women of the Peruvian Amazon (OMIAP) in 1993 under the leadership of Segundina Cumapa, the Regional Association of Shipibo Women (ARDEMUSH) in 1996 led by Carmen Buenapico, the Organization of Shipibo-Konibo Indigenous Women (ORDEMI) in 2000 led by Hilda Amasifuén, and the Association of Amazonian Indigenous Women of Ucayali (AMIA-Ucayali). There are also organizations of women crafts makers (among them the Regional Association Shipibo-Konibo Craftswoman of Ucayali-ARMASHIKU); women’s committees and mothers’ clubs, such as Rabin-Rama, Soy Viri, Shetam Same, Berin Jabe, Chonon Besho, Chonon Jisbe, etc.), and other kinds of associations and non-governmental organizations founded and led by Shipiba women. This is the case of “Sankën Yaká,” founded by Celia Vásquez in 2002, or the recently created (2010) “Shinanya Nomabo,” led by Mirian Arévalo Rojas, but with the participation of veteran organizer Carmen Buenapico.
Regional Federation of Asháninka, Nomatsiguenga and Kakinte Women of the Central Jungle (FREMANK)
In the case of the central jungle, FREMANK is the principal organization of indigenous women. FREMANK was founded in 1998 with the goal of “promoting and defending the rights of indigenous women” (FREMANK brochure). For Luzmila Chiricente, the founder and principal leader of this organization, the first years were the most difficult, because the women were unclear what an organization of indigenous women should look like. After visiting communities and taking part in assemblies, in 2002 they formally
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registered FREMANK. The situation has been improving since then, thanks to the work and confidence of women from different communities in the region, as well as the support of various national NGOs and German cooperation. In the past few years, beginning in 2004, the women of FREMANK have been introducing political issues into their agenda, including participation in the decentralization process and electoral politics. In 2005, FREMANK joined the Roundtable Dialogue on Women in the province of Satipo and at the Junín regional government level. Starting in 2006, FREMANK began actively participating in the reparation process for the victims of violence, creating special women’s committees for this end in Satipo. The organization’s president, Luzmila Chiricente, a victim herself of political violence17, was named to the National Reparations Council representing civil society. This move by indigenous women to political participation can be seen in other parts of the Amazon. Of particular importance is the number of indigenous women actively participating in electoral politics. This is due to the existence of two quota systems for elections – gender and ethnic quotas. There are many women who have been elected to municipal councils and three were elected to the Regional Council in 2006 (Olinda Cruz Rivera in Pasco, Margot Ramírez in Ucayali and Taly Inuma Taminchi in Loreto). Interestingly, there has only been one women mayor, Nélida Flores Corisepa, in the district of Fitzcarrald, in Madre de Dios. Flores was actually not elected, but as the first councilmember she took the mayor’s seat when it was vacated in 2009.
Finally, the number of indigenous girls, adolescents and young women with access to formal education, including higher education, has increased exponentially in recent decades. Today, an important number of indigenous women are not only finishing high school, but are concluding their studies in technological institutes, teaching colleges and universities. Access to education, above all higher education, is bringing about important changes in the way these women see themselves, their families and their peoples.
3.4 Current assessment
In general, important progress has been made in the public and political participation of peasant and indigenous women in the three regions, Ayacucho, Puno and Junín. Of particular importance has been the creation of indigenous women’s organizations and the increasing inclusion of women on the executive councils of peasant and indigenous organizations at the local, regional and national levels. In Ayacucho, nevertheless, there is the perception of some of the women interviewed that women’s organizations, and organizations in general, have been weakened. There is not a single vision of development or a thread that links the real demands of rural women. They believe that in spite of progress, the political participation of women remains limited and that there are squabbles between women leaders and authorities, problems due to capacities of management skills, and that women, in the end, remain relatively invisible.
17 Luzmila Chiricente lost a son after he was kidnapped by the Shining Path. She also lost three nephews.
History of indigenous women’s organizations
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In addition, they believe that women in politics are the object of manipulation by authorities, because the welfare programs created by the state break down the initiatives, creativity and organizational capacities proposed by women. These strengths are not fostered by the state, which does not develop programs to build capacities or address problems. On the contrary, the state attends to basic needs, fomenting welfare dependency and political clientelism. Some of the women interviewed said mistakes made by women in politics are not easily forgotten and tarnish the image of all women politicians.
They also state that the political participation of rural women faces greater challenges, given that many times husbands do not accept the responsibilities and tasks that come with positions, creating conflictive situations within families when women do not get home to sleep or find themselves alone in the same space as male authorities. This, however, also provides an opportunity for negotiation.
In the case of the central jungle,18 the women interviewed recognize that their presence in indigenous organizations has given them more negotiating power and they have obtained greater results as local authorities, given that the possibilities for corruption of manipulation have been reduced. This role was also recognized by men in the communities. However, there are other regions where the situation of women is not as positive, such as in Ucayali or the central jungle19, and indigenous women have fewer opportunities to participate freely, despite the quota law, AIDESEP’s Indigenous Woman’s Program and the work of non-governmental organizations.
18 Peru’s central Amazon.19 For example, the Awajún, Achuar and Kandozi societies, among others.
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Photo: Percy Ramírez / Oxfam
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4. Indigenous-peasant women and their agendas
Analyzing the agendas of indigenous-peasant women implies recognizing that this is still an area under construction, where conceptual debates begin to intertwine like those developed around the issues of culture and power. It is a field where new themes arise and others are re-examined. As Alvarez (2008) states, it is about a variety of practices and discourses, an innumerable quantity of “other” vectors of domination and resistance present in the personal and group histories of women.
Of course, the work undertaken has exposed efforts to create an agenda for women within the framework of their struggles for the recognition as peoples and nationalities. While not all indigenous organizations and movements have prepared a particular agenda aimed at directly modifying gender relations, there are practices that foster greater equity between men and women. There are practices and demands underway, but they are not necessarily being discussed.
An important first point in all of the interviews is that there are problems with the term gender, and the action programs that organizations have regarding this term, even though there is a slight difference between indigenous women’s organizations, like FREMANK, and indigenous and peasant organizations and federations in general. The principal problem is found in the prejudices and resistance men have to the programs, projects and actions proposed around this term. This prejudice has its roots in the practices of some feminist organizations and non-indigenous activists who have proposed work on gender as if it were about opposition between women and men. As a result, indigenous men have taken a defensive stand. Added to this is the discourse on complementarity between men and women in indigenous societies, which is opposite the machismo and inequality in modern, western societies.
While not all indigenous organizations and movements have prepared a particular agenda aimed at directly modifying gender relations, there are practices that foster greater equity between men and women. There are practices and demands underway, but they are not necessarily being discussed.
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Indigenous-peasant women leaders or members of organizations share this discourse, but in a more complex and nuanced way, denouncing the machismo, inequality and violence against women that also form part of indigenous societies. While they denounce the problem, they do not feel that work on gender done by institutions-organizations resolves their problems. In fact, there is a gap between the hegemonic discourse on gender and the way of working, with these institutions prioritizing women as an objective group but without conducting research on the problems faced by indigenous-peasant women. There are no methodologies or discourses prepared for different population groups and gender is conceptualized as a social, cultural and historic construct. In this sense, men and women see the need to look at the issue of gender from an indigenous perspective and frame the work on gender in a joint manner: men and women together, and not only with women. This is the first critical point in the work that requires a change in the way things are seen.
Second, for many leaders, both men and women, proposals for work on gender put forth by cooperation agencies, NGOs and the state often times do not coincide with the ways that women (and men) would like to address the issue. This tension is often seen by indigenous leaders as an external imposition. In this sense, different leaders commented that this is just another example of the way in which the hegemonic western society tries to impose its ways of behaving in a vertical way. Some of the people interviewed mentioned the right of self-determination to criticize what they see as an imposition. In fact, many organizations see the issue of gender as one that has been imposed and while they recognize that it may include some important aspects, the way it has been addressed does not correspond to the how indigenous people would work on it.
Finally, while indigenous organizations may consider the issue of gender of having been imposed from outside or do not consider it a priority, this does not mean that it holds no importance for indigenous women. Just because there is no official document or work plan for the year, does not mean that indigenous or peasant women are doing nothing. On the contrary, they want to continue moving ahead in terms of participation, access to education and fighting machismo and gender violence, as well as moving forward on other demands, which will be described later. This is true even though current events, such as case of indigenous peoples suffering aggression from large companies (hydrocarbon, hydroelectric, etc.) that enter their territories without consent, violating their rights, push this issue to a second plane along with other important issues, such as bilingual education, health care, etc. In the case of the central jungle, for example, there are currently pressures from hydrocarbon companies (Pluspetrol), logging companies, the construction of the Puerto Ocopa-Atalaya Highway, and, above all, the Paquitzapango hydroelectric plant.
A second issue central to the debate and the construction of agendas concerns the demands of indigenous women, particularly in the case of Ayacucho and Puno. The indigenous issue has not taken root for the majority of women interviewed (middle class, peasant and poor women) in Ayacucho and Puno. They consider themselves peasants. In addition, in the case of Puno there is also the differentiation between Quechuas and Aymaras and their demands, which are more social than cultural.
The group made up primarily by organizations that consider themselves indigenous say this is a debate that is coming to an end. Finally, a third group is working on the issue of indigenous identity, but from the recognition as Quechua and/or Aymara peoples. In the case of Puno, there are also representatives of local NGOs who see this as a term imposed by “others” that has a clear political use today. There is not a discourse vindicating what is indigenous. For women, the agendas of the indigenous movement
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seem too removed from their own issues, which makes it difficult them to accept these agendas as their own.
It is important to highlight that the different groups interviewed in Puno and Ayacucho see indigenous identity as a stigma and belittling, which is why they do not accept the proposal. People deny what is indigenous because it is associated with servitude and oppression.
From this we can see that an important problem is the definition of the term “indigenous” to analyze if within the gender agendas of women’s organizations there is identification with the demands for identity of indigenous peoples and nationalities, and if these coincide with the demands of the indigenous movement at the national and international levels. To this respect, we can state that within the organizations analyzed there does not appear to be a clear relations between peasant and indigenous. While there are some organizations that appear to be moving toward a pro-indigenous discourse, it is still impossible to talk about self-identification with the term or with the agendas of indigenous peoples and movements. Furthermore, in the “Women to Power” forum organized by FEDECMA in Ayacucho there was no mention of the word indigenous or the demands regarding peoples, lands or territories during the two-day meeting. It is clear that is neither part of discourse nor practice of the organizations.
The agendas of indigenous-peasant women are presented taking into account these considerations. A first demand found in the three zones is the right to participation. The right of women to participate at the local, regional and national levels is found in different spaces analyzed. This is a right that has been achieved. Women prepare and are informed to participate in local elections, have experience and the willingness to do it. The quota law has, undoubtedly, been an important instrument. Both women in rural and urban areas feel that the time of women has come. They stress their capacities as mothers, wives and women who care for their families. Looking at their experiences in mothers’ clubs and in the organizations that demanded information on the disappeared, they are convinced they can be leaders and work for their people. This idea of women as administrator of the home and community is part of a discourse that is repeated.
In the case of Junín, while they recognize that important space has been gained in recent years, they want to continue moving forward. Their goal is not only to participate in organizations, but publicly express their opinions in a direct way without their husbands or male relatives acting as intermediaries. They demand greater spaces in government and decision-making spheres, not only through being elected council members or mayors, but through the creation of specialized offices at different levels of government to provide priority attention to the demands of indigenous women. For example, they want the creation of an office or area for Amazonian indigenous women within the Office of Women’s Development in the Junín regional government.
Linked to this point is the idea of citizen oversight. In the case of Junín, the existence of women leaders is considered extremely valuable because they are seen as reducing levels of corruption. When male leaders go to government offices or other institutions to negotiate or present demands, they are often invited to eat or go drinking and, once drunk, they forget about their demands or are tricked by authorities. This does not happen with women. It is more difficult for women leaders to accept invitations from authorities or the representatives of institutions to go out to eat or have a drink. In this sense, women are seen as more efficient when it comes to complying with their tasks. This is the case, for example, with the current leadership of CARE, which has been renewed, even in the face of opposition from some of the women leaders who wanted to be reelected.
Indigenous-peasant women and their agendas
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Second, there are demands related to natural resources. Women demand greater participation and protagonism in this theme. In fact, the defense of their resources is linked to protection and security of wisdom and knowledge associated with food, health, education and lift itself.
Third, an important issue for women is promoting productive activities. The women in Puno have placed the greatest emphasis on productive work, not only in their organizations, but also within the local spaces where they participate. In the case of the Amazon, women are demanding new opportunities to obtain economic income (tourism, crafts, preparation and sale of farm products, etc.). Women from different spaces of local participation, such as municipalities, mothers’ clubs, etc., are promoting productive activities. These demands highlight the role or women in the productive sphere that they recognize and make visible.
Fourth is the demand of rural women to improve the quality of life of their people. They want their people to progress, their children to be better off, more employment and less poverty. While they recognize that the program Juntos has had a positive impact, because it mobilizes women, the majority believe that social programs should not substitute local and regional development programs. As such, their first concern is the demand for greater social equality. In the case of Junín, we can mention the demands for access to higher education (scholarships for children); improved education and health services, including hiring indigenous personnel; application of linguistic policies that allow for the use of indigenous languages in determine public settings (there is a regional ordinance that recognizes Asháninka as an official language in Junín, but this measure is not properly applied); greater attention on the part of local authorities to native communities through projects and economic support, as well as visits and dialogue with communities; and fighting corruption among authorities, etc. It is within this framework that gender demands appear. One emerging theme is that of violence. It is like moving between two sides of a pendulum. On the one side there are many women with agency and empowerment, leaders with presence in different spaces, and on the other side women still living in the silence of violence. This is not about isolated problems, because violence in present through the history of women. However, it is with the group of young women in Puno where this problem is most visible. There are a number of reasons for this, including the fact that these women are involved in a process that has them moving toward greater domestic role. They are being pressured by spouses to dedicate time to their children and homes, and given that this process is not openly shared it is difficult to channel the problem. In addition to demanding recognition of their leadership capacity, these women also criticize and appeal for an end to gender violence.
In the case of the Amazon, there is also the demand for the elimination of abuses committed against indigenous women. This not only implies denouncing physical or psychological violence, but looking for mechanisms that effectively lead to the disappearance of abuses committed by men. Some women believe in the importance of creating special centers for women (or the Emergency Women’s Centers run by MIMDES) or expanding the scope of existing spaces to include native communities. In some cases, however, there is a lack of confidence in the women’s secretariats and non-indigenous spaces for filing complaints, which is why indigenous women suggest that they establish or adapt these institutions to their own reality. It is a difficult issue, but one that is talked about openly and requires a solution.
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Finally, there are a large number of concrete demands, particularly in the Amazon, many of which are also shared by indigenous men and correspond to the situation of exclusion faced by indigenous societies or the pressure put on their resources and territories by the state or private companies. In the case of pressure from companies, the principal demand is to exercise the right of indigenous peoples to prior, free and informed consent, as well as the right to self-determination. Associated with this is the demand for food security. In the case of Puno, some women, especially those linked to indigenous movements, have embraced this demand. The struggle for territory is a demand and platform for struggle of indigenous organizations that women have made their own and converted it into local platforms, with the struggle for territory becoming part of the struggle for life.
Today, our struggle is for territory, global warming, like it used to be for the earth … our struggle continues, but today from different spaces. We are fighting no only as women, but as mothers, we are fighting of the right to nutrition and for our children, this is our struggle” (Rosa Palomino, Puno)
Indigenous-peasant women and their agendas
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Photo: Percy Ramírez / Oxfam
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5. Conclusions and recommendations
1. Heterogeneity and diversity among women and organizations
A first reflection we would like to share is the heterogeneity of situations that define the identities and agendas of women. As has been seen, they are not only influence by cultural nuances, but also local history and the personal and family trajectories of those involved. All of this forms identities and the way in which they project themselves as peasant and indigenous women. Feminine identities are constructed in relation to socio-economic contexts, as well as close social relations and Peruvian society as a whole. In this sense, the feeling of exclusion is present among the women who were interviewed, but this has not stopped them from acting and resisting. However, and on this point we need to insist, differences are also found within each group. It is difficult to define an “Amazonian woman” or an “Andean woman” in the abstract, which requires well-defined studies that gathers these traditions. This heterogeneity contrasts with the simplistic images of them in literature and manuals that discuss rural or peasant women in general and homogeneous terms, leaving aside any specificity.
In addition to heterogeneity, it is important to consider the changes that take place in a person, family or community, given that identities and relationships are dynamic. As we have seen, there are women who were very active in their organizations but now sense that there have been setbacks. In other words, the arrow does not always move in the same direction. There are advances and setbacks, contradictions, moves and countermoves that need to be observed.
The other gap that also needs to be worked on is inter-generational. We have found this in the three areas studied, but with greater force in Junín and Puno, where there exists a generational gap between women. They do not have the same agendas or they do not propose them in the same way. In the case of Amazonian women, we found that access to higher education is very important and women study and then occupy leadership positions. In the case of Puno, we found a group of young women who are going through a different process that is characterized by less autonomy and greater dependence on their spouses. In Ayacucho, younger women are moving away from the struggles against the lingering effects of political violence and are setting goals that are more related to economic wellbeing.
We recommend the preparation of plans and programs that take this into account this consideration when proposals are formulated. This should be monitored in the case the implementing agencies are local partners.
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2. Indigenous or peasant: Concerning self-perception of Andean and Amazonian women
Unlike women in Junín, women in Ayacucho and Puno define themselves as peasants and not indigenous. Their immediate discourse does not include a demand for identity as indigenous peoples.
Women in the Andean region tend to identify themselves as peasants, Quechua or Andean. The term indigenous continues to be a pejorative term that they would like to eliminate. In fact, being an Indian/indigenous person is associated with a situation of servitude – not as much material as symbolic20— that they would like to eradicate. This does not mean that they deny their roots or that they are part of “original” peoples, such as the Chuncaras, Waris, etc. In addition, it is necessary to point out that for Andean peoples the term “indigenous” has also been associated with natives, the “chuncho,” something they have resisted, when not scorning. This could be another factor influencing the difficulties in referring to themselves as indigenous peoples. This needs to be kept in mind when discussing possible inter-ethnic alliances.
This leads them to maintain a certain distance from the demands of indigenous peoples and the role of indigenous women. There are some women’s organizations that are close to these demands (for territory and not land, for example), but they are not a majority and the demands are not part of their daily struggle. There is, nevertheless, an interest in being informed about what is taking place, because they see in this discourse the possibility of promoting change and achieving their demands, because there is “international recognition.”
One of the areas where there seems to be the greatest proximity between the distinct women’s groups is the demand for preservation and care of natural resources, given that they see this as fundamental to guarantee food security. While they have different discourses (peasant, indigenous peoples, gender), there is agreement on this demand and opposition, mostly open but sometimes hidden, to the intervention of the state and/or companies that could violate their rights.
We recommend, as such, that work on gender be considered inter-generational. Women do not have the same agendas or do not propose them the same way over time.
We recommend working on these tensions with indigenous movements and taking into account the demands of peasant women, including those regarding the state and/or companies. This needs to be done starting with the premise that there is a distance between these women and work needs to be done on the issue by building consensus on shared issues. There needs to be dialogue to work on these differences, because they can lead to future conflicts if they are not made explicit.
20 Symbolic servitude means that others, the mistis, continue to treat them like serfs and in some cases they are part of this dynamic.
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3. Concerning women’s organizations
There are diverse women’s organizations, which respond to different interests and objectives, in the zones where the study was conducted. While many of them have played a central role in the struggles of women, as well as in the exercise of rights, there still does not appear to be an organization that represents or leads the general demands of indigenous women at the national level. As such, we believe that the analysis of women’s organizations needs to be linked to political, social, cultural and economic contexts in which they operate, and the kind of female leadership within them. For example, the organizations that formed to fight against political violence have a different character than those formed to fight for land. The ideological options that motivated them are different and they need to be examined according to their specific identities.
We found the following kinds of organizations in the zones included in the study:
• Grassroots organizations. This type of organization includes mothers’ clubs, soup kitchens, and Glass of Milk committees, among others. They have an exclusively female leadership and respond to a context of poverty and the need to satisfy nutritional demands. These kinds of organizations exist in the three areas that were studied, and while they appear to have lost strength today, they played a key role in past decades;
• Peasant federations. Women’s organizations formed around agrarian or peasant issues appeared with force in Puno, due to the importance and significance of the struggle for land. This struggle is not exclusively the domain of women, but a common struggle with men and the community as a whole;
• Associations of victims. Within the context of political violence, pro-human rights organizations and groups organized to stop the violence were formed principally by women who lost their spouses, fathers or brothers and decided to search for them and demand their rights before the state;
• Networks of women focused specific issues. This is the case of the network of Aymara communicators in Puno or the network of councilwomen in Ayacucho. This appears to be an option that is expanding;
• Indigenous movements. The past few years have witnessed a surge in organizations or movements focused on indigenous identity. This struggle, similar to the one for land, is not exclusively that of women, but is a common objective of men, older people, youth and children in communities. This kind of organization is seen primarily in the central jungle. They are mixed organizations;
• Indigenous women’s organizations. They are found among the larger indigenous peoples in the Amazon.
In summary, we are looking at a diverse panorama that includes traditional organizations (peasant federations), and new organizations of peasant and indigenous women, as well as national organizations that aim to represent the
Conclusions and recommendations
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interest of indigenous peoples. The relationships between these different levels of organization are not fluid and or clear for the women in the regions. In fact, the idea that national organizations can set the agendas for local organizations does not operate as such. The national organizations have a more political outlook and some of them have a more international focus. In the regions, the relationship with indigenous issues is not permanent, at least in the areas where the study was conducted. It is probable that the demands of indigenous peoples are more present in mining zones and areas with large extractive companies.
4. Regarding the situation of indigenous and peasant women
The situation of women at the national level has shown significant changes regarding education, employment, political participation and civil rights. This situation points to a smaller gap between men and women. In the Amazon, there is increasing interest in higher education and many people move to cities to conclude their studies. It is possible that this will influence a change in the profile of male and female leaders.
Within this favorable panorama for women, however, there are still critical situations, such as continued (and in some cases, increasing) domestic and sexual violence, female illiteracy, labor discrimination and salary gaps, violation of the right to identity, and the existence of single-parent homes primarily led by women, among others. This would show that that the indigenous female population continues to suffer discrimination and violations of rights on a scale greater than that of indigenous men.
In addition, Andean and Amazonian populations (particularly in rural zones) present socio-economic indicators below the national average, which means that they deal with poverty in their daily lives and puts their future at risk.
5. The agendas of indigenous and peasant women
Above all, indigenous movements and organizations, and within them women’s organizations, see the need to reverse the dynamic of exclusion faced by indigenous societies. As such, the agendas are not necessarily focused on gender issues within these societies, but demanding identity for indigenous peoples within the education and health sectors, in the exercise and right to political participation, and rights to territory, among others. It is necessary to redefine the gender agenda from the indigenous or cultural perspective of the different regions. This perspective is stronger in the cases of Junín and Puno.
We recommend as part of policies recognition of different levels of action of organizations to avoid accepting a substantive link that does not exist.
It is important to begin working in a systematic way and according to local proposals on the effects of gender violence, because this is one of the issues mentioned most often by women.
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Nevertheless, this does not imply that they have a specific agenda and indigenous and peasant women. As has been seen, their principal demands are:
• Social and political participation;• Development of economic and productive projects to address poverty, malnutrition,
and improve the quality of life for children; • Struggle for their natural resources; • Citizen oversight and struggle against injustice and corruption; • Demands of the state for better public services, including health and education.
Demands for specific spaces for women within local and regional governments;• Struggle against gender violence in their communities and peoples; • Respect for the cultures and development without exclusion.
Among all these demands, what generates the most interest among women is, without a doubt, the right to participation. They feel that it is their right to be part of organizations, movements and decision-making spaces. They are convinced that the participation of women is a right and they are going to demand this. They also believe that their proposals and leadership are necessary for change.
6. The relationship between the gender agendas of peasant and indigenous women and feminist movements
We found a gap between the feminist proposals on gender that do not take into account local reality and the context of indigenous peoples. There is criticism of the workshops and working methodologies that continue to emphasize roles and divisions of labor, because they do not respond to needs and are considered very repetitive. They also question the gender focus, believing that it creates confrontation between men and women. While there are demands that are gender demands, they do not appear as such in the discourses of these organizations. In fact, the concept of gender was not part of the arguments or the proposals for the groups we interviewed or the events that we attended. The issues are discussed in the name of women and the objectives are to struggle to equality, justice and equity. In more than one case we heard about the distance between the realities of indigenous and peasant women and their urban counterparts, which needs to be worked on because the focus cannot be the same for all organizations. Finally, given that the primary struggle is against exclusion and poverty, the possibilities of alliances with urban and mestizo women is low and work revolves around specific themes, such as gender violence, which can be worked on in a coordinated fashion. A similar situation is seen in the network of rural councilwomen, although they are particular initiatives that need to be analyzed further.
We recommend closely following and fostering women leadership in different spaces and at different levels, because there is a willingness and commitment to this.
Conclusions and recommendations
We recommend recognizing these differences and working from specific themes, such as gender violence, which can be addressed in a coordinated fashion.
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7. Regarding interventions and training
There is unease among the women interviewed with respect to development projects and interventions because of the way they are implemented. In addition, among the points mentioned above, a permanent criticism involved the concept of training. Two of the most widely recognized leaders were emphatic in stating that they disagree with these workshops, because they assume that “we don’t know” and that we are “untrained.” They demand that their knowledge be recognized by the people who come to work with them. This is a very important point for work, because behind it is the demand to be recognized as citizens.
The relationship with the state is difficult and conflictive. In general terms, there is a blanket criticism of the state for its failure to promote policies of inclusion and development for rural and indigenous populations. The state is seen as something distant and inefficient. It does not respond to their demands and their wellbeing has not improved, despite growth and the economic bonanza. However, there is not a homogeneous or unanimous position regarding the Juntos program. For some, principally women linked to mothers’ clubs, the program is beneficial and is considered positive, because it is seen as health and allowing for some improvements. Others, mainly leaders, have a more critical view and say the welfare aspect of Juntos is harmful, because it lowers the protagonism and active participation of women. From this perspective, women “participate” in a passive way, which is not helpful. They demand greater autonomy and presence in making decisions.
We recommend that projects consider new ways of working that recognize different wisdom and can establish better dialogue with the women involved. This means innovating methodologies, development proposals that include more active participation.
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6. ReferencesAlvarez, Sonia. “Rethinking the political and cultural dimensions from social movements. Some approximations.” In: Hoetmer, Rafael. Rethinking politics from Latin America. Lima: San Marcos National University and the Program for Democracy and Global Transformation, 2009.
ANFASEP. How long will you be silent? Testimonies of pain and courage. Ayacucho: ANFASEP, 2007.
Ballara, Marcela and Soledad Parada. Employment of rural women. What the numbers say. Santiago de Chile: FAO-RLC, ECLAC; 2009.
Barrig, Maruja. The world in reverse; Images of the indigenous woman. Buenos Aires: CLACSO, 2001.
Benavides, Martín; Magrith Mena and Carmen Ponce. “The State of Indigenous Children in Peru. Lima: INEI, Canadian International Development Agency, GRADE and UNICEF; 2010. En: http://www.grade.org.pe/download/unicef.pdf.
Chirapaq. Website. http://www.chirapaq.org.pe
Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Final Report. Lima: CVR, 2003.
Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Presentation of the president of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Salomón Lerner Febres, of the Final Report of the CVR to the people of Ayacucho. Ayacucho: 2003. En: http://www.cverdad.org.pe
Ombudsman’s Office. “Third report of the Ombudsman’s Office on compliance with the Law of Equal Opportunities between Men and Women 2009.” Lima: Ombudsman’s Office, 2009.
Degregori, Carlos Iván. “Persistent inequalities and the construction of a pluricultural country. Reflections from the work of the CVR. Paper presented to the Roundtable on Interculturality organized by CEPES / IEP. Lima: 2004.
Espinosa, Oscar. 2007. “Gender relations in indigenous societies in the Amazon; Theoretic discussions and current challenges. In Maruja Barrig (ed). Interior Frontiers: Identity, difference and protagonism of women. Lima: IEP, 2007. Pp. 183-202.
Harvey Brown, Richard. Cultural representation and ideological domination. In: Rev. Social Forces. N. 71. V. 3. North Carolina Press, 1993.
INEI, UNFPA UNDP. 2007 National Census: XI of population and VI households. Lima: INEI, UNFPA, UNDP; 2008.
INEI. Press release 65 – May 18, 2010. En http://www.inei.gob.pe
INEI. Technical report: Evaluation of Poverty in 2009. Lima: INEI, 2009.
INEI. 2007 Census. Socio-demographic profile. Lima: INEI, s/d.
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MIMDES. Human development and gender potential 2008. In: http://www.mimdes.gob.pe
MIMDES. National Plan against Violence toward Women 2009 -2015 (PNCVHM) and management instruments. Lima: MIMDES, 2009. In: http://www.mimdes.gob.pe
MIMDES. National Plan against Violence toward Women 2009 -2015 (PNCVHM) and management instruments. June, 2009.
Women’s Observatory – Ayacucho. In: http://www.regionayacucho.gob.pe/observamujer/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=154&Itemid=37
Equal Opportunities between Men and Women Regional Plan 2010 -2020 (PRIO) - Ayacucho. Executive summary and electronic version. Ayacucho 2010.
UNDP. 2009 Human Development Report. Overcoming Barriers; Human Mobility and Development. New York: UNDP, 2009.
UNPD. 2010 Human Development Report. The Real Wealth of Nations: Pathways to Human Development. New York: UNDP, 2010.
Network of Councilwomen of the Ayacucho Region: Kamachikuq Warmikuna. Quarterly Report.
AppendixMETHODOLOGICAL STRATEGY
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Appendix
Methodological strategy The analysis of gender agendas was conducted in three regions in the country.
The methodology used was qualitative. Part of the work gathering information included field visits to the areas studied with the objective of conducting semi-structured interviews and attending meetings and events that allowed for observation of local dynamics and to establish links with key stakeholders.
The people interviewed were selected by using an intentional sample or snowball sampling. Key stakeholders in the area studied were interviewed with the goal of learning their opinions, discourses and perceptions. Among those interviewed were university professors, representatives of women’s organizations, representatives of collectives and networks, community leaders, councilwomen, and representatives of public and private institutions. Interviews were also conducted in Lima with representatives of national organizations.
Ayacucho Region
The analysis of gender agendas in the Ayacucho region was conducted in three phases. The first phase consisted of reviewing and reading secondary sources regarding the situation and the indigenous women’s movements at the national level and in Ayacucho.
The second phase was dedicated to preparing and designing visits to the Ayacucho region to interview key stakeholders. This stage also included design of instruments for information-gathering and a list of possible experts, leaders and institutions. The initial contact with key informants was also established.
The third phase involved three trips to the province of Huamanga, in Ayacucho, to conduct interviews and establish contacts with representatives of institutions, organizations and collectives linked to work with women or indigenous peoples. A product of the first two visits was establishment of contacts with leaders and representative organizations in Ayacucho that allowed us to have an understanding of the situation from the perspective of the protagonists. Contacts were established with experts and leaders with years of experience working on the issue.
Taking into account the complexity of the research and the need to deepen the analysis, a third trip was made to Huamanga. This visit allowed for participation in the “Women
Zona de estudioRegiones Provincias
Ayacucho Huamanga
Selva Central Satipo
Puno Puno y Melgar
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to Power” forum, organized by the Departmental Federation of Mothers’ Clubs of the Ayacucho Department (FEDECMA) and presentation of the Regional Plan for Equal Opportunities (PRIO).
With the objective of understanding the discourses and agendas of women in Ayacucho, we attended the “Andean-Amazonian Regional Forum: Indigenous Women in National and International Advocacy for their Collective Rights,” organized by CONACAMI Peru, CCPICAN, AIDESEP and CAOI.
Following is a list of people interviewed:
Interviews conducted - Ayacucho
N° People interviewed Institution/organization/network Position
1 Gumercinda Reynaga National University of Huamanga (UNSCH) Professor
2 Andrés Solari Consensus Roundtable to Combat Poverty Former president
Network of Rural Girls of Ayacucho (RENIRA) Former president
3 Jeffrey Gamarra San Cristóbal de Huamanga National University (UNSCH) and member of the Hatun Ñan Program
Professor
4 Celina Salcedo Mayoral candidate for the Ayacucho provincial municipality
Institute of Ayacuchan Women (IRMA)
5 Tania Pariona Ñohanchiq Youth Organization Former president
6 Dania Pariona Hatun Ñan Program Member
San Cristóbal de Huamanga University (UNSCH) Participant
7 Socorro Arce Ayacucho provincial municipality Law student
Network of Councilwomen of the Ayacucho Region (RRRA)
Councilwoman
8 Carmen de los Ríos Loyola Center Vice president
9
Ada Luz Rojas Marín Coordinating Committee for Work with Women of
Ayacucho (COTMA)
Gloria Huamaní Women’s Observatory - MINDES Member
Coordinating Committee for Work with Women of Ayacucho (COTMA)
Representative
10 Clelia Rivero Departmental Federation of Mothers’ Clubs of Ayacucho (FEDECMA)
Member
11 Edgar Capcha Departmental Agrarian Federation of Ayacucho (FADA)
President
12 Teodora Aime Departmental Federation of Mothers’ Clubs of (FEDECMA)
Founder and former president
13 Adelina García National Association of Relatives of the Kidnapped, Detained and Disappeared of (ANFASEP)
President
14 Maribel Yanse Chaccalla
Glass of Milk Committee of the Ayacucho Province Member of the Administration Committee
Appendix
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Interviews conducted - AyacuchoN° People interviewed Institution/organization/network Position
16 Vilma María Obregón CONAI of the Huampata district – Vilcashuamán province.
Secretary
17 Lucy Mucha Chate Ombudsman’s Office. Ayacucho Ombudsman’s Office
Commissioner for the rights of women and children
18 Isabel Apaba Provincial Women’s Federation of Lucanas (FEMU)
President
19 Dina Mendoza Mothers’ Clue of the district of Jesús Nazareno, Ayacucho province
Vice president
20 Lisette Pro Huaylla Regional Movement Candidate of regional council
21 Anali Glass of Milk Committee, Huaylla district Member
22 Aurora Luján Gutierrez
Manuela Ramos Movement In charge of research on Quechua political culture in Peru and Bolivia
23 Yoconda CONACAMI - Peru Secretary of minutes
Events attendedN° Place / Event Presenters Public attending Date
1 Memory Museum of the National Association of Relatives of the Kidnapped, Detained and Disappeared of Peru (ANFASEP)
General public July 21, 2010
2 Forum on citizen participation organized by the Loyola Center
Young leaders from different organizations in Ayacucho. The president of Vilcashuamán Provincial Federation of the Glass of Milk Program participated
General public July 23, 2010
3 “Women to Power” Regional Forum.
Event organized and sponsored by the Departmental Federation of Mothers’ Clubs of Ayacucho (FEDECMA), PRISMA, UNICEF, UNFPA, PILVES -11, Manuela Ramos, JNE and the Consensus Roundtable to Combat Poverty.
President of FEDECMA, Representatives of Manuela Ramos, Women’s Observatory, Prisma and the JNE
Representatives of mothers’ clubs in FEDECMA, Glass of Milk Program and women leaders of the Ayacucho region.
Aug. 19, 2010Aug. 20, 2010
As part of the field work, we also attended expositions, events and presentations that were considered relevant to the research. Following is a list of locations and events attended:
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Events attendedN° Place / Event Presenters Public attending Date
4 Presentation of the Regional Plan for Equal Opportunities between Women and Men 2010 -2020. Event organized and sponsored by the regional government’s Social Development Office, Institute of Ayacuchan Women (IRMA), ONPE, FEDECMA, UNFPA, COMISEDH, ForoSalud, Health Ministry, Crecer Wari, Manuela Ramos, COTMA, UNICEF, Care, MTPE, Ayacucho regional government, MIMDES, Women’s Observatory, Ombudsman’s Office, DREA Ayacucho, Regional Health Bureau, Chirapaq and RIPAVF.
Vice president of the Ayacucho regional government, manager of the regional government’s Social Development Office, Representatives of UNFPAManuela Ramos, IRMA, Women’s Emergency Center (CEM), DREA, DTPE, Ombudsman’s Office and FEDECMA
General public Aug. 19, 2010
5Presentation of the Memory museums
Council member of the Huanta Provincial Council, representatives of ANFASEP and the NGO Paz y Esperanza
General public Aug. 19, 2010
6 Press conference to present the project for a regional ordinance for equality and non-discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity
Representatives of Diversity Qary G. Kanny – Ayacucho, LTGB Consensus Roundtable of Ayacucho and the Trans Gins Lynch Network – Ayacucho.
General public Aug. 20, 2010
7 Andean-Amazonian Regional Forum: “Indigenous Women in National and International Advocacy for their Collective Rights,” organized by CONACAMI Peru, CCPICAN, AIDESEP y CAOI
Representatives of indigenous movements of Colombia, Bolivia and Ecuador.
Leaders of indigenous movements at the national level.
Oct. 6, 2010
Appendix
Puno Region
The work in the Puno region for the study was similar to that conducted in Ayacucho. In the case of Puno, visits were made to the regional capital and communities, such as Santa Rosa and Kunurana Alto, in the Melgar province, and Acora district in Puno. The visits were conducted May 28-June 2, 2010.
The visits were aimed at conducting interviews with women leaders of organizations and women who participate in local governments. In addition, interviews were conducted with representatives of NGOs to understand the context and organizations from their field experience. We conducted 14 interviews.
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Interview conducted – PunoN° People interviewed Institution/organization/network
1 Emilia Barrios Peasant Federation of Women -- Melgar
2 Victoria Huaylla Peasant Federation of Women – Melgar, peer health promoter
3 German Condori Peasant Federation of Puno
4 Rosa Palomino National Network of Aymara Indigenous Communicators, President FEMUCARINAP Puno
5 Guadalupe Apaza National Network of Quechua Indigenous Communicators
6 Ana María Pino Peer educator, Casa del Corregidor Puno
7 Zenón Choquehuanca Director of Rural Services Center (SER)
8 Fabiana Zárate Councilwoman of the Santa Rosa municipality, Peasant Federation of Women/Association of Artisans of Melgar
9 Yanet Castillo Councilwoman of the Santa Rosa municipality
10 Nancy Quispe Councilwoman of Kunurana Alto municipality
11 Miriam Escalante In charge of women’s programs in SER
12 Teófila Ochochoque Central for Women and Neighborhood Associations of Puno
13 Fortunata Cañasa Departmental Association of Peasants of Puno
14 Claudia Cuari Peasant Confederation of the Peru (CCP)
Interview conducted – Central jungle N° People interviewed Institution/organization/network
1 Teresita Antazú Inter-Ethnic Association for Development of the Peruvian Jungle (AIDESEP)
2 Rosilda Nunta Inter-Ethnic Association for Development of the Peruvian Jungle (AIDESEP)
3 Saúl Puerta Inter-Ethnic Association for Development of the Peruvian Jungle (AIDESEP)
4 Aníbal Francisco Confederation of Nationalities of the Amazon of Peru (CONAP)
5 Rosa Buendía Asháninka Central of the Ene River (CARE)
6 Paula Acevedo Advisor to the Asháninka Central of the Ene River (CARE)
7 Luzmila Chiricente Regional Federation of Asháninkas, Nomatsiguengas and Kakintes Women of the Central Jungle (FREMANK)
8 David Barboza Regional Association of Indigenous Peoples of the Central Jungle (ARPI SC)
9 Lidia Rengifo* Regional Association of Indigenous Peoples of the Central Jungle (ARPI SC)
10 Cecilio Soria Shipibo councilman on the Coronel Portillo Provincial Municipality
11 Beatriz Fabián Amazonian Center for Applied Anthropology (CAAP ) – Central jungle
12 María del Pilar Ego-Aguirre Anthropologist working with FREMANK in 2010
Junín Region
We conducted 12 interviews in Lima and in the field to analyze the gender agenda of the central jungle. Following is a list of the interviews conducted:
www.oxfam.org
![agendas [*12]](https://img.pdfslide.tips/doc/110x75/568c47421a28ab49168d1fc1/agendas-12.jpg)
