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    PERSIA PERSIA

    not particularly fertile. There are several exceptions,however, such as Persia itself, and especially the north-eastern provinces, Bactria and Sogdiana, where theclimate is mild and the soil rich. It is remarkable that

    just those two important satrapies did not rise againstDarius, whilst rebellion everywhere prevailed. In generalit may be said, that IrHn was a country well fitted tofoster an industrious, proud, manly, and warlike race, andto be for some centuries the centre of a mighty empire.

    It is quite certain that the founders of this empire,the Medo-Persians, were not the original inhabitants ofthe country. They belonged to the Aryan stock. Whenthe Assyrians, as they often did, directed their expeditionsto Media, and even built there some strong places tomaintain their supremacy, the kings they fought did notbear Aryan names, which become more frequent only inthe time of the Sargonids. Aryan tribes, coming fromthe NW. or the N. , and spreading first in the easternpart of the land , seem to have conquered the westernregions little by little, and to have settled there in smallindependent kingdoms, before the Median monarchy wasestablished. If there is any truth in what BErBssos tellsabout a Median dynasty reigning over Babylon in theremotest times, this dynasty has nothing in commonwith the Aryan Medes, but probably was of the sa meorigin as the Kassites, Elamites, and other easternneighbours of Babylonia.

    A complete ethnology and glossology of the Iranianpeoples would be out of place here, as our scope is4. Language. limited to the two nations with whomTh e

    Old Persian language we know from the inscriptions ofthe Hebrews came into contact.

    the Achaxnenidsand from the proper names and sundrywords recorded by the ancients. It is closely allied tothe Avestan language (the two dialects of which seem tohave been spoken in the eastern and northern parts ofthe empire), and more remotely to the Vedic and Sanskritlanguages. About the language of the Medes we knowvery little. Judging from the Median names that weknow, and from the fact that Darius used the sameAryan language for the great Behistun inscription inMedia as he did for those he had incised in Persia, wemay assume that the Old Median language differed onlydialectically from the Old Persian. Still, the inscriptionsof the younger Achanenids show that the Old Persianwas then already in decline, and perhaps supplantedby a younger dialect or by the widespread Aramaic.

    Some scholars call the second of the three languagesused in the Achremeniau inscriptions Median. If so,it would not be the language of the rulers, who werecertainly Aryans, but the idiom of the conquered race,who may have constituted the majority of the population.In all probability the second language is better calledSusian or Neo-Susian, as the idiom of the provincewhere the Persian kings had their principal residencecould hardly be wanting in their inscriptions.

    The system of writing used for the Persian text of theAchremenian inscriptions is one of those commonly called5. System cuneiform. It has been taken for grantedthat it was taken by the Persians either

    Of writing' from the Babylonian or Assyrian, or assome think, from the Susian, cuneiform. An accuratecomparative study of the three systems, however, showsclearly that this is not the case. Th e Susians reduced themany hundreds of Babylonian signs to some hundredand twelve, but retained the syllabic character of thewriting, the same signs for the same or cognate sounds,

    and the use of determinative signs with the same signi-fication. Not so the Persians. All they took from their

    predecessors was the wedge in three shapes- 7 , -,and

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    PERSIA PERSIA

    saw :it once why his father, though victorious in his13. Cyaxares, struggle with the rude and semi-barbarous tribes of Iran, was over-come by the veteran-warriors of such a

    24-686.military state as Assyria. His army was, in fact, deficientin training and organisation. Wishing to avenge hisfather, Cyaxares set himself to work, divided his troopsinto lancers, archers, and horsemen, and fortified hiscapital Ecbatana (Hagmatana, the place of gathering ).Then, feeling stronger, he renewed his attack, defeatedthe Assyrians in a pitched battle, and invested Nineveh.Soon, however, he had to raise the siege. A wildhorde of those northern nomads, included by the Greeksunder the common name of Scythians and called bythe Persians Saka, had invaded Media, and Cyaxareshad to hurry home.

    Whether this invasion was connected with that othermore terrible irruption of Scythians by which westernAsia was devastated, is not certain. Th e Scythianswith whom Cyaxares had to deal probably came fromthe NE. of the Caspian Sea, and , though of the samekin as the Iranians, were savage or at least barbarousnomads. They did not reign in Media, for Cyaxareswas neither dethroned nor banished by them. Theyseem, however, to have domineered over the peacefulhouseholders, and asa kind of Janissaries or Mamelukesto have even held the court in check. It is said that

    the king got rid of them by killing their chiefs at abanquet, after having made them drunk. It is an oldand very common folk-tale, and is only the popularsubsti tute for the historical fact that such a gang ofbarbarians, rendered careless by an easy victory, andenervated by indulging too freely in all the unwontedluxuries of civilised life, could not but be overpoweredat last by the shrewd policy and the superior tacticsof a real king. It seems that Cyaxares did notchase the Saka, but that they submitted to him and

    joined his army. In a few years this result wasobtained. Th e whole drama was played between thefirst and second expeditions to Assyria. Th e secondended in the fall of Nineveh (607 or 606 B.c.). thefirst, preceded by the military reform, cannot havehappened much earlier than 620 B.c. , 625 or 624 beingthe year of the accession ofCyaxares. If Herodotus isright in stating that the Scythians ruled Asia for twenty-eight years, this cannot refer to Media, where they didnot even rule.

    Cyaxares now felt able to renew his attack onAssyria, which, though no more than a shadow ofwhat it was before, still hindered the Medes in extendingtheir empire to the NW. This time he was successfuland destroyed Nineveh about 607-606 B.C. For itwas to Cyaxares, not to Astyages, as Berossos andthose who depend on him have it, that the fallof the old imperial city was due. It is difficult todecide whether Nabopolassar and his Babylonians

    joined the Medes as allies against the common foe.Both Ctesias and Berossos tell us so, and even withouttheir testimony we should expect it. Allies they were,and the prince royal of Babylon was married toCyaxares daughter. Th e rising power of the Chaldeanswas not to be neglected, and on the other side it wastheir interest to take an active part in the proceedingsagainst a dynasty which, though paralysed, alwaysclaimed the suzerainty over Babylonia. If Herodotusdoes not mention the Chaldeans, he may have followeda one-sided Medo-Persian tradition. Lastly, it may be

    doubted whether Media would have left the Chaldeansin undistiirbed possession of all the southern and south-western provinces of the Assyrian monarchy, whichNabopolassars great son not only maintained, hutextended, if they had remained inactive in this finalstruggle for the hegemony of Western Asia. At anyrate, Media played the principal part, and it wouldnow direct its victorious arms against Armenia, Cappa-docia, and the rich and mighty kingdom of the Lydians.

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    The Lydian frontier, however, was destined to be thelimit of the Median conquests. After five years offighting the war was still undecided, and both partiesseem to have been rather tired of it. At least, when,on 28th May 585, a great battle, probably near theHalys, was interrupted by a total eclipse of the sun-the same that Thales the Milesian is said to have pre-dicted-they accepted it as a divine warning and ceasedall hostilities. Syennesis of Cilicia, probably chosenby Lydia. and Nebuchadrezzar, erroneously calledLabynetus by Herodotus, chosen by Media, acted asarbiters, and peace was concluded by their mediation.Astyages, who seems in the meantime to have ascendedthe throne, since Phraortes is said to have died in theyear of the battle, married the daughter of Alyattes, theking of Lydia.

    Astyages (Istuvegu in the Nab. Cyr. Annals, cpCtesias Astvicras) is called hv the Greeks (Herod..

    I -&ch. Pers. 76if . ) a son of Phraortes;14 *styage Since, however, he is.called by the Baby-lonians kine of the Ummanmanda-

    84-660Y

    which, whatever it may mean, cannot have indicated th eMedes, but r ather (probably) the Scythians, as Cyrus issaid to have slain the numerous Ummanmanda with hisfew troops-since moreover the rebels, who, in t he reignof Darius, rose in Media and Sagartia do not call them-selves sons of Astyages, but pretend to belong to the

    family of Cyaxares, Winckler (Unters. z. a&. Gesch.124f.) suggests, that Astyages was neither the sonnor the lawful successor of Phraortes, but revived theScythian supremacy in Media. It cannot be denied thatthis hypothesis is very alluring. T o the arguments ofWinckler may he added, that Cyrus himself, in hiscylinder, glories in having defeated the Guti, thenomads of Mesopotamia, and the widespread Umman-manda. the nomads ofIran, so that he himself seemsto have regarded his conquest of Media as the liberationof that country from the yoke of a usurper. Th e manwho delivered the greater part of the army of Astyagesinto the hands of Cyrus, Harpagus , belonged to theroyal family. Finally, the name of Astyages has noIranian sound, and is altogether unlike those of hispredecessors. Be this as it may, Astyages reign seemsnot to have been a glorious one. Th e only thing weknow of it is, that he encroached on the dominions ofBabylonia, then weakened by internal troubles and bythe government of a mere antiquary, and placed a

    garrison in Harran, which the Chaldean kings regardedas belonging to their empire . As soon, however, as thePersians under Cyrns revolted, the Ummanmanda fromall parts of the empire were ordered home to reinforcethe army. Astyages may at the outset have defeatedthe Persians, and even have chased them as far asPasargadze ; we could believe it, if it were not Ctesiaswho told it. It is certain, however, that Astyages owntroops gave him up to the enemy, and that the man whobetrayed him was Harpagus, whom Cyrus afterwardsrewarded by bestowing on him an all but royal dignityin Asia Minor. In this the Babylonian account andHerodotus agree : they are mutually complementary.

    Th e history of the Median empire, very little ofwhich unfortunately is known, is interesting as the16.significance first attempt of an Aryan or Indo-

    European people to found a greatOfe and conquering monarchy. But it

    was not much more than an attempt.In itself, the Median empire had no such great import-

    ance. Compared with the Assyrian empire whichpreceded, or with the Persian which followed it, it seemsrather insignificant. It did not supplant the Assyrians,for this had been done already by the Chaldeans.All it could do , and this only after having failed at firstand with the aid of the king of Babylon, was, to givethe death-blow to the dying capital of the old empire,and to appropriate a part of the booty It was un-able to conquer Lydia and felt ob1ged to respect the

    W l l p I O .

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