Republica Moldova de la Perestroik la indePenden 1989-1991

Seria: RSSM n docuMente

Rezumat: Volumul acoper cele mai importante evenimente care s-au desfurat n Republica Moldova n ultimii trei ani de existen a Uniunii Sovietice i arunc o nou lumin asupra relaiilor interetnice, a raporturilor CC al PCM cu CC al PCUS, activitatea organizaiilor neformale, n special al Ce-naclului Mateevici i Frontului Popular din Moldova, alegerile n Congresul Deputailor Poporului din URSS din aprilie-mai 1989 i n Sovietul Suprem al RSSM din februarie-martie 1990, adoptarea limbii romne drept limb de stat la Chiinu, liberalizarea relaiilor cu Romnia etc.

de la Perestroik la indePenden

1989-1991 documente secrete din arhiva cc al pcM

Republica Moldova

Chiinu 2011

Universitatea de stat din MoldovaFaCUltatea de istorie i FilosoFie

CentrUl de stUdiere a totalitarisMUlUi

igor CaU igor arov (editori)

The Republic of Moldova FroM Perestroika to indePendenCe

1989-1991

Secret documents from the archive of the cc of cpM

Chiinu 2011

Moldova state UniversityFaCUlty oF History and PHilosoPHy

Center For tHe stUdy oF totalitarianisM

igor CaU igor arov (eds.)

1989-1991

2011

(.)

DeSCRieRea CiP a CaMeRei NaioNale a CRii

Cau, Igor Republica Moldova de la perestroik a independen 1989-1991 = The Republic

of Moldova from Perestroika to Independence 1989-1991 = 1989-1991 : Documente secrete din arhiva CC al PCM / Igor Cau, Igor arov ; Univ. de Stat din Moldova, Fac. de Istorie i Filozofie, Centrul de Studiere a Totalitarismului. Ch. : Cartdidact, 2011 (Tipogr. Reclama SA). 692 p.

Tit., text paral.: lb. rom., engl., rus. Apare cu sprijinul financiar al Guvernului Romniei Departamentul pentru Romnii de Pretutindeni. 500 ex.

ISBN 978-9975-105-74-3.

CZU 323.2(478)1989/1991=135.1=111=161.1C 28

Redactori: Lilia Toma, Valentina MladinaCoperta: Lilian GuuRedactori tehnici: Natalia Berebiuc, Andrei GanganCulegerea textului: Stepanida Ciobanu

Cartdidact, 2011 igor CaU, igor aRoV

Coninutul acestui volum nu reflect n mod obligatoriu poziia oficial a Departamentului pentru Romnii de Pretutindeni.

Aceast carte a fost tiprit cu sprijinulGuvernului Romniei Departamentul pentru Romnii de Pretutindeni.www.dprp.gov.ro

lucrarea a fost recomandat pentru editare de ctre Consiliul tiinific al Facultii de istorie i Filosofie a Universitii de Stat din Moldova.

Editura Cartdidactos. Hnceti 138/1, Chiinu, MD tel/fax. (+373 22) 280882, 241062e-mail: cartdidact@ymail.com; www.cartdidact.md

iSBN 978-9975-105-74-3.

IDocumente secrete din arhiva CC al PCM

Introducere

Republica Moldova: de la peRestRoik la independen, 1989-1991

La nceputul anilor 1980, pentru numeroi observatori strini, RSS Moldo-veneasc prea o republic prea linitit n comparaie cu alte republici uni-onale europene. Ceea ce avea s se ntmple n anii Perestroiki avea ns s infirme aceast percepie. Reformele lansate de Gorbaciov ncepnd cu aprilie 1985 au bulversat n scurt timp societatea sovietic, inclusiv cea din Moldova sovietic. nainte de 1989, aproape nimeni nu vorbete, cel puin n spaiul public, despre independen sau reunirea cu Romnia. Toate discui-ile pe aceste subiecte sunt interzise, iar cei care le exprimau intrau n vizorul KGB-ului i de multe ori erau condamnai la ani grei de detenie1. Calea spre independen trece prin declaraia de suveranitate, adoptat la 23 iunie 1990 de ctre Sovietul Suprem (parlamentul). Iar independena propriu-zis este proclamat solemn pe 27 august 1991, dup eecul puciului anti-Gorbaciov de la Moscova i declararea independenei de ctre Ucraina cteva zile mai devreme. Paralela cu desprinderea de Rusia n 1917-1918 este din acest punct de vedere relevant mai nti Ucraina se declar republic independent, apoi Basarabia.

La mijlocul anilor 1980 cnd ncepe Perestroika, conducerea republicii era asigurat de moldoveanul Simion Grossu, prim secretar al Comitetului Central al Partidului Comunist din Moldova, n funcie din 1980. Secundul su era rusul Victor Smirnov, al doilea secretar al CC al PCM, nlocuit n 1987 cu un alt rus, Veaceslav Penicinikov. Grossu era succesorul lui Ivan Bodiul, care a condus Moldova din 1961 i a promovat o politic de marginalizare a elitelor moldoveneti care aveau un ataament fa de cultura i limba rom-n2. Grossu s-a meninut la putere pn n 16 noiembrie 1989, fiind nlocuit de ctre Petru Lucinschi, care deinuse anterior funcia de al doilea secretar al CC al Partidului Comunist din Tadjikistan. Meritul acestuia a fost de a debloca criza politic i de a ncepe dialogul cu Frontul Popular din Moldova (FPM). Ceva mai devreme, la sfritul lui octombrie 1989, FPM va fi legalizat printr-o decizie a Consiliului de Minitri al RSSM i va deveni un actor im-portant, deja legitim i din punct de vedere juridic, i concurent al PCM. Pn la declaraia de independen din 27 august 1991, Moldova va avea un nou drapel de stat (27 aprilie 1990) i stem (3 noiembrie 1990) i i va pregti

1 A se vedea mai mult n Igor Cau, Opozani politici n RSSM dup 1956: spre o tipologizare bazat pe dosare din arhiva KGB, n Sergiu Mustea, Igor Cau, eds., Fr termen de prescripie. Aspecte ale investigrii crimelor comunismului n Europa, Chiinu, Editura Cartier, 2011, p. 512-562.

2 , : , , : , , & Co., 2002.

II Republica Moldova de la Perestroik la independen, 1989-1991.

prin alte aciuni intrarea n organizaiile internaionale. Independena va fi recunoscut imediat de ctre Romnia i Australia. Rusia, statele din CSI, din Europa i America de Nord vor recunoate independena R. Moldova n lunile urmtoare. n ciuda ateptrilor, independena nu a adus automat i un nivel de via mai bun pentru cetenii de rnd. Din contr, a acutizat criza economic, social i identitar a societii moldovene.

* * *

Pentru a nelege mai bine ce s-a ntmplat n ultimii ani ai existenei URSS i specificul evoluiei RSS Moldoveneasc n aceast perioad premer-gtoare independenei este util evocarea componenei etnice a populaiei, raportul urban-rural, a relaiilor interetnice, a asimilrii lingvistice i a lo-cului naionalitii titulare n diferite domenii, politic i economic, n spe. Dei nrutirea relaiilor interetnice nu a fost cauza principal a prbuirii imperiului sovietic3, factorul etno-naional a fost fr ndoial un catalizator al dezintegrrii statului sovietic. Conform ultimului recensmnt sovietic din 1989, RSS Moldoveneasc avea o populaie de 4 ml. 337 mii persoane, din-tre care 2 ml. 36 mii (47 la sut) era concentrat n localitile urbane, iar 2 ml. 301 mii (53 la sut) n localitile rurale. La acest capitol, RSSM era cea mai puin urbanizat republic european a Uniunii Sovietice, mai puin dect Estonia, Letonia, Lituania, Belorusia, Ucraina i Rusia. Ceea ce este semnificativ raportat la discursul sovietic de emancipare a naionalitilor este c din totalul populaiei urbane a RSSM n 1989, moldovenii/romnii erau urbanizai n proporie de numai 25%, n timp ce ruii n proporie de 80%, evreii - 98%, ucrainenii - 45%, romii 56% etc.4 n ceea ce privete componena etnic a populaiei, 2 ml. 795 mii erau moldoveni/romni (64,5 la sut), o scdere de la 65,4 % n 1959. Aceasta n ciuda faptului c rata na-talitii moldovenilor era una dintre cele mai ridicate printre republicile so-vietice europene de cca. 20 la sut5 i deci ponderea lor trebuia s creasc i nicidecum s se reduc. S-ar putea invoca faptul c muli moldoveni, mai ales ncepnd cu anii 1970, au plecat la munci mai bine pltite n Siberia i aceast scdere s-ar datora acestui fenomen. Majoritatea moldovenilor reveneau totui acas dup civa ani de edere la nord, banii acumulai permindu-le s-i ridice o cas modern i s-i pun pe picioare o gospo-drie proprie, de regul n localitile rurale. Datorit politicii demografice sovietice i a natalitii sporite a moldovenilor, n 1989 Moldova avea 128,3 locuitori la km2 n comparaie cu 105,6 n 1970, situndu-se pe primul loc din

3 , ? , n (), No. 4 (78), 2011.

4 Arhiva Curent a Departamentului de Statistic al Republicii Moldova, document 07.13. 26 din 30 martie 1990.

5 Narodnoe hozjajstvo SSSR v 1985, p. 32-33.

IIIDocumente secrete din arhiva CC al PCM

Uniunea Sovietic la acest capitol i avnd una dintre cele mai mari densiti a populaiei din Europa6.

Ponderea minoritilor etnice era de 35, 4 din totalul populaiei, cea mai numeroas comunitate fiind ucrainenii (13,8%), ruii (13%), urmai de gguzi (3,5%), bulgari (2%), evrei (1,5 %), romi (0,3 %) .a. Rusificarea n mas n sensul asimilrii complete a moldovenilor n ceea ce se numea po-porul sovietic, cu o cultur i limb rus, a suferit eec. n 1989, 95,4% dintre moldoveni i menineau limba matern. 1,7% din cei 4,6% care i schim-baser afilierea lingvistic primar i pstrau n continuare vechea limb matern drept a doua limb de comunicare. Numrul cunosctorilor limbii ruse se ridic la 53,3%. Ali 0,5% declarase c tiu alt limb dect rusa, pe lng cea matern7.

Impactul politicii naionale sovietice este foarte profund resimit n RSS Moldoveneasc n ultimii ani ai existenei RSSM, dar i mult timp dup 1991. Mai exact, este vorba de faptul c prin schimbrile intervenite n cadrul limbii romne, mbogit excesiv cu cuvinte de origine slav n detrimen-tul celor de origine latin, francez etc. s-au produs schimbri importante n mentalitatea i psihologia moldovenilor/romnilor, proces similar, pstrnd proporiile, cu cel experimentat de romnii bneni8 i ardeleni9. Pentru ba-sarabeni ns efectele aflrii sub stpnire strin au fost mult mai dramatice din punct de vedere al consecinelor n planul identificrii etno-naionale. Acest lucru s-a ntmplat deoarece procesul numit rusificare, nceput nc la 1812, a fost dublat de ndoctrinarea cu o ideologie care a ncercat s acorde o anumit coeren i justificare asimilrii etnice. n acest sens, o component a ideologiei comuniste, n variant ruseasc, a fost sovietizarea, considerat de unii dintre cei mai avizai specialiti n domeniu10, un proces mai profund dect rusificarea, pentru c implica nu numai schimbarea identitii etnice, a valorilor culturale, ci i crearea unui tip nou de om din toate punctele de vedere. Acest lucru s-a dovedit a fi dezastruos pentru contiina i solidari-tatea unei colectiviti care nu-i asumase definitiv, la nivelul anului 1944, identitatea ei naional modern, romneasc.

Un alt aspect care ine de raporturile interetnice i care a catalizat adn-cirea crizei societii moldovene n timpul Perestroiki este legat de ponderea

6 Anuarul Statistic al Republicii Moldova, Chiinu, Departamentul Analize Statis-tice i Sociologice, 1997, p. 59.

7 Totalul recensmntului unional al populaiei din RSS Moldoveneasc din anul 1989, Chiinu, Departamentul de Statistic, 1990, p. 92-93.

8 A se vedea cartea lui Gheorghe Jurma, Descoperirea Banatului, Reia, Editura Timpul, 1994.

9 Sorin Mitu, Geneza identitii naionale la romnii ardeleni, Bucureti, Humanitas, 1997.

10 , . , , Mk, 1994, p. 260-295; Franoise Thom, Sfriturile comunismu-lui, Iai, Polirom, 1996.

IV Republica Moldova de la Perestroik la independen, 1989-1991.

naionalitii titulare i a minoritilor n Partidul Comunist al Moldovei, n nomenclatura de partid, precum i n ceea ce privete posturile de conducere din principalele ramuri ale economiei. Astfel, n 1985, ponderea moldovenilor/romnilor n rndurile membrilor de partid era de 45,8 %, n cretere la 48,2 % n 1990. Prin comparaie, n deceniile precedente, cota moldovenilor n Parti-dul Comunist al Moldovei a fost mult mai sczut dect ponderea lor n totalul populaiei republicii. De exemplu, n 1944, ei alctuiau doar cteva procente, n 1965 deja 35 %, abia n anii 1978-1979 trecnd pragul de 40 %. ntre timp, ponderea ruilor n PCM scade de la 30 la sut n 1965 la 25,9 % n 1979 i mai departe la 23,4 % n 1985 i 22 % n 1990. Aceiai dinamic descendent se observ i n cazul ucrainenilor din RSSM, ponderea lor n rndurile membri-lor PCM evolund de la 23,2 % n 1965 la 21,1 % n 1985 i 20,6 % n 199011. n total, n 1986 organizaia de partid din RSSM numra 189,4 mii de comuniti, dintre care 25,4 la sut erau funcionari n organele de stat i de partid, precum i n economia naional, sistemul educaional etc.12

Aceast perspectiv de indigenizare continu n politica de cadre este evident i din cifrele care arat dinamica componenei etnice a nomenclatu-rii CC al PCM. n 1987, cota parte a moldovenilor/romnilor n structurile de conducere ale Partidului Comunist al Moldovei din Chiinu i din teritoriu era de 54 la sut, o cretere cu mai mult de 10 la sut raportat la anul 1967. n acelai timp, din perspectiva gender, ponderea femeilor n posturile de conducere din partid la nivel de comitete raionale i oreneti era de 23 la sut n 198613. n ceea ce privete reprezentarea n guvern la nivel de minitri, vice minitri, preedini de comitete i departamente, moldovenii/romnii constituiau n 1984 48 la sut, o cretere cu peste 10 la sut n comparaie cu dou decenii mai devreme. Cu toate acestea, posturile de baz, precum pre-edinii Comitetului pentru Securitatea Statului (KGB) de pe lng Consiliul de Minitri a RSSM sau minitri de interne i ali demnitari de rang nalt care se ocupau de politica de cadre erau rui sau ucraineni devotai intereselor Moscovei, n detrimentul populaiei locale. Astfel, cel dinti moldovean de naionalitate romn, originar din partea basarabean a RSSM care a de-inut funcia de prim secretar al CC al PCM a fost Petru Lucinschi, numit abia n noiembrie 1989. Primul ef al KGB-ului local, moldovean romn din partea basarabean a RSSM a fost Tudor Botnaru, numit n iulie 1990. Din alt punct de vedere, moldovenii/romnii erau vdit discriminai n ceea ce privete prezena lor n calitate de conductori ai ntreprinderilor industriale din RSS Moldoveneasc. Astfel, n 1984 ei alctuiau doar 8,6 % raportat la 1964 cnd aveau 2,3 la sut din numrul total al managerilor industriali. n acelai timp, moldovenii/romnii erau supra-reprezentai la capitolul di-

11 Veaceslav Stvil, Evoluia componenei naionale a elitei politico-economice a RSSM, 1940-1991, n Revista de Istorie a Moldovei, nr. 4, 1996, p. 38, 39, 41.

12 XVI , 23-25 1986 ., , , 1986, p. 3, 55.

13 Veaceslav Stvil, Evoluia, p. 58.

VDocumente secrete din arhiva CC al PCM

rectori de colhozuri i sovhozuri, unde ponderea lor era de respectiv 70, 3 i 68,8 n 198414. Aceste cifre explic, cel puin parial, cauzele tensiunilor care apar n societatea moldovean n timpul Perestroiki i care s-au ncununat cu declaraia de independen a Republicii Moldova din 27 august 1991.

Democratizarea societii moldoveneti a devenit posibil graie Pe-restroiki lansate de Mihail Gorbaciov n aprilie 1985. Liderul sovietic, pri-mul Secretar General al PCUS nscut dup Revoluia din Octombrie 1917 i educat n perioada destalinizrii, inteniona introducerea unor reforme care s permit perpetuarea statului sovietic, iniial pstrnd dictatura partidu-lui comunist n societate, dar ulterior renunnd la aceast idee. Acest lucru nu a nsemnat ns renunarea la utilizarea poliiei politice n lupta contra persoanelor indezirabile, care erau de regul exilate (precum cunoscutul di-sident rus, academicianul Andrei Saharov, exilat n 1980 de la Moscova la Gorki i supus arestului la domiciliu pn n decembrie 1986) sau internate n spitale psihiatrice. n RSSM, un caz relevant a fost acela al inginerului Gheorghe David, forat s urmeze un curs de tratament psihiatric din moti-vul c a ndrznit s critice politica extern a Uniunii Sovietice i politica fa de naionaliti a lui Gorbaciov, cernd revenirea la alfabetul latin n RSSM. David a fost arestat n 1986 i eliberat abia n 1988, ca urmare a proteste-lor unor organizaii internaionale de protecie a drepturilor omului, dar i a unei campanii de informare, printre care se evideniaz concursul acordat de postul de radio Europa Liber15.

n RSS Moldoveneasc n aceast perioad din 1985 pn n 1989 la con-ducere era primul secretar al CC al PCM Simion Grossu, numit n funcie cinci ani mai devreme n locul predecesorului su Ivan Bodiul. Grossu era repre-zentant al vechilor elite, apropiat de cei din generaia lui Brejnev i Bodiul, care considera c reformele radicale nu sunt necesare n societate, att la nivel politic i economic, ct i la nivel cultural i etno-naional. Anul 1988 este un an crucial cnd Perestroika ncepe s fie resimit i n RSS Moldoveneasc. La Plenara a VII-a a CC a PCM din ianuarie 1988 s-a afirmat foarte clar ideea potrivit creia reforma politic nu va avea sori de izbnd fr promovarea unei reforme economice n sensul introducerii unor elemente ale economei de pia. Aceast platform nou a PCM a fost desfurat n noiembrie 1988 n aa numitele teze ntitulate S afirmm restructurarea prin fapte concrete, elaborat de ctre Simion Grossu, prim secretar al CC al PCM, Victor Smirnov, al doilea secretar al CC al PCM, Ivan Calin, preedinte al Consiliului de Mi-nitri al RSSM, Alexandru Mocanu, preedinte al Sovietului Suprem al RSSM, precum i de ali nali funcionari de stat i de partid care conduceau atunci destinele republicii. Majoritatea acestora acceptau Perestroika mai mult for-mal, dect cu entuziasm. Drept exemplu, tezele stipulau dogmele comuniste din perioada stagnrii, evocnd asemenea expresii precum ntrirea unitii

14 Ibidem. 15 Cum am devenit nebun, n Basarabia, nr. 9, 1990, p. 140-152 (dosar publicat

de Nicolae Negru).

VI Republica Moldova de la Perestroik la independen, 1989-1991.

poporului sovietic, pstrarea controlului CC al PCM asupra intelectualitii, pstrarea alfabetului chirilic pentru limba moldoveneasc, meninerea lim-bii ruse drept limb de comunicare interetnic, nevoia consolidrii prieteniei popoarelor etc. Tezele PCM au fost aspru criticate chiar de comuniti la varii adunri de partid, dar i n pres i n cadrul unor mitinguri16. n Teze nu se in-voca nici mcar n subsidiar ideile care erau exprimate din ce n ce mai apsat n societatea moldoveneasc, anume nevoia de repunere n drepturi a limbii romne, revenirea la alfabetul latin interzis n februarie 1941, problema evalu-rii critice a stalinismului, a foametei organizate din 1946-1947, a deportrilor n mas, precum i a numeroaselor greeli i nclcri ale drepturilor omului din perioada stagnrii.

Pe acest fundal are loc nceputul erodrii n mas a ncrederii n Comi-tetul Central al Partidului Comunist al Moldovei. Acest proces a continuat n perioada urmtoare, n contextul refuzului conducerii PCM de a comunica cu organizaiile neformale i mai ales neglijarea atitudinii din ce n ce mai decise a opiniei publice de a declara limba romn (numit n continuare limba moldoveneasc) n calitate de limb de stat. Prima organizaie zis neformal (adic nenregistrat oficial, dar tolerat de autoriti) a fost Ce-naclul literar-muzical Alexei Mateevici, creat la data de 15 ianuarie 1988, de ziua de natere a lui Eminescu, cel mare poet al romnilor (i moldovenilor, cum se spunea n epoc). O dat aleas, evident, nu ntmpltor. Principa-lul animator al cenaclului era Anatol alaru, medic de profesie, alturi de ali tineri i studeni de la varii faculti din Chiinu. ntrunirile aveau loc la nceput pe Aleea Clasicilor din parcul Pukin din Chiinu, actualmente Grdina Public tefan cel Mare. Ulterior, locul preferat a devenit Teatrul Verde de la lacul Comsomolist, azi parcul de agrement Valea Morilor, mult mai ncptor i mai puin vizibil i deranjant din perspectiva autoritilor17. De la bun nceput la aceste manifestri erau prezeni i nali demnitari de stat sau de partid, care preau entuziasmai pe moment, dar care ulterior condamnau cenaclul n Moldova Socialist sau Sovetskaia Moldavia, pe motiv c activitile sale ar avea un caracter naionalist, aa cum a fost cazul vice-ministrului nvmntului Public, Simeon Mustea.

Exist numeroase cronici n ziarele vremii despre atmosfera care do-mina ntrunirile organizate sub egida Cenaclului literar-muzical Alexei Ma-teevici. De exemplu, scriitorul Vlad Zbrciog spunea n acele zile: Ce plat-form promoveaz aceti tineri unii de comune idealuri? se ntreba acesta, invocnd autoritatea liderului sovietic n acest sens. Despre ce se vorbete, se discut, se cnt la aceste spectacole ale tineretului? se interogheaz scriitorul, i rspunde : Despre problemele vieii spirituale ale republicii, despre durerea pentru destinul pmntului strmoesc, suprasaturat i con-taminat cine tie ci ani nainte de pesticide, despre condiia uman n atari circumstane, despre problema limbii materne, despre cri i dicionare, a

16 AOSPRM, F. 51, inv. 73, d. 100, ff. 1-207. 17 AOSPRM, F. 51, inv. 73, d. 122, ff. 1-16.

VIIDocumente secrete din arhiva CC al PCM

cror lips le resimim acut. i toate aceste dureri, doleane, continu Vlad Zbrciog, sunt rostite n strofe polemice, cntate, plnse pe strune de chitar, i ele rscolesc sufletul, nvolbureaz contiinele. Niciodat ca acum sufle-tul uman n-a cunoscut o asemenea desctuare18. Mrturia respectiv red foarte viu atmosfera vremii, dar i subiectele care frmntau lumea de rnd, printre care era i problema mediului nconjurtor, a dezastrului ecologic din Moldova, rezultat al unor experiene cu diferite chimicale. Problema ecologi-ei i a rusificrii limbii, de altfel, a fost abordat i la ntlnirile organizate de Uniunea Scriitorilor cu Ion Dru, nc n iulie 198719.

O alt organizaie neformal care a avut meritul de a iniia adevrata Perestroika ce va culmina cu independena Moldovei de Uniunea Sovietic a fost Micarea Democratic pentru Susinerea Restructurrii (MDSR), fondat la 3 iunie 1988. Unul dintre primele documente ale MDSR a fost adoptat n data de 24 august 1988, din care reiese c programul acesteia nu ridica expli-cit problema independenei, ci susinea demersurile conducerii sovietice de la Moscova n frunte cu Mihail Gorbaciov. Astfel, MDSR sprijinea lozinca Toat puterea - sovietelor pe baza democratizrii sistemului electoral, ameliora-rea substanial a autodirijrii colectivelor de munc, trecerea RSS Moldo-veneti la autogestiune total, introducerea ceteniei RSSM, menionndu-se i chestiunea suveranitii politice a RSSM, dar n componena URSS. Din revendicrile cu caracter cultural-naional, se evideniaz cea cu privire la nevoia ameliorrii condiiilor de dezvoltare a culturii moldoveneti, ren-toarcerea funciilor sociale a[le] limbii moldoveneti, promovarea unei auto-nomii culturale reale pentru toate popoarele i etniile conlocuitoare din RSS Moldoveneasc20. Ulterior, prin comasarea Cenaclului Mateevici, a Micrii pentru restructurare, precum i a altor organizaii, precum Asociaia Istorici-lor, va fi creat, la 20 mai 1989, Frontul Popular din Moldova21.

Programul FPM seamn deja mai mult cu al unui partid politic, dei muli dintre membrii si, chiar n snul conducerii, inclusiv preedintele Ion Hadrc, sunt n acelai timp i membri ai PCM, dar numai din punct de vedere formal22. Hadrc este de altfel cel care declar n cadrul unui miting din 25 iulie 1989 c FPM tinde s preia controlul asupra PCM i asupra so-vietelor23.

Ca urmare a presiunii opiniei publice i a celor dou organizaii nefor-male Cenaclul Mateevici i a Micrii Democratice pentru Restructurare,

18 Literatura i Arta, 7 iulie 1988. 19 Literatura i Arta, 9 iulie 1987.20 Mihai Cernencu, Andrei Galben, Gheorghe Rusnac, Constantin Solomon, Repu-

blica Moldova: Istoria politic (1989-2000). Documente i materiale, Chiinu, 2000, vol. II, p. 6.

21 Partidul Popular Cretin-democrat. Documente i materiale, 1988-2008, vol. I, Chiinu, 2008, p. 61-62.

22 Gheorghe Cojocaru, Anul 1989 la Est de Prut, Chiinu, Prut Internaional, 1998. 23 AOSPRM, F. 51, inv. 73, d. 122, f. 73.

VIII Republica Moldova de la Perestroik la independen, 1989-1991.

n iunie 1988 Sovietul Suprem al RSSM a creat Comisia interdepartamental pentru elaborarea propunerilor cu privire la decretarea limbii de stat. Publi-carea n aprilie 1988 a faimosului articol al lui Valentin Mndcanu n care se vorbete pentru prima dat n public despre degradarea limbii romne (numit oficial moldoveneasc) i se condamn rusificarea, va avea un rol important n mobilizarea moldovenilor pentru drepturile naionale24. Un rol deosebit pentru oficializarea limbii romne la Chiinu va avea Scrisoarea celor 66 de reprezentani ai intelectualitii, din septembrie 1988, Adresa-rea ctre oamenii de bun credin din republic, semnat n octombrie 1988 de ctre membrii Uniunii Scriitorilor din RSSM, precum i Decizia savanilor din noiembrie 198825. n cadrul comisiei amintite au fost inclui numeroi scriitori, oameni de cultur precum Ion Ciocanu, Andrei Lupan, Grigore Vieru, Nicolae Dabija, Mihai Cimpoi, lingvitii Silviu Berejan, Ni-colae Mtca, Alexandru Drul, istoricul Anton Moraru, dar i persoane din aparatul de stat i de partid, precum Dumitru Zidu, Fiodor Angheli (gg-uz), Alexandru Mocanu (preedinte al Sovietului Suprem al RSSM) . a. Pe baza propunerilor formulate, n 28 decembrie 1988, s-au adoptat o serie de recomandri cu privire la limba de stat n RSSM, identitatea limbii vorbite n RSSM i Romnia, dar i despre necesitatea introducerii alfabetului latin. La nceputul anului 1989, Sovietul Suprem al RSSM a adoptat cteva hot-rri care aveau s anticipeze promovarea noii legislaii lingvistice din august-septembrie 1989: Despre pregtirea proiectelor de legi ale RSSM cu privire la funcionarea limbilor pe teritoriul RSS Moldoveneti (25 ianuarie 1989), Cu privire la Statutul limbii de stat a RSS Moldoveneti (30 martie 1989) i Cu privire la trecerea scrisului limbii moldoveneti la grafia latin (19 mai 1989)26. n ciuda faptului c majoritatea membrilor Comisiei au ajuns la concluzia c aa zisa limb moldoveneasc este identic cu cea romn, Simion Grossu, prim secretar al CC a PCM, insista asupra diferenelor i i complica i mai mult statutul de lider al republicii. Mai mult, n acest con-text al discuiilor publice despre necesitatea adoptrii legislaiei lingvistice care repune n drepturi naionalitatea titular are loc compromiterea nu nu-mai a lui Grossu personal i a oamenilor care l susineau, dar i a instituiei pe care acesta o reprezenta, CC al PCM. Astfel, centrul de luare a deciziilor politice importante se transfer de la CC al PCM nspre Sovietul Suprem, transformat n scurt timp ntr-un veritabil parlament, cu funcii legislative reale27. n locul lui Grossu, se impune Mircea Snegur, secretar al CC al PCM pe probleme de agricultur, devenit preedinte al Sovietului Suprem, deci i

24 Valentin Mndcanu, Vemntul fiinei noastre, n Nistru, nr. 4, 1988.25 nvmntul Public, 17 septembrie, 1988; nvmntul Public, 5 noiembrie,

1988. 26 Anton Moraru, Istoria romnilor. Basarabia i Transnistria, 1812-1993, Chiinu,

1995, p. 532. 27 Charles King, Moldovenii. Romnia, Rusia i politica cultural, Chiinu, ARC,

2002, p. 130.

IXDocumente secrete din arhiva CC al PCM

lider formal, apoi real, al RSSM. Candidatura lui Snegur a fost susinut i de Moscova, i ntr-un fel impus conducerii locale n frunte cu Grossu i Calin (preedintele Consiliului de Minitri) ntruct astfel partidul reuea s-i im-pun reprezentantul su la conducerea micrii naionale. Sarcina nu a fost foarte dificil, din moment ce candidatura lui Snegur era agreat i susinut de Frontul Popular din Moldova28.

ntre timp, n martie-aprilie 1989 au loc alegeri n Congresul Deputailor Poporului din URSS, care reprezint i primele alegeri semi-libere din RSS Moldoveneasc. Semnificaia alegerilor din primvara anului 1989 a fost aceea c reprezentani ai grupurilor neformale au reuit s nving, n condiii ine-gale, funcionari nali de stat i de partid, inclusiv secretari ai comitetelor raio-nale de partid, dar i oficiali din KGB. n 10 din cele 16 circumscripii electorale n care au fost admii, membri ai Cenaclului Mateevici i Micrii Democra-tice pentru Restructurare au obinut victorii zdrobitoare, ceea ce a spulberat mitul despre invincibilitatea PCM, zdruncinnd hegemonia partidului pe plan local29. Alegerea n funcia de deputat a reprezentanilor micrii naionale le-a oferit acestora o tribun extraordinar pentru a-i face ideile cunoscute unui public mai larg, nu numai la nivel local, dar i la cel unional, mai ales c toate edinele primului Congres al deputailor din URSS au fost transmise integral de televiziunea central sovietic. Printre deputaii partidei naionale alei la cel mai important for sovietic din epoc erau Grigore Vieru, Nicolae Dabija, Ion Dru, Anton Grjdieru, Ion Hadrc, Petru Buburuz, Dumitru Matcov-schi, Leonida Lari, Eugen Doga i Mihai Cimpoi.

Un eveniment marcant care anticipeaz ntr-un fel independena R. Moldova doi ani mai trziu, n sensul coincidenei cu mplinirea programului cultural-naional, este Marea Adunare Naional de la sfritul verii anului 1989. Marea Adunare Naional este convocat la 27 august30 n piaa cen-tral din Chiinu, la care particip peste 500 000 de reprezentani din toate raioanele republicii, i care declar suveranitatea naional-statal a RSSM, oficializarea limbii moldoveneti, trecerea la alfabetul latin, revenirea la tricolor i simbolurile naionale. La 31 august sesiunea Sovietului Suprem al RSSM adopt legea cu privire la statutul limbii moldoveneti ca limb de stat31. Momentul semnific victoria parial a micrii de renatere spiri-tual i naional n RSSM. Revenirea la alfabetul latin i oficializarea limbii

28 AOSPRM, F. 51, inv. 71, d. 445, f. 42-88. 29 Vladimir Socor, Grupurile neoficiale obin un succes neateptat n alegerile din

Moldova, n Reportaj despre URSS la Radio Libertatea, 12 mai 1989, p. 17-20. Apud Charles King, op. cit., p. 131.

30 Vezi Documentul Final al Marii Adunri Naionale n Literatura i arta, 31 au-gust, 1989.

31 Jeff Chinn, Steven Roger, Ethnic mobilization and reactive nationalism: the case of Moldova, n Nationalities Papers, vol. 23, nr. 2 1995, p. 296-300; W. Crowther, The Politics of Ethno-National Mobilization: Nationalism and Reform in Soviet Mol-davia, n Russian Review, vol. 50, nr. 2, 1991.

X Republica Moldova de la Perestroik la independen, 1989-1991.

romne a pus capt unui proces de aproape jumtate de secol care urmrea, uneori prin mijloace violente, alteori prin mijloace panice, politice, consti-tuirea unei naiuni deosebite de cea romn, o naiune moldoveneasc n sens etno-cultural i etno-lingvistic, nu numai politic.

Adoptarea legislaiei lingvistice la sfritul lunii august nceputul lui septembrie 1989 a provocat o serie de reacii bolnvicioase care aveau s bulverseze societatea moldovean. Imediat dup publicarea proiectelor de legi la 20 august 1989, cca. 120 de ntreprinderi de subordonare unional din industrie i transport de pe teritoriul RSSM, cuprinznd peste 80 de mii de angajai, i-au exprimat protestul prin organizarea unor greve. Majoritatea muncitorilor din aceste ntreprinderi erau etnici neromni, adui n Moldova de ctre autoritile de la Moscova dup cel de-al doilea rzboi mondial. Ace-tia erau localizai n principalele centre urbane, precum Tiraspol, Bender, Bli, Comrat, dar i Chiinu, unde ponderea etnicilor romni nu depea 50 la sut. Mobilizarea acestor muncitori nu a fost dificil datorit faptului c peste 90 % din directorii ntreprinderilor de subordonare unional erau rui, ucraineni, evrei etc., persoane crora le erau strine interesele etnicilor romni. Manifestanii se declarau mpotriva impunerii aa numitului dictat lingvistic i se pronunau pentru acordarea statutului de limb de stat i lim-bii ruse, nu numai celei romne, numite atunci moldoveneti, dar i mpo-triva revenirii la alfabetul latin. n realitate, liderii comunitii rusolingve din RSSM, mai ales cei din stnga Nistrului, au utilizat problema limbii pentru a exprima susinerea lor pentru pstrarea Uniunii Sovietice i a statutului privilegiat de care se bucurau vorbitorii de limb rus. Unul dintre liderii protestatarilor de la Tiraspol era nu altcineva dect viitorul preedinte al aa-numitului Sovietului Suprem de la Tiraspol (1990-1991), apoi preedinte al nerecunoscutei Republici Nistrene Moldoveneti, Igor Smirnov (1991-2011), pe atunci director al uzinei Electroma din Tiraspol. Unii dintre liderii or-ganizaiei Edinstvo de la Tiraspol, precum A. I. Bolakov, directorul uzinei Tocilitma, au exprimat nc atunci ideea crerii unei autonomii locale32.

La nceputul lui septembrie, grevele rusolingvilor mpotriva legislaiei lingvistice au luat amploare, la acestea participnd deja cca. 200 de mii de angajai, mai ales n partea stng a Nistrului. Vizita la Tiraspol n data de 2 septembrie a unor lideri de la Chiinu, precum Mircea Snegur, Andrei San-gheli i Grigore Eremei, a avut menirea de a explicita care sunt ntr-adevr prevederile legilor despre limb i exprimarea garaniilor c rusolingvii nu vor fi discriminai33. Argumentul principal invocat de reprezentanii Chiin-ului era acela care se referea la statutul limbii ruse ca limb de comunicare interetnic, stipulat de legea privind funcionarea limbilor pe teritoriul RSS Moldoveneti. La insistena grevitilor, Moscova a trimis o comisie special a Sovietului Suprem al URSS care s evalueze situaia la faa locului. ntre 4 i 9 septembrie 1989, comisia respectiv s-a aflat n Moldova i a formulat o

32 AOSPRM, F. 51, inv. 73, d. 207, f. 40.33 Mircea Snegur, Labirintul Destinului. Memorii, vol. I, Chiinu, 2007, 601-610.

XIDocumente secrete din arhiva CC al PCM

serie de sugestii i aprecieri. Una din cele mai importante era cea care con-sider revenirea la alfabetul latin drept o revendicare legitim, dar celelalte propuneri se refereau la pstrarea privilegiilor vorbitorilor de rus34.

Ulterior, specialiti n domeniu au comparat legislaia lingvistic din republicile sovietice din anii 1989-1990 i au ajuns la concluzia c populaia rusolingv a reacionat cu nenelegere fa de revendicrile naionalitilor titulare. Unul dintre acetia, gguzul Nicolai Guboglo, originar din Moldo-va, cercettor la Institutul de Etnografie din Moscova, a apreciat legile despre funcionarea limbilor n Moldova ca fiind printre cele mai liberale din toate republicile ex-sovietice, mai ales n comparaie cu Estonia i Letonia, dar i Ucraina. Guboglo a constatat un paradox, anume acela c n republicile unde legile despre limb au fost extrem de flexibile cu cei care nu cunoteau limba majoritii, politica lingvistic a suferit eec35.

Un alt moment important n calea RSSM spre independen au fost primele alegeri parial libere n Sovietul Suprem de la Chiinu din februa-rie-martie 1990. n noul legislativ de la Chiinu, cca. o ptrime dintre de-putai erau membri ai Frontului Popular din Moldova, care erau susinui n chestiunile eseniale i de reprezentanii Partidului Comunist al Moldovei, acum n plin rennoire. Noul parlament a adoptat o serie de legi importante din perspectiva obinerii independenei complete a RSSM fa de metropol. Astfel, la 27 aprilie 1990 a fost adoptat tricolorul albastru-galben-rou ca dra-pel naional. Un pas important spre independena politic fa de Moscova a fost adoptarea declaraiei de suveranitate pe 23 iunie 1990. Cu cteva sp-tmni mai devreme, la 23 mai 1990, s-a operat schimbarea denumirii RSS Moldoveneti n RSS Moldova. Declaraia Sovietului Suprem al RSS Moldo-va despre suveranitate stipula n mod clar supremaia legilor RSSM asupra celor unionale, instituie cetenia republican i prevede dreptul suveran de a ine relaii diplomatice cu toate rile lumii. Se menioneaz ideea c RSS Moldova respect statutul ONU i i exprim adeziunea fa de principiile acestei organizaii i, avant la lettre, particip la crearea unui nou sistem de securitate n Europa. Este de remarcat de asemenea c pmntul, subsolul, apele, pdurile i alte resurse naturale aflate pe teritoriul RSS Moldova, pre-cum i ntregul potenial economic, financiar, tehnico-tiinific, valorile pa-trimoniului naional sunt declarate proprietatea exclusiv necondiionat a RSS Moldova. Anterior Moldovei, declaraii similare fuseser adoptate de ctre rile Baltice i de ctre Rusia.

Documentul din 23 iunie 1990 meniona de asemenea c prezen-ta Declaraie servete drept baz pentru elaborarea noii Constituii a RSS Moldova, perfecionarea legislaiei republicane i ca poziie a RSS Moldo-va pentru pregtirea i ncheierea Tratatului unional n cadrul comunitii

34 AOSPRM, F. 51, inv. 73, d. 125, ff. 85-94.35 Nikolai Guboglo, , ,

, 1998, 816 p. O recenzie la cartea lui Guboglo, semnat de Igor Cau, a se vedea n Revista de Istorie a Moldovei, nr. 4, 2004, p. 107-110.

XII Republica Moldova de la Perestroik la independen, 1989-1991.

statelor suverane 36. Cu alte cuvinte, nu se excludea n principiu semnarea unui tratat pe picior de egalitate cu republicile unionale, dar evenimentele din anul viitor vor compromite definitiv aceast idee i vor deschide drumul spre o independen asumat deja n plin voce i recunoscut ca atare pe plan internaional.

Toate aceste decizii istorice nu ar fi fost posibile fr un parlament ales n mod democratic, sau quasi-democratic. Alegerile au fost organizate n dou tururi n primvara anului 1990. n cadrul primului tur din 25 fe-bruarie 1990 au fost alei 140 de deputai, iar n turul al doilea, din 10 martie 1990 231. n condiiile n care Partidul Comunist a participat ca unul dintre concureni, la scrutin fiind admii i ali concureni independeni precum Frontul Popular din Moldova, nregistrat ca persoan juridic n 25 octom-brie 1989, rezultatele au fost ct se poate de reprezentative pentru spectrul de opinii ale electoratului la momentul respectiv. Astfel, din totalul de 371 de deputai, majoritatea absolut (338) erau alei pentru prima dat i aveau studii superioare (358), 62 dintre care aveau i titluri tiinifice. Se nclca prin urmare un principiu anterior potrivit cruia candidaii partidului alei pe criteriul obedienei n primul rnd, deveneau reprezentani ai poporului muncitor. Din punct de vedere etnic, noul parlament avea 259 de moldoveni romni, 57 rui, 35 ucraineni, 13 gguzi i 8 bulgari. Femeile, la rndul lor, alctuiau cca. 3, 5 % (13 mandate)37.

n toamna anului 1990, urmeaz alte evenimente marcante. Unul din-tre acestea este instituirea funciei de Preedinte al RSS Moldova. n 3 sep-tembrie 1990 parlamentul l-a ales pe Mircea Snegur n cea mai nalt funcie din stat. Alegerea acestuia era previzibil, la edina Biroului Politic al CC PCM din 25 iulie 1989 cnd Snegur era propus pentru funcia de preedinte al Sovietului Suprem unii au vorbit deschis c acesta va deveni viitorul pre-edinte al Moldovei i de aceea partidul trebuia s cntreasc bine pe cine propune38. Totodat, alegerea lui Snegur se nscrie ntr-un tipar care vine de la centru, Gorbaciov fiind ales i el cteva luni mai devreme Preedinte al URSS, dup ce n mai 1989 fuseser ales n funcia de preedinte al Sovie-tului Suprem al URSS. Noul preedinte al Sovietului Suprem de la Chiinu devine istoricul Alexandru Moanu, profesor la Facultatea de Istorie a Uni-versitii de Stat din Chiinu, preedinte fondator al Asociaiei Istoricilor din Republica Moldova.

ntre timp, Mircea Druc fusese numit de ctre parlament n funcia de prim-ministru al Republicii Moldova la 25 mai 1990. Acesta va conduce exe-cutivul pn n 5 iunie 1991, cnd legislativul l va demite, la iniiativa lui Mir-cea Snegur. Guvernul Druc a fost primul executiv de la Chiinu din perioada sovietic ales n mod democratic. Personalitatea lui Mircea Druc rmne una

36 Vetile Sovietului Suprem i ale Guvernului Republicii Sovietice Socialiste Mol-dova, 1990, nr. 6-7, pp. 498-499.

37 Mircea Snegur, Labirintul Destinului. Memorii, vol. I, Chiinu, 2007, p. 704. 38 AOSPRM, F. 51, inv. 71, d. 445, f. 42-88.

XIIIDocumente secrete din arhiva CC al PCM

controversat, dar era foarte popular n epoc, mai ales graie talentului su oratoric. Preedintele Snegur l-a nvinuit de incompeten39, dar se pare c demisia sa a fost rezultatul campaniei dezastruoase din sud, din octombrie 1990. Druc fusese atunci principalul iniiator al organizrii unei coloane de autobuse a voluntarilor spre Comrat n vederea exercitrii presiunii asupra gguzilor de a anula decizia din 19 septembrie 1990 de creare a RSS Gg-uze. Pe de alt parte, Druc reclam n memoriile sale c a realizat progrese economice importante, anul 1990 avnd parte de o secet comparabil cu cea din 1946, i, n ciuda acestei situaii, rezultatele au fost mult peste ateptri, mult mai bune dect n anii care au urmat40.

n 1990-1991, una dintre problemele discutate aprins n mass-media sovietic era cea legat de semnarea unui nou Tratat Unional. Referendumul a fost fixat pentru 17 martie 1991. Moldova i-a declarat din start refuzul de a participa, sugernd astfel c nu este cointeresat n continuarea rmnerii n componena Uniunii Sovietice41. De altfel, tot acum, pn la declararea independenei, are loc formularea unei noi politici a memoriei, antisovietic i anticomunist, o dat cu organizarea de ctre Parlamentul Republicii Mol-dova a conferinei internaionale Pactul Ribbentrop-Molotov i consecinele sale pentru Basarabia i Bucovina de Nord42, care a avut loc la Chiinu n 28-29 iunie 199143. Aceasta a deranjat conducerea PCM, n persoana ultimu-lui prim secretar al CC al PCM Grigore Eremei, care trimite o scrisoare n acest sens ctre CC al PCUS44.

Momentul care grbete desprinderea total de URSS este puciul de la Moscova din 19-21 august 199145. La Chiinu, poziia oficial fa de puci a autoritilor a fost exprimat de ctre Ion Hadrc, vice preedinte al Parla-mentului, n amiaza zilei de 19 august 1991, transmis concomitent de ctre radioul i televiziunea naional. Drept urmare, societatea civil s-a mobili-

39 Mircea Snegur, Labirintul Destinului. Memorii, vol. II, Chiinu, 2007. 40 Viorel Patrichi, Mircea Druc sau Lupta cu ultimul imperiu, Bucureti, Zalmolxe,

1998, p. 424. 41 AOSPRM, f. 51, inv. 73, d. 207, ff. 41-51. 42 Igor arov, Pactul Ribbentrop-Molotov n dezbaterile publice din Republica Mol-

dova (decembrie 1989-iulie 1991), n Vasile Ciobanu, Flavius Solomon, Sorin Radu, eds., Partide politice i minoriti naionale din Romnia n secolul XX, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Institutului pentru studierea problemelor minoritilor naionale & Kriterion, 2011, p. 373-392.

43 Despre politica memoriei dup 1989 a se vedea Igor arov, Andrei Cuco, Mo-tenirile regimului comunist n perioada postsovietic: memorie, continuiti, conse-cine, n Sergiu Mustea, Igor Cau, eds., Fr termen de prescripie. Aspecte ale investigrii crimelor comunismului n Europa, Chiinu, Editura Cartier, 2011, p. 725-767.

44 AOSPRM, F. 51, inv. 74, d. 109, ff. 38-44. 45 Pentru dou perspective memorialistice semnate de doi moldoveni asupra pu-

ciului de la Moscova, a se vedea Petru Lucinschi, Ostaticii, Chiinu, EUS, 1993 i Grigore Eremei, Faa nevzut a puterii, Chiinu, Litera, 2003.

XIV Republica Moldova de la Perestroik la independen, 1989-1991.

zat n seara zilei de 19 august 1991 n luarea sub control a principalelor centre strategice din capital, precum pota, televiziunea, radio, sediile guvernu-lui, ale parlamentului, precum i alte edificii de importan public. ntruct Partidul Comunist al Moldovei a fost gsit complice n organizarea rsturn-rii puterii legale n stat, existena acestuia a fost interzis prin Hotrrea nr. 683 din 23 august 1991 a Prezidiumului Parlamentului, condus de Alexandru Moanu46.

Declaraia de independen a fost proclamat de ctre parlament prin votul a 278 de deputai (74% din totalul de 371) n ziua de 27 august 1991, zi n care n centrul Chiinului a fost convocat o Mare Adunare Naional. n aceiai zi, independena Republicii Moldova (denumire adoptat anterior, la 23 mai 1990) a fost recunoscut de ctre Romnia. Rusia a recunoscut inde-pendena Moldovei abia n 8 decembrie 1991, dup ce a obinut promisiunea lui Mircea Snegur de a semna tratatul de constituire a Comunitilor Statelor Independente (CSI), structur interstatal menit a perpetua sub o form voalat dominaia Rusiei n spaiul post-sovietic.

* * *

Volumul de fa de documente arunc o nou lumin asupra multora dintre evenimentele menionate mai sus, precum i asupra altora care nu sunt menionate n studiul introductiv. Toate documentele incluse n vo-lum provin din Arhiva Organizaiilor Social-Politice din Republica Moldo-va (AOSPRM), fosta arhiv a Comitetului Central al Partidului Comunist al Moldovei i reprezint proiecia partidului unic de la Chiinu n ceea ce pri-vete evoluia evenimentelor din ultimii trei ani ai existenei Uniunii Sovie-tice. Unele dintre aceste documente au fost accesibile istoricilor abia n anul 2010, n contextul activitii Comisiei de studiere i apreciere a regimului comunist totalitar din Republica Moldova, creat la iniiativa Preedinte-lui interimar al Republicii Moldova, Mihai Ghimpu (2009-2010). ntre timp, istorici din sus-numita Comisie au publicat cteva volume de documente. Astfel, n ultimii doi ani s-au publicat mai multe volume de documente dect n toi anii de la independen ncoace47.

Prin acest volum, Centrul de Studiere a Totalitarismului iniiaz o se-rie proprie, ntitulat RSSM n documente. n ordine cronologic, volumul cuprinde documente care se refer la rapoarte trimise de ctre fiecare orga-

46 Publicat n Monitorul Oficial nr. 008 al Republicii Moldova n 30.08.1991. 47 Ion Varta, Tatiana Varta, Igor arov, eds., Asasinrile n mas din RASSM n

perioada Marii Terori, 1937-1938. Documente desecretizate din arhivele MAI i SIS al Republicii Moldova, Chiinu, ARC-Cartdidact, 2010, vol. I (urmeaz alte 5 volu-me); Ion Varta, eds., Deportrile n mas din RSS Moldoveneasc din iunie 1941, Chiinu, Editura Litera, 2011; Gheorghe E. Cojocaru, ed., Dezbateri parlamentare, 1990-1991. Culegere de documente, Chiinu, 2011; Gheorghe E. Cojocaru, ed., Deportrile n mas din RSS Moldoveneasc din 1949, Chiinu, Bon Office, 2011.

XVDocumente secrete din arhiva CC al PCM

nizaie de partid raional ctre CC al PCM cu privire la receptarea n teritoriu a Tezelor CC al PCM, Prezidiului Sovietului Suprem al RSSM i Consiliului de Minitri al RSSM S confirmm Perestroika prin fapte concrete (sfr-itul anului 1988-nceputul anului 1989). Ele ne permit s observm starea de spirit a comunitilor de rnd naintea evenimentelor importante care se vor desfura pe parcursul anului 1989 care va deveni unul decisiv pentru viitorul Republicii Moldova. Un alt set de documente reprezint rapoarte n-tocmite de secia ideologic i juridic a CC al PCM cu privire la cele mai importante ntruniri i mitinguri organizate de Cenaclul Mateevici i Frontul Popular din Moldova n decursul anului 1989, inclusiv un raport cu privire la desfurarea Marii Adunri Naionale din 31 august 1989. Acestea, de rnd cu manifestaiile organizate de Micarea Internaionalist Unitate-Edinstvo, ne ofer un tablou detaliat al confruntrilor de strad din 1989 din Chiinu, dar i din teritoriu. Sunt incluse i documente cu privire la grevele organiza-te mpotriva adoptrii legislaiei lingvistice din august-septembrie 1989, la care particip n linii mari minoritile rusolingve ncadrate n ntreprinderi industriale de subordonare unional. Alte subiecte cuprinse n volum se re-fer la relaiile CC al PCM cu CC al PCUS; alegerile n Congresul Deputailor URSS din primvara anului 1989; participarea deputailor din partea RSSM la comisia lui Iakovlev privind aprecierea Pactului Ribbentrop-Molotov i a protocolului secret; stenograma Biroului Politic al CC al PCM din 25 iulie 1989 la care Mircea Snegur a fost naintat candidat la funcia de preedinte al Sovietului Suprem al RSSM, cu acordul prealabil al Moscovei (document care a fost publicat deja, n Literatura i arta, n 1994); evenimentele din 7-10 noiembrie 1989 i contextul n care are loc demiterea lui Simion Grossu i numirea lui Petru Lucinschi n funcia de prim secretar al CC al PCM; libe-ralizarea relaiilor cu Romnia; semnarea unui nou Tratat unional i poziia RSSM; componena etnic a studenilor din instituiile superioare de nv-mnt; implementarea legislaiei lingvistice prin care limba romn a fost declarat limb de stat etc. Volumul nu pretinde a fi unul exhaustiv, ntruct acest lucru este imposibil de realizat. Alte aspecte referitoare la evenimentele din anii 1989-1991 vor fi reflectate n alte volume tematice pe care i le pro-pune s le publice Centrul de Studiere a Totalitarismului de la Facultatea de Istorie i Filozofie a Universitii de Stat din Moldova sau alte instituii de profil din Republica Moldova.

Igor Cau, Igor arov

XVI Republica Moldova de la Perestroik la independen, 1989-1991.

Introduction

The Republic of Moldova: fRoM peResTRoika to independence, 1989-1991

At the beginning of the 1980s, for the numerous foreign observers, the Mol-davian SSR seemed to be a rather quiet republic in comparison with other republics of the European part of the Soviet Union. What was going to hap-pen during the years of Perestroika was to contradict this perception. The reforms launched by Gorbachev beginning with April 1985 soon stirred up Soviet society, including that of Soviet Moldavia. Before 1989 almost nobody was speaking, at least in the public sphere, about independence or union with Romania. All discussions on those matters were prohibited, and those who expressed such views were targeted by the KGB and frequently sentenced to long terms of imprisonment1. The path to independence was anticipated on the official level by the declaration of sovereignty, adopted on June 23 1990 by the Supreme Soviet (parliament) of the Moldavian SSR. Independence as such was solemnly proclaimed on August 27, 1991, after the abortive anti-Gorbachev putsch in Moscow and Ukraines declaration of independence from the USSR several days before (on August 24). In 1991, as in the case of Bessarabias secession from Russia in 1917-1918, one can notice a relevant similarity concerning the sequence of events: Bessarabia only declared its independence after Ukraine had issued its own declaration of independence.

In the mid-1980s, when Perestroika started, the leadership of the Mol-davian SSR was represented by the Moldavian-born Semion Grossu, first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Moldavia, in office since 1980. The second in rank was the Russian Viktor Smirnov, the second secretary of the CC of the CPM, who was replaced in 1987 by another Russian, Viacheslav Pshenichnikov. Grossu succeeded Ivan Bodiul, who had ruled Moldavia since 1961 and had promoted a policy of marginalizing the Moldavian elites devoted to the Romanian culture and language2. Grossu remained in power till November 16, 1989, being replaced by Petru Lucin-

1 See more on that in Igor Cau, Opozani politici n RSSM dup 1956: spre o tipo-See more on that in Igor Cau, Opozani politici n RSSM dup 1956: spre o tipo-Opozani politici n RSSM dup 1956: spre o tipo-Opozani politici n RSSM dup 1956: spre o tipo-i politici n RSSM dup 1956: spre o tipo-logizare bazat pe dosare din arhiva KGB [Political enemies in Soviet Moldavia after 1953: toward a typology based on the KGB files], in Sergiu Mustea, Igor Cau, eds., Fr termen de prescripie. Aspecte ale investigrii crimelor comunis-mului n Europa [No Statute of Limitations Applicable: Aspects of the Investiga-tion of the Crimes of Communism in Europe], Chiinu, Editura Cartier, 2011, pp. 512-562.

2 He reckons that in his memoirs: , : , , : [Down the road of my life: times, events, and reflexions: memoirs], , & Co., 2002.

XVIIDocumente secrete din arhiva CC al PCM

schi, who had previously been the second secretary of the Central Commit-tee of the Communist Party of Tajikistan. Lucinschi had the merit to defuse the political crisis and initiate a dialogue with the Popular Front of Moldova (PFM). Some time before, in late October 1989, PFM had been legalized by a decision of the Moldavian SSRs Council of Ministers and had become an important political actor, already legal from the juridical point of view, and a rival of the CPM. Before the declaration of independence of August 27, 1991, Moldova had acquired a new State Flag (April 27, 1990) and a State Coat of Arms (November 3, 1990). Other important decisions also paved its way for admission to international organizations. Moldovas independence was im-mediately recognized by Romania and Australia. Russia, the CIS members, the major European countries and the United States recognized Moldovas independence in the following months. But, contrary to expectations, inde-pendence did not automatically lead to a better living standard of the rank and file citizens. On the contrary, it aggravated the economic, social, and identity crisis of the Moldovan society.

* * *

In order to better understand what happened in the last years of the USSRs existence and the specific features of the evolution of the Moldavian SSR in the pre-independence period, it is useful to evoke the ethnic composi-tion of the population, the urban-rural correlation, the interethnic relations, the linguistic assimilation processes and the place of the titular nationality in various fields, especially in the political and economic sphere. Though the worsening of interethnic relations was not the main cause of the collapse of the Soviet Empire3, the ethnic and national factor was, without any doubt, a catalyst of the disintegration of the Soviet state. According to the last Soviet general census of 1989, the Moldavian SSR had a population of 4 million 337 thousand persons, including 2 million 36 thousand (47%) of the population were concentrated in the urban areas, and 2 million 301 thousand (53%) in rural areas. In this respect, the Moldavian SSR was the least urbanized republic in the European part of the Soviet Union, less than Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Byelorussia, the Ukraine, and Russia. Significantly from the point of view of the Soviet discourse of the emancipation of nationalities, from the total urban population of the Moldavian SSR in 1989, Moldavians/Romani-ans were urbanized in proportion of only 25%. At the same time, the rate of urbanized Russians was 80%, Jews 98%, Ukrainians 45%, Gypsies 56%, etc.4 As to the ethnic structure of the population, 2 million 795 thousand

3 , ? [Was the Soviet Union an empire? A view from Chiinu], in - -- (), No. 4 (78), 2011.

4 Current Archives of the Statistics Department of the Republic of Moldova, docu-Current Archives of the Statistics Department of the Republic of Moldova, docu-ment 07.13. 26 of March 30, 1990.

XVIII Republica Moldova de la Perestroik la independen, 1989-1991.

were Moldavians/Romanians (64.5%), a slight decrease from 65.4% in 1959. This happened in spite of the fact that the birth rate of the Moldavians was one the highest among the European Soviet republics of about 20 per thou-sand5 that is why their relative proportion should have grown and not de-clined. One could invoke the fact that many Moldavians, especially starting from the 1970s, have opted for better paid jobs in Siberia. Thus, the decline could have been due to this phenomenon. The majority of Moldavians would return home after several years of stay in the north. The money earned in Siberia allowed them to build a modern household, usually in the rural ar-eas. Due to the Soviet demographic policy and the increased birth rate of the Moldavians, in 1989 Soviet Moldavia had 128.3 inhabitants per square kil-ometer, in comparison with 105.6 in 1970, ranking first in this respect among the federal republics of the USSR and having one of the highest population densities in Europe6.

The share of the ethnic minorities was 35.4 percent from the total, the most numerous communities being Ukrainians (13.8%), Russians (13%), fol-lowed by the Gagauz (3.5%), Bulgarians (2%), Jews (1.5 %), Gypsies (0.3 %) and others. The mass Russification in the sense of the Moldavians complete assimilation in the so-called Soviet people, sharing a common Russian culture and language, failed. In 1989, 95.4% of Romanian Moldavians still spoke their native language. 1.7% of those 4.6% who had changed their first language, still continued to consider their old mother tongue as a second lan-guage of communication. The number of people fluent in Russian was 53.3%. Another 0.5% declared that they spoke some language other than Russian, besides their native tongue7.

The impact of Soviet nationalities policy had been profoundly felt in the Moldavian SSR in the last years of its existence, and even long after 1991. More exactly, it has been noticed that the changes that the Romanian lan-guage had undergone, its enrichment with excessive borrowings of lexical units of Slavonic origin in the detriment to those of Latin, French, etc. ori-gin had determined important changes in the mentality and psychology of Moldavians/Romanians. This was similar, to a certain extent, to the changes among the foreign-dominated for centuries Romanians from the Banat8 and

5 Narodnoe hozjajstvo SSSR v 1985 [The economy of the USSR in 1985], pp. 32-33.

6 Anuarul Statistic al Republicii Moldova [Statistical Yearbook of the Republic of Moldova], Chiinu, Department of Statistical and Sociological Analysis, 1997, p. 59.

7 Totalul recensmntului unional al populaiei din RSS Moldoveneasc din anul 1989 [Results of the All-Union census in the Moldavian SSR of 1989], Chiinu, Statistics Department, 1990, pp. 92-93.

8 Gheorghe Jurma, Descoperirea Banatului [Discovering the Banat], Reia, Edi- Reia, Edi-tura Timpul, 1994.

XIXDocumente secrete din arhiva CC al PCM

Transylvania9. For the Bessarabians, the impact of foreign rule proved to be much more profound from the point of view of their ethno-national identi-fication. This happened because the process of Russification, which started in 1812, was accompanied after 1940 and 1944 by the indoctrination with an ideology that made an attempt to coherently justify ethnic assimilation. In this respect, a component of the communist ideology, in its Russian variant, was Sovietization, considered by some of the best specialists in the field10 to be a much more profound process than Russification, because it implied not only changes in ethnic identity and in cultural values, but also the creation of a new type of man, from all points of view. This proved to be a disaster for the national consciousness and solidarity of a collectivity that had not com-pletely internalized its modern national identity Romanian before 1944, when the second Soviet occupation started.

Another aspect concerning interethnic relations that catalyzed the deepening of the Moldovan societys crisis during the Perestroika is connect-ed with the share of the titular nationality and the ethnic minorities in the Communist Party of Soviet Moldavia, within the party nomenklatura, as well as regarding other leading positions in the main branches of the economy. Thus, in 1985, the ratio of Moldavians/Romanians among the party mem-bers was 45.8%, increasing to 48.2% in 1990. In comparison to the previous decades, the ratio of Moldavians in the Communist Party of Moldavia was much lower than their proportion in the total population of the republic. For example, in 1944 Moldavians constituted only a few percent among the party membership, in 1965 they already made up 35%, and only in 1978-1979 they passed the threshold of 40%. Meanwhile, the ratio of Russians in the Molda-vian Communist Party diminished from 30% in 1965 to 25.9% in 1979 and then to 23.4% in 1985, reaching a low of 22% in 1990. The same declining dynamics could also be noticed in the case of the MSSRs Ukrainians, their proportion among the CPM membership changing from 23.2% in 1965 to 21.1% in 1985 and to 20.6% in 199011. Overall, in 1986 the party organiza-tion of the Moldavian SSR consisted of 189.4 thousand Communists. Among them, 25.4% were employed in state and party bodies, while the others were active in the national economy, educational system, etc.12 This perspective of

9 Sorin Mitu, Geneza identitii naionale la romnii ardeleni [The genesis of na-tional identity among Transylvanian Romanians], Bucureti, Humanitas, 1997.

10 , . [The machine and the cogs: A history of the genesis of the Soviet man], , Mk, 1994, pp. 260-295; Franoise Thom, Sfriturile comunismului [The ends of communism], Iai, Polirom, 1996.

11 Veaceslav Stvil, Evoluia componenei naionale a elitei politico-economice a RSSM, 1940-1991 [Evolution of the national component in Moldavian SSRs social and political lite, 1940-1991], in Revista de Istorie a Moldovei, No. 4, 1996, pp. 38, 39, 41.

12 XVI Sezd Kommunisticheskoi Partii Moldavii, 23-25 ianvarea 1986 g. [The 16th

XX Republica Moldova de la Perestroik la independen, 1989-1991.

continuous indigenization in cadres policy is obvious from the dynamics of the CC of the CPM nomenklaturas ethnic composition. In 1987, the ratio of Moldavians/Romanians in the leadership structures of the Communist Party of Moldavia in Chiinu and the provinces was 54%, signaling a growth of more than 10% in comparison with 1967. At the same time, from a gender perspective, the ratio of women in party leadership positions at the level of district and city/town committees constituted 23% in 198613. Concerning the representation in the government at the level of ministers, deputy ministers, chairmen of committees and departments, the Moldavians/Romanians con-stituted in 1984 about 48%, a growth of over 10% in comparison with two decades earlier. However, the key positions, such as those of Chairman of the Committee for State Security (KGB) within the Council of Ministers of the Moldavian SSR, Minister of Internal Affairs and other high ranking state officials dealing with cadres policy were reserved for Russians and Ukrain-ians devoted to Moscows interests, to the detriment of the local popula-tion. For instance, the first ethnic Romanian from the Bessarabian part of the MSSR to be appointed First Secretary of the local Communist Party was Petru Lucinschi (November 1989). The first ethnic Romanian head of the local KGB (coming from the Bessarabian part of the republic) was Tudor Botnaru, appointed in July 1990. From another point of view, Moldavians/Romanians were obviously discriminated against in terms of their appoint-ment as managers of industrial enterprises in the Moldavian SSR. Thus, in 1984 they constituted only 8.6% in comparison to 1964, when they made up only 2.3% of the total number of industrial managers. At the same time, Moldavians/Romanians were over-represented among directors of collective farms (kolkhozy) and state farms (sovkhozy), where their ratio was 70.3% and 68.8%, respectively, in 198414. These figures explain at least partially the causes of the tensions which emerged in Moldavian society during Per-estroika and which culminated with the declaration of independence of the Republic of Moldova on August 27, 1991.

The democratization of Moldovan society became possible due to the Perestroika launched by Mikhail Gorbachev in April 1985. The Soviet leader, the first Secretary General of the CPSU to be born after the October Revolu-tion of 1917 and educated in the period of de-Stalinization, intended to intro-duce reforms which would allow the perpetuation of the Soviet state. Initial-ly, this presupposed the preservation of the Communist Party monopoly over society, but later Gorbachev renounced this idea. However, this did not mean that he abandoned the utilization of political police in combating undesira-ble persons, who were usually exiled (like the well-known Russian dissident, Academician Andrei Sakharov, exiled from Moscow to Gorky in 1980 was

Congress of the Moldavian Communist Party, January 23-25, 1986], Chiinu, Cartea Moldoveneasc, 1986, pp. 3, 55.

13 Ibidem, p. 58.14 Ibidem.

XXIDocumente secrete din arhiva CC al PCM

kept under house arrest till December 1986) or who were placed in psychiat-ric hospitals. In the Moldavian SSR, a relevant case was that of the engineer Gheorghe David, forced to undergo a course of psychiatric treatment because he dared to criticize the foreign policy of the Soviet Union and Gorbachevs nationalities policy, demanding a return of the Romanian language to the Latin script. David was arrested in 1986 and freed only in 1988, as a result of protests of some international human rights organizations, but also due to an information campaign, supported, among others, by Radio Free Europe.15

During the period between 1985 and 1989, the first secretary of the CC of the Communist Party of Moldavia was Semion Grossu, appointed to this position five years earlier as the successor to Ivan Bodiul. Grossu was a rep-resentative of the old elite, close to the generation of Brezhnev and Bodiul. He deemed radical societal reforms not to be necessary either in the political and economic sphere or in the cultural and ethno-national fields.

The year 1988 was a crucial moment, when the Perestroika began to be felt in the Moldavian SSR as well. At the 7th Plenary Session of the CC of the CPM in January 1988, it was clearly asserted that political reform would not succeed without the promotion of economic reforms, implying the introduc-tion of some elements of market economy. This new platform of the CPM was further developed in November 1988, in the so-called party theses entitled Let us implement the Perestroika through concrete actions. The document was elaborated by Semion Grossu, first secretary of the CC of the CPM, Viktor Smirnov, second secretary of the CC of the CPM, Ivan Calin, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Moldavian SSR, Alexandru Mocanu, Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the Moldavian SSR, as well as by other high level state and party officials, who ruled the republic at the time. Most of them accepted Perestroika rather superficially, showing a lack of enthusiasm for it. For ex-ample, the Theses reasserted the classical Soviet Communist dogmas of the Brezhnev period, using such expressions as strengthening the unity of the Soviet people, the preservation of the CC of CPMs control over the intellec-tuals, keeping the Cyrillic alphabet for the Moldavian language, maintain-ing Russian as the language of interethnic communication, emphasizing the need to consolidate the friendship of the peoples, etc. The Theses of the CPM were sharply criticized even by Communists at various party meetings, but also in the press and at public gatherings16. This document did not make even a fleeting allusion to the ideas increasingly expressed within Moldavian society. These pervading ideas included: the need to restore the rights of the Roma-nian language; the return to the Latin script, forbidden in February 1941; the issue of critically evaluating Stalinism; the subject of the 1946-1947 organized

15 Cum am devenit nebun [How I have become insane], in Basarabia, No. 9, 1990, pp. 140-152 (a document published by Nicolae Negru).

16 Anton Moraru, Istoria romnilor. Basarabia i Transnistria, 1812-1993 [History of the Romanians: Bessarabia and Transdniestria, 1812-1993], Chiinu, 1995, pp. 529-530.

XXII Republica Moldova de la Perestroik la independen, 1989-1991.

famine; the problem of mass deportations, as well as the issue of numerous mistakes and infringements on human rights during the Brezhnev period.

Against this background a mass erosion of confidence in the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Moldavia was apparent. This process continued during the following period, in the context of the CPM leaderships refusal to communicate with informal organizations and especially its indif-ference and even hostility towards the increasingly decisive public opinion that demanded the declaration of Romanian (still called at the time Molda-vian language) as the state language.

The first informal organization (i.e., unregistered officially, but tolerated by the authorities) was the Alexei Mateevici Literary-Musical Society, created on January 15, 1988. The date was not chosen randomly, as it coincided with the anniversary of the birthday of Mihai Eminescu, the greatest poet of the Ro-manians (and of the Moldavians, according to the official Soviet point of view). The main initiator and organizer of the Society was Anatol alaru, a medical doctor by training, together with other young people and students from vari-ous University departments in Chiinu. Initially the meetings took place on the Classical Writers Alley in Pushkin Park in Chiinu (nowadays - Stephen the Great Public Garden). Later the privileged place for these gatherings was transferred to the Green Theatre, near the Komsomol Lake (now Valea Morilor Park), a much more spacious location, but also less visible and less disturbing from the authorities point of view17. From the very beginning, these meetings were attended by high-ranking government and party officials, who seemed to be enthusiastic about the Societys goals. Later, however, they would condemn the Society in the official newspapers, such as Moldova Socialist (Socialist Moldavia) or Sovetskaia Moldavia (Soviet Moldavia), claiming that the So-cietys activities had a nationalistic character. Such was the case of the Deputy Minister of Public Education, Simeon Mustea.

Numerous chronicles concerning the atmosphere which dominated the gatherings organized under the auspices of the Alexei Mateevici Literary-Mu-sical Society are to be found in the newspapers of the time. For example, invok-ing the authority of the reforming Soviet leader, writer Vlad Zbrciog posed the following question at the time: What is the platform promoted by these young people united by common ideals? What do they talk, discuss, and sing about during these performances of the youth? Zbrciog answered his own question thus: About the problems of the spiritual life of the Republic, about the pain they were feeling for the fate of the land of their forefathers, oversaturated and contaminated with pesticides for many years to come, about the human condi-tion in such circumstances, about the issue of the mother tongue, about books and dictionaries, that we are severely lacking now. And all this pain, all these wishes, Vlad Zbrciog continued, were articulated in polemical verses, sung and wept on guitar strings, and they unsettled your soul, creating whirlwinds in your conscience. Never before has the human soul known such a degree

17 AOSPRM, F. 51, inv. 73, d. 122, ff. 1-16.

XXIIIDocumente secrete din arhiva CC al PCM

of liberation18. This testimony conveys very vividly the atmosphere of those times, but also the issues that preoccupied the common people. Prominent among these issues was the problem of the environment, of Moldovas eco-logic disaster, which was the result of a number of experiments conducted with various chemicals. The ecologic issue and the Russification of the language had been also discussed during the meetings organized by the Moldavian Writers Union with novelist Ion Dru back in July 198719.

Another informal organization, which was directly involved in initiat-ing the real Perestroika that would eventually culminate in Moldovas inde-pendence from the USSR, was the Democratic Movement in Support of the Perestroika (DMSP), founded on June 3, 1988. One of the first important documents of the DMSP was adopted on August 24, 1988. From this text it becomes clear that the DMSPs program did not explicitly raise the issue of independence, supporting instead the actions of the Soviet establishment in Moscow, led by Mikhail Gorbachev. Thus, the DMSP supported the slogan All power to the Soviets. This demand presupposed the democratization of the electoral system. The Movement also called for a substantial improvement in the self-management of labor collectives, transition of the Moldavian SSR to total self-government, establishing the citizenship of the Moldavian SSR. The question of the political sovereignty of the Moldavian SSR was also men-tioned, but only as part of the USSR. Among the demands bearing a cultural-national character, most prominent were those concerning the need for im-proving the conditions of the development of Moldavian culture, restoring the societal functions of the Moldavian [Romanian] language, promoting real cul-tural autonomy for all the peoples and ethnic groups inhabiting the Moldavian SSR20. Later on, after the merger of the Alexei Mateevici Literary-Musical Society with the Democratic Movement in Support of the Perestroika, as well as with other organizations, such as the Association of Historians, the Popular Front of Moldova was created on May 20, 198921.

The program of the PFM increasingly resembled the platform of a po-litical party, although many of its members, even among the leadership, in-cluding the PFMs chairman Ion Hadrc, were at the same time members of the CPM, albeit only nominally22. However, as Hadrc himself declared at a

18 Literatura i Arta, 7 iulie 1988.19 Literatura i Arta, 9 iulie 1987.20 Mihai Cernencu, Andrei Galben, Gheorghe Rusnac, Constantin Solomon, Re-

publica Moldova: Istoria politic (1989-2000). Documente i materiale [Republic of Moldova: Political History (1989-2000). Documents and materials], Chiinu, 2000, vol. II, p. 6.

21 Partidul Popular Cretin-democrat. Documente i materiale, 1988-2008 [Chris-tian Democratic Popular Party: Documents and materials, 1988-2008], vol. I, Chiinu, 2008, pp. 61-62.

22 Gheorghe Cojocaru, Anul 1989 la Est de Prut [Year 1989, East of the Prut River], Chiinu, Prut Internaional, 1998.

XXIV Republica Moldova de la Perestroik la independen, 1989-1991.

public gathering on July 25, 1989, the aim of the Front was to take over the CPM and the Soviet state apparatus23.

As a result of the pressure of the public opinion, coupled with that com-ing from the two informal organizations the Alexei Mateevici Literary-Mu-sical Society and the Democratic Movement in Support of the Perestroika , in June 1988 the Supreme Soviet of the Moldavian SSR created an interdepart-mental Commission for the elaboration of proposals concerning the official status of the Moldavian (Romanian) language. The publication in April 1988 of Valentin Mndcanus famous article openly discussing, for the first time, the degradation of the Romanian language (officially called Moldavian) and condemning linguistic Russification will play an important role in mobilizing ethnic Romanians in defense of their national rights24. Several other public appeals had an important impact on the granting of official status to the Ro-manian language by the Chisinau authorities, including: the Open Letter of 66 Intellectuals (published in September 1988), the Address to All People of Good Faith from Moldova, signed in October 1988 by certain members of the Moldavian Writers Union, as well as the Decision of the Scholars concern-ing the language issue (November 1988)25. Numerous writers and public in-tellectuals were appointed to the Interdepartmental Commission, including: Ion Ciocanu, Andrei Lupan, Grigore Vieru, Nicolae Dabija, Mihai Cimpoi, the linguists Silviu Berejan, Nicolae Mtca, Alexandru Drul, the historian An-ton Moraru, as well as persons from the state and party apparat, e.g., Du-mitru Zidu, Fiodor Angheli (an ethnic Gagauz), Alexandru Mocanu (Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the Moldavian SSR) and others. On the basis of the formulated proposals, on December 28, 1988, a number of recommendations concerning the state language of the Moldavian SSR were adopted. These de-cisions also dealt with the identical character of the language spoken in the Moldavian SSR and in Romania, and emphasized the need for introducing the Latin script. In early 1989, the Supreme Soviet of the Moldavian SSR adopted several decisions anticipating the approval of the new linguistic legislation in August-September 1989, namely the following: About the Preparation of the Draft Laws of the Moldavian SSR concerning the Functioning of Languages on the Territory of the Moldavian SSR (January 25, 1989); Concerning the Sta-tus of the State Language of the Moldavian SSR (March 30, 1989) and Con-cerning the Transition of the Moldavian Language Script to the Latin Alpha-bet (May 19, 1989)26. In spite of the fact that the majority among the members

23 AOSPRM, F. 51, inv. 73, d. 122, f. 73.24 Valentin Mndcanu, Vemntul fiinei noastre [The language that covers

and protects our being], in Nistru, No. 4, 1988.25 nvmntul Public, September 17, 1988; nvmntul Public, November 5,

1988.26 Anton Moraru, Istoria romnilor. Basarabia i Transnistria, 1812-1993 [History

of the Romanians: Bessarabia and Transdniestria, 1812-1993], Chiinu, 1995, p. 532.

XXVDocumente secrete din arhiva CC al PCM

of the Commission had reached the conclusion as to the identical character of the Moldavian and Romanian languages, Semion Grossu, First Secretary of the CC of the CPM, insisted on the differences between the two and, thus, fur-ther undermined his status as leader of the MSSR. Moreover, in this context of public debate on the need to adopt a new linguistic legislation which would re-store the rights of the titular nationality, not only were Grossu personally and his supporters discredited, but the legitimacy of the institution he represented, the CC of the CPM, was also questioned. Thus, the centre of important political decision-making moved from the CC of the CPM to the Supreme Soviet, which soon turned into a true parliament, exercising real legislative powers27. Mircea Snegur, Secretary of the CC of the CPM responsible for agricultural issues, be-came Chairman of the Supreme Soviet, i.e., formal head of the republic, also displacing Semion Grossu as the real leader of the Moldavian SSR. Snegurs candidacy was also supported, and to an extent imposed by Moscow to the local leadership headed by Grossu and Calin (Chairman of the Council of Min-isters). Thus, the party managed to place its representative at the helm of the national movement. This task did not prove to be very difficult, since Snegurs candidacy also enjoyed the support of the Popular Front of Moldova28.

Meanwhile, in March-April 1989 elections to the Congress of Peoples Deputies of the USSR took place, being the first semi-free elections in the Mol-davian SSR. The significance of the spring 1989 elections stemmed from the fact that the representatives of the informal groups managed to defeat, un-der unequal competition, a number of high-ranking state and party officials, including some secretaries of the district party committees, as well as several KGB officials. In 10 out of the 16 electoral districts where they were allowed to compete, members of the Alexei Mateevici Literary-Musical Society and of the Democratic Movement in Support of the Perestroika obtained crush-ing victories, which destroyed the myth of the Communist Party of Moldavias invincibility, shattering the party hegemony at the local level29. The election of the representatives of the national movement to the new Soviet Parliament gave them an unprecedented platform for the dissemination of their ideas to a wider public, not only locally, but also at the level of the USSR, especially given that all the sessions of the first Congress of Peoples Deputies of the USSR were fully broadcast on central Soviet television. Among the deputies of the na-tional party elected to the Congress of Peoples Deputies of the USSR were Grigore Vieru, Nicolae Dabija, Ion Dru, Anton Grjdieru, Ion Hadrc, Petru Buburuz, Dumitru Matcovschi, Leonida Lari, Eugen Doga, and Mihai Cimpoi.

27 Charles King, Moldovenii. Romnia, Rusia i politica cultural [The Moldovans: Romania, Russia, and the Politics of Culture], Chiinu, ARC, 2002, p. 130.

28 AOSPRM, F. 51, inv. 71, d. 445, f. 42-88.29 Vladimir Socor, Grupurile neoficiale obin un succes neateptat n alegerile din

Moldova [Informal groups obtain unexpected success in Moldavian elections], in Reportaj despre URSS la Radio Libertatea [Covering the USSR at the Radio Free Europe], May 12, 1989, pp. 17-20. Apud Charles King, op. cit., p. 131.

XXVI Republica Moldova de la Perestroik la independen, 1989-1991.

A landmark event which somewhat foreshadowed Republic of Moldo-vas independence two years later was the Great National Assembly (end of the summer, 1989). The Great National Assembly was convened for the date of August 27 in Chiinus main square, and it succeeded assembling over 500 thousand people coming from all districts, who called for the Moldavian SSRs national and state sovereignty, as well as demanded granting Molda-vian the status of state language, switching to the Latin script, and restor-ing the Romanian tricolor as the state flag and other national symbols30. On August 31 the Supreme Soviet of the Moldavian SSR adopted the law on the status of Moldavian [Romanian] as state language31. This moment signified the partial victory of the national revival movement in the Moldavian SSR. The return to the Latin script and the granting of official status to the Roma-nian language has brought to a close a process of almost half a century which had pursued, sometimes by violent means, some other times peacefully, via political means, the creation of a separate Moldavian nation, different from the Romanian one, a Moldavian nation not only in a political sense, but also in the ethno-cultural sense and in the ethno-linguistic one.

The adoption of the linguistic legislation in the period of time between the end of August and the beginning of September 1989 has elicited a number of nervous negative reactions which would bring turmoil in the Moldavian so-ciety. Right after the publication on August 20, 1989 of the respective draft laws, about 120 industrial and transportation enterprises subordinated to fed-eral ministries and situated on the territory of the Moldavian SSR, i.e. over 80 thousand employees, expressed their protest by holding strikes. Most workers from those enterprises were not of Romanian ethnicity, and had been brought in by the Moscow authorities after the Second World War. They resided in the main urban centers, such as Tiraspol, Bender, Bli, Comrat, and Chiinu. In the latter city the ratio of ethnic Romanians hovered around 50%. Mobilizing these industrial and transport workers did not prove to be difficult, due to the fact that over 90% of the managers of these enterprises were ethnic Russians, Ukrainians, and Jews, etc., who were not sympathetic to ethnic Romanians interests. The strikers pronounced themselves against the imposition of the so-called linguistic diktat, and for the declaration of Russian as a second state language, beside Romanian language, named at the time Moldavian. They re-jected the idea of restoring the Latin script to the Moldavian language. In reality, the leaders of the Russian-speaking community of the Moldavian SSR, especially those from the left bank of the Dniester River, used the language issue to express their support for the preservation of the Soviet Union and for

30 See Documentul Final al Marii Adunri Naionale [Resolution of the Great National Assembly] in Literatura i arta, August 31, 1989.

31 Jeff Chinn, Steven Roger, Ethnic mobilization and reactive nationalism: the case of Moldova, in Nationalities Papers, vol. 23, N0. 2, 1995, pp. 296-300; W. Crowther, The Politics of Ethno-National Mobilization: Nationalism and Reform in Soviet Moldavia, in Russian Review, vol. 50, No. 2, 1991.

XXVIIDocumente secrete din arhiva CC al PCM

the privileged status Russian speakers enjoyed in the USSR. One of the leaders of the Tiraspol strikers was Igor Smirnov, who would become the self-styled president of the so-called Transdniestrian Moldavian Republic (1990-2011), serving at the time as director of the Electromash industrial enterprise in Ti-raspol. Some of the leaders of the Edinstvo (Unity) political movement in Ti-raspol, such as A. I. Bolshakov, director of the Tochilitmash plant, actually for-mulated already back then the idea of creating a local territorial autonomy32.

At the beginning of September 1989, Russian speakers strikes against the linguistic legislation grew in magnitude; the number of strikers swelled to about 200 thousand employees, especially on the left bank of the Dniester River. The visit to Tiraspol on September 2 of some leaders from Chiinu, such as Mircea Snegur, Andrei Sangheli and Grigore Eremei, intended to clarify the real scope of the linguistic laws provisions and to give guaranties that Russian speakers would not be discriminated against33. The Chiinu representatives main reassuring argument referred to the status of Russian as language of interethnic communication, stipulated by the law concerning the functioning of languages on the MSSR territory. At the strikers insist-ence, Moscow sent a special commission of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, which had to assess the situation on the ground. The respective commission stayed in Moldova between September 4 and September 9, 1989, and gave their feedback and made a number of suggestions. Most prominently, they acknowledged that the restoration of the Latin script to the Moldavian/Romanian language was a legitimate demand, while their other proposals focused on preserving the Russian speakers privileges34.

Later, specialists compared the linguistic legislation of 1989-1990 in the Soviet Republics and reached the conclusion that the Russian-speaking population reacted unsympathetically to say the least to titular nationali-ties demands. One of these specialists, Nikolai Guboglo, an ethnic Gagauz born in Southern Moldova, researcher at the Institute of Ethnography of the Academy of Sciences in Moscow, assessed Moldovas language laws as being among the most liberal of all the ex-Soviet republics, especially in compari-son with Estonia, Latvia, and Ukraine. Guboglo noticed a paradox, namely that language policies failed in those ex-Soviet republics that had the most flexible language laws (the ones that were extremely flexible with the people who did not speak the majority language).35

Another important moment on the Moldavian SSRs path to independ-ence was the first partially free elections to the MSSR Supreme Soviet of Febru-

32 AOSPRM, F. 51, inv. 73, d. 207, f. 40.33 Mircea Snegur, Labirintul Destinului. Memorii, vol. I [The labyrinth of destiny:

Memoirs, 1st volume], Chiinu, 2007, pp. 601-610.34 AOSPRM, F. 51, inv. 73, d. 125, ff. 85-94.35 , [Languages of ethnic mo- of ethnic mo-of ethnic mo- ethnic mo-ethnic mo- mo-mo-

bilization], : , 1998. See also a review on the book by Igor Cau in Revista de Istorie a Moldovei, No. 4, 2004, pp. 107-110.

XXVIII Republica Moldova de la Perestroik la independen, 1989-1991.

ary-March 1990. In the new Chiinu Legislature, about a quarter of deputies were members of the Popular Front of Moldova, who were supported on essen-tial issues by deputies coming from the Communist Party of Moldavia, under-going at the time a process of internal renovation. The new parliament adopted a number of laws that were important from the Moldavian SSRs perspective of obtaining complete independence from the metropolis. Thus, on April 27, 1990 MPs voted to adopt the blue-yellow-red tricolor as the MSSRs national flag. An important step towards political independence from Moscow was the adoption of Moldovas Declaration of Sovereignty on June 23, 1990. Several weeks earlier, on May 23, 1990 Moldavian SSR changed its name to SSR of Moldova. The Declaration of Sovereignty adopted by the Supreme Soviet of the SSR of Moldova on June 23, 1990 clearly stipulated the supremacy of the SSR of Moldovas laws over the USSR laws, introduced Moldovan citizenship and provided for Moldovas sovereign right to establish and maintain diplomatic relations with all countries of the world. The document mentioned that the SSR of Moldova respected the United Nations Charter and asserted Moldovas adhesion to UN principles, as well as, avant la lettre, Moldovas desire to par-ticipate in the creation of a new system of security in Europe. The land, under-ground, water resources, forests and other natural resources on the territory of the SSR of Moldova, as well as the entire economic, financial, technical and scientific potential, and items of national heritage were declared to be the ex-clusive and unconditional property of the SSR of Moldova. Previously, similar declarations had been adopted by the Baltic States and by Russia.

The document of June 23, 1990 also claimed that the present Declara-tion serves as basis for the elaboration of a new Constitution of the SSR of Moldova, for improving Moldovas legislation and as [official] position of the SSR of Moldova in the run-up to the preparation and signing of the Union Treaty as part of a community of sovereign states. In other words, the idea of the signing of a Union treaty among equal republics was not in principle ruled out, but events of the following year would completely compromise this idea and would pave the way to an independence that is openly reaffirmed and internationally-recognized as such36.

All of these historical decisions would not have been possible without a democratically- elected (or a quasi-democratically-elected) parliament. Elec-tions were organized in two rounds in the spring of 1990. In the February 25, 1990, first round of elections, 140 deputies were elected, and in the second round on March 10, 231 more MPs were elected. The Communist Party was one of the competitors, and the polls also admitted other com