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CHANGES IN RELATIONS BETWEEN THE WEST AND ISLAM

IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY

Graham E. Fuller

*

INTRODUCTION

Relations between Islam (Muslims) and the West have changed in the

twentieth century more than in any other century. The primary reason for these

dramatic shifts is the cycle of pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial relations all

within the same century, or a century and a half, between the states of the Muslim

World itself and the West. One might hypothesize that these Muslim-West

relationships will never again change quite as dramatically and as sweepingly as

they have in this century.

To describe things in this fashion is already to make an important

observation: it suggests that relations between “Islam” and the West have

very little to do with theology, and a great deal to do with international

politics. And indeed, that is my contention. While there are significant

theological differences between Islam and Christianity, these differences

are not an important in any conflict between the Muslim World and the (ex)

Christian world. Indeed, Muslims and Christians to a considerable extent

share an ethical and moral outlook that represents one of the more

encouraging aspects of relations between the two worlds. As I have pointed

out in my book A Sense of Siege: The Geopolitics of Islam and the West,

religion tends to be the vehicle of conflict rather than the source, a thesis in

direct contradiction to that of Samuel Huntington.

The major shifts in relations between Islam (Muslims) and the West are

essentially expressed in four different phases:

• the transition from the colonial era to the post-colonial era;

• the “neo-imperialism” of the post colonial period;

* Researcher at RAND Corporation – U.S.A.


:

• the process of modernization and democratization of the Muslim

state;

• and finally, the role and impact of Islam in the West.

These changes in relationship between the Muslim World and the West

can be viewed as positive or negative, and indeed they contain elements of

both. In some ways these changes have improved relations between the two

sides, but in other respects they have caused a sharpening of relations. For

the sake of clarity, I will separate this discussion into two parts, the first

devoted to the phenomenon of sharpening of relations, the second to the

softening or smoothing of relations.

The Sharpening of Relations By the beginning of the twentieth century, virtually every Muslim

country (except Afghanistan and Saudi Arabia) had already fallen under the

control of Western colonialism. This marked the beginning of a half-

century of conflict between the Muslim World and the West in a struggle of

anti-colonial liberation. Islam of course played a significant role in this anti-

colonial struggle; it provided a major part of the ideological justification

and served as a unifying cultural force in areas where there had not always

been any clear national borders, a modern state or any kind of nationalism

in the Western sense. Thus from a Western point of view, Islam provided

an ideology of opposition and resistance in a guerrilla context, thus

associating Islam in Western eyes with ideological fervor against Western

power. In practical terms, however, Islam was not struggling against

Christianity, but against the West as a controlling and dominating force in

the Muslim World. This struggle against Western domination characterizes

the entire century, even though the forms that Western domination has

taken has evolved with time.

The second highly negative development sharpening Muslim

attitudes against the West was the founding of the Israeli state. Muslim

anger was particularly strong because it has clearly been the West, with its

long history of discrimination and persecution of Jews culminating in the

holocaust, that created the stimulus for the foundation of a Jewish homeland

in Palestine. In effect, Muslims were asked to pay for Western crimes.

Whatever the case may be for the Jews themselves to have a homeland in

Palestine, the presence of Israel and the wars it has unleashed has been a

key factor of instability and conflict in objective terms in the region. The

inability of the United States to find an equitable solution has kept the


Arab-Israeli dispute a burning issue down to the present day, affecting all

other aspects of Western-Muslim relations in the region -- Gulf policy,

problems with Iraq, with Iran, etc. Nearly all policies of the West in the

Middle East, and especially of the United States, are perceived as

essentially designed to serve the interests of Israel. This is not to say that all

problems between East and West would disappear if there were no Israel,

but Israel remains at the center of the conflict.

Third, even though nearly all Muslim countries had achieved

independence within a decade after the end of World War II, the dominance

of the West still continued in the economic, political, military and cultural

spheres. This post-colonial Western dominance, known in Marxist terms as

“neo-imperialism,” has remained a key grievance to most of the Muslim

World. Indeed, this term has had particular impact even upon

contemporary Islamist thinking which is at least as much concerned about

Western cultural domination as it is with Western military or political

power. Even though the Muslim World has gained its formal

independence, Islamists have perceived the first generation to take over the

newly independent Muslim governments to be essentially “clones” of the

West in their desire to perpetuate the “Westernizing agenda” within their

countries. Many Muslims of course would reject the accuracy of this view,

but it has been a strong current of thought within Islamist thinking to this

day. This concept too, has tended to perpetuate the idea of basic Muslim

cultural hostility towards the West -- or vice versa -- that was not erased

with independence.

The concept of “neo-imperialism” of course has not been limited to

the cultural sphere. British and American policies in the Gulf in the eyes of

many Muslim observers, both Islamist and non-Islamist, are perceived as

designed to maintain Western “control” over Gulf oil and its pricing.

Ruling families in the Gulf are often portrayed as instruments of Western

policy, while the US struggle with both Iran and Iraq are perceived as

justification to maintain a major American military presence in the area,

and to sell large amounts of American arms to these states. These

suspicions too, continue down to this very day.

In this sense, it is difficult to speak of any major improvement in the

West’s relations with the Muslim World, even after independence. One

might say that suspicions of Western intentions in the region are at least as

strong as before, and the populations of the region are now better educated,

more informed and aware of grievances against the West. In other words,


education and knowledge has contributed to an intensification of anti-

Western grievances. Prominent leaders of the Middle East also exploit

these ideas among the population in support of their own ideologies and

interests: Gamal Abd-al-Nasir, Hafez al-Asad, Saddam Husayn, Mu’ammar

al-Qadhafi, the Ayatollah Khomeini and others have all helped perpetuate

anti-Western ideas along the lines of the “neo-imperialist” rationale. This is

not the place to debate the correctness or incorrectness of their ideological

positions, but to suggest that their ideas and slogans have often found fertile

ground in the region.

While these ideas are usually associated specifically with the Middle

East, they are also closely linked with a lot of general rhetoric in the Third

World, and can be included within the framework of “Third Worldism.”

“Neo-imperialist” concepts have not only regional but global relevance.

They focus on economic penetration, particularly in the form of

globalization of the international economy today, but also in the cultural

realm, or “McDonaldization” and “Hollywoodization” of the Third World.

But the question remains, why has the intensity of these ideas remained

stronger in the Muslim World than in almost any other part of the world? Is

the level of “neo-imperialist” sensitivity actually higher in the Middle East

or is there a deeper cultural resistance to the West in the Muslim World

than within any other non-Western culture?

Anti-Western thinking was yet further intensified even in the

campaign of many Islamists against the state in the Middle East. Some

Islamists have often portrayed many of the modern Middle Eastern regimes

-- sometimes accurately -- as oppressive, harsh, incompetent, corrupt, and

illegitimate. And many of the leaders of these regimes are portrayed as

fulfilling the Western agenda, exploiting the West’s fear of fundamentalism

as an excuse for abuse of human rights and absence of political

liberalization. Unfortunately, the West has been susceptible to these fears

in many cases and has given support to regimes such as Algeria out of fear

of radical fundamentalism, even in violation of its own professions of belief

in democracy as a universal good. Sweeping US support for Cairo has also

been partly influenced by these same calculations. Fortunately, Washington

may slowly be growing more sophisticated in its understanding of the

“problem of fundamentalism.” In Turkey, for example, even though

Washington has no fondness for the Islamist Refah Party, it has very

publicly criticized the Turkish government and the military for using extra-

legal means to eliminate and ban the Refah party, maintaining that such


steps are bad for Turkish democracy and may only strengthen radicalism

within such Islamist circles.

The result is, however, that in Islamist eyes bad governance in the

Muslim World has come to be associated in certain cases with pro-Western

policies and the support of the West itself. Some Islamic groups or leaders

have even portrayed the West as the first source of the problem, arguing

that it is the West that keeps such regimes in power and emboldens them to

stand against their people. We hear this argument from the FIS in Algeria,

in the ideology of the Gama’a Islamiyya in Egypt or from the Saudi

dissident Usama Bin Ladin. In the arguments of these groups, to strike

against the US is seen as an Islamic obligation as part of a broader struggle

against “neo-colonial regimes” in order to attain a “just order” or Islamist

government in the region. Here again we see an intensification of anti-

Western feelings, this time not only as part of the foreign policy debate of

these countries, but as part of the internal ideological debate as well. This

phenomenon, whether justified or not, has been a major post-independence

trend that has involved strengthened anti-Western feelings. The absence of

American impartiality in the Arab-Israeli situation has of course intensified

these emotions. But if the Arab-Israeli problem were to be resolved with

some degree of justice for both sides, would these elements of anti-Western

thinking then disappear completely?

The phenomenon of terrorism in the Midde East (and outside the

Middle East as well) has also exacerbated relations with the West. The US

is given to declaring “war against terrorism” without always fully

considering the full causes of those terrorist incidents. Secondly, large

proportions of leaders in the Middle East, including Netanyahu, actually

prefers to deal with “terrorism” than to deal with political opposition.

Terrorism is a black-and-white issue, one need show no mercy, make no

compromises, and wins nearly automatic support in the West, whereas

dealing with political opposition is a far more complex task involving real

compromises. If a “war against terrorism” takes top priority in US relations

with the Middle East, it could become a self-fulfilling prophecy, opening

the door to a real “clash of civilizations.” There must be a struggle against

terrorism, but it must come in the context of building genuine support for

Western policies in the area, something that is lacking today.

The Western confrontation with Saddam Husayn also presents an

interesting problem. The overall frustrations of Muslims with the West are

such that Saddam enjoys a great degree of sympathy within the Muslim


World. He justifies his quest for domestic and regional power in terms of

building “Arab” or “Muslim” power against the West. Thus the ongoing

Western military confrontation with Saddam also intensifies anti-Western

feeling in the region, as if Muslims believed that the Iraqi people do not

somehow deserve something better than Saddam.

In conclusion, as we look over the last century, it is hard not to see a

sharpening, rather than a softening of hostility between the Muslim World

and the West in many respects -- at least in terms of ideology. And because

popular awareness of these anti-Western grievances are growing, we might

hypothesize that the overall growth of democracy will probably intensify

anti-Western feelings in the short to medium term. This is understandable

since their populations as being too pro-Western and doing so primarily to

gain external support to stay in power will blame many regimes today allied

with the West. Over the longer run, however, it is my belief that the spread

of political liberalization in the Middle East will in fact lead to political

development, social evolution, and greater political maturity that can only

benefit long-term relations between the Middle East and the West.

Factors of Rapprochement between the West and the Muslim World If there has been an intensification of relations between the Muslim

world and the West -- at least at the ideological level -- the picture is not

entirely negative. There are many elements in the interrelationship we can

point to which suggest rapprochement has taken place as well.

First, movements for Muslim reform at the beginning of the

twentieth century, such as that of Jalal-al-din al-Afghani, clearly sought to

strengthen the Muslim world vis-à-vis the West. In some ways these

reform efforts were

a reaction against some early colonialist moves by the West into the

Muslim World, but full-scale colonialism, especially in the Arab world, was

yet to come. Secondly, al-Afghani and others were not so much

condemning the West, as seeking to strengthen the Muslim World vis-à-vis

the West. In one sense it was defensive in character, in another it

represented a desire to Westernize. Westernization was associated

primarily with technical knowledge, social organization, democratization

and public support, and ultimately with military power. At that time the

Muslim critique of the West was limited to its more aggressive military

intentions and confrontations with the weaker Muslim world. It did not

involve a critique of Western civilization as a whole, and in general the


West was not associated with support for regimes that were seen to be

operating against the interests of the people. Blanket condemnation of the

West as a culture was still far off.

In this sense, there is a legacy of admiration for many aspects of

Western society. That legacy continues down to today for a majority of

Muslims who admire Western education, technology, democracy and civil

society, strength and stability even if they do not embrace all aspects of

Western culture and lifestyle. Most of the Muslim intelligentsia have

traveled to the West, even been educated there. They are familiar and

comfortable with many aspects of Western life, but they are also critical of

many aspects they see of social decay, moral confusion, and a continuing

drive for global hegemony. And the grand question remains: what is the

degree of connection between the two faces of Western culture? Can one

adopt the “good sides” of Western culture without “the bad?”

Second, during the Cold War the West it self began to develop an

appreciation for some of the moral strengths of the Muslim World. In an

era of struggle against the Soviet Union and the ideology of communism,

Western policy makers began to understand, probably for the first time, that

Muslim life and beliefs were a strong bulwark against communism, a power

ideological weapon against communism, even when some Muslim countries

for geopolitical reasons showed some support for Soviet policies in the

region. The culmination of this perception was evident in Afghanistan

where the West strongly backed Muslim mujahidin in a successful guerrilla

warfare against the Soviet occupation. Many in the West at this time

recognized, perhaps for the first time on the ideological level, that there

may be at least a few shared political values between the West and the

Muslim World.

Third, Western political ideas have filtered into contemporary

Islamist politics. Faced with increasing exposure to Western ideas,

Islamists have begun to accept the logic of certain kinds of Western

political institutions that they now perceive as valuable to them. Foremost

among these ideas are those of democracy and human rights. The reason

for increasing acceptance of these ideas among many -- not all -- Islamists

is the fact that the Islamists themselves have often become the primary

victims of the absence of these political values in their own societies. Most

Islamists feel that they would be the net beneficiaries of greater democracy,

and that they would not be jailed and tortured to the same extent if there

was greater observance of human rights. This is not to say that Islamists in


power will observe democracy and human rights; that depends on the

country, the movement, and the circumstances. But it does mean that the

value of these concepts are growing even in the eyes of many Islamists,

which suggests at least one area of greater appreciation of Western political

values.

The degree to which society should tolerate bad governance is

another key area where Western ideas have infiltrated into Islamist

thinking. There is, of course, a centuries-old debate over the question of

rebellion against “unjust government” or bad governance. ‘Ulama, usually

closely linked to the state in the course of most of Islamic history, have

emphasized the idea that anarchy (fitna ) is worse than oppression (dhulm ).

This concept, of course, serves the interests of the state. But in more recent

decades there has been a reexamination of this debate. As in any religion,

there are philosophical approaches and texts in Islam that justifies the

importance of stability. But there are also ideas suggesting that a state can

be illegitimate --- often defined in terms of oppression, incompetence,

corruption or absence of consultation; -- under such conditions, Muslims

may then have a right, if not an obligation, to overthrow such illegitimate

rule. These concepts (takfir al-hukkam ) are important in the thinking of

many radical Islamist movements today.

While there is no doubt that these ideas of latent revolt against unjust

governance can be found within Islam, it is almost surely exposure to

Western political doctrine that has encouraged the reexamination of Islamic

political thought in the interests of deriving Islamic justification for action

against the unjust or illegitimate state. Such ideas echo very much

Jeffersonian political thinking in the Declaration of Independence which

has influenced not only the American Revolution, but European political

thinking as well -- that there is a positive obligation to overthrow unjust

rule. If many Islamist movements today speak in terms of the overthrow of

unjust rule, acceptance of the Jeffersonian rationale (even unconsciously)

has probably helped the search and promulgation of equivalent ideas in

Islamic political thinking.

These concepts of greater democracy and human rights of course do

not have to be borrowed wholesale from the West but can be derived from

Islamic sources as well. But the impetus for understanding and promoting

them may now come primarily from contact with Western governance.

This then, is a form of “ideological rapprochement” that will probably grow

in importance over time.


Fourth, despite the exercise of Western hegemony in much of the

world order today, the West has nonetheless come to accept the sovereignty

of Muslim states as well as their integration into the international order.

While “power politics” still characterizes the international order, and to

some extent always will, Muslim states can now feel themselves to be fully

respected players on the international scene. Western and Muslim

statesmen are comfortable with each other in most cases, and in the post-

Cold War world we are even moving towards a greater degree of

consultation and cooperation. This fact represents a major step forward in

improved relations between the Muslim world and the West.

Fifth, any discussion of rapprochement between the Muslim World

and the West would not be complete without an examination of Muslim

emigration to the West. While Muslims who live in the West, especially in

Europe, have some grievances about their social acceptability in those

societies, they are there in the West by choice, and they value many aspects

of Western life beyond the material. Acceptance of many Western ideas by

these Muslims is slowly having an impact upon the societies from which

they come, and to which they often return. Tolerance of bad governance --

corruption, incompetence, and oppression -- is no longer acceptable in their

eyes after exposure to life in Western societies.

Muslims in the West are becoming now a familiar part of the scene,

particularly in the UK and the US. Islam is recognized as one of the major

religions of the US, there are Muslim chaplains in the US military, the

president congratulates the Muslim community on Muslim holy days, and

the White House now holds iftar dinners during Ramadan. Muslims may

still be far from fully integrated into Western life, but their presence is

increasingly familiar and taken as commonplace.

Life in the West has furthermore offered Muslims an unprecedented

experience to develop Islamic thinking, in total freedom, for the first time in

the history of Islamic society. There is no other place in the world where

Muslims can meet, congregate, write, employ the media -- TV, radio, the

press, internet, etc. -- to discuss and debate any and all aspects of Islam,

reform, justice and good governance. The reform or “modernization”

process of Islamic practice is likely to sink intellectual roots in the West

before anywhere else and represents a major chapter in the intellectual

history of Islam. These trends further assist a rapprochement between the

Muslim World and the West.


Finally, there is slowly emerging a body of individuals in both the

West and the Muslim World who have an interest in a formal

rapprochement between Islam and the West, or Islam and Christianity.

Interestingly, this movement in the West has begun in conservative or

religious circles who share with many Muslims a concern for crises of

modernization that are manifested in the West as well as in the East,

particularly as they relate to preservation of values, and problems of the

derivation of moral systems in a secular society. In short, the West is

arrogant if it thinks that it has the answers to modernization or that it offers

the real model to the Muslim World. The West itself is suffering from a

crisis of modernization -- at a more advanced level, to be sure -- that is not

entirely different from the crisis in the Muslim World. We now hear on

both sides the idea of a “common” Abrahamic tradition” that brings

Christianity, Islam and Judaism together in an effort to overcome small

differences in an effort to confront the larger common problems. An effort

to share discussion of these problems and seek common approaches and

solutions will do a great deal to affect a rapprochement between Muslim

and Western societies.

Conclusion On balance, I might argue that the confrontation between the Muslim

world and the West has grown over the century -- the logical result of the

decolonization process in which the Muslim World sought greater

independence and sovereignty in a world order created and dominated by

the West. But today we witness fully sovereign modern Muslim states able

to challenge Western efforts to dominate the international order. And today,

after the Cold War, these Muslim states have greater independence and

military strength than during the Cold War, or even before. We now have a

Muslim nuclear state in Pakistan. Today Islamist ideology is more

explicitly anti-Western than ever before. This confrontation need not lead

to conflict, but it does suggest a growing tension, requiring Western powers

to take Muslim thinking and attitudes more deeply into consideration than

ever before in history. If the confrontation is the bad news, the good news

is growing recognition by the West of this reality of a diversification of

world power.

The ideological confrontation with the West from Islamist ideology

will change, in my view, when two conditions are satisfied. First, the

Muslim World must itself undergo broad political liberalization or


democratization, granting voice to the public at large to participate in the

political decisions of their country. At present people have extremely

limited or no input into that process, resulting in a sense of fatalism towards

the political process in which people are objects or even victims of the

political order rather than participants. Thus the broader Muslim public

lacks political responsibility since there is no opportunity to exercise it.

When it can achieve greater voice over its own fate, the hope is that

members of Middle Eastern societies will be able to react more

constructively and creatively towards the challenge of the West.

Second, the architects of the global order will need to take the

opinions and concerns of other countries of the world more into

consideration in the management of global problems. The Cold War set a

bad precedent in which the US was the main power making decisions on

behalf of much of the world. Today American preeminence on the

international scene is receding somewhat, since American interests are

diminishing in the absence of a global threat and the interests of regional

players are growing. Issues once vital to the US are now merely important

at best, but have become truly vital to the states directly involved.

Americans themselves are also less willing to spend the energy,

blood and treasure to maintain a position of absolute leadership in global

issues. These two factors mean that the US voice will become less

prominent, although of course still important. Under such conditions, Third

World countries will be less confronted with situations of US intervention,

thereby lessening the scope for friction between the two societies.

Finally, the non-Western world must recognize that the West did not

“invent Westernization” Westernization flows out of the experience of

Western evolution and could not be significantly deterred. Today the entire

world is undergoing such change -- in the social, economic, political,

technical, demographic realms -- leading nearly all countries, in one way or

another, down the paths of modernization that bring good as well as ill with

it. The dilemmas and problems of modernization confront us all. The gap

in social structure across the globe will eventually diminish, although there

will always be winners and losers on the international scene.

If, then, the past century has been one of increasing confrontation

between Islam (Muslims) and the West, the next century may be like to

witness the diminution of that confrontation as the processes for change in

both the Muslim World and the West outlined above begin to take effect.


:


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THE PLACE OF THE ISLAMIC REVIVAL IN THE WESTERNREPRESENTATION OF THE ARAB-ISRAELI

CONFLICT

Dr. François BURGAT *

AN ANALOGICAL CONSTRUCTION OF "THE THREE

FUNDAMENTALISMS" FUELS AN EMOTIONAL DETRACTION OF

THE ISLAMIC ACTORS

Islamic movements as political actors are a major component of the

dominant western representation of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The (French

and Western) dominant analogical construction of " three fundamentalisms"

(Christian, Jew and Muslim) often fuels an " over-ideologization " of the

reading of the conflict as well as that of most internal political dynamics in

the region.

- Islamic actors are only apprehended in the frame of a sweeping denunciation of

"all fundamentalisms " allowing Western opinion to refuse acknowledging the "

plain " nationalist dimension of the Palestinian demands whenever it is expressed

in the Islamic idioms. Speaking out in an undifferentiated way against "

fundamentalisms" conceals the refusal to take into account claims and resistances

far more legitimate than their reading through a religious lens may suggest. Used

for the three monoteistic religions, this constructed analogy masks the major

impact of the conflictual imbalance between the " Judeo-Christian " North and the

" Muslim " South and the various domination effects that result of it. It also hides

the structural differences between the political settings of the "Muslim",

"Christian " and " Jewish " protagonists ; it thereby masks the whole secular

dimension of an " islamist " mobilization that is too quickly locked up in its sole

religious dimension while it actually serves to carry more widely cultural but also

political (nationalist or even democratic) claims ; The so called " competition

between the two (Jewish and Muslim) fundamentalism is thus put forward to "

explain " the failures of the Israeli-Palestinian peace protest, at the expense of the

essential political factor that is ....the continuation of the military occupation of

one side by the other ". Thus the rise of the "fundamentalist danger" remains the

only factor used to explain the Algerian civil war, at the expense of any other

* Director of the French Center for Yemeni Studies in Sanaa (Yemen).


secular explanation to the origin of violence and to the means to put an end to it.

The "competition between the two fundamentalism", both the Jewish and the

Muslim one, is still put forth to "explain" the failures of the Israeli-Palestinian

peace process, at the expense of the essential political factor that is... the

continuation of the military occupation of one side by the other. The near

similarity in the means of action between these two "extremes" thus allows to

elude the question of their respective causes. In Algiers, it allows at best to put in

the same category instigators and victims of a military coup and of the large-scale

repression and manipulation of information that followed, and at worst to purely

and simply invert the blame.The Islamist generation, which's scope of activities is

much wider than violence, plays a role within the internal (Arab) and regional

(Israeli-Arab conflict) order that is not only larger but also very different from that

of the "re-Christianization" or "re-Judaization" movements. It does so in national

and regional settings that are very different from those of the actors of the North,

differences which are denied by the "three fundamentalisms". The common factor

among the political contexts where islamists are found is the absence of any

possibility for political elite change by institutional means or even only for serious

parliamentary participation; also, the islamists are part of a geopolitical block that,

within the "new order" at the regional and world level is on the losing side; on the

opposite, "new born Christians" and other Jewish Orthodox "men in black" are

active within democratic and liberal political systems, and at the regional and

world level are on the "winning side". After closer examination, it is not

surprising to observe that today most of the Mediterranean State leaders are

brandishing the "fundamentalist threat". The outlawing of those who - in every

Arab country as well as in the regional or world political order - are often on the

front line of protest movements serves as a means to reduce to the emotional and

irrational realm all oppositions and resistances, as legitimate as they may be, to

those wielding power in the national, regional, and international political order. If

you're the Arab leader of a military junta that has mastered the art of manipulation

through terror, you may present yourself as a "bulwark against fundamentalism".

You will thereby immediately gain the unbounded trust of international financial

institutions, and you will be able to fill your jails and your ballot boxes and to run

down durably any alternative to your own autocratic rule, even if it is made up of

a very wide front including secular forces, in the way of the Algerian signatories

to the Treaty of Rome. If you can make your opponent appear as a

fundamentalist", and if you're an Israeli, you will be able to delegitimize the large

number of Palestinians disappointed with the Oslo Agreement () and to further

strenghten your arrogant military and media supremacy.

Finally, if you're a Western (i.e. French) "republican" leader or thinking of

becoming one, you know that, as the present and future National Front supporters


:

are there to periodically remind you, using the "fundamentalist threat" can turn

your fellow citizens' distress in the face of (the general powerlessness regarding)

the economic crisis into valuable electoral gains. We are here definitely far from a

universal "return of God".

III THE SHARM AL SHEIKH SYNDROM : THE "EMOTIONAL"

DETRACTION OF POLITICAL ISLAM IS ALSO THE RESULT OF A

NORTH-SOUTH STATES MEN COOPERATION

In Western public opinion the first reason for " automatical " and

emotional detraction of the role of islamist movements stems from fears

intensified by a long conflictual history - At times, Arabs regimes themselves will

amplify this dangerous reaction whenever it serves their interest. The difficulty of

rationnaly assessing the role of the Islamic movements thus stems partly from the

joint (media and political) battle that the southern as well as the northern State

leaders (The Arab regimes as well as the Israeli leadership and its western

supporters) are waging against this new generation of their protesters.

At Sharm al Cheikh in March , under the label of " the struggle

against terrorism ", the Arab, Israeli and Western political establishments,

uniting their discourses to denounce the last (islamist) generation of their

common opponents, have institutionalized this new brand of North-South

cooperation. In a very significant way, the most media-covered Algerian

proponent of "eradication" had come a few days earlier to Israel sending out

a "call to the free world" to "fight" the sole enemy of the day : terrorism, a

term referring at once to : -all forms of armed resistance to the repressive

campaign launched in Algeria in January against the party that won

the and elections; -those from the Palestinian resistance

movement who used violence to counter the Israeli occupier's use of

violence against the population of the (more than ever) occupied territories. The Sharm-el-Cheikh meeting has somehow cristallized a very

reductionist view which tends to put the blame for political tensions on the

(Islamic) "vocabulary " of the new generation of opponents (to both the Arab

leadership and the American-Israeli new " international order ") mainly to avoid

taking their demands into consideration.


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Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, Vol. Pu, Winter PQQo, Number S.P.P,. qqT3qRT.

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PP,P.PQ;

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uP August ,S-Sep. PQnP, Havana (New York, PQnP) P.uT3uP.


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:

Islamic Movements and the West: Evolving Attitudes and Relationships

Michael Willis

*

Introduction The relationship between Islamic movements and the governments and

societies of the Western world has been an issue that has come increasingly to the

forefront of international affairs. It has been widely suggested from all sides that

the hostility that now characterises this relationship is so profound and deep-

rooted as to make open and continued conflict not only inevitable but also

unresolvable. Another common place observation is that the conflict will expand

until it pits the whole of the Muslim World – or even the entire developing world

– against the states of the West. However, such views fail to take account of two

factors: firstly, the complex structure and nature of the relationship between

Islamic movements and the West; and secondly, the dynamic qualities of that

relationship that allows for changes and developments – some of which are

already occurring.

Background The West as a general region - referring more specifically to Western

Europe and North America - has played a crucial role in the growth, ideologies

and strategies of Islamic movements and governments throughout the Middle East

region. The first manifestations of what has come to be termed 'Islamism'

arguably emerged during the early years of the present century and, by its own

admission, developed in reaction to Western incursions into the Muslim heartland.

The salafiyyah movement - which is seen as the spiritual forefather of many

modern Islamic movements - explicitly committed itself to resisting Western

influences by rediscovering religious purity while at the same time trying to take

advantage and make use of the technological advances achieved in the West. The

creation of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt in the s was founded for this

same purpose and in reaction to the British presence in Egypt.

As Islamism has developed through the twentieth century, basic resistance

to the cultural and physical incursions made by the West has developed into more

overt hostility and active opposition. The West in general, and the USA in

* Al Akhawayn University, Morocco


particular, came to symbolise the primary enemy of the Islamist project. Such an

attitude reached its zenith in the :s and s when particularly American

support for both Israel and more importantly the Shah's regime in Iran led to the

US being branded the 'Great Satan' - the principle enemy of Islam and Muslims.

US and Western support for Israel and the Shah were not the only factors

that attracted the enmity of Islamic activists and movements. Employing often the

terminology of neo-Marxism, Islamists accused the West of attempting a

reconquest of the Muslim World through forms of cultural imperialism. Through

the arrival of Western styles of dress, entertainment and social behaviour, it was

argued, the traditional values of Muslim societies were being systematically and

consciously undermined. Such a view was best summed up in the concept of

‘Westoxification’, which became a powerful leitmotiv in Iran in the years leading

up to the Revolution.

Hostility characterised relations between Western states and Islamic

movements throughout most of the s. The antipathy that Islamic

movements and the new Islamic Republic in Iran regarded the West with became

mutual as Western states and their representatives suffered attacks from Islamic

movements and governments. Beginning with the seizure of the American

Embassy in Tehran in the wake of the Iranian Revolution and continuing with the

series of attacks against French and American troops in Lebanon, attitudes in the

West began to harden towards Islamic movements and governments. The fading

of Cold War tensions, led many in government, the media and even academia in

the West to see a new East-West conflict emerging - this time between the

Western states and the Muslim World. The extent to which these new attitudes

had begun to take root was demonstrated during the Gulf Crisis and War of

. The media in many Western states portrayed Saddam Hussein as

being an Islamist despite the secularist credentials of the Iraqi leader and the

hostility he had shown to both neighbouring Iran and Iraq’s own Islamic

movement.

Towards Détente: The Emergence of the Triangular Relationship

The s, however, saw something of a shift in this set of attitudes.

While the Western states hardened in their attitudes towards Islamism and Islamic

movements, changes occurred in the perspectives found amongst Islamic

movements and governments. Although many parts of the very varied Islamist

trend remained as hostile as ever to the West and all its works, other parts became

more discriminating and nuanced in their approach to the West.


The s witnessed a slow, but perceptible, shift in the attitude of Iran

to the Western world. Long regarded, even by many Sunni Muslim groups, as the

symbolic standard bearer of the Islamic resistance struggle against the West, the

Islamic Republic in the wake of the death of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in

began a slow process of rapprochement with the West. Co-operatively

neutral during the Gulf War, helpful on the issue of Western hostages held in

Lebanon and, finally, removing the state-sponsored threat to the British author

Salman Rushdie, Iran tried to mend fences with the states of the West. In doing

this, Iran's leaders met with continued animosity from Western governments

which appeared reluctant to believe that Iran's overtures could be judged genuine.

Nevertheless, the election in : to the Iranian presidency of Mohammed

Khatami, who strongly supported the process of rapprochement, attracted

significant attention in the West and prompted widespread speculation that a new

less confrontational relationship with Iran could be forged.

There was also a metamorphosis in the attitudes of a number of Islamist

movements in other countries - particularly in those states where they constituted

the main opposition to the existing government. Conflict between these

movements and the governments in the countries in which they operated led many

Islamist movements to switch the main focus of their ideological hostility away

from the West in general, and the US in particular, towards the local governments

which many of them were seeking to overthrow or replace. Even though many of

the governments in the Middle East were portrayed as puppets of Western powers,

the iniquities of the local rulers came to be viewed as of more much immediate

concern and blame than the broader influences of states such as Britain, France

and the USA. Moreover, as the conflict between Islamist movements and local

governments intensified in such places as Tunisia, Egypt and particularly Algeria

during the s, the West came to be seen by Islamists as no longer an active

opponent in the struggle, but as a more neutral force and perhaps, even a possible

strategic and tactical ally.

The process was aided by two further factors. Firstly, the growth in

concern in Western countries (particularly at the non-governmental level) with

issues such as democratisation and particularly human rights, put pressure on

many Middle Eastern states. As the principle victims of both human rights abuses

and attempts to forestall democratisation, Islamist movements were able to

pressurise various governments in the region through publicising these issues.

Secondly, the intensification of attempts in many Middle Eastern states to

clampdown on Islamist opposition groups forced many of the leaders and activists

of these movements into exile. The chosen place of exile for most of these figures


has been the West. Germany, Belgium, Italy and even the USA have become

home to many exiled Islamist figures.

However, the place that has come to attract most such figures is

undoubtedly Britain. London has been dubbed, largely correctly, the capital of the

Islamist movement world-wide. Britain has become the organisational hub for

Islamist movements from across the Middle East region. Senior figures from

Islamist movements from Algeria, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia and Libya all live in

exile in Britain. The tolerance of their presence that has been shown to such

groups, particularly in Britain, has resulted in the development of a much more

positive attitude on the part of many Islamist movements towards the West.

Although whether this attitude and often publicly expressed gratitude is really

genuine or designed to flatter their host countries is the subject of much debate

and will be discussed later.

There has therefore evolved what could be described as a more 'triangular'

set of relationships - with the West, local Middle Eastern Governments and

Islamist movements each positioned at an apex. In this configuration, Islamist

hostility is no longer primarily directed at the West but more usually at their own

local governments. Western governments, although often seen to be the main

backers of such governments, are also perceived to be potentially useful strategic

allies or 'honest brokers' who have the ability to put pressure on local

governments.

Another related development that has occurred during the s has been

an increasing trend amongst both Islamist governments and movements to

differentiate between different countries in the West. The West has come to be

seen less and less as a homogenous bloc and more a collection of individual states

with varying interests and attitudes, which can be dealt with and approached in

varying ways.

The chief factor behind this development has been the shift of the focus of

developments concerning Islamist movements westwards, away from the Gulf

region, the Levant and the Arabian peninsula and towards the Maghreb. The rise

to prominence of Islamist movements in the Maghreb, particularly in Algeria, in

the s, has highlighted the concerns of this particular part of the Arab and

Muslim World and the concerns of the locally based Islamist groups.

For Islamist movements in the Maghreb, America had never been the

principle external enemy. The one-time “Great Satan” of the Eastern Middle East

attracted relatively little attention in the rhetoric and ideology of the Maghrebi

movements. Instead, it was France that was perceived to be the major foe.

France's pervasive influence during the colonial period, most clearly visible in

Algeria, was seen by Islamist groups in the Maghreb as their major concern.

French attempts to alter the political, cultural, religious and above all linguistic


complexion of the Maghreb led many Islamists to view France with great

hostility. It was believed that France’s insidious influences remained present in

countries such as Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco long after these states achieved

their independence and were the chief cause of the various political, economic and

social difficulties experienced by these countries. This hostility towards France

has led many Maghrebi Islamists to adopt a far more positive attitude towards

other Western states, particularly Britain and the US which they see as being far

less hostile and far less of a threat.

Western Trends Towards Political Islam

Western attitudes towards political Islam and Islamic movements and

governments having hardened in the s have, as indicated, been much slower

to change, if at all. In analysing 'Western' attitudes one is of course not talking

about something entirely homogenous. Different nuances exist both within and

between various states.

Within States Popular and Media Reactions Within states we can perhaps identify attitudes at the popular level, the

more educated level and at the policy-making level.

It seems clear that at the popular level, a significant level of Islamophobia

appears to be present. Countries such as Iran, Sudan, Saudi Arabia and

Afghanistan under the Taliban have frequently been both demonised and

ridiculed. More worryingly, at the popular level in Western states, this ridicule

and demonisation appears to have been extended to both Islam and Muslims

generally.

The popular media appears to both reflect and feed these perceptions.

Stories concerning restrictions on the perceived rights of women, the practice of

so-called ‘Islamic’ punishments in countries such as Iran and Saudi Arabia

receive regular coverage. The puritanical policies of the Taliban in Afghanistan

towards things like modern communications and entertainment have attracted

widespread if fairly shallow coverage. Significantly, this predominantly critical

coverage often extends to those sections of the media that cater to the better

educated. In Britain, in particular, this can largely be attributed to the reaction of

Britain's liberal middle-classes towards the Salman Rushdie Affair - there being

substantial sympathy for the author and his position. It was noteworthy that even

when Prince Charles spoke a few years ago in favourable terms about Islam, his

sentiments were greeted with hostility in many newspapers. Columnists suggested


that by praising Islam, the heir to the British throne was endorsing both

discrimination against women and the fatwa on Rushdie.

Nevertheless, it should be said that in certain sections of the media the

treatment of Islamism and Islamist movements is less hostile. A number of

newspapers in Western states have given a sympathetic hearing to Islamist critics

of a number of Middle Eastern regimes, particularly on the issue of human rights.

In Britain, for example, The Observer newspaper has regularly reported in detail

on the human rights abuses allegedly carried out by regimes such as Egypt and

particularly Algeria against members and suspected members of Islamic

movements in their countries.

Policy-Making For Western policy-makers the perceptions of political Islam has been

mixed and is arguably still in the process of evolution. Policy-makers at all levels

are subject to a variety of pressures from different sources.

Some policy-makers at high levels, particularly in the United States, are

prone to be influenced by the quasi-academic 'policy-making' sector, which

attempts to look at the 'broader picture.' Certain theories on relations with the

Islamic world have swung in and out of vogue, most notably those typified by

Samuel Huntingdon's "Clash of Civilizations" which suggested that 'The West'

and 'The Islamic World' were two separate, homogenous and distinct civilisations

destined to come into conflict.

Another factor influencing attitudes towards Islamic movements amongst

policy-makers is the fact that a number of the senior personnel in many of the

foreign ministries in the Western states working in fields related to the Middle

East are traditional Arabists whose attitudes are often heavily influenced by the

ideals of Arab nationalism. The tensions and rivalries that have often existed

between the ideologies of Arab nationalism and Islamism have led many of these

Arabists figures to view Islamism as an aberration and thus feel a certain hostility

towards it.

There is also the consideration that there are often differing views between

ambassadorial staff and those officials based back in the home country. Embassies

and ambassadors in many Middle Eastern states have inevitably had more

exposure to the host governments' attitudes concerning Islamism. This can lead to

contrasting sympathies and views of events, especially if domestically based staff

have been more exposed to the views of the Islamist movements in exile in the

home countries. However, the same is undoubtedly also true of attitudes towards

Islamist governments, with locally based staff more prone to defending the

regime's point of view.

Ultimately, though, official attitudes at high levels in the Western

governments are dictated by other concerns. Regional stability and the


maintenance of defensive and trade relations have tended to dictate policy in these

areas. Senior Western policy-makers are generally uncomfortable with the whole

issue of Islamism. Personally, many feel no sympathy towards it, but at the same

time there is an awareness of the issues of human rights and democracy that

Islamist movements raise. In general, most policy-makers try to ignore the issue

whenever possible.

Between States Differences in attitudes towards political Islam also exist between states in

the Western world. Three states - Britain, France and the United States - have

traditionally dominated relations between the West and the Middle East, although

states such as Germany, Italy and Spain have become increasingly important in

recent years.

The most noticeable differences in approach towards the issue of political

Islam have emerged between Britain and France. The main issue of contention

between them has been Britain's tolerance of North African, particularly,

Algerian, Islamists on its soil. France has on occasion accused Britain of

providing what it perceives as a 'safe haven' for terrorists. France’s concern with

this issue can be chiefly explained by reference to France's continuingly close

links to North Africa. France has been more prone to being sympathetic and

supportive to the current regime in Algeria and is therefore more hostile to

Algeria's Islamists. Having suffered terrorist attacks connected with the conflict in

Algeria over recent years France also feels more vulnerable and thus more

sensitive to developments in the region. Also, to some extent, it feels that because

of both its historic and current links with the Maghreb, it should take the lead

especially amongst the Western states in policy towards this region.

The USA has continued to play an ambiguous and often fairly neutral role

especially with regard to Algeria. It has frequently seemed reluctant to condemn

to severely either the Islamists or the regime in Algeria.

The United States and, to a greater extent, Britain's ambivalence towards

political Islam could also be explained in strategic terms, particularly with regard

to the tolerance shown to Islamists living in exile in both countries. Western states

are undoubtedly aware of the potential benefits of remaining in touch and on good

terms with Islamist movements. Not only does a policy of tolerance allow

observation of these movements and their activities, but it also provides a window

onto developments within these movements at the organisational and, more

importantly, the ideological level. Policy-makers are perhaps considering the

possibility that one day one or perhaps several of these movements might come to

form all or part of governmental administrations in their countries of origin. The

gratitude that these potential future governments might then feel towards former

host states would clearly be beneficial. There is an awareness, born perhaps from


the United States experience with Iran, that alienation from opposition movements

and too close ties with existing regimes may create serious later difficulties.

A less cynical view might suggest that there are hopes that the presence of

Islamist organisations within Western states might play some role in curbing

particularly the ideological extremes of some of these groups. London, in

particular, has become a lively forum for debate on issues relating to Islamism and

the Islamist movements. Islamists and their critics regularly spar at conferences,

meetings and talks arranged by a variety of private, academic and official

organisations. Even more significantly, Western states have become major forums

for debates within Islamist movements themselves, groupings and individuals

examining and developing their views on a growing range of issues - frequently

exposing ideological and strategic rifts. It is hoped that this atmosphere of

openness and debate not only challenges Islamists to examine and think through

their ideas more fully, but also leads to an appreciation of the importance of open

debate, pluralism and the practice of democracy. Such an effect has been almost

explicitly acknowledged by a number of Islamist leaders themselves, such as

Rachid Ghannoushi from Tunisia who claims that his ideal model of Islamic

governance would more closely resemble the British political system than the

political system operated in Iran.

There is an ongoing debate about whether the supposed moderation of

certain Islamist groups based in Western states is really only a confidence trick

designed to keep their hosts happy. Nevertheless, a growing number of specialist

academics in Western countries have begun to believe that some of the ideological

shifts within a number of important Islamic organisations are significant and do

represent a trend towards a more democratically based approach to politics and

society.

Conclusions The future course of relations between Islamist movements and

governments on the one hand, and Western states and societies on the other is

difficult to predict. Although, as has been discussed, new and more positive

aspects of the relationship are emerging, it cannot be denied that suspicion and

latent hostility remain the fundamental characteristics of attitudes, particularly at

the popular level. Ignorance, and the fear that comes from it, substantially

explains this popular antipathy which is felt on both sides. However, it could also

be argued that differences in both political and economic development also play

their part. These differences prompt crude speculation from one side that religion

is a factor in explaining underdevelopment, and from the other that advanced

development has come and is sustained by the exploitation and repression of other

societies. It can only be hoped that greater contact and awareness of the views and


circumstances of both ‘sides’ can reduce tensions – at least to a point where they

can be exercised at the level of intellectual debate, rather than physical conflict.


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D* : & BRc F '( &'H#3 &PQQn ( &u & $ )++q k$ ,.

B = N @ ,>).( D* : B & cq F '( &'H#3 &PQQn ( &u

& $ )++q k$ ,. W = ,. '" C @. $ , / * .

D* : &): ' PST F '( &'H#3 &PQQn ( &q & $ )++R k$ ,.


4 = R *R $ Y'6 . D* : &): )cqT F '( &'H#3 &PQQn ( &q

& $ )++R k$ ,. J = $ * . A @' ,3: ,(MENA).

D* :& B PTT F '( &'H#3 &PQQR ( &u & $ )++q k$ ,. = >' + ,-3.

D* : &): )cnq F '( &'H#3 &PQQR ( &R & $ )++PT k$ ,.

; = *'6 @" .. Y> ZC0> * $ '. D* : & BPTT F '( &'H#3 &PQQR ( &

u & $ )++S,q k$ ,. ; = N ,. @ -3)<NM(* N /4.

D* : &): )PQu F '( &'H#3 &PQQR ( &u & $ )++q k$ ,.

;; = ,. '" ,- Q *6 . D* : &): )oqo '$ '( &'H#3 &PQQQ ( &PT

& $ )++Pq k$ ,. ;< = , " $ , )+) (J4=W .(

D* : ) &):Suo ':: '( &'H#3 &PQQQ ( &PT & $ )++Pq k$ ,.

;M = ..6 @$ + 9 Q'# *0 . D* : & BoT F '( &'H#3 &PQQo ( &P,q & $ )++u, k$ .

;B = ,. @ -3);( +. N/W.


D* : &): )PSu F '( &'H#3 &PQQo ( &u & $ )++q k$ ,.

;W = A . '" Q'# >. . A @ $ 5 ,'#. D* :& PTT F '( &'H#3 &PQQo ( &u,q )++

& $o k$ ,. ;4 = . A @ T , 9 * .

D* : &): )uqT F '( &'H#3 &PQQR ( &R,q & $ )++PP,q k$ ,.

;J = ' # $ ,. '" ,. ,.)M=B( N),X'2 ,8' .(

D* : & BQT F '( &'H#3 &PQQo ( &u,q & $ )++q,q k$ ,.

; = ,. @ -3)( + N/W. D* : &): )qc &'H# F '(3 &PQQo ( &u

& $ )++q k$ ,. < = . A @ T , 9>.

D* : & cTP F '( &'H#3 &PQQq ( &u,q )++ & $n,q k$ ,.

< = # $ ,. '" ,. ,.' )M=B.( D* : & BPnn F '( &'H#3 &PQQq ( &u,q & $ )++n,q k$ ,.

<; = . A @ ,. Q'# > R $ 98. D* : & I PTc F '( &'H#3 &PQQq & (u,QTT )++

& $o,q k$ ,. << = , 2 /C $ :,> EC 7%2 ,- . '" 7.

D* : & Pqu F '( &'H#3 &PQQq ( &S,uTT +) & $R k$ ,.


<M = ,0 9-" . A @ $ 5 ' .A /) 9%

,3.( D* : &): )Qc F '( &'H#3 &PQQq ( &S )++

& $o,q k$ , . <B = . '" C @": , 9 :.

D* :): ) &cTo F '( &'H#3 &PQQq ( &q,qTT & $ +)n,qT k$ ,.

<W = . A @ $ 5 * .

D* : & ccT F '( &'H#3 &PQQS ( &q $ )++ &n k$ ,.

<4 = &3: @": . '"= '0 2. D* : &): ' QT F '( &'H#3 &PQQS ( &u

& $ )++q k$ ,. <J = . '" C 96.

D* : &): ' PQQ F '( &'H#3 &PQQS ( &q $ )++ &n k$ ,.

< = . A @ $ 5 ' '32 [. D* : &): ' uqP F '( &'H#3 &PQQP ( &S

& $ )++R k$ ,. M = $ % >' ,. '" ,-":.

D* :: ' &)PuT F '( &'H#3 &PQQP ( & & $ )+)S k$ ,.

M = . A @ * ?3 $ 9'. 9R. D* : &): )RT F '( &'H#3 &PQQP +) ( &

& $ c,q k$ ,.

Contents

Introduction

Opening

First Chapter

The main changes in the West-Islam (Muslims)

relation during the th century

Second Chapter

The Role of the Arab-Israeli conflict in shaping

the relation between the West and the Islamic

world

Third Chapter

The effect of Islamic movements &

governments (political Islam) experience in

dealing with West on the Western Trends

towards political Islam in general (past and

Future)

Forth Chapter

West & the political Islam in the Middle East

… Civilization. Competition and Social

interference.

Fifth Chapter

General Discussion & Recommendations

The Western Trends Towards

The Political Islam In The Middle East

Introduction

Mahmoud Al-Shareef

Editors

Ahmad Al-Bursan Mohammad Saqer

Contributors

E i a d A l - B a r g o t h i Sa ’ad Na j i Jawad

Abdulfattah Al-Rashdan G r a h a m R u l l e r

F a t h i M a l k a w i F r a n c o i s B u r g a t

F a i s a l A l - r f o ’ a M i c h a e l W i l l i s

Mohammad Shobair Mohammad Owaideh

H e s h a m J a ’ a f a r

The views of the contributors does not necessarily stand

to MESC position

First Edition

Amman –

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To order our publication:

Middle East Studies Centre

P.O.Box – Amman – Jordan

Tel: / Fax:

E-mail: [email protected] http:// www.mesc.com.jo

and All Jordanians & Arabic Libraries

The Western Trends Towards

The Political Islam In The Middle East

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