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Corpus Approach vs. Generative Approach and Movement vs. Grammatical Functions One-Soon Her 何萬順. OUTLINE 1) Contrasting GA and CA 2) Contrasting LFG and TG 3) Conclusion. 1) Contrasting GA and CA What is the ultimate goal of a generative syntactic theory?. - PowerPoint PPT Presentation
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Corpus Approach vs. Generative Approach
and
Movement vs. Grammatical Functions
One-Soon Her
何萬順
OUTLINE
1) Contrasting GA and CA
2) Contrasting LFG and TG
3) Conclusion
1) Contrasting GA and CA
What is the ultimate goal of
a generative syntactic theory?
To account for the universal properties and variations in the
syntactic phenomena in all languages, in the simplest way.
A.2
What is the ultimate goal of
a corpus-based syntactic theory?
To discover generalizations and variations in the syntactic
phenomena from the corpus materials at hand.
Let’s see a simple
non-linguistic demonstration
of CA vs. GA
Driving on Planet Earth
Research Goal:
to come up with a description of
the side of the road to drive on,
on Planet Earth
Corpus Approach
“Look and see”
Solution (1):
Australia left
China right
Singapore left
Taiwan right
USA right
etc.
Evaluating Corpus Solution (1)
Not happy
Must make generalizations
Corpus Approach, Solution (2)
Generalization: in some countries, drive on the left; in others, drive on the right.
Australia left
China right
Singapore left
Taiwan right
USA right
etc.
How about the generative approach?
The generative approach assumes:
1) there are universal principles
2) variation is due to parameters
Generative Approach
Solution (1):
Australia left
China right
Singapore left
Taiwan right
USA right
etc.
Evaluating Solution (1)
What’s the predictive power?
Does it rule out the following?
Country X middle
Country Y AM-left/PM-right
Country Z Men-left/Women-right
Evaluating Solution (1)
Each listing is a stipulation, thus no predictive power.
Must generalize and make predictions!
Generative Approach, Solution (2)
Principle: within a country, drive on x side only.
Parameter: x = left/rightAustralia x = left
China x = right
Singapore x = left
Taiwan x = right
USA x = right
etc.
Evaluating Generative Solution (2)Pretty good, but….
1) each listing still a stipulation
2) a parameter always a disjunction
Evaluating Generative Solution (2)Research question: can we get rid of the parameter and the listings?
The research is now theory-driven, rather than data-driven, as the data have been accounted for.
Evaluating Generative Solution (2)
Expanding the scope of data:
side of the road + side of the driver
Driving onthe Left
Right
Driving onthe Right
Left
The driving side is always the opposite of the driver side!!
Generative Approach, Solution (3)
Principle: on Planet Earth, drive on the left, if the driver seat is on the right; otherwise, drive on the right.
Evaluating Generative Solution (3)
Wow, no listings and no parameters!!
But, wait!
There’s still a disjunction.
Evaluating Generative Solution (3)Principle: on Planet Earth, if the driver seat is on the right, then drive on the left; otherwise, drive on the right.
Evaluating Generative Solution (3)
Let’s again expand the scope of data:
driver + passenger + center of the road
Right
Left
The driver is always closer to the center of the road!!
Generative Approach, Solution Ultimate
Principle: when driving on Planet Earth, stay closer to the center of the road in relation to the front seat passenger.
Evaluating GG Solution UltimateDoes it allow a functional explanation?
Yes, it does!Being closer to the center of the road affords
the driver the best range of vision with the least physical strain
Evaluating GA Solution Ultimate
It’s simple and elegant,
but is it complete?
Evaluating GG Solution UltimateConsider
建國高架橋下迴轉道US Postman’s jeep
And, of course, Myanmar!
Evaluating GG Solution Ultimate
…the two kinds of linguists need each other. Or better, that the two kinds of linguists, wherever possible, should exist in the same body. (Fillmore 1992:35)
Evaluating GG Solution Ultimate
Lessons from Myanmar and Pirahã.
Evaluating GG Solution Ultimate
It’s simple and elegant,
but how many countries do you really need to observe to derive it?
2) Contrasting LFG and TG1. Motivation
2. Phrase structures
3. Grammatical features
4. Theta roles & linking
5. Summary & examples
1. Motivation
Under the Generative Grammar, there are many competing frameworks:
TG (incl. GB, MP…)
LFG
HPSG
etc.
They share the same goal, but differ in: 1) what is “simple” exactly?
2) the right balance between descriptive adequacy and theoretical elegance
Consequence:
somewhat different architectures
some different primitive notions
2. Phrase Structures
a.k.a. c(onstituent)-structures
TGPrinciples: X-bar scheme for DS
(spec rule) XP → YP, X’
(comp rule) X’ → ZP, X
Parameters:
(spec rule) YP > X’ or X’ > YP
(comp rule) ZP > X or X > ZP
Extremist View (Kayne 1994) :
Universal X-bar scheme with fixed order:
spec > head > complement
No PS parameters in DS!
TG
DS → movements → SS
TG
That, I don’t know t.
John was kisses t.
LFG Single level c-structure
Language-specific PSR allowed
X-bar scheme as default
LFG
That, I don’t know.
John was kisses.
No DS, no movements. WYSIWYG.
3. Grammatical Features
e.g., case, number, person, etc.
TGFeatures grow on trees.
Mary has kissed John [3/sg/nom] [3/sg/nom] …. …..
LFGFeatures & Grammatical Functions form an
independent f-structure
C-structure
Mary has kissed John
4. Theta roles & linking
TGTheta roles are assigned to tree positions.
kiss [x y]
Mary has kissed John
LFGTheta roles, or argument roles, also form an
independent a-structure,
which is linked with the predicate’s f-structure
kiss <x y>
5. Summary & examples
TG (1) John, Mary has kissed.
kiss [x y]
DS
Mary has kissed John 3/sg/nom 3/sg/nom …. …..
TG (2) John, Mary has kissed.
Movements
John
Mary has kissed t 3/sg/nom 3/sg/nom …. …..
TG (3) John, Mary has kissed.
John
Mary has kissed t [3/sg/nom] [3/sg/nom] …. …..
Feature checking
TG (4) John, Mary has kissed.
SS
John
Mary has kissed t
LFG (1) John, Mary has kissed.
c-structure
John ….
Mary has kissed ….
LFG (2) John, Mary has kissed.
kiss <x y>f-structure
TG vs. LFG
In a nutshell (1)
TG LFG
Movements Yes No
Grammatical functions
No Yes
TG vs. LFG
In a nutshell (2)
TG: tree-centric
theta roles and grammatical features are all part of the tree
LFG: parallel planes
argument structure, functional structure, and constituent structure are all independent
An Overview of LFG1. Lexical entries
2. Phrase structure rules
3. C-structure
4. F-structure
5. Correspondence between
c- and f-structure
1. Sample lexical entries
time N
flies V
2. Sample phrase structure rules
S → NP: SUBJ VP
VP → V NP: OBJ
NP → N
3. Sample c-structure
S NP:SUBJ VP
N V
time flies
4. Sample f-structure
S NP:SUBJ VP
N V
time flies
5. Correspondence between c- and f-structure
S NP:SUBJ VP
N V
time flies
Some of LFG’s Motivations
1. Lexical integrity
2. Non-configurationality
3. Movement paradoxes
4. Lexical processes over movements
1. Lexical Integrity
Lexical Integrity Hypothesis (Huang 1984)
No phrase-level rule may affect
a proper subpart of a word.
Ex: I like singing and dancing →
*I like [sing and dance]-ing.
You speak and I do too. →
*He is a singer and I do too.
TGMary went.
Mary /ed/ go Affix Hopping
Violating lexical integrity.
LFGMary went.
Mary went
Maintaining lexical integrity.
2. Non-configurationality
English is a configurational language, where grammatical relations (e.g., SUBJ, OBJ) are largely encoded by the configuration of the constituent structure.
There are, however, non-configurational languages, where grammatical relations are largely encoded by morphological means.
Language Typology 101
Vi: S
Vt: A P
Vi: S
Vt: A P
Case can be marked
structurally or morphologically!
→ Accusative
→ Nominative (unmarked)
language
Ergative language
→ Absolutive (unmarked)
English
Subj Obj
Mary has kissed John
John has kissed Mary
Case marked by structural configuration.
Malayalam
Case marked by affixes.
Yes, I speak Malayalam.
Malayalam
1. Kutti aana-ye kantu (SOV) child.NOM elephant-ACC saw2. kutti kantu aana-ye (SVO)3. aana-ye kutti kantu (OSV)4. aana-ye kantu kutti (OVS)5. kantu kutti aana-ye (VSO)6. kantu aana-ye kutti (VOS)
Case marked by affixes.
ψ
Malayalam
(TG)
kutti aana-ye kantu
(LFG)
kutti aana-ye kantu
Which is simpler?
(lots of movements!)
(fixed DS, fixed order)
(no DS, no ordering)
(no movements!)
Malayalam
F-structure for all six word orders
Warlpiri
The two small children are chasing that dog.
wita-jarra- kurdu-jarra-small-DUAL-ERG child-DUAL-ERG
ka-pala wajili-pi-nyi pres-3duSUBJ chase-NPAST
yalumpu malikithat.ABS dog.ABS
rlu rlu
ψ ψ
Warlpiri
Word order: Free
Constraints: 1) 1st position must be a constituent
2) 2nd position must be T (AUX)
Examples:
1) [that.ABS dog.ABS]NP T chase children-ERG small-ERG
2) [dog.ABS]N T children-ERG chase small-ERG that.ABS
3) [chase]V T children-ERG dog.ABS small-ERG that.ABS
4) *[T]T chase small-ERG children-ERG that.ABS dog.ABS
5) *[small-ERG dog.ABS]*C T chase children-ERG that.ABS
WarlpiriTG (same as English)
NP
T VP
Consequence: lots of movements
Prediction: Warlpiri, like Eng, has VP
Test: [chase dog.ABS]VP T children-ERG
Result: Warlpiri has no VP!*
Warlpiri
LFG TP → C T C*
C T C ...
Typology: X-bar vs. W-star
Cause: morphology competes with syntax
3. Movement paradoxes
1.a. *The theory does explain.
b. The theory does explain that mass is energy.
c. That mass is energy, the theory does explain t .
2.a. *The theory does capture.
b. *The theory does capture that mass is energy.
c. That mass is energy, the theory does explain t .
3. Movement paradoxes
1.a. You are not a student.
b. Are you not a student?
c. You aren’t a student.
d. Aren’t you a student?
2.a. I am not a student.
b. Am I not a student?
c. *I aren’t a student.
d. Aren’t I a student?
3. Movement paradoxes
1.a.* 他最擅長 .
b. 他最擅長語言學 .
c. 語言學,他最擅長 t .
2.a.* 他最拿手 .
b.* 他最拿手語言學 .
c. 語言學,他最拿手 t .
3. Movement paradoxes
TG: mismatches are unexpected, because the source and the target of movement must be identical.
LFG: mismatches are expected, because there is no movement and mapping between two planes (e.g., c- and f-structure) is not one-to-one.
4. Lexical processes over movements
Participle verbs (present, perfect, passive) in English may convert to adjectives.
1. a very disturbed market. (passive)
2. a well-prepared student. (perfect)
3. an all smiling bride. (present)
Particle V<x> → A<x>
4. Lexical processes over movements
happy [x]
TG
was happy John
Prediction: V[x] → A[x], x undergoes movement
4. Lexical processes over movements
True for passive and unaccusative verbs
disturbed [x y]
TG
was disturbed the market
4. Lexical processes over movements
Not true for unergative verbs
prepared [x]
TG
John has prepared well
V[x] → A[x], x undergoes no movement
4. Lexical processes over movements
happy <x>
LFG <SUBJ>
John was happy
Prediction: V[x] → A[x]
4. Lexical processes over movements
True for all intransitive participle verbs.
disturbed <x y>
LFG
The market was disturbed
<SUBJ>
3) CONCLUSION
The air-mattress metaphor
Corpus Approach vs. Generative Approach
and
Movement vs. Grammatical Functions
One-Soon Her
何萬順