Åsa Callmer

Making sense of suffi

ciency

ISBN 978-91-7873-406-1TRITA-ABE-DLT-1947

KTH

2019

Making sense of sufficiencyEntries, practices and politics

ÅSA CALLMER

doctoral thesis in Planning and decision analysisstockholm, sweden 2019

KTH royal insTiTuTe of TecHnologySchool of Architecture And the Built environmentwww.kth.se

Making sense of sufficiency Entries, practices and politics

ÅSA CALLMER

DOCTORAL THESIS in Planning and Decision Analysis KTH Royal Institute of Technology Stockholm, Sweden, 2019

Title:Makingsenseofsufficiency:Entries,practicesandpoliticsAuthor:ÅsaCallmerKTHRoyalInstituteofTechnologySchoolofArchitectureandtheBuiltEnvironmentDepartmentofUrbanPlanningandEnvironmentDivisionofUrbanandRegionalStudies

©ÅsaCallmer,2019Coverillustration:MatildaBorgströmTRITA-ABE-DLT-1947ISBN978-91-7873-406-1AkademiskavhandlingsommedtillstandavKungligaTekniskaHögskolaniStockholmframlaggestilloffentliggranskningforavlaggandeavfilosofiedoktorsexamenfredagenden31januari2020kl.10.00iKollegiesalen,KTH,Brinellvagen8,Stockholm.

Totheschoolstrikers,rebels,anddefendersofNature-

thankyouforleadingtheway.

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Abstract Theaffluentgroupsandsocietiesintheworldhavemadematerialconsumptionpartoftheirlifestyle.Today,overconsumptionhascometoconstituteanacuteenvironmentalproblem,bothwithregardstothenaturalresourcesneededtosatisfyourever-growingwants,andtothemountainsofwasteitleavesbehind.Startingfromaglobaljusticeperspectiveandfromanunderstandingofsustainabilityas keepingwithin the planetary boundaries, this thesis argues that it is urgent thataffluent individuals,groupsandsocietiesdevelopasenseofsufficiency,of“goodandenough”. Focusing on sufficiency in the area of material consumption, this thesisexplorespathsthatcouldbetakentostrengthensufficiencyasanideaandvaluewithinaconsumeristsocietyandculture,andaimstoanswertheoverarchingquestionofhowan affluent society might orient itself towards sufficiency. Against the backgroundframework of political ecology, relational geography and sustainable consumptionliterature,sufficiencyisframedasaquestionofresponsibility–theresponsibilityoftheaffluentindividuals,groupsandsocietiesintheworldtorefrainfromtakingmorethantheirfairshare,or,inotherwords,towithdrawfromtheirexcessenvironmentalspace.Twocasesofsufficiency-relatedpracticeinSwedenarestudied:oneofindividualswhoactivelyandvoluntarilyreducetheirconsumptiontoonlythebasicsovertheperiodofoneyear,andoneofindividualsusingthe‘’KonMariMethod’’todecluttertheirhomes.Thethesisshowsthatthedifferencebetweenthesepracticesinregardtoconsumptionisaquestionofintentionality:Thebuy-nothingpractitionersintentionallywanttostopconsuming,whereas themajorityof theKonMariers–asa resultof theirpractice–eventuallyceasetowanttoconsume,despitetheabsenceofthisasanoriginaldriver.Theseresultspointtotheimportanceoflookingatdifferentkindsofentryintomoresufficientconsumptionpractices,andatthemotivationsbehindthemwhenitcomestopoliciesaimedatreducingmaterialconsumption.Thefindingsfurtherservetocreateanunderstandingforhowasenseofsufficiencymightdevelopinanaffluentcontext.Based on literature discussing a framework for a politics of sufficiency and oninterviews with public officials and civil society representatives working withsustainableconsumptionatdifferentlevelsinSweden,thisthesisfurtherexplorestheobstaclestoandpotentialfororientinganaffluentsocietytowardssufficiency.Certainpotential for amore sufficiency-oriented future is identified, not least in termsof aculturalshiftandelementsof“sufficiencythinking”amongtheinformants.However,the thesis stresses the importance of rethinking our understanding of limits, beingoutspoken about what the existence of planetary boundaries implies in terms oflimiting resource use and defining clear goals that respect those boundaries andemphasizesocietalvaluesatthebasisof‘thegoodlife’,suchaswell-being,healthandecologicalsustainability.Key words: sufficiency, sustainable consumption, anti-consumption, decluttering,politicalecology,KonMari.

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Sammanfattning Rikagrupperochsamhällenivärldenhargjortmateriellkonsumtiontillendelavsinlivsstil.Idagharöverkonsumtionkommitattutgöraettakutmiljöproblem,bådeifrågaomdenaturresursersomkrävsföratttillgodosevåraständigtväxandebehovochdetavfallsomdengerupphovtill.Medutgångspunktiettglobalträttviseperspektivochienförståelseavhållbarhetsominnebäratthållasiginomdeplanetäragränserna,argumenterardennaavhandlingförnödvändigheten i att rika individer, grupper och samhällen utvecklar en känsla avtillräcklighet,av"braochnog"(goodandenough).Iavhandlingenundersöksolikavägarsomkantasförattstärkatillräcklighetsomidéochvärdeiettsamhällepräglatavenkonsumtionskultur.Avhandlingensyftar tillattbesvaradenövergripandefråganomhur ett välmående samhälle kan styra mot tillräcklighet, med specifikt fokus påmateriell konsumtion. Mot bakgrund av ett teoretiskt ramverk av politisk ekologi,relationellgeografiochhållbarkonsumtion,definierastillräcklighethärsomenfrågaomansvar.Detärettansvarsomåliggerrikaindivider,grupperochsamhällenivärlden,ochsomhandlaromattavståfrånatttameränsinbeskärdadel,eller,medandraord,attminskasinnegativamiljöpåverkangenomattdrasigtillbakaifråndetalltförstoramiljöutrymmesomdeupptaridag.Iavhandlingenstuderastvågruppersompåolikasättpraktiserartillräcklighet:delsindividersomfrivilligtharminskatsinkonsumtiontilldetbasalaunderett”köpfrittår”,ochdelsindividersomharanväntsigav”KonMari-metoden”förattrensaisinahem.Avhandlingenvisarattskillnadenmellandessapraktikernärdetgällerkonsumtionären frågaomavsiktlighet:Denköpfriagruppenvillavsiktligtslutakonsumera,medanmajoritetenavKonMari-gruppensåsmåningomupphörattviljakonsumeraisammautsträckningsomtidigare,somenföljdavsinpraktik.Dessaresultatpekarpåviktenavatt titta på olika typer av ingångar i mer tillräckliga konsumtionspraktiker ochanledningarnabakomdemnärdetkommertillatttaframåtgärdersomharsommålatt minska den materiella konsumtionen. Resultaten bidrar också till att skapa enförståelseförhurenkänslaavtillräcklighetkanutvecklas.Baseratpålitteratursomdiskuterarcentralaelementien”tillräcklighetspolitik”ochpåintervjuer med offentliga tjänstemän och företrädare för det civila samhället somarbetar med hållbar konsumtion på olika nivåer i Sverige, undersöks hinder ochpotentialförattstyrasamhälletmottillräcklighet.Visspotentialidentifieras,inteminstnär det gäller förändring av kultur och normer samt ett ”tillräcklighetstänk” blandinformanterna. Avhandlingen betonar dock vikten av att ompröva vår förståelse avgränser,visatydlighetifrågaomvaddeplanetäragränsernabetydernärdetkommertillattbegränsaresursanvändning,samtattformuleratydligamålsomrespekterardegränserna och utgår från värden som ligger till grund för ‘det goda livet’, så somvälmående,hälsaochekologiskhållbarhet.Nyckelord: tillräcklighet, hållbar konsumtion, anti-konsumtion, rensning, politiskekologi,KonMari.

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Acknowledgements Firstofall,toKarinBradley.IfeelsoveryluckytohavehadyouasmysupervisorandIcannotthankyouenoughforyourhelpandsupportduringtheseyears.Thankyouforbelieving in my ideas at the same time as keeping me grounded in the reality ofresearch,foryourpatientreadingofcountlessversionsofeverychapterofthisthesisandforalwaysprovidingconstructivefeedbackandimportantfoodforthought.Ialsowanttothankyouforinvitingmetobeapartofyourprojectsandforshowingmehowmuchfunresearchcanbe.Yourcuriosity,generosityandsupportiveattitudeareatrueinspiration.To Jonathan Metzger, my co-supervisor. I have really appreciated your on-pointobservationsandcriticalquestionsthathavepushedmetothinkoutsidemycomfortzone.Thankyouforyoursupport,foryourreadingsandforinvaluableinsightsin,andreflectionson,thecomplexitiesofresearch.ThisPhDhasbeenmadepossiblethankstotheinterdisciplinaryresearchprogramTheSeedBox–aMistra-FormasEnvironmentalhumanitiescollaboratoryandfinancingfromMistraandFormas. Iwant to thank theoriginalprogramdirectorsof theSeedBox,JohanHedrénandCeciliaÅsberg,foryourworkwithstartingupthisresearchhubandforyourimportantcontributiontothefieldofenvironmentalhumanitiesinSweden.IalsowanttothankeveryoneinvolvedintheSeedBoxresearchschoolandprogramovertheyears.AveryspecialthankyoutomyfellowSeedBoxPhDstudentswhostartedthislong journey together with me: María Langa, Daniel Andersson, Justin Makii andAlejandraRualesFalconí.Iamsoveryhappytoknowyouandtohavehadtheprivilegeofdivingintothebeautifulandverymessyworldoftheenvironmentalhumanitiesinthecompanyofyourbrilliantminds.I feelveryprivilegedforhavingbeenable tocall thedivisionofUrbanandRegionalStudiesatKTHmyacademichomeduringthepastfouryears.Notonlyhasitopenedthedoorstothecomplexandinterestingworldofplanningresearchtome,butithasfirstandforemostbeenaplacewhere Ihave learnta lotandhavebeen luckytobesurrounded by excellent people and researchers. Thank you to everyonewho havepassedthroughthedivisionduringtheseyears.ToMariaHåkanssonforalwayshavingthe patience to listen to the questions of a confused PhD student and providingconstructive support.ToAndrewKarvonen foraveryambitiousquality review thathelpedimprovethefinalversionofthisthesisagreatdeal.AndaspecialthankyoutoSusanHellströmandThereseGellerstedtforalwaysbeingsolid(andveryhelpful)rocksinthesometimesstormyseathatisKTHbureaucracy.ToeachandeveryoneofmydearfellowPhDstudentsovertheyears:Thankyouforallthetalks(theseriousandnot-so-serious),forallthelaughsandforthebestofsupport.

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ThankyoutoAnnaHult,HélèneLittkeandSofiaWibergformakingmefeelwelcomewhenIstartedmyPhD,forprovidinganswerstoanypossiblequestionthatIhadandformakingthiswholePhDthingseemmanageableandfun.ToSandraKarlssonandEliKarimnia for sharing thoughts and hardships and joys. To Ryan Locke, dear officeroommate no. 1, for invaluable insights on US politics, many thought-provokingdiscussionsandsupport(includinglastminuteproofreads).ToJennyLindblad(dearofficeroommateno.2),KarinWinterandSherifZakhourforsharingtheupsanddownsof thisPhD journey fromdayone, foryourpresenceand friendship, and foralwayshavingsomethingsmartorfuntosay,nomatterthetopic.ThankyoutoMariaÄrlemoforencouragingtalksandtoNaomiLipkeforyoursupportanddedicationinvarioustrickyquestionsoflanguage.ToMalinHansenforbeingthebestco-teacherandcourseresponsibleIcouldhavewishedfor(andthemosthopeful!)!ToOlaPerssonandVishalParekhforinspiringtalksonsufficiencyandsustainability,inconsumptionaswellasinlife.ThankyoutoEléonoreFauréforyourfriendshipandwiseinsightsontopicsrangingfromdegrowthtotheartofactuallyfinishingaPhDandhowtohandlelifeingeneral.AndtoPernillaHagbertfornotonlybeinganinspirationalresearcher(withexcellentlayoutskills!)butalso,andmoreimportantly,anamazingfriend.A warm thank you to everyone in the Beyond GDP Growth research environment,especiallytoprogramdirectorsÅsaSvenfeltandGöranFinnvedenforinvitingmetobepartoftheprogram.ItwasinspiringinsomanywaysandIhavelearntalotfromallofyou.ThankyoualsotoeveryoneintheMistraSustainableConsumptionprogram,forletting me take part in interesting discussions and important research. I am alsogratefultotheKTHEnvironmentalHumanitiesLabforprovidingaplaceofinspirationandverymuchneededundisciplineatKTH.To Lucy Chamberlin –writing with you truly sparks joy! Thank you for a fun andinspiringcollaboration.IamverygratefultoJörgenLarssonfromChalmersUniversityofTechnologyandYlvaUgglafromÖrebroUniversityforreadingandcommentingthisthesisatdifferentstagesoftheresearch.IamalsogratefultoMatildaBorgströmforabrilliantcoverillustrationthatcapturestheveryessenceoftheneedforsufficiency.And,ofcourse-thankyoutoallinformantsforsharingyourexperiencesandthoughtswithme.ToElisabethKring,mysisterinPhD(verypacific!)arms.Icouldnothaveaskedforabettercompaniononthisjourney.Thankyouforsharingeverystepofthewaywithme,forhelpingmedealwiththemiserabledaysandcelebratingthegoodones.Thankyouformakingmelaugh,forbeingasourceofnever-endingwisdomsandforyourconstantsupportineverypossiblematterofthemindandheart.Ifeelsogratefultohavesharedthisexperiencewithyou,andsoveryproudofusbothforpullingitthrough.

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SomesaythatPhDlifeisabubble.Iamhappytosaythatforme,ithasforthemostpartbeenaslightlyweirdbutlovelybubble,onethatIwillmisslivingin.ButIhavealsolivedinanotherbubblethesepastyears,onethatiswithoutdoubttheweirdestandloveliestbubble I have ever known and that has shapedmy life inways I could have neverimagined.So,toJulie,FogE&detbestechattfolketavalle:TakkforALT.Toallmyfriendsoutsidethesebubbles:thankyouforyourpatience,forkeepingmegroundedandforallowingmetobemyself.ThankyoufordistractingmewhenIneeddistractionandpushingmewhenIneedtobepushed,forcarryingmethroughthehardtimesandsharingthegoodtimes.Ifeelsoimmenselygratefulandhappytohaveyouinmylife.AspecialthankyoutoLindaforhelpingmethinkbetterandbiggeraboutallpossibleaspectsofsustainabilityandoflife.Iamgratefultotheplacesclosesttomyheartduringthesefouryears-Granada,OsloandÅrstaskogen-forallowingmyheadandhearttobreathe.Andfinally,tomyfamily.Thankyouforalwaysbelievinginme.ToAnna:beingyoursisterisoneofmygreatestjoysinlife.Tomumanddad:Iamforevergratefulforyourconstantsupportandforhowyouhavealwaysencouragedmetolearnandexplore.Tack.

ÅsaStockholm,December2019

Table of contents

1. Why sufficiency? An introduction ............................................................................................................. 5

1.1 The need for a new logic ..................................................................................................................... 7

1.2 Degrowing the rich: a question of sustainability and justice ................................................................. 9

1.3 On consumption and consumerism.................................................................................................... 12

1.4 Aim and research questions .............................................................................................................. 14

1.5 Longing for something else: consumption fatigue and critique........................................................... 17

1.6 Situating the research ....................................................................................................................... 19 Political ecology and environmental justice ........................................................................................ 19 Sufficiency, simplicity and minimalism ............................................................................................... 20 Sufficiency and sustainable consumption ........................................................................................... 22 Well-being and thinking sufficiency in planning .................................................................................. 24

1.7 Room for contribution ....................................................................................................................... 26

1.8 Outline of the thesis .......................................................................................................................... 28

2. Theoretical positioning ........................................................................................................................... 29

2.1 Point of departure: Utopianism ......................................................................................................... 29 From refusal to opening up ................................................................................................................ 32

2.2 Limits to growth are not limits to imagination ................................................................................... 33 Keeping the economy within boundaries ........................................................................................... 35 Alternative visions of developments .................................................................................................. 38 Limiting as liberating .......................................................................................................................... 39

2.3 Relations of space and place: what do they mean for responsibility and justice? ................................ 40 Responsibility .................................................................................................................................... 41 Justice ............................................................................................................................................... 43 Sufficiency as shouldering responsibility ............................................................................................ 45

2.4 Framing sufficiency ........................................................................................................................... 46 Sufficiency at the societal level: paradigm, principle or logic ............................................................... 47 Individual sufficiency: practices, voluntariness and intentionality ....................................................... 49 Agency of sufficiency within an unsustainable structure ..................................................................... 51 Expanding the discussion ................................................................................................................... 56

2.5 A politics of sufficiency: framework and central elements .................................................................. 58 Sufficiency as freedom ....................................................................................................................... 59 Politics setting limits .......................................................................................................................... 59 Politics of less and closer ................................................................................................................... 62 Politics of slowing down: work and time ............................................................................................ 64 Politics for ‘The Good Life’ ................................................................................................................. 65 Cultural reorientation and satisfaction of human needs ..................................................................... 68

2.6 Concluding remarks .......................................................................................................................... 69

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3. Methodology ......................................................................................................................................... 72

3.1 Framing an exploration of sufficiency................................................................................................ 72

3.2 Exploring sufficiency-related practices .............................................................................................. 73 The buy-nothing practitioners............................................................................................................ 77 The KonMariers ................................................................................................................................. 78

3.3 Exploring obstacles and potential in the Swedish context .................................................................. 79

3.4 Analysis of the empirical data ........................................................................................................... 81

3.5 Reflections and limitations ................................................................................................................ 82

3.6 A self-reflexive note on myself as consumer and interviewer ............................................................. 84

4. Exploring sufficiency-related practices ................................................................................................... 87

4.1 A year of buying “nothing”: the practice of non-consumption ............................................................ 87 Motivations behind the practice ........................................................................................................ 88 Experiences of non-consumption ....................................................................................................... 91 Difficulties and obstacles ................................................................................................................... 94 On consumption and needs ............................................................................................................... 97 The buy-nothing practice: an individual or collective project? ............................................................ 99 Facilitating non-consumption .......................................................................................................... 101

4.2 Can that which sparks joy also spark sufficiency? Practicing the KonMari method ........................... 103 The KonMari Method ...................................................................................................................... 104 KonMari and sufficiency .................................................................................................................. 106 Motivations behind the practice ...................................................................................................... 107 Experiences of the KonMari process ................................................................................................ 109 Difficulties/obstacles ....................................................................................................................... 112 Material belongings ......................................................................................................................... 114 Changed views on consumption and needs ...................................................................................... 115

4.3 Reflections on the case studies........................................................................................................ 119 Sufficiency-related practices – a question of privilege? .................................................................... 120 To stop or to be free ........................................................................................................................ 121

5. Entering sufficiency: what to learn from sufficiency-related practices?................................................ 123

5.1 Practices changing perceptions and performances .......................................................................... 123 Reflections leading to change ........................................................................................................... 123 A question of intentionality ............................................................................................................. 125

5.2 Developing a sense of sufficiency .................................................................................................... 127 Possible attracting factors of sufficiency-related practices ............................................................... 127 From “too muchness” to “good and enough”................................................................................... 129

5.3 Potential for practices to spread ..................................................................................................... 131 The gender dimension ..................................................................................................................... 132 A positive spiral of sufficiency-related practices ............................................................................... 134 Addressing unsustainable structures ................................................................................................ 134

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6. Obstacles and potential on the road towards a sufficiency-oriented society: The case of Sweden ....... 136

6.1 Current state of consumption .......................................................................................................... 138

6.2 The playing field: existing strategies and work for sustainable consumption and waste prevention .. 139 Strategies and initiatives at the national level .................................................................................. 140 Strategies and activities at the regional and local levels .................................................................... 143

6.3 What hinders a turn towards sufficiency, and what might help it? ................................................... 147 The need for goals, clarity and measures.......................................................................................... 147 Producing and consuming sustainably in an unsustainable system ................................................... 149 Choice of words and language ......................................................................................................... 153 Waste prevention as obstacle and possibility ................................................................................... 154 Insecure financing and political priorities ......................................................................................... 157 Facilitating through urban planning.................................................................................................. 159 Public authorities taking the lead ..................................................................................................... 160 Civil society actors pushing for change ............................................................................................. 162 Difficulties and potential in norms, culture and habits ...................................................................... 164

6.4 Concluding reflections ..................................................................................................................... 168

7. Moving towards sufficiency .................................................................................................................. 170

7.1 The importance of words and measures .......................................................................................... 170 Sufficiency thinking wrapped into “harmless” words ........................................................................ 174

7.2 To refrain from taking ..................................................................................................................... 175 Lessons on sense of sufficiency ........................................................................................................ 175 Shouldering the individual responsibility .......................................................................................... 177

7.3 Towards a more sufficiency-oriented politics in Sweden................................................................... 178 Suggested policy measures to facilitate individual entries into sufficiency ........................................ 179 Prevent clutter from developing ...................................................................................................... 182 Decrease the pressure to consume .................................................................................................. 183 Policy measures are not enough ...................................................................................................... 184

7.4 Potential for a cultural shift ............................................................................................................ 186

8. Seeds for a sufficiency-oriented future: conclusions and key contributions ......................................... 189

8.1 Suggestions for further research ..................................................................................................... 195

References ............................................................................................................................................... 197

List of interviews ...................................................................................................................................... 212

Appendices .............................................................................................................................................. 214

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List of figures Figure1.IllustrationofThesafeandjustspaceforhumanity,adaptedfromRaworth’s(2013)modelof“thedoughnuteconomy”(Raworth,2013).Page34.Figure2.Itemsidentifiedas“necessary”byoneinformant.Photobyauthor.Page99.Figure3.Itemsidentifiedbyoneinformantassymbolizingsufficiency.Photobyauthor.Page102.Figures4+5.ExamplesoftheKonMarifoldingtechnique(towelsandpillowcases)fromthehomeoftwooftheinformants.Privatephotosbyinformants,usedbypermission.Page106.Figure 6. Awalk-in closet before andafter KonMari. Privatephotos by informant, used bypermission.Page109.Figure 7. Answers to survey question regarding attitude to consumption in relation to theKonMariprocess.Screenshotfromonlinesurveyresults,translatedfromSwedish.Page116.Figure8.Illustrationofdifferenttypesofentriesintosufficiency.Page192.

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1. Why sufficiency? An introduction Wehadeverythingwecouldeverwish forandyetnowwemayhavenothing.Nowweprobablydon’tevenhaveafutureanymore.Becausethatfuturewassoldsothatasmallnumberofpeoplecouldmakeunimaginableamountsofmoney.Itwasstolenfromuseverytimeyousaidthattheskywasthelimit,andthatyouonlyliveonce.

(GretaThunberg,addressingtheBritishParliament,April23,2019) Wehavelivedasiftheskywasthelimit.Asifwecoulddoanything,getanything.Theaffluent individuals, groupsandcountriesof theworldhave createdeconomiesthatencourageustodoso-tokeepstrivingformore,forbetter,forthenewandimproved.Wehavecreatedasocietywhereneitherthegrowthoftheeconomynorthedesiresoftherichhavebeenallowedtobeboundedby suchthingsas thebiophysical lawsofnatureorclaimsaboutjustice.Thisconsumeristwayoflifehasbecomesomethingthatisnowtakenforgrantedandisalsoneededinordertokeep“thewheelsturning”andtheglobaleconomythriving.Weliveinasocietythatencouragesustospendmore,buymore,livebetter;andwearetoldthatweareworthitandtoindulgebecausewedo,afterall,onlyliveonce.ButthatwayoflifeandthoseturningwheelshavenowledustoapointwherewearetransgressingtheactuallimitsthatsafeguardlifeonEarthasweknowit.Becausetheskyisthelimit.Notjust,itturnsout,inthewaythatwhoevercoinedthatsayingthoughtof.ButratherinthesenseofconcentrationsofCO2 intheatmosphere,ofatmosphericaerosolloading,andofozonedepletioninthestratosphere(Rockströmetal.,2009;Steffenetal.,2015).Thesoilandlandconstituteanotherlimit,andsodoesfreshwateruse.TheseareafewoftheplanetaryboundariesthatweneedtostaywithininordertomaintainthecurrentstabilityoftheEarthsystem(ibid).Butwehumanskeeppushingthoseboundaries–sohard,infact,thatinthecaseof(sofar)three of them – biodiversity loss, climate change and human interferencewith thenitrogencycle–wehavealreadyexceededthem(Rockströmetal.,2009).Consideringthe current alarming rate of extinction of species, the pressure on the world’secosystemsandthe futureconsequencesofaglobalwarmingof(at least)2degreesCelsius(IPBES,2019;IPCC,2018;WWF,2018),weareindeedstealingthefutureawayfrombothhumansandnon-humans.FromGretaThunbergandhergeneration, andfromthegenerationstocome.Onekeyreasonforthisexpansionoftheeconomybeyondtheplanetaryboundariesisourconsumption:offood,ofenergy,andofmaterialresources,primarilyintheaffluentworld.IntheircontributiontotheIPCCFifthAssessmentReport(2014),theworkinggrouponSustainableDevelopmentandEquityidentifiedconsumptionasakeydriverofclimatechangeandenvironmentaldegradation(Fleurbaeyetal.,2014),andmany

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othershavealsopointedoutthatchangingourunsustainableconsumptionpatternsiscrucial ifouraim is forhumanity to staywithin the identifiedplanetaryboundaries(Raworth, 2013; The Royal Society, 2012; WWF, 2016). A transition to a moresustainable economy and societal structure must deal with how to address theexhaustionofnaturalresourcesthatisaresultofover-consumption.Toalargeextent,thishastodowithfindinginnovativewaysinwhichnaturalresourcescanbeusedandreused in a circular system that eventually makes the extraction of new naturalresourcesredundant.But this isnotenough. Ithasbeenrepeatedlypointedout thatrelyingonmoreefficienttechnologiesandproductionwillnotsufficeinthefaceofsuchenormous environmental challenges as climate change, and that we humans –especiallyintheaffluentpartsoftheworld-alsoneedtoconsumelessandchangeourunsustainablewaysofliving(Jackson,2009b;O’Neilletal.,2018;Sachs,2015).Asonepartofthischange,thereisanurgentneedtotackletheconsumeristlogicbehindover-consumption(Jackson,2009b;Sanne,2002;Schor,2005a)andforaffluentconsumersandsocietiestodevelopasenseofsufficiencyinregardtoourconsumerist-drivenlivingstandards.Weneedtoaskourselves:Whatisa“goodenough”livingstandard,andwhatarethedrivingforcesandconditions(cultural,social,economic,material,etc.)thatcanencourageindividualstoreducetheirconsumption?IfirststartedtothinkaboutsufficiencywhenIwrotemybachelor’sthesisinpoliticalscience,morethantenyearsago.ItwasthenthatIfirstreadthewordsofWolfgangSachsthathaveguidedmuchofmythinkingaroundsustainabilityjustice,responsibilityandtheso-calleddevelopmenteversince:

Infuture,forindustrializedcountriesandclasses,justicewillbeaboutlearninghowto takelessrather thanhowtogivemore.Whoevercalls forequitywillhavetospeakforsufficiency(Sachs,1999,p.174).

It seemed so simple, somehow. If there isnomore togive from – since the Earth’sresourcesarenotanever-expandingcake–thenofcoursewe,theaffluentoftheworld,needtolearnhowtotakeless.Alotless.But the seemingly simple is in reality a complex web of unsustainable habits andpractices,ofconvenienceand infrastructures,ofnormsandcultures,ofpoliticalandcorporate interestsandpower,andofaneconomicsystemthathas lockedus intoadependence on economic growth, to a large part fuelled by the continuationof ouroverconsumption.Sohowarethepost-industrializedcountriesandtheaffluentgroupsandindividualsoftheworldtolearnhowtotakeless-totrulyacceptthisinevitablyneededwithdrawal fromwhathasseemedtobeour“natural”(albeitunfairly large)shareofthecake?Ibelievethatamoreover-archingapproachmustbetaken;onethatisnotlimitedonlytothepolitical,environmentalandeconomicanalysis,butthatshowsthelargerpictureofhowwehumansrelatetoeachother,tonatureandtonon-humans.

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Onethatcanpointtoandexploresustainablealternativestoourunsustainablewaysofliving,ofrelatingtoeachotherandoforganizingoursocieties.Thisexplorationneedstotakeplacebothatatheoreticalandapracticallevel,wherethefirstcanhelptocreateafoundationforanewwayofthinkingandrelatingandthesecondcanpointtowaysinwhichsuch ideascouldpossiblyplayout ineveryday life. It isby imaginingotherwaysthatwecanalsobegintocreatethemandlivethem,butsometimesthatimaginingprocesscanalsobeinspiredby,andstartwith,practice.Toseepracticesdifferentfromthose we are used to, or to see ordinary practices from a new perspective, mightprovokenewthoughtsaboutwhatisdesirableandextendourviewofwhatmightbewithinourreachtoachieve.What isneeded, then,amongmanyotherthings, isnewimaginaries–imaginariesthatcanmakewaysoflivingwhicharemoresustainablethanthe consumerist one seem possible, attainable and desirable. An imaginary ofsufficiencymaybeoneofthem.1.1 The need for a new logic So,onemightask,whysufficiency?Ofallthetermsandconceptsusedandsometimesover-used–whychoosethis?Theansweristhattherearemanyreasonstochoosetofocusonsufficiencyasaconceptaswellasanideaandapractice.Thefirstandmostbasic one is: that efficiency is not enough.The need to focus on sufficiency is oftenhighlightedinthiscontext,thatis,thatsolelyfocusingonanefficiencystrategywhenaimingtomakeproductionandconsumptionmoresustainablewillnotbeenoughtoreach strict sustainability goals (Alfredsson et al., 2018; O’Neill et al., 2018;WWF,2016).Tocontinuebusiness-as-usual,onlywithmoreefficientand“green”technology,productionprocessesanduseofenergy,doesnottackletheunsustainablecoreofthemodernlifestylebuiltoncontinuedgrowthinmaterialconsumptioninordertosustaineconomicgrowthandstability(Jackson,2009b;Sanne,2002).Onthecontrary,manyarguethatrelyingontheefficiencystrategyresultsinreboundeffectsthatmightmaketheeco-efficiencygainsuselessorevencounterproductive-e.g.efficiencygainsintheproductionof energyandmaterials result in lowerproductioncosts,which leads tolowerpricesandconsequentlytoincreaseduseofenergyandincreasedconsumption,madepossiblebysavingsduetheselowerprices(Alcott,2005;Boulanger,2010;Sorrell& Herring, 2009). Actual changes in our modern lifestyle, with reductions in bothconsumption and energy use, are therefore also crucial (Jackson, 2009b; Raworth,2013;TheRoyalSociety,2012).RecentresearchbyO’Neilletal.at theUniversityofLeeds(2018)showsthatifallpeopleonEartharetoliveagoodlifewithintheplanetaryboundaries(asdefinedbyRockströmetal.(2009)),theprovisioningsystemsmustbefundamentallyrestructuredinordertoenablethefulfilmentofeveryone’sbasichumanneedsatamuchlowerlevelofresourceuse.Thisrepresentssubstantialchallengesfor

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“the current development trajectories”, according toO’Neill et al.who suggest twobroadstrategiesforconfrontingthesechallenges(O’Neilletal.,2018,p.92).Thefirstone is to focusonachievingsufficiency inresourceconsumption,a focusthatwouldinvolve“recognizingthatoverconsumptionburdenssocietieswithavarietyofsocialandenvironmentalproblemsandmovingbeyondthepursuitofGDPgrowthtoembracenew measures of progress” (ibid). The second strategy involves improving bothphysicalandsocialprovisioningsystems,focusingequallyonmoreresource-efficientproduction and renewable energy andmaterials and buildingmore equitable socialprovisioningsystemsinordertoreducesocialinequalitiesandincreasesocialsupport(O’Neilletal.,2018).Anotherreasonmotivatingthefocusonsufficiencyisthefactthatitisaconceptwhichalreadyexistsinthesustainabilitydebateandwhichtouchesuponmanycentralissuesin that same debate. This makes it possible to connect the threads betweenmanyrelevantdiscussionsonsustainableconsumption,environmental justice,andpoliticsforsustainability.Itis,atthesametime,aconceptthatcoversmuchmorethanonlyastrategy for dealing with our unsustainable patterns of consumption. Having beensuggested as a new paradigm or logic for the foundation of a sustainable society(Alexander,2015b;Princen,2005;Rijnhout&Mastini,2018;Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014),sufficiencyisalsohighlyrelevanttoexplorefromapoliticalandphilosophicalperspective.Itisfurtherconnectedtothetopicofsubjectivewell-being,forexampleinrelationtotheincreaseofstress,depression,anxietyandothermentalhealthproblemsinaffluentsocieties(Anderssonetal.,2014;Jackson,2009a;Solér,2018)1.Thedecisiontolookintosufficiency-relatedpracticesinSwedenismotivatedbythefactthateventhoughsufficiencyisgainingincreasedattentioninternationallywithinthefieldsofsustainableconsumptionandpoliticalecologyresearch,notmuchresearchhasbeendoneonthetopicinaSwedishcontext.And,perhapsmoreimportantly:theSwedishwordforsufficiency(tillräcklighet)ishardlyeverusedorheardintheSwedishenvironmentaldebate(norusedinthatsenseindailyconversation).TheSwedishword“lagom”hashoweverbeeninterpretedinternationallyashavingasimilarmeaningtosufficiency,evenifitsoriginalmeaningisslightlydifferent.2ConsideringthatSwedenisoftenregardedasarolemodelinternationallywithregardnotonlytoitsworkonenvironmentalsustainabilitybutalsoonwelfare,genderequalityandqualityoflife,at

1Theseauthorshighlightthetopicofwell-being–orlackthereof-inaffluentsocietiesinconnectiontoconsumptionbutdonotmakeexplicitconnectionstosufficiency.2Forexample,theDailyMail(2017)appointed“lagom”asbeingthenew“Scandilifestyletrend”of2017,describingitasasimplerlifestyle:“Tofindlagominyourlife,youneedtogetusedtorecyclingandlivingfrugally”(Haslett,2017).Thedefinitionanduseoftheword“lagom”inSwedish,however,translatesto“totheappropriateextent;neithertoomuchnortoolittle”(Svenskordbok,2009,owntranslation).

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thesametimeashavingaverylargeenvironmentalimpactpercapita(WWF,2018)3,itprovidesaninterestingcontextwithinwhichtostudysufficiency.Further,asthehomeoftwocompaniesthathavebecomeworldfamousformakingfurnitureandfashionableclotheseasilyaccessibletoall–IKEAandH&M-Swedencanclaimtohavebuiltlargepartsofitswealthonthespreadofmassconsumption.Todiscusssufficiencyfromthepointofdepartureofsufficiency-relatedconsumptionpracticesinSwedenisthereforealsoawaytotryandbridgethedividebetweentheacademicdiscourseandthepublicdebate, aswell as between theory and practice. It is also an attempt to deepen thediscussiononsustainabilityintheSwedishcontextandsteerittowardsaquestioningofthefoundationsofoursocietalstructure.Thisthesisisbasedonanunderstandingofsustainabilitythatisinlinewiththeneedtostaywithintheplanetaryboundaries,inthatlimitedspacewhichhasbeenlabelledthe“safeoperatingspaceforhumanity”(Rockströmetal.,2009;Steffenetal.,2015).The planetary boundaries framework shows that the Earth system is complex andintegrated with an interdependent set of boundaries that interact, and where theboundariesofclimatechangeandbiosphereintegrityoperateattheplanetary-levelandcan be seen as “overarching systems within which the other boundary processesoperate”(Steffenetal.,2015,p.7).Tokeepwithintheseboundariesiscrucialinorderto maintain the Earth systems in a relatively stable “Holocene-like” state that isconsideredsafeforhumanity(Rockströmetal.,2009).Inthisthesis,Itakeanormativeapproachinpresentingsufficiencyasoneessentialelementformanagingtostaywithintheseboundariesandtodosoinawaythatalsorespectsprinciplesofjusticeandequity.1.2 Degrowing the rich: a question of sustainability and justice InhisbookThelogicofsufficiency,ThomasPrincen(2005)presentssufficiencynotonlyasanideabutalsoasaprincipleofmanagement,whichinturncanbebroadenedtoasocial organizing principle. He claims that the sets of principles now prevailing forsocialorganization–namelyefficiency, cooperation, equity, sovereignty–mayhaveworkedwellintimesofresourceabundancewherehumanimpactwasminor,buttheydonotworkanymorebecausetheyarenotgroundedinarecognitionofthebiophysicallimits.Thisisnottosay,Princennotes,thattheydonotcontainimportantqualitiesthatcouldbeofuseinasustainablesociety,butratherthattheyarenotenoughandthatthey lackdirection,especiallywhen itcomestoconsideringthe long-termecologicalcontext(Princen,2005,p.11).Therealityofcriticalenvironmentalthreatsmustinstead

3According toWWFSweden (2018), Swedes live and consume as if therewere four planets (WWFSverige,2018).

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bemetwith principles that speak directly to those threats, and sufficiency, Princenargues, is suchaprinciple (Princen,2005,pp.11–16).Theeffortsof trying to reachsustainabledevelopmentthroughprinciplesofefficiencyandcooperationdonot,then,fundamentallychallengenorchangethelogic thatourgrowth-dependenteconomiesandsocietiesreston.“Sufficiencyis”(emphasisinoriginal),accordingtoPrincen:

a class of principles sensitive to critical environmental risks, to the needs ofmanagement and self-management, when it is otherwise all too easy to evaderesponsibilityforsuchrisks.Sufficiencyisanidea,aprinciple,indeedanethicforsustainability(Princen,2005,p.19).

Whennarrowingdownthedefinitionofsufficiencyforthisthesis,astartingpointhasbeenthatthedefinitionshouldbemadefromthetopdown.Thatis,sufficiencyshouldbedefinedfromthesideofhavingtoomuch,orabundance,ratherthanfromthesideoflackordeficit.Thisisverymuchlinkedtothequestionaboutwhoneedstochangeinorderforthehumanworldtotakeasustainableturn.Sachs(2015)statesthiscaseveryclearlywhenarguingthat:

[…]with the emergence of biophysical limits to growth the classical notions ofjustice,whichweredevisedinaperspectiveoffinitudeandnotinaperspectiveofinfinity,acquirenewrelevance: justice isaboutchangingtherichandnotaboutchangingthepoor(Sachs,2015,p.173).

TogetherwithSachs’statement that “justicewillbeabout learninghow to take lessrather than how to give more” (see above), this statement clearly highlights thatsufficiency is very much an issue about both justice and sustainability. It is aboutmaking do with the resources we can use if we are not to outgrow the planetaryboundaries, at the same time as allowing every human on Earth equal right to theworld’s natural resources (Sachs, 2015). A fair share of those resources can bemeasured with the help of the metrics of the planetary boundaries defined byRockströmetal.(2009),intermsofecologicalfootprints(Wackernagel&Rees,1996)orasenvironmentalspace(Spangenberg,2002).TokeeptheEarthsystemsstablewithintheplanetaryboundariesandtorestrictglobalwarmingto1.5degreesCelsius(inaccordancewiththeParisAgreement)issomethingthat we would all benefit from in the long run. However, due to current globalinequalitiesregardingtheeffectsofclimatechange,lossofbiodiversity,andpollutionofair,waterandsoil,theoneswhostandmosttogainfromsuchaturnarethosewhotoday carry the largest burden of these effects, at the same time as being leastresponsibleforit:theworld’spoor(IPCC,2014;Oxfam,2015).It’ssimplemathematics,really.The individuals,groups,andcountries–mainlysituated intheGlobalNorth-whoarenowconsumingmorethantheirfairshareoftheEarth’senvironmentalspaceand whose lifestyles are severely exploiting the finite natural resources as well as

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creatingmountainsoftoxicwaste,needtoactivelywithdrawfromagreatpartofthatspace.Theyneedtodothisinorderforthetotalamountofenvironmentalspacetakenupnottoexceedouroneplanet’scapacity,andinorderfortheindividuals,groupsandcountriesthattodaylacktheresourcestofulfiltheirbasicneedstohavetheabilitytoimprovetheircircumstances(Sachs,2015).Definingsufficiencyfromthetopdown–fromapositionofaffluenceorhaving“morethanenough”-helpstokeepthefocusontheaffluent(individuals,groups,nations)andmakessufficiencyaquestionofdegrowingtherich(inthesenseofreducingexcessandaffluenceandmoreeffectivelydistributing resources) rather thanofdeveloping thepoor(seeUlvila&Pasanen,2009,foradiscussionondegrowthoftheover-consumingclass).Thisisofcoursenottosaythatthelatterisnotimportant,butspeakingoftheneedfordegrowingtherichalsosetsthelimitfora“development”traditionallydefinedasGDPgrowthandcan serve instead to turnthe focus towardsthedevelopmentofother values, such as democracy, social welfare, education, healthcare and socialjustice.4 Even if the international development agenda is focusing on these crucialissues, forexample through the implementationof theUNSustainableDevelopmentGoals(UnitedNations,2015),thisagendadoesnottargetthefundamentalproblemsassociatedwithaffluence.Moreover,focusingondegrowingtherichfurtherframestheissueasoneofresponsibility - the responsibilityof the rich to stepback inorder toenablethatdevelopmentforotherpeoplebyfreeingupthenecessaryenvironmentalspace.Inthiscontext,theneedtoimprovethelivingstandardofthemillionsofpeoplesufferingfromhungerandlackingthefulfilmentofbasichumanrightssuchasaccesstocleanwater,food,healthcareandeducation,mustbeunderlined.Inasocietyfoundedonaprincipleofsufficiencythereshouldalsoexistsomethinglikeasocialprotectionfloor, as suggested by the UN, to make sure that the fulfilment of these rights isprioritized (Bachelet, 2011; General Conference of the International LabourOrganization,2012;Spangenberg,2018).Thediscussionaboutsufficiencymadeherewillhowevernotbefocusedonthe“bottomline”ofsufficiencybutratheritsceiling,andwhatthatceilingmightimplyforpracticeandpoliticsinacertain(affluent)context.However,shouldthenarrativeabout“thegoodlife”changetoonebasedonsufficiency,thismightalsohaveimplicationsfortheaspirationswithinthosegroupswhohavenotyetreachedalivingstandardthatcanbecalled“sufficient”.

4Manywouldarguethatthesearedirectlyconnectedorcorrelated,i.e.thatincreasedGDPgrowthleadstothedevelopmentoftheothervalues. Thiscorrelationisbeingincreasinglydisputedinthefaceofgrowingincomegapsbothnationallyandglobally,andpoorredistributionofthebenefitsoftheGDPgrowth(forexamplebyD’Alisaetal.,2014;Jackson,2009a;Sachs,2000;Victor,2008).Thisisnottosay,however,thateconomicgrowthisnotneededinordertoimprovesocialconditionsinpoorercountries;onlythatthefocusonGDPgrowthasthedefinitionand/ormeasurementofdevelopmentandprogressisproblematic(seefurtherthediscussionondegrowthinchapter2).

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Inthiscontext,itisimportanttopointtothechoiceofwordsusedthroughoutthethesis.Ihavedecidedtousethewords“affluence”and“theaffluent”(individuals,groupsandsocieties)when referring to thosemainly responsible for private over-consumptionglobally(theissueofpublicsectorandbusiness-to-businessover-consumptionisnotwithinthescopeofthisthesis).Further,onthoseoccasionswhereIrefertoa“we”oran“us”,theseaffluentgroups(towhichImyselfbelong)aretheonesincludedinthat“we”,andrecognizingtheneedforthesegroupstochange,itisfirstandforemosttothataffluent“we”thatthiscallforsufficiencyisaddressed.Withthesebroadterms,Iwant to include the countriesof the ‘GlobalNorth’ (but not all individuals in thosecountries)andthoseindividualsandgroupsthatgloballywouldbedefinedasmiddleand upper class. The term “affluent” signals abundance andmight in that sense bemisleading, since this is not specifically aimed at the extremely rich but rather atincluding all those groups and individuals who can be considered to be well offeconomically inrelationtotheglobalaverage, inotherwordsthevastmajority inacountrylikeSweden.Itisthusmoreaquestionofrelativeaffluencethanonethatcouldbedefinedbyafigureinabankaccount.Spangenberg(2018)arguesthataffluenceisthekeyvariabletoaddresswhenspeakingofsufficiency,butemphasisesthatwhiletheneed to reduce affluence primarily applies to the rich, it does not necessarily onlyaddresstheaffluentcountries,seeingasmostoftheworld’spoortodayarelivinginmiddle-incomecountries(Spangenberg,2018).Thetermsarebroadbecausetheseareindividuals and groups that are very dispersed geographically as well as beingculturallyandsocio-economicallydiverse,anditisimportanttounderlinethatthisisnotaquestionofdefiningwherethe“worstconsumers”(intermsofsustainability)aresituatedorwhotheyare.Theaimisrathertopointtotheglobalconsumeristculturethat affluence is associatedwith in the largemajorityof the countries in theworld.SeveralreportsshowtheconnectionbetweenhigherincomeandhigherCO2emissionsorlargerenvironmentalimpactmeasuredinthe“ecologicalfootprint”(seeforexampleOxfam,2015;Raworth,2013;WWF,2016),andwhen itcomestoresponsibility it isquiteeasytodrawtheconclusionthatthericheryouareandthemoreyouconsumeandemit,thegreateryourresponsibilitytostepback,withdrawandreducetheamountofenvironmentalspacethatyouinhabit.Thatconclusionisadeparturepointforthisdiscussiononsufficiency. 1.3 On consumption and consumerism Sufficiencyasaprinciplemightverywellbeappliedtoalmostallareasofoursocietyand lives: food consumption, transportation, career, work hours, income, housing,technologyuse,clothing,production,waste,materialuseandcommunication.Inthisthesis,however,Ichoosetofocusonsufficiencymorespecificallyinonearea:thatof

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materialconsumption.Inmaterialconsumption,Ichoosetoexcludefoodconsumptionbut include all other forms of consumption of (mostly) durable goods; that is, forexample, clothes, various technological items, tools, sports gear, beauty products,householdproducts,furnitureandthingswebuytodecorateourhomes.Ihavechosenthis focus because not only does this area target one specific source of seriousenvironmentalandsocialimpact,namelyover-consumption,butitalsohasverymuchtosayaboutourculture,values,behaviourandwaysofthinking.ThisisinlinewithGillSeyfang’s (2011) argument that “a focus on consumption as a route to sustainabledevelopment reveals much about inequality and inequity which a more traditionalproduction-focusedapproach[onCO2emissions,note]wouldneglect”(Seyfang,2011,p. 7). This is because in contrast to the traditional production-focused approach, aconsumption focus questions not only the behaviour of business, industry andcommerce,butalsocallsintoquestion“thelifestyles,habits,aspirationsandroutinesof individual citizens and households” (ibid), and furthermore opens up for anexamination of “non-consumption” decisions. In this sense, Seyfang argues that aconsumptionfocusdemandsthatwequestion“theeconomic,culturalandsocialbasisof21stcenturyconsumersocieties”(Seyfang,2011,p.7).Anotherreasonforthisdelimitation–andforexcludingfoodconsumptiondespiteitsextensive environmental impact - is that applying sufficiency to private materialconsumptionservestoprovideaframeworkforcomparisonbetweendifferentgroups.The“stuff”webuyismeasurable,bothinmonetaryvalueandinregardtothephysicalspace it takes up over time. Thismakes it possible to compare the consumption ofgroupsandindividualsbeforeandaftercertaindecisions,suchasabuy-nothing-yearorthedeclutteringofone’shome.Further,inanaffluentcontext,materialgoodscanveryseldombeclaimedtosatisfyatrueneed,incomparisontoforexamplefoodwhichisneededforoursubsistence.5It is importanthere todistinguishbetweenconsumption andconsumerism.The firstwordcangenerallybedescribedastheactorprocessofconsumingsomething–initsmostbasicunderstandingasameanstosustainoneselfbyeatinganddrinking–butalsoas theprocessofbuyingandusinggoods(CambridgeDictionary,2019).This initself canperhapsnotbe consideredasadirectproblem,until it isdefinedasover-consumption (with resulting environmental and social consequences). The type ofconsumption,inthesenseofwhatitisthatwebuy,howmuchandhowdoesmatter,however. Schor (2005a) has defined the growth of excessive consumption – that is,additional consumption that is made possible due to “artificially cheap” goods, i.e.declines in the prices of goods and labour caused by the organization of the globalpolitical economy – as one important explanation for unsustainable consumption

5SeefurtherdiscussiononMax-Neef’s(1992)theoryonhumanneedsanddevelopmentinchapter2.

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(Schor,2005a,p.311).Schorarguesthatthelowpriceshavemadepossiblea“morerapid cycleof acquisitionanddiscard” (ibid), as increasednumbersofproductsaremade economically available to consumers. Kilbourne et al. (1997) have describedhyperconsumption–“aproductofthecommodificationoflife”-asconsumptionthatisnotconnectedtotheactualnaturalvalueofthatbeingconsumed,butratheranendorobjectiveinitself(Kilbourneetal.,1997,p.8).Thisis,theyargue,theunderpinningofthecurrent“ideologyofconsumption”withintheexistingsocialparadigm(Kilbourneetal.,1997).ConsumptioninthecontextofWesternconsumerculturehasalsobeendefinedasaffluentconsumptionbySolér(2018),meaning“thefinancialpossibilitytoconsumeinaccordancewithsociallydesirableconsumption(fashion)trends”(Solér,2018,p.6).Further,thetermconspicuousconsumptionwascoinedalreadyin1899byThorsten Veblen in order to describe the consumption as a status symbol, e.g. theconsumptionofexpensivecars,clothesandaccessories(TheRoyalSociety,2012,p.58,reference to Veblen, 1899). Boström and Klintman (2019) use the term massconsumptiontodescribe“theextensiveandoftenglobalisedcirculationofgoodsandservicesinmoderntimes,whichcausesbothwelfareandsocioecologicaldestruction”(Boström&Klintman,2019,p.855).Massconsumption,theyargue,couldinturnbeunderstood as both context, i.e. “the surrounding material and cultural landscape/infrastructure inwhichpeopleaccesstheirproductsandservices formeetingneedsanddesires”,andasforces,i.e.as“variousdriversthattriggerpeople’ssenseofneedsanddesirestoincreaseormaintainhighvolumesofconsumption”(ibid).All these definitions of consumption might be claimed to fit under the term ofconsumerism,whichinturncanbedefinedas”theculturalorientationthatleadspeopleto find meaning, contentment, and acceptance through what they consume”(Assadourian,2010,p.3).Inaddressingtheproblemofover-consumption,itfollowsthatthephenomenonofconsumerismmustbedealtwith,thusimplyingafocusalsoonthesocio-culturalaspectsofconsumption.Onthisnote,TimJackson(2009a)statesthatinordertocreatebothprosperityandpossibilitiesforhumanstoflourishwithinthegivenecologicallimits,itisvitaltotacklethesociallogicofconsumerism.Dealingwithanddeconstructingthislogicisonepartofconstructinganew“macro-economicsforsustainability” that is built on presumptions other than the current one, by whichgrowthofmaterialconsumptionisthebasisforeconomicstability(Jackson,2009a).1.4 Aim and research questions InthisthesisIpresentpossiblewaysofrethinkinghowweconsumefromasufficiencyperspective,basedonanunderstandingthattheneedforsucharethinkingonalargerscaleisurgentifwearetoachieveamorejustandsustainablesocietyglobally.This

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rethinkingwillbeconductedbyexploringexistingpracticesthatcanbeconsideredtobe“sufficiency-related”,andbyidentifyingthepotentialforandobstaclestoatransitiontoamoresufficiency-orientedpoliticsintheSwedishcontext.Thewider aimof this thesis is to contribute to amore ecologically sustainable andsociallyjustorientationofsocietythroughtheexplorationofsufficiencyasanidea,asaguidingprincipleforpoliticsandasapractice.Morespecifically,Iaimtoexplorehowsufficiency-relatedpracticesintheareaofmaterialconsumptionmightbecomemoredesirableand, at the same time,more feasible. Inorder todo this, Ihave chosen toconduct twocasestudiesontwodifferentsufficiency-relatedpractices,aswellas toexploreproposedelementsofapoliticsforsufficiencyandtoexaminealreadyexistingsufficiency-relatedpoliciesandstrategiesinSweden.Throughthisexploration,Iaimtocaptureandunderstandthemotivationsbehinddifferent“entriesintosufficiency”,withthe intentionofcontributingto theoverallunderstandingofhowsufficiency-relatedpracticesmightbecomemoreattractiveaswellasbefacilitatedthroughplanningandpolicy-making.InthiswayIintendtoexplorehowtheideaofsufficiency,ofa“goodandenough” way of consumption and lifestyle, could possibly spread from individualinitiativesandalternativepracticestobecomemoremainstream.The ideaofchangingthe foundationofaconsumeristsociety fromoneofconstantlyhighermaterialaspirationstoonebuiltaroundtheprincipleofsufficiency,mightatfirstglanceseemtooidealistic,evenimpossible.Moreover,andmoreparticularly,itmightseemtoimplyalossforthoseaffluentgroupsoftheglobalsocietywhoarethelargestcontributors to over-consumption. However, this thesis aims to shed light on thepossibilitythatthisfearedlossmightbeperceiveddifferentlyifthetransitiontoamoresufficiency-orientedsocietyweretobeaccompaniedbyachangeinnormsandculture.Aculturalandnormativechangethatshiftsthefocustosufficiencymighthelpusstriveforotheraspirationsthanincreasedincomeandahighermaterialstandard,suchthatthe“loss”ofmaterialstuffmightconsequentlybeperceivedasa“gain”ofsomethingmore valuable, such as more time, increased well-being, or stronger personalrelationships. A central question thus becomes how more people might becomeattracted to the idea of sufficiency, and whether it is possible to rethink ourconsumptionpatternsandbehaviourinawaythatcanappealtobroadersegmentsofsociety -notonlyto thosealready identifyingasconsciousandconcernedabout thesocialandenvironmentalimpactsofourconsumption.The research questions guiding this thesis revolve around both how to form andfacilitatenewpracticesandpoliticsofsufficiencyandwhatobstaclesandpossibilitiesthesemightentail.Recognizingtheneedforaculturalshifttowardssufficiencythatwillaffectthewaywethinkaboutandperformmaterialconsumptioninaffluentsocieties,

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I ask an overarching question: How can an affluent society orient itself towardssufficiency?I will explore this question both by identifying important elements of a politics ofsufficiencyintheliterature,andbylookingathowsufficiencyinmaterialconsumptionmaybepracticedtoday.Twocasesof‘’sufficiency-related’’practicesarestudiedastwopossible,anddifferent,entriesintosufficiency.Thepracticesstudiedarevoluntaryandapproachsufficiencyfromabove-thatis,fromapositionwherethepractitionershaveand/orconsume“morethanenough”andthenfordifferentreasonschoosetoreducethenumberoftheirbelongingsortheirconsumption.Bothcasesofsufficiency-relatedpracticesthatIhavechosentostudyaresituatedinacontemporaryaffluentSwedishcontext.Onecasestudylooksintotheexperiencesofindividualswhohavedecidedtohavea“buy-nothingyear”,whiletheothercasestudyfocusesonindividualswhohavechosentodecluttertheirhomes–togetridofthingsthattheyown–withthehelpofthe special KonMari method6 . The focus in both case studies is on two empiricalresearchquestions:1) How can sufficiency-related practices change the way that people view materialbelongings,wants,andneeds?2)Howandinwhatwayscansufficiency-relatedpracticeschangehowpeopleperformmaterialconsumption?Themotivationsbehindstartingwiththepracticesaswellas theexperiencesof theinformants are discussed in depth in attempting to answer the overarching, moreanalytical, research question: 3)What can be learnt from the case studies about thepossibledevelopmentofa“senseofsufficiency”amongaffluentconsumers,andaboutthepotentialofsufficiency-relatedpracticestobecomemoremainstream?Aimingatfurthertargetingthemoreoverarchingsocietallevel,Ialsoask:4)howcanplanningandpoliticsfacilitatethetransitiontoasufficiency-orientedsocietyandwayoflife?Thebasisforansweringthefourthquestionisareviewofinternationalliteratureonsufficiencytogetherwithagovernancecasestudyaimingtoidentifyexistingobstaclestoandpotentialforamoresufficiency-orientedpoliticsatnational,regionalandlocallevelsinSweden.Thefindingsfromthecasestudiesofthesufficiency-relatedpracticesfurther inform this question. Together, this material aims to provide a sort of“diagnosis”ofSwedenfromasufficiencyperspective–whatisthestatusforsufficiency-

6 Method developed byMarie Kondo, Japanese tidying consultant and author of the booksThe life-changingmagicoftidyingup(2014)andSparkJoy(2016).

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relatedpoliticsandmeasurestoday,andwhatcouldbedoneinordertoorientSwedishsocietymoretowardssufficiency? 1.5 Longing for something else: consumption fatigue and critique Our relation to consumption is understandably both manifold and complex, as ittouchesonmanyareasthataredeeplyhuman.AsJackson(2005a)states,weconsumeinordertocommunicatewithothers,tonourishourselvesandfulfilbasichumanneeds,toexpressouridentityandbelongingtocertaingroupsand/ortodistanceourselvesfromothers.And themost importantaspect regardingour consumptionofmaterialgoodsisnot,accordingtoJackson,itsactualfunctionality,butratherthemeaningweseektopursuethroughit(Jackson,2005a).Furthermore,howwechoosetopracticeconsumption is a complex combination of habits, infrastructure, practices andconvenience(Jackson,2005b;Montetal.,2013;Sanne,2002;Shove,2003).As part of a society where we are taught to attach all these different values toconsumption and where we are constantly addressed as consumers rather thanindividuals,citizensorcommunities,itisperhapsnosurprisethatourrelationshipwithconsumerismanditsmechanismsiscomplexaswell.Ontheonehand,peopleseemtoneverget tiredof consuming. InSweden, thepast fewyearshave seena significantincreaseinshoppingduringBlackFriday(orBlackWeek)inNovember,asthisconcepthasgraduallybecomeintroducedinSweden(SvenskHandel,2018),andaccordingtoareport from the Centre for Consumer Research at Gothenburg University, Swedishconsumptionincreasedby16.2%between2010and2017(measuredinfixedprices)(Roos, 2018). But there are, on the other hand, movements that point in anotherdirection:towardsatrendoflessfocusonthematerialisticandasenseofconsumptionfatigue,aswellasagrowingcritiquedirectedattheconsumeristsociety.EveryyearatthesametimeasBlackFridaythereisa“BuyNothingDay”campaign,startedbytheanti-consumerist magazine AdBusters and driven by NGOs and citizens in variouscountries.Thecampaignencouragespeopletorefrain fromconsumingduringBlackFriday,andfurtheraimstoencouragereflectiononourconsumptionhabitsandtheconsequences of our consumption (Buy Nothing Day UK, 2017). In Sweden, thisquestioningoftheconsumeristlogicandourwayofshoppingisincreasinglygainingmore attention, and the discussion about the severe social and environmentalconsequencesofourover-consumptionwasverypresentbothinthenewsmediaandtheculturaldebatearoundBlackFridayinNovember2018(seeforexampleAnderssonetal.,2018;Bränström,2018;Yttergren,2018).Further, theSwedishNGOMedvetenKonsumtion (“Conscious Consumption”), which speaks officially on behalf of BuyNothingDayinSweden,notedahigherinterestthanusualintheeventinNovember

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2018 (interview, civil society representative), and the Buy Nothing Facebook event“BlackFriday–Idon’tbuyit!”createdbytheSwedishSocietyforNatureConservationhadmorethan38000attending“participants”(Naturskyddsföreningen,2018).2018also saw a general upsurge in engagement in the climate change issue in Sweden,accompaniedbystrongerdemandsforpoliticalactiontotacklethechallenge.Theideaofrefraining fromconsumption fora longerperiodof time isalsogaining increasedattentionandinterest,reflectedforexampleinFacebookgroupspromotingvoluntarysimplicity,orblogsabouttheexperienceofpracticingabuy-nothingyear(seemoreinchapter4).Drawing on the attractiveness of simplicity, it can also be found in the rising “slowmovement”,promoting the reappreciationof a slowerpaceof life, e.g. throughslowfoodandslowtravel(seeforexampleSlowFood;TheSlowMovement).Itmightalsobearguedthatthereisanairofsophisticationaroundthesimpleintoday’spopularculturewhere the urban hipster culture is “returning to the roots” (althoughmany wouldprobablyarguethatitismostlyforshow)andthesimple,“original”wayoflifeisoftenportrayedas something toaspire to invarious lifestylemagazines (see forexampleKinfolkmagazine).Thisishoweveracertainkindofsimplicity,onethatperhapsmaynotbesosimpleafterall,butonthecontraryexclusiveanddifficulttoreach–oftenimplying,forexample,thepossibilitytoworkfromhome(andthetechnologytodoso),a certain income and job aswell as flexibility. The same can also be said about thegrowinginterestinminimalism.Attheotherendofthescale,thereisthepossibilityofgrowingorganicvegetablesinone’sowngardenandstrivingformoreself-sufficiency(whichmightnotbeconsidered“simple”inregardstotheworkneededtopursueit,butstillfunctionsasapictureofthesimplelife).Theaspirationsforasimplerwayoflife seem to become increasingly present in the stressfulmaterialistic society, alsovisibleinthestronginterestinactivitiessuchasyogaandmindfulnessandthegrowingnewtrendof“forestbathing”(Sherwood,2019).Thiscanfurtherbeillustratedbyagrowinginterestin“decluttering”–gettingridofstuff fromone’shome,wardrobeandstorageareas - spreading through theaffluentsocietiesof theglobalNorth.ThewaveofsuggestionsonYouTube,onblogsandonsocialaswellasintraditionalmediaabouthowtosavethethingsthatmatterandthrowouttherestisconstantlygrowing(seeforexampleBecker,n.d.;TheMinimalists).TheKonMari method, a special decluttering method invented by the Japanese tidyingconsultantMarieKondo (Kondo,2014) is increasingly gaining newpractitioners allovertheworld,manyinspiredbytherecentNetflixseriesTidyingupwithMarieKondo(Netflix,2019).Thisgrowinginterestindeclutteringpointstoamoreoveralllongingtoletgoofmanyofthethingsonehasgatheredthroughlife.Itisatrendthatcanbeseenasanimportant

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part of a general upgrading of sufficiency as a value, considering how it focusesongettingridofstuffthatisofnorealimportancetous–stuffthatdoesnotfulfilanyneed.Thereisofcoursetheriskthatmanypeople,oncetheyhavedecluttered,willusetheextra space gained only as an excuse to fill it with new stuff. But there is also thepossibilitythatpeople-oncetheyhaveclearedoutthingsthathavenotbeenusedforyears from their cupboards, wardrobes and storage spaces – experience a sense offreedomthattheywanttoholdonto,andthereforethinkmorecarefullyaboutwhethertheyreallyneedthenext thingthey feel theurgetobuy. If theydothinktwice, thisdeclutteringtrendmightbeonepossibleentrypointtowardsmoresufficientwaysofconsumingandliving.1.6 Situating the research This thesis builds on various fields of study such as political ecology, degrowth,sustainableconsumption,planningandpoliticsforsustainabilityandconsumerculturestudies.Thissectionprovidesashortintroductoryoverviewofthefieldsofresearchinwhichthisthesisissituated,beforetheintroductionofthetheoreticalpositioningandframeworkinthenextchapter.Political ecology and environmental justice Within the political ecology field and the growing debate on degrowth, theconsequences of over-consumption and its related waste is something that isproblematized and analysed. Over-consumption is discussed in regard both to theecologicalandsocialeffectsofproductionandtothesocio-environmentalconflictsthatoftenariseinrelationtotheextractivistactivitiesandmonoculturesuponwhichourconsumptionrelies.Martinez-Alier(2002)andothershaveshownhowextractionof,forexample,mineralsandfossilfuelsveryoftenbringshighsocialandecologicalcostsfor indigenouspeoplesand small-scale farmerswhomake their livelihood from theterritorybeingexploited.Poisoningof the soil andgroundwater,deforestation, landgrabbing and forced displacements of communities are some consequences. Theextractionofnaturalresourcesneededtosustaintheconsumptionofmaterialgoodsinaffluentsocietiesthusoftenbecomesamatteroflifeanddeathforthepeoplelivingoffthe land under considerably less affluent conditions, and conflicts arise from theireffortstoreclaimtheirrights(Guha&Martinez-Alier,1997;Martinez-Alier,2002).Suchsocio-environmental conflicts illustrate very clearly that not only is sufficiency aquestionof justicewhen itcomestohowmuch“space” the individuals in theGlobal

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Northneed inordertosustainourconsumption-leveland lifestyle,butalsowhen itcomes to the human rights of those groups and individuals that are losing theirlivelihooddueto,forexample,poisonedwaterorsoilrelatedtoextractionofresources,or indigenous groups losing their traditional territories to oil companies withoutcompensation(Temperetal.,2015).Over-consumptioncaninthiswaybeseenasanissue of justice in regard both to a more abstract (environmental) space and to aconcreteplace.These conflicts,described in the literatureonenvironmental justice,also show the importance of the power dimensions that are at play behind globalproductionandconsumptionpatternsandthatarethefocusofanalysiswithinthefieldofpoliticalecology.Thisfieldpoliticizesecology,bothbycriticizingtheinequalitiesandpower distributions of the current political and economic system and by providingalternative solutions to socio-environmental conflicts (EJOLT, 2013; Paulson, 2014).Paulsonunderlinesthefocusonpowerinthefieldofpoliticalecology,andarguesthat:

Political ecology’s multi-scale analysis of power and politics, together with itsawarenessofthemagnitudeofvariationinhuman-environmentrelations,arevitalarms in the struggle to decolonize imaginations confined to business as usual(Paulson,2014,p.48).

This quote highlights the importance of departing from a political ecology andenvironmentaljusticefoundationwhenaddressingthebusiness-as-usual,inthiscaseprimarilytheconsumeristcultureandsociety.Ithelpstomaintainafocusonthepowerdimension,andexploringsufficiencyfromthisperspectivemaythusbeclaimedtobeyet another tool in the struggle to decolonize our imagination by providing analternativeimaginary.Sufficiency, simplicity and minimalism Inrecentyears,theconceptofsufficiencyhasbeenincreasinglyhighlightedasbeingofrelevance in discussions about sustainable ways of life and consumption (see forexampleBoulanger,2010;Heindl&Kanschik,2016;Lorek,2018;Spangenberg&Lorek,2019). The perspectives used to look at it vary however, from being focused onsufficiency as a voluntary individual lifestyle (Heindl & Kanschik, 2016; Schäpke &Rauschmayer, 2014; Speck & Hasselkuß, 2015) to being treated as an overarchingruling principle (Princen, 2005; Sachs, 2015) or framed as concrete politicalsuggestionsforasustainablesociety(Rijnhout&Mastini(eds.),2018;Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014).Thesedifferentframingsandtherespectivedefinitionsofsufficiencywillbe treated further in chapter 2, where some of the core elements of a politics forsufficiencyarealsopresented.

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Relatedtotheindividualframingofsufficiency,andmorecommonthanit,hasbeentobringforwardtheideaofvoluntarysimplicity–anideaof“awayoflifethatrejectsthehigh-consumption,materialistic lifestyles of consumer cultures and affirms what isoftenjustcalled‘thesimplelife’or‘downshifting’”(TheSimplicityCollective,n.d.).Inmanyways,voluntarysimplicitybuildsonthelogicofsufficiencyasacentralconcept,asitembracesalifestyleofaminimallysufficientmaterialstandardoflivingaswellasminimalconsumption. It isalsoabout“reimagining ‘thegood life’” throughdirectingmoretimeandenergytowardspursuingnon-materialisticsourcesofsatisfactionandmeaning” (Alexander, 2015a, p. 133). A significant amount of research has beenconductedinrecentyearsonvoluntarysimplifiersandthemotivationsbehindsuchalifestyle(seeforexampleAlexander&Ussher,2012;Etzioni,2007;Sandlin&Walther,2009). Based on their study of voluntary simplifiers in Israel, Zamwel et al. (2014)argue that voluntary simplifiers constitute a clear-cut case of individuals practicingpoliticalconsumerism,andassuchcancontributetotheunderstandingofalternativewaysofexertingpoliticalinfluence.Eventhoughtheyoftenactindividually,theyhavepoliticalmotivations behind their choices, aswell as awish for a political outcome(Zamweletal,2014).Oneimportantelementofvoluntarysimplicity,especiallyamongindividualslivinginmoreruralsettings,isself-sufficiency–attemptingtoprovideforoneselfintermsoffoodandenergy.Sufficiencyandsimplicityoftenseemtobeusedalmost interchangeably when it comes to lifestyle choices (self-sufficiency is not,however,tobeequatedwithsufficiency).Whendiscussingchangesatamorestructurallevelhowever,sufficiencyismorecommon.Another formofsimple(r) living,minimalism,hasalsoattractedacademicattention.Rodriguez(2018)hasstudiedtheelementsofcritiqueagainstconsumerismwithintheUSminimalistmovement,andconcludesthatalthoughminimalistsprovideimportantcritical discussions and a rejection of “the desire-producing machine of consumercapitalism”(Rodriguez,2018,p.294),theindividualminimalistpracticeinitscurrentmanifestationcannotbeseenasthecollectiveradicalpoliticalactionneededtoactuallychallenge “the dominance of US consumer capitalism” (ibid). A study of Polishminimalist bloggers shows an absence of anti-consumerist ideals and moralmotivations (such as solidaritywith others or environmental concerns)within thisgroup, instead focusing on personal motives for their minimalist practice andproclaimingliberationfromanexcessofthingsinordertoliveapeacefulandhappylife(Zalewska&Cobel-Tokarska,2016).When itcomestoresearchondecluttering,andspecificallytheKonMarimethod,therearestillveryfewstudiespublishedonthetopic.Worthmentioning isaphenomenologicalstudybyLee(2017)examiningtheroleofhappinessintheKonMariprocess(Hsin-HsuanMegLee,2017)andaninvestigationbyKhamis (2019) of thatwhich she calls “the aestheticization of restraint” present indeclutteringtrendsexemplifiedbytheKonMarimethod(Khamis,2019).

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Sufficiency and sustainable consumption Considering how deeply entrenched consumerism is in society and culture - not tospeakofintheglobaleconomy-itisnotstrangethattheresearchfieldofsustainableconsumption spans over many different perspectives on and explanations to ourcurrent unsustainable consumption behaviour (mainly in the affluent world):structuralobstaclessuchastheconstantfocusoneconomicgrowthandconsumptionasadriverofit(Cohen,2005;Sanne,2002;Schor,2005a),unsustainableconsumptionpatterns as constituted by practices and habits (Røpke, 2009; Shove, 2010), limitedpossibilities of acting in accordance with pro-environmental values due to lack ofalternative systems of provision (Seyfang, 2011; Spaargaren, 2003), a consumeristculture that shapes our wants and perceived needs (Moisander et al., 2010; Solér,2018), materialistic values (Richins, 2013) and psychological barriers such as self-interest and lack of pro-environmental values (Bamberg&Möser, 2007; Steg et al.,2014).Nomattertheapproachorperspectivetosustainableconsumption,thereisaconsensuswithinthefieldthatourconsumptionpatternsurgentlyneedtochange,bothonanindividualandonasocietal(localandglobal)level.Theviewsonhowandinwhatwaysthosechangesarebestmadediffer,however.Onebasicdistinctionisthatbetweenwhatare respectively called “weak”and “strong” sustainable consumption (Fuchs&Lorek, 2005). Lorek & Spangenberg (2014) have defined weak sustainableconsumptionasanapproach focusedon technologyand themarket,notaddressingoverconsumption or the physical limits of the economy. In contrast, the strongsustainableconsumptionperspectivespecificallyaddressestheissueofaffluenceandthelevelofconsumptionofresources,andalsopointsoutthelimitstogrowthoftheeconomy (Lorek & Spangenberg, 2014). This strong sustainable consumptionperspectiveiswhatisofinterestindiscussionsaboutsufficiencyand,consequently,forthis thesis. Recent years have also seen calls for the introduction of “sustainableconsumptioncorridors”,asustainableconsumptioncriteriadefinedbyminimumandmaximumstandardsforconsumption(DiGiulio&Fuchs,2014).Alotoftheliteratureonsustainableconsumptionhastraditionallybeenfocusedontheindividualpsychologicalperspectivewhichdepartsfromthechangingofattitudesandvaluesofindividuals.This,inturn,isthensupposedtoleadtochanged,i.e.morepro-environmental, behaviour among these individuals.The individualistic perspectives,includingtheoriesofplannedbehaviour(Ajzen,1991)andthefocusondriversofpro-environmentalbehaviour(Bamberg&Möser,2007;Stegetal.,2014)canprovideanunderstandingofthecomplexinterplayofnorms,attitudes,valuesandbehaviourwhenit comes to what might motivate pro-environmental behaviour in an individual.BambergandMöser(2007)showthecomplexityofdeterminingthismotivation,asitisamixtureofpro-socialconcernandofself-interest,oftencorrelatedwithfeelingsofguilt.Theyconcludethatknowledgeisnotasufficient(albeitnecessary)precondition

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fordevelopingpro-environmentalnormsandattitudes(Bamberg&Möser,2007).Thisgapbetweenknowledgeandactionaswellasbetweenvalues/attitudesandactionhasbeen repeatedly pointed out by researchers (see for example Eckhardt et al., 2010;Jackson, 2005b; Kollmuss & Agyeman, 2002) and is one reason to claim that theindividualperspectivedoesnotsufficewhenitcomestoexplainingwhywecontinueonourunsustainablepath.Theperspectiveofindividualbehaviourandchoicehasalsobeencriticizedforisolatingtheindividualfromthesocialcontext,forexamplebyShove(2010),whoarguesthatitisnotenoughtofocusonbehaviourchangeifonewantstoaddresstheneedforsocietalchange(Shove,2010).Recognizingtheneedforanalysingtheconsumerinawidersocialcontext,theresearchfieldofsustainableconsumptionhasovertimealsodevelopedtoputmoreemphasisonthe consumerist culture, as well as on the intricate social practices that togetherconstituteourbehaviour.Thefieldofsocialpracticetheoryhelpstowidentheviewoftheconsumer,transformingindividualconsumersinto“carriersofpractice”whenthesocialpracticesareputatthecentreofattention(Shove,2010,p.1279).Thisservestogroundthetheoryintheday-to-dayrealityofactualconsumers(Kelleretal.,2016)andalsotoshowthatpracticesprecedeindividualsbothlogicallyandhistoricallyand,inaway,also“recruitpractitioners”(Røpke,2009,p.2493).Broadening the picture, the literature on consumer culture demonstrates howconsumersandtheiridentitiesareshapedbythecontextaroundthem,byconsumeristcultureandmarketing(seeforexampleMarkkula&Moisander,2012;Moisanderetal.,2010;Solér,2018).Theculturalperspectiveoffersinsightintowhyknowledgeaboutenvironmentalconsequencesseldomisenoughtochangeone’sconsumptionpatterns.Inastudyofconsumersineightdifferentcountries,Eckhardtetal.(2010)showedthatconsumers finddifferentwaysof justifyingtheir lackofethicalconsumerbehaviour,suggesting that neither information about the (un)ethical nature of purchases normoral appeals to behaviour change are effective measures in bringing about anti-consumptionofunethicalbrandsorproducts(Eckhardtetal.,2010).Consumersfindwaystorationalizeawaytheirpersonalresponsibilityfortheirchoicesasconsumersby-quiteeasily,itseems-disconnectingattitudesfrombehaviour.OnesuchmodeofrationalizationespeciallycommoninsocialdemocraciessuchasSwedenandGermanyis,accordingtoEckhardtetal.,aformof“institutionaldependency”–toclaimalackofindividual responsibility by referring to the responsibility of governments andauthoritiestoonlyallowthatwhichisconsideredasethicaland“approved”consumerchoices(Eckhardtetal.,2010).Thissuggeststhattheremightbesubstantialroomforimprovementwhenitcomestogovernmentregulationsinthisarea.The debate surrounding sustainable consumption and political consumerism hasplacedmuchresponsibilityontheindividualconsumertomakesustainableandethical

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choices. Critics have argued that too much responsibility and guilt are put on theindividual, whose “green choices” are somehow expected to make up for theunsustainabilityofthewholechainofproduction(Seyfang,2011).Itisalsoseenaspartofalargerprocessofindividualisinganddepoliticisingtheissueofsustainability,byturningcitizensintoconsumerswhosemain(oronly)wayofinfluenceisthroughwhattheypurchase (Hult&Bradley,2017;Soneryd&Uggla,2015).However, theurgentneed foractivepoliticaldecision-making that can facilitate sustainable consumptionandproductiondoesnotrendermeaningless(norapolitical) thepoliticalchoicesanindividualconsumercantake.StolleandMicheletti(2013)underlinehowthecollectiveelement of political consumerism, i.e. the mobilisation of consumers and NGOs inpoliticalcampaignsagainstcorporations, is avery important factor inregardtotheeffectiveness of the practice and its political agency, and Bossy (2014) argues thatwithinthesocialmovementofpoliticalconsumerism,consumptionisseennotonlyasatargetforcriticismbutalsoasatoolforsocialchange(Bossy,2014).Tappingintothisdebate,itisinevitablethatadiscussiononconsumerbehaviourandhowtochangeitraisesquestionsabouttheindividualresponsibilityoftheconsumerwithinasystemthat encourages insatiable material consumption. One such question is how much“agencyofsufficiency“theindividualconsumerhas–orcanbeexpectedtohave-whenfacedwith structural obstacles such as planned obsolescence of products, constantdemands toupgrade technology, absence of opportunities to shopsecond-hand butpresenceofawidearrayofopportunitiestobuynewstuff,andconstantexposuretoadvertisements both in the physical space and inmedia. Other important questionsbeingraisedaretowhatextentthesestructures-basedonalogicradicallydifferentfromthatofsufficiency-canbechallengedbyconsumersand,further,ifitreallyistheindividuals’responsibilitytochangethem.Thesequestionswillbefurtheraddressedinchapter2.Well-being and thinking sufficiency in planning Paralleltotheresearchonsustainableconsumptionandpoliticalconsumerism,thereisalsosomeresearchonwhat,otherthanpolitical(ecologicalandsocial)motivesandarguments,mightworkinordertoframeanti-consumerismasarealisticandattractivealternativetotoday’sconsumeristsociety.KateSoperhaswrittenextensivelyaboutthealternative hedonism approach which, rather than focusing on the negativeenvironmentalandsocialconsequencesofourwayofconsumptioninaffluentsocieties,triestohighlightthemanypleasuresthatconsumerismdeprivesusofinordertopointtothepossibilitiesofrethinkingthecurrentorder(Soper,2007,2008,2017,seemoreinchapter2).

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Researchfocusingonwhatwearedeprivedofinaconsumeristsocietyiscloselylinkedtoresearch lookingathowoursubjectivewell-being isconnectedto factorssuchasincome, national GDP and materialistic values. Regarding the connection betweenhappiness/subjectivewell-beingontheonehand(thesetwotermsoftenbeingusedinthesamecontext)andincomeontheother,thesehavebeenshowntobeconnectedatvery low income levels (i.e. at a low income level, a rise in incomecan significantlyincreasetheexperiencedwell-being)(Jackson,2009b).Onceincomereachesacertainlevel,however,itisdifficulttoseetheconnectionbetweenthetwo,andwhatseemstomattermorethantheabsolutelevelofincomeisratherwhetherornotwehavemoreorless thanthosearoundus(ibid).Variousresearchshowsthatmaterialisticvalueshaveanegativeimpactonpersonalwell-being(Dittmaretal.,2014;Lee&Ahn,2016),andresultsbyKasseretal.(2014)suggestthatadecreasedfocusonmaterialisticaimsis associated with an improvement of people’s psychological well-being over time(Kasser et al., 2014). Another example is Andersson et al.’s (2014) research on theconnection between greenhouse gas emissions and subjective well-being, whichsupports theview that consumption isnotvery important to individuals’perceivedsubjectivewell-beingonce they reacha certainwelfare level.Their research furtherindicatesthatmorematerialisticvaluestendtoaffectsubjectivewell-beingnegativelyandtosomeextentalsocorrelatewithhighergreenhousegasemissions(Anderssonetal,2014).ResearchbyLeeandAhn(2016)notonlypointstothenegativerelationshipbetween materialistic values and well-being, but further highlights the positiverelationshipbetween“anti-consumptionvalues”(e.g.behaviourmotivatedbysocietalandenvironmentalconcern,lowdesireformaterialacquisitions,andfocusonintrinsicgoalsinthepursuitofhappiness)andconsumerwell-being,suggestingthatafocusonsuch values may be utilized to encourage pro-environmental behaviour from theperspective of public policy (Lee & Ahn, 2016). Holmberg et al. (2011) examinepractices that are positive for personalwell-being, pointing to howseveral of themmightalsobepositiveinregardtoaneeded“climatetransition”(Holmbergetal.,2011).Howtoplanformoresustainablelivingandconsumptionisbeingintenselyresearchedwithinthefieldofurbanandregionalplanning.Thefocusisoftenonhowtobuildinamoreenergy-efficientwayandplanformoresustainablemodesoftransport(e.g.morebike lanes and better accessibility to public transport), but increasingly also onstrengtheningurbanresilienceandhowtoplanforcommunitiesthatcanmeethumanneedsinthelong-terminasustainableway(Wheeler&Beatley,2014).Thediscussiononwhetherandhowtolimitconsumptionis,however,verymuchstilllacking(Hult&Bradley, 2017), even if there is a growing literature to be found on alternativeconsumptionpractices,suchassharing(Hult&Bradley,2017;McLaren&Agyeman,2015) and constructing new infrastructures of provision (Seyfang, 2011). Thinkingsufficiency thus brings with it several interesting questions and implications forplanners, such as what a “city for sufficient living” might look like. It raises the

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importantquestionofhowwecanplanforcitiesandregionstobeattractiveeveniftheydonotfollowthecommercializedinfrastructureandconsumeristlogicthaturbancitizensintheaffluentpartsoftheworldareusedto.1.7 Room for contribution Theabovebriefoverviewof the fieldsofmost relevance tomy researchprovidesacontextwithinwhichtosituatethisstudy. Incontinuation(chapter2), Iwill furtherelaborateonthetheoreticalframeworkthatIstartfromandwithinwhichthereisroomforcontributionbyexpandingtheresearchonsufficiency.Onecontributionofthisthesisistheexplorationofpossiblewaysofattractingtoday’sover-consumers to livemore sustainablywith arguments that go beyond ecologicalsustainability. Conscious consumers might feel the responsibility to change theirconsumption habits due to justice and sustainability arguments, but far from allconsumers do. A less materialistic and more sufficiency-oriented lifestyle mustthereforehavemoretoofferthanjusta“cleanerconscience”inordertoconvincemorepeopleoftheadvantagesofsuchalifestyle.Similarly,onthesocietallevel,apoliticsthataimsforanoverallstrongerfocusonsufficiencyinsocietyneedstoalsoaddressissuesofwell-being,welfareandjusticeinordertobeattractivetomorepeople.Aspartofsuchapoliticaltransition,policiesandplanningwillalsoneedsupportintheshapeofchangednormsandculturethatcanembracethemainfoundationsofsufficiencyasaprinciple.This thesis also contributes to the current research on sufficiency and sustainableconsumptionbyexaminingthepracticesoftwoquitedifferentgroupsandaskingwhatcanbelearntfromtheirexperiencesandreflectionsregardingmaterialconsumption.Thereexiststodaysomewhatofagapintheliteratureonsufficientlifestylesbetweenafocuseitheronthevoluntarinessofsuchlifestylesoronsufficiency“byobligation”,i.e.lackofeconomicresources(seeforexampleGorgeetal.,2015;Heindl&Kanschik,2016).Thisthesisaimstocontributetobridgingthattheoreticalgapbyidentifyingthetwosufficiency-relatedpracticesastwodifferentpossibleentriesintomoresufficientconsumption practices and contributes with a focus on intentionality rather thanun/voluntariness.Inthiscontext,itneedstobementionedthatIwillbeusingthetermpracticeinaneverydaysenseofthewordandnotinthesenseofthesocialpracticetheoryapproachasdescribedabove.There are various studies about the motivations and experiences of voluntarysimplifiersandthoseidentifyingaspoliticalconsumers(whichthemajorityofthebuy-

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nothingpractitionersofthisstudywouldmostlikelydo).Whatthisstudycanbesaidtoaddispartlyafocusonwhattheyconsidertobethe“positiveside-effects”oftheirnon-consumption(i.e. theconsequencesthat theyhadnotconsideredoranticipatedbeforeembarkingontheirbuy-nothingyear),andalsoinwhatwaystheirexperiencehaschangedthewaytheyviewtheirneedsandwants,andhowtheyconsumetoday.Whenitcomestothegroupof“declutterers”,theyhaveallusedtheKonMarimethodtodiscardtheirbelongingsanddecluttertheirhomes.TheKonMarimethodisrelativelynewasaphenomenonandIhaveonlyfoundafewstudiesthatlookintothisgroupofindividualsorthepractice(Hsin-HsuanMegLee,2017;Khamis,2019),whichmakesthis research an important contribution to what might become a distinct field of“declutteringstudies”.Therearemanyaspectsofthemethoditselfanditspractitionersthatareinterestingtoresearchfrombothapsychologicalandsociologicalperspective.Thespecialfocusofthisstudyhas,however,beentolookspecificallyatwhetherandhow the KonMari experience has affected the practitioners’ view on their materialbelongingsandonconsumptionofnewthings,aswellaswhetherithashadanyeffectontheiractualconsumptionbehaviour.Together,thetwocasestudiesofsufficiency-relatedpracticeswillcontributewithknowledgeaboutthedevelopmentofa“senseofsufficiency”amongconsumersinanaffluentcontext.Thiswillinturnprovideinsightsonthequestionaboutthepossibilitiesformakingsufficiencyinmaterialconsumptionsomethingthatcanbemadedesirableandmoreeasilyattainableforalargergroupofpeople.Focusingon sufficiency in regard tomaterial consumptionmeans leaving outmanyotherareasthatwouldalsobevaluabletorethinkfromasufficiencyperspective.Itisimportanttoseetheupgradingofsufficiencyinregardtomaterialconsumptionasonepiece of the much larger jigsaw puzzle that is the rethinking of an unsustainableeconomicsystemanditsfoundations.Inthissenseitisimportanttokeepinmindthelargerpicture,notonlyfocusingonhowindividualmotivationsforsufficiencycanbestimulatedbutalsoonhow toapply sufficiencyat a societal level throughplanning,policy-makingandpolitics.This largerpicturewillalsobeexaminedmoreclosely inrelationtotheattempttoconstructaframeworkfora“politicsofsufficiency”and,morespecifically,indiscussingthepotentialforandobstaclestosuchpoliticsintheSwedishcontext. Besides contributing to the research on the motivations behind living a“simplerlife”,atheoreticalcontributiontothesufficiencyresearchthusalsoinvolvesthe use of this framework of sufficiency politics as a tool for analysing the currentSwedish politics by identifying both obstacles to a sufficiency-oriented future andpotentialforthesame,and,inthatway,tryingtodistinguishpossiblepathstowardssuchafuture.

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1.8 Outline of the thesis Thisworkonmakingsenseofsufficiencystartsbymappingoutthetheoreticalpointsofdeparturethatwillbeusedinthecourseofthethesisinordertodeveloptheanalysis.Thetheoreticalpositioninginchapter2notonlycoversanoverviewofcurrentworkandresearchonsufficiency,butalsofurtherdiscussesanddevelopsrelatedconceptsofimportance.Thetheoreticalpositioningprovidesanin-depthdiscussionontheconceptof sufficiency and an operationalization of the term in the context of this thesis.Furthermore,itincludesadiscussiononresponsibilityandjusticeinrelationtospaceandplaceanddelvesdeeperintothequestionofindividualversusstructureintermsofacting “sufficiently”within an unsustainable structure. The theoretical chapter alsoidentifiesfundamentalelementsofapoliticsofsufficiencythatlateronwillbeusedfordiscussingsufficiencyintheSwedishcontext.Followingthetheoreticalpositioningandmethodologicalreflections(chapters2and3,respectively),theempiricalstudiesoftwosufficiency-relatedpracticesinSwedenarepresentedinchapter4.Thefirstcasestudylooksintothepracticeofvoluntarynon-consumptionandstudies“buy-nothingpractitioners”-individualswhohavechosentohaveabuy-nothingyear.The secondcasestudy focusesondeclutterers, individualswhohavechosentodiscardsomeoftheirbelongingsinaimingforamoreharmoniousandtidyhome.Morespecifically,thegroupbeingstudiediscalled“KonMariers”,astheyallusethespecialKonMarimethodtodecluttertheirhomes.Thefindingsfromthecasestudies are presented and described in chapter 4, followed by an analysis anddiscussionoftheresultsinchapter5.Thefinalchaptersofthethesisbroadenthediscussiontoaddressthewideraspectsofsufficiency in the Swedish context.Here, the emphasis is on existing strategies andongoing work at the national, regional and local levels in the areas of sustainableconsumptionandwasteprevention,aswellasinterviewswithofficialsandcivilsocietyrepresentativesworking in theseareas,with theaimof identifyingobstacles toandpotential formoresufficiency-orientedwaysofconsumptionandpoliticsinSweden.Theempiricalfindingsfromthisgovernancecasestudyispresentedinchapter6.Thisisfollowedinchapter7byadiscussionoftheidentifiedobstaclesandpotentialsagainstthe backdrop of the framework for a politics of sufficiency presented in chapter 2.Chapter 7 further includes suggestions for how to orient Swedish politics in thedirectionofsufficiency.Thethesisconcludesinchapter8withapresentationofthekeyconclusionsandcontributionsof the research, togetherwithsuggestions for furtherresearchonthetopic.

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2. Theoretical positioning In this chapter, I set the theoretical frames for the discussion aroundsufficiency inpractice, culture, and politics. It is a positioning that spans the fields of relationalgeography,degrowthandpoliticalecology,andgoesintodepthtodiscussthegrowingliteraturespecificallydedicatedtosufficiency.Furthermore,thischapterdelvesintothetheoretical field of sustainable consumption and discusses the tension betweenindividual agency and responsibility on the one hand and structural obstacles andcollectiveresponsibilityontheother.Tospeakofsufficiencyisinmanywaystospeakaboutlimits:thephysicallimitstotheEarth’scapacitytoabsorbwasteandregenerateresourcesthatinturnalsolimitthepossiblegrowthoftheeconomy,ouruseoffossilfuelsandothernaturalresources,ourconsumptionofmaterial thingsandofenergyandfood.Tospeakofsufficiency is tospeakabout limitingourwantsandcurbingour insatiability.But there isadifferentpicture: sufficiency might also be about satisfaction and about freedom - for ourimaginationandforourcapacityforflourishingashumans.Thischapterwilldealwithboth sides of this coin, and consequently discuss sufficiency in terms of limits andrestraintsaswellasintermsofsatisfactionandofreconceptualizing“thegoodlife”.Afterdiscussingthemorephysical limitsatplay,namelythoseof theEarth itself,ofhumandignityandoftheeconomicsystem,Iexploretheconceptsofresponsibilityandjusticefromthepointofviewofrelationalgeography.Thisperspectiveservestobringnuancetothelanguageofpowerstructuresandinjusticesusedinthepoliticalecologydiscourse by pointing to the people behind those structures and the uncountablenumberofrelationsthatareatplayinordertoupholdourunsustainablewaysofliving.FromthereIzoomintodifferentperspectivesonsufficiencyasaprincipleandlifestyle,respectively, and further discuss sufficiency in relation to sustainable consumption.Lastbutnotleast,Iproceedtoidentifysomecoreelementsofaframeworkforapoliticsofsufficiency.2.1 Point of departure: Utopianism

Before diving into the theoretical discussions that will eventually lead to anoperationalizationofsufficiencywithinthescopeofthisthesis,afewpointsneedtobemade in regards to utopianism and utopian thought. These concepts constitute animportant foundation both for the theoretical positioning and the methodological

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approachofthisthesis.Thereasonisthatutopianismprovidesamethodfordecreasingthe gap between what-is and what-ought-to-be (Levitas, 2013), a perspective thatservesanimportantrolewhendiscussingimaginaries,questioningbusiness-as-usual,andinputtingthe“seeminglyimpossible”(thatis,sufficiency)intopracticeandmakingit seem like a feasible and desirable alternative. This section of the chapter willthereforeserveasadeparturepointfortheupcomingtheoreticaldiscussionsaswellasforthecasestudies,inthesensethatitoffersalensthroughwhichtoviewandapproachthesocietalandculturalchangesproposedgoingforward.SinceThomasMore firstcoinedthewordUtopia inhisworkwiththesamenamein1516,ithasbeenawordchargedwithmeaning.Ithasthroughtimebeenassociatedbothwithportrayingimaginationsofaperfect(andthereforeunattainable)societyandwithpropagandaaboutafutureproposedbytotalitarianregimes.Alsointheliteratureonutopianismandutopianthought, themeaningof thewordutopiaand itsusearedisputedandthereisnoconsensualdefinitionoftheterm(asshown,forexample,byBradley & Hedrén, 2014; Levitas, 2013). One thingmost people seem to agree on,however, is that it is about adesire for something else than the current, and that toexploreutopianthoughtcanbeseenasawayofnotstoppingattheimagination,butratherusingtheutopiaasatoolormethodforcriticizing/rejectingthecurrentwaysandforworkingtowardsthatwhichisdesired(Bossy,2014;Bradley&Hedrén,2014;Levitas,2013;Sargisson,2007).Utopianismasamethodinvitesus–bothreaderandwriter-toreimagineourselvesandsociety,accordingtoRuthLevitas(2013),whoarguesthat“thetaskistoimaginealternativewaysoflifethatwouldbeecologicallyandsociallysustainableandenabledeeperandwiderhumanhappinessthanisnowpossible”(Levitas,2013,p.198).ForLevitas,thisimaginingispartofamethodforsettingtheframeworkofhowweviewtheworld(utopiaasontology)andforimaginingareconstructionoftheworld(utopiaasarchitecture)(Levitas,2013).Hedrén(2014)presentsthetaskofutopianismtodayslightly differently, and twofold: to create hope – that is, to “revitalize the utopianimpulseandtherebymaintainthat theworldcanbedifferent”,andtorelativizeandcriticizethoserelationshipsandprinciplesthataretakenforgrantedincurrentsociety(Hedrén, 2014, p. 59). Using utopia as a method can in other words help both incriticizing/deconstructingthecurrentsituationandinaimingtoimagineandconstructanother.Anotherreasontoworkfromautopianperspectiveisthatutopianismasanapproachcan work to transgress the borders between theory, political visions, practice andmethods.Sargisson(2007)claimsthatutopiasinmanywaysarepoliticalspacesandare embedded in larger political processes, suggesting that politics actually needsutopianism,andthattherelationshipbetweenthetwoisoneofmutualdependence.

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Utopias,Sargissonargues,“givethepoliticalasenseofdirection”inthewaythattheystem from a discontent with the present and gesture towards something better(Sargisson,2007,p.41).AccordingtoBradley&Hedrén(2014),utopianengagementisoftenmotivatedby an insight that the currentpolitical system lacks the capacity toseriouslydealwithandengageinalternativepossiblefutures.Bradley&Hedrénarguethatutopianismcanservetoopenthemindtosuchalternativepossibilities,andthatitfurtherservesthefunctionsofexploringalternativesocioenvironmentalorders,beingameansforreflexivityandcritiqueofthepresent,stimulatingboththewilltochangeandthepowerofimagination,aswellastransgressingcurrentordersandstructures(Bradley & Hedrén, 2014, pp. 9–10). With its supposed potential to stimulatetransgressionofwhatisperceivedastheboundariesofthoughtinaspecificsocietyorcontext, itmight also serve to change understandings, which in turn can affect oureverydaylifeaswellasourgoalsandexpectations(Bradley&Hedrén,2014).Levitasdescribesvariousutopianaccounts,concludingthat“thecentralpointof theontologicalmodeisthattheutopianmethodnecessarilyinvolvesclaimsaboutwhoweareandwhowemightandshouldbe”(Levitas,2013,p.196).Thisimpliesaneedtomakethoseclaimsexplicit,throughwhatLevitascallsthe“archaeologicalmode”,andthentodevelopthemforpractice,usingthe“architecturalmode”.Thisarchitectureorimaginedreconstructionisaformofcritique,butnotinthecommonlyknownshapeofnegationorcriticism.Rather,itcritiquesornegatesthroughconjuringalternativesthatare positive proposals - for example by describing the social institutions of thereconstructed society - and thus attempts to figure out the “absent present” of thecontemporarysociety.Levitasarguesthatconsideringtherelationbetweeneconomyandsociety, the reconstruction should “begin from thekindof societywewantandproceedtothekindofeconomicrelationsthatwillsustainandsupportit,ratherthantheotherwayaround”(Levitas,2013,p.197-198).Thefocusisthen,atleastfromthebeginning,onseeingpossibilitiesratherthanobstacles.When Levitas (2013)writes about utopia as architecture being one element of theutopianmethod, thisrefers toboththe imaginationandtheconstructionofanother,differentsociety.Levitasunderlinestheimportanceofthefocusintheseprocessesnotbeingputonwhatwillbelost:

Thedesireforabetterworldbasedonsustainabilityandequitycannotbefosteredbyimagesofausterityandwhatwillbelost,althoughundoubtedlysomethingswill.Allutopiasareflawed.Thefocusmustbeonwhatwillbegained,somethingthatcanbeglimpsedindifferentways(Levitas,2013,p.215).

This focusonwhatwillbegained iscrucial inmakingutopiasorvisionsofpossiblealternativefuturesbothcredibleanddesirableforthewiderpublic.Thatisnottosay,however,thatwedonotneedtobeawareoftheflaws.Levitaspointsoutthatthereis

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anelementof“necessaryfailure”inworkingwithutopiaasamethodinthatwhateverimagesemergeofabetterfuturetheywillbecontestedandeventually‘fail’-“partlybecause of the limitsof our imagination, partly because of the limitsof our power”(Levitas,2013,p.220).Thisisimportanttobeawareof,butevenmoresoiskeepinginmind that “even as they fail, they operate as a critique of the present and areconstitutionofthefuture”(ibid).Workingwithutopianismisworkingwitharangeofpossiblealternative futures.There isnooneperfectpictureofoneperfect future;rather,differentutopiasthatcanhelpusthinkabouttheworldindifferentwaysandhelpus,inthewordsofSargisson,“tobreakoldpatternsandparadigmsofthoughtandapproach it anew. By showcasing new ways of being, they can inspire or catalysechange”(Sargisson,2007,p.39),thusprovoking“paradigmshiftsinconsciousness”(p.37).From refusal to opening up Oneimportantelementofutopia,Levitasargues,isrefusal–“therefusaltoacceptthatwhatisgivenisenough”(Levitas,2013,p.17).Shecontinuesthatutopia“embodiestherefusaltoacceptthatlivingbeyondthepresentisdelusional,therefusaltotakeatfacevaluecurrentjudgementsofthegoodorclaimsthatthereisnoalternative”(ibid).Thisrefusalisimportantbecausewiththerefusalcomestheopportunityofopeningupforalternatives.Refusingtoacceptthatwehavetosettlewithwhatisgivenisatthesametimeacallforresearcherstopointto,andmakecredible,thosealternativesthattheoneswhoclaimthattherearenoalternativescannotseeorimagine.Inotherwords:todecreasethegapbetweenwhatisandwhatmightbeandtoshowthattheseeminglyimpossibleactuallyisattainable.Levitascallsthisaprocessualontologyofbecoming,bothatanindividualandasocietallevel,orthe“ontologyofNot-yet-being”(Levitas,2013,p.180(ref.Sayer);p.194).Gibson-Graham(2008)arealsoconcernedwiththeimportanceofpointingtowardsthatwhichmightseemutopic,andtheyaskhowweasacademicsubjectsmightbecome“opentopossibility,ratherthanlimitsonthepossible”(Gibson-Graham,2008,p.614).Theyarguethatthechoicesofwhatwethinkandhowwethinkaboutitarebothethicalandpolitical;theyaredecisionsthatareatthebasisofperformingneweconomicpracticesandperformingnewworlds (Gibson-Graham2008). Just asLevitas (2013) invitesus torethinkbothourselvesand society, sodoGibson-Graham(2008)inviteresearchersandthoselocatedwithinacademiatorethinkourselves as academic subjects: how do we become new and different academicsubjects who can perform research that opens up opportunities for differenteconomies?

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Approachingsufficiencyasanideaandpracticefromautopianperspectivefulfilsmanypurposes.Itisawayofcritiquingthestatusquobypresentingavisionofanalternativefuture.Avisionthatisnotwithoutflawsorissuesthatneedtobesolved,butonethat–inlinewithLevitas’(2013)argument-focusesonwhatthereistogainfromthatfuture,inawaythatcaneventuallymakesuchafuturecredibleanddesirableformany.Inthisthesis, the utopian perspectivewill also be used as a lens to identify those politicalspacesembedded in largerpoliticalprocesses that can “give thepolitical a senseofdirection”(Sargisson,2007,p.41).2.2 Limits to growth are not limits to imagination As stated in the introduction, this thesis departs from an understanding ofsustainabilityasstayingwithintheplanetaryboundaries(asdefinedbyRockströmetal.,2009;Steffenetal.,2015).Howtomorespecificallymeasuresustainabilityandtheenvironmental impact of, for example, individuals and countries is still a contestedissue, however. In theWorldwatch Institute’s State of the world report from 2013,Engelman states that the development of clear sustainability metrics will be an“evolutionaryprocess”andarguesthattheconceptsofplanetaryboundariesandtheEcologicalFootprintaretheconceptsofferingamongthemostsignificantsustainabilitymetricsdevisedtothisday(Engelman,2013,p.17).Moore&Rees(2013)definetheEcologicalFootprintasanestimateof“theproductiveecosystemarearequired,onacontinuousbasis,byanyspecifiedpopulationtoproducetherenewableresources itconsumesandtoassimilate its(mostlycarbon)waste”(Moore&Rees,2013,p.40).According to this estimate, if all people on Earth were to be allocated the sameproductiveecosystemarea,eachpersonwouldhave1.7globalhectares(gha)tosustainherself(aglobalhectarerepresentsahectareofglobalaveragebiologicalproductivity).ThisiswhatMooreandReescallthe“fairEarthshare”ofglobalbiocapacity,andthatiswhateachoneofuswouldhavetoliveoninordertoachievesustainability–byMooreandReesdefinedasliving“withintheecologicalcarryingcapacityoftheEarth”(Moore&Rees,2013,p.42).Thisistobecomparedtothepresentecologicalfootprintoftheaveragecitizen inVancouverwhich is4.2globalhectares(Moore&Rees,2013), thesamesizeasthatoftheaverageSwedishcitizen(WWF,2016).The Ecological Footprint works quite well when it comes to accounting for andillustrating the human pressure on nature. However, neither this metric nor theplanetary boundaries framework takes the concern of social sustainability intoconsideration.Inanefforttodojustthat,Raworthdefineswhatshecalls“asafeandjust space for humanity” in her model of the “doughnut economy” presented incollaborationwithOxfam(Raworth,2013).

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Thatmodelshowsaspaceforhumanitywhichislimited upwards by the planetary boundaries(Rockströmetal.,2009)and limiteddownwardsby human rights, which according to Raworthconstitute the social foundation below whichunacceptable human deprivation occurs(Raworth, 2013, p. 30). Raworth’s model is anattempt to show that the economy in itself isbounded both by the actual physical resourcesavailable and by how it is supposed to servesociety.The concept of environmental space is anotherefforttotrytomeasureenvironmentalconstraints.It was developed during the 1990’s at theWuppertalInstitute,asanattempttoestimatethe“sustainableratesofuseofkeyresourcessuchasfossilfuels,timber,andfreshwater”,whichwereestimatedgloballyintermsoflevelofpercapitaconsumption(asdescribed inAgyeman,2013,p.47).Theenvironmentalspace framework sets an upper limit to resource consumption, defining an“opportunityspace”thatisbasedbothontheecologicalcarryingcapacityandcriteriaforequity(Spangenberg,2002,p.297).Further,itcommunicatestheneedforasocialprotectionfloorthatensuresbasichumanrightsandliftstheworld’spoorabovethe“dignity line”7(Spangenberg, 2014). Spangenberg (2014) describes how the “socialprotectionfloor”hasbeendevelopedbyILOandWHO,andissupportedwithintheUN(Bachelet,2011).Thispresentationofupperandlowerboundarieswhichlimithumanactivitytoasustainablespaceisverymuchinlinewiththeconceptofthedoughnuteconomy. Spangenberg (2014) states that what he presents as the “availableenvironmentalspace”iswhatRaworth(2013)andOxfamhavenamed“thesafeandjust space forhumanity” (Spangenberg, 2014,p. 65). Adifference between the twoconceptsofenvironmentalspaceanddoughnuteconomy,however,isthatthelatterdoesnotsayanythingaboutfairdistributionoftheenvironmentalresourceswhereasthisisinherentintheenvironmentalspaceframework.Agyeman(2013)arguesthateventhoughtheconceptofenvironmentalspaceprovidesacrudesimplificationofreality,overlookingbothhistoricalandpresent inequalitiesandvariations, the concept “providesa clearunderstanding that justice, equity, andrights, and environmental limits are inseparable” (Agyeman, 2013, p. 48). This is7Spangenberg(2014)usesthetermlineadedignidad[owntranslationfromSpanish:dignityline],whichhasbeenused inLatinAmerica todescribe the lower thresholdof theenvironmental space, i.e.”thedemarcationseparatingadignifiedlifefromoneinmisery”(Spangenberg,2014,p.63).

Figure1.IllustrationofThesafeandjustspace for humanity, adapted fromRaworth’s model of “the doughnuteconomy”(Raworth,2013).

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becauseitallowsequalrighttoconsumptionofenvironmentalresourcesforeveryone,withintheplanet’secologicalcarryingcapacity.

Itshouldbenotedthatthemetricspresentedhereofcoursehavetheirlimitations.Theyaresimplifiedconstructionsthatdonottakeallpossiblevariablesintoconsiderationandshouldthereforenotbeseenasabsolutemeasurementsbutratherbeusedastools.Assuch,however,theyarevaluablewhenitcomestovisualizingthefinitenessoftheEarth’s resources and the unequal use of environmental resources in the form ofproductiveecosystemsorpercapitaconsumptionofresources.Keeping the economy within boundaries Toaimforaradicalreductioninmaterialconsumptionisalsotoattacktheverycoreofthecapitalisteconomyinitscurrentform:theobjectiveofunlimitedeconomicgrowthbasedoncontinuous consumptionof resources.Thephysical and social limitsof aneconomy’spotentialtogrowhavebeenpointedoutcontinuouslythroughtheriseofthemoderncapitalist economy,perhapsmost famously in theClubofRomereportThelimitstogrowthwhereMeadowsetal.(1972)statedthattheglobalecosystemswouldprobablynotbeabletosupportthecurrentratesofeconomicandpopulationgrowthbeyondtheyear2100(Meadowsetal.,1972).EcologicaleconomistssuchasHermanDaly(1991)havelongadvocatedforaneconomythatrecognizesandstayswithintheboundariessetoutbynatureandecosystems.Thefieldsofbioeconomicsandecologicaleconomics build to a large degree on thework ofNicholasGeorgescu-Roegen,whointegratedthelawsofphysicsintoeconomics(Georgescu-Roegen,1971).Afoundationhereisthesecondlawofentropy,statingthatmatter/energyitselfdoesnotgetusedinnaturalprocesses,butitscapacityforrearrangementdoes.Energyitselfisconservedbutitscapacitytodoworkisusedup,meaningthattheunlimitedgrowthofproductionand consumption based on natural sources of matter/energy that are finite is notcompatible with the laws of nature (Bonaiuti, 2014; Daly, 1991). Daly coined theconcept of steady-state economy, that is, an economy characterized by developingqualitativelywithoutgrowingquantitatively(Daly,1991).Daly(2005)alsocoinedthetermuneconomicgrowth,meaningeconomicgrowththatincreasesenvironmentalandsocialcostsmorethanitincreasesproductionbenefits:"[u]neconomicgrowthoccurswhenincreasesinproductioncomeatanexpenseinresourcesandwell-beingthatisworthmorethantheitemsmade”(Daly,2005,p.103).Inrecentyears,thefocusonGDPgrowth as the central measure of success for an economy has been increasinglyquestioned,mainlyforitsincompatibilitywithecologicallimitsandinregard tothelackofequaldistributionoftheprosperityandwell-beingoftheoccurringeconomicgrowth(seeforexampleD’Alisa,Demaria,&Kallis(eds.),2014;Jackson,2009a;Victor,2008).

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Advocates of degrowth go further than ecological economists, calling not only forchangingtheeconomytoonewithsmallerthroughput,butalsofortheabolishmentofeconomicgrowthasasocietalaimandobjective(Kallisetal.,2014).Kallisetal.arguethatdegrowthfirstandforemostsignifiesacritiqueofgrowth,butthatitfurtherstakesout a desired direction towards a future in which “societies will use fewer naturalresourcesandwillorganizeandlivedifferentlythantoday”(Kallisetal.,2014,p.3).Itisthusnotsimplyaquestionofscalingdowntheeconomybutratheraquestionofdoingthingsdifferently.Someelementsconnectingthediverse ideasandproposalswithinthedegrowthframearethecriticismofgrowthandofcapitalism(asasocialsystemrequiringeconomicgrowth)aswellasthecritiqueofGDPandofcommodification,i.e.assigning monetary value to social products, socioecological services and relationsthroughtheprocessofturningthemintocommodities(Kallisetal.,2014,p.4).Asaframe,Kallisetal.claimthatdegrowthisbothcriticizingandconstructive,proposingalternativeelements that couldbepartof thisdifferentdesireddirection.Degrowthalso serves as an umbrella term under which various actors – from academics toactivists - can join forces in thepursuitof goalssuchasreducing climate changeorstrengthening democracy (Paulson, 2017). A shared understanding among differentadvocatesofdegrowthseemstobe,accordingtoPaulson,thatidealsofdegrowth“callus toshiftvalueanddesireawayfromproductivistachievementsandconsumption-basedidentitiestowardvisionsofgoodlifevariouslycharacterizedbyhealth,harmony,pleasureandvitalityamonghumansandecosystems”(Paulson,2017,p.426).Paulsonfurther claims that degrowth is lived in a “multi-sited, multilingual and multiformnetwork”thatsupportswaysoflifethataremotivatedbydesiresotherthangrowthand can help such lifeways to thrive parallel to theways that dominate in currentsocieties(ibid).Lorek(2014)highlightsdematerializationasanimportantconceptwithinthedegrowthvocabulary.Dematerializationisconnectedtothesocialmetabolismofaneconomy–theflowsofenergyandresources/material(andrelatedbiophysicalprocesses)neededtosustainconsumptionandproductionwithinit(Krausmannetal,2008;Sorman,2014)-becauseitindicateshowmuchthatmetabolismhastodecrease.AccordingtoLorek(2014),theconceptattemptstotacklecurrentenvironmentalproblemsatthesource,arguingthat theseproblemsarecloselyrelatedtotheactualvolumeofmaterialandenergy used for producing goods and services. Hence, reducing the material inputwouldleadtoanoveralldecreaseintheenvironmentalimpact.Dematerializationalsoresponds to the exhaustionof non-renewable resources and theoverexploitation ofrenewableones,suchasfishstock,timberandsoil.Lorekarguesthatdematerializationshouldnotbeconfusedwithresourcedecoupling,i.e.“reducingtherateofresourceuseperunitofeconomicactivitymeasuredinGDP”whichisgenerallywhatisreferredtowhenspeakingaboutdecoupling(Lorek,2014,p.84).Somecountriesclaimtohave

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managedsuchadecouplingoftheireconomies8,butinreality,Lorekpointsout,“theconsumptionofmaterialsandcarboninthesecountriesincreases”–onlythatittakesplace in other countries from which they import their material goods (ibid).Dematerialization would, on the other hand, mean an absolute reduction in bothmaterialandcarbonuse(Lorek,2014).The degrowth movement has been criticized for putting too much emphasis oneconomicgrowthwhencallingtomoveawayfromthefocusonit(Drews&Antal,2016;vandenBergh,2010).Attemptshavebeenmadetoputforwardasimilarcritiquetotheconsequencesofthecapitalisteconomyasthedegrowthadvocatesbutinotherterms;callinginsteadforana-growthorzerogrowtheconomy,orthesteady-stateeconomyaspresentedbyDaly(1991)(vandenBergh,2011).Degrowthersarefurthercriticizedfor being unrealistic and/or naïve, aswell as normative in their approach to socialchange.InaspecialissueondegrowthoftheJournalofCleanerProduction,Sekulovaetal(2013)respondtothiscritique,statingthat:

[…]somecriticswouldarguethatthedegrowthdebateinthecontextofacademiaisrathernormative.Stayingwithintherealmofthepoliticallyfeasibleorrefusingto explore and imaginepotential degrowth tracks for the economyand society,however,cannotbeconsideredneutral,normerelyanalytical. It isalsoastrongnormativestancetoassumethatgrowthissustainableanddesirableadinfinitum(Sekulovaetal.,2013,p.5).

In this sense, the degrowth debate can be claimed to expand the limits of what isconsideredpoliticallyfeasible.Indoingso,itdoesnotshyawayfromwhatisconsiderednormative but, as Sekulova et al. show here, it also serves to point out the strongnormativefoundationsofaso-called“neutralapproach”thatdoesnotquestiongrowth.Regardlessofwhatpositiononetakesconcerningtheimportanceofeconomicgrowth,recent research in Sweden (Hagbert et al., 2019; Malmaeus & Alfredsson, 2017)suggeststhatitiswisetoprepareforafuturewithoutgrowthinGDP.Hagbertetal.(2019) argue that this is partly because growth is often taken for granted in botheconomicandpoliticaldiscussionsaboutthefutureaswellasinmunicipalplanning,whichmeansthatadeclineinthegrowthofGDPcanposerisksforasocietythathaslockeditselfintoexpectationsofcontinuedgrowth.Byelaboratingfuturealternativescenariosthatinsteadfocusonmeetingstrictsustainabilitytargets,Hagbertetal.showthat it is possible to move towards a sustainable future with maintained (or evenincreased)well-beinginthepopulationifvaluesotherthanthecurrentonesareatthe

8LorekmentionsGermanyandtheUSbutSwedenhasclaimedthesame.Thisclaimhasbeendisputedamong others by Hult (2013), who points out the “black-boxing” in the construction of a Swedishsustainability imaginary thathides thosesameglobal consumptionandproductionpatterns thatarementionedbyLorek(2014)(Hult,2013).

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basisofunderstandingwell-being(Hagbertetal.,2019),inthiswaycontributingtotheexpansionofwhatcanbeconsideredpoliticallyfeasible.Alternative visions of developments Expanding the picture, to question economic growth also means questioning theunderstandingofprogressanddevelopmentthathasbeendominating(andsetting)theinternationalagendasincepostWorldWarII(Sachs,2000).Agrowingso-calledpost-developmentagendabringsforwardnotonlycritiquesofthisdominantunderstanding,butalsosystemicalternatives,worldviewsandvisionsthatconsiderthewell-beingofbothhumansand theplanet (Demaria&Kothari,2017).This is anongoingprocesswhere critiques of development are being forwarded by academics, indigenousmovements,women’smovementsandlocalcommunitieswhoaresearchingformorefundamentalalternativestothecurrentsystem.Demaria&Kothari(2017)arguethat:

(…)thetimeisripetodeepenandwidenaresearch,dialogueandactionagendaonavarietyofworldviewsandpracticesrelatingtoourcollectivesearch foranecologically wise and socially just world. These should be transformativealternatives to the currently dominant processes of globalised development,includingitsstructuralrootsinmodernity,capitalism,statedomination,patriarchy,andmorespecificphenomena,likecasteism,foundinsomeinpartsoftheworld(Demaria&Kothari,2017,p.2589).

Somealternativeworldviewsthatarebroughtforwardwithinthepost-developmentagendaareBuenVivirfromindigenouspeoplesintheSouthAmericanAndes,ecologicalswaraj from India and Ubuntu from the Bantu speaking peoples of Africa. Theseworldviews have in common a rejection of aiming for progress and growth and acritique of the “current development hegemony”, instead proposing radical changefromthelocaltotheglobalandadiversityofknowledges(Kothari,Demaria,&Acosta,2014,p.366).Asalternatives,theyfocuson,forexample,harmonywithnature,pluri-culturalismandco-existencebetweencommunities(BuenVivir);directpoliticalandeconomic democracy, social well-being and justice and ecological sustainability(ecological swaraj); and the interdependence of all (human and non-human) living,promotionof life andcare forothers (ubuntu) (Kothari et al.,2014;Ramose,2014).Otheralternativeswithinthepost-developmentcritiquecanbe foundwithinradicalfeminismandpracticesofsolidarityeconomyanddegrowth(Demaria&Kothari,2017).Itbecomesclearfromtheabovediscussionthatthequestionofaimingforsufficiencyintermsofmaterialconsumptioncanonlybeseenasasmallpieceofthelargepuzzle

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thatistherethinkingoftheeconomicsystemanditsdependenceonever-increasingeconomicgrowthasawhole.The fieldsofpolitical ecologyanddegrowthprovideacontextwithinwhichabroaderpictureofsufficiencymustbepainted.Thisiscrucial,asreducingmaterialconsumptioncannotinitselfsolvetheenvironmentalandsocialproblemsofasystemandsocietythatdependuponcontinuouseconomicgrowth inordertofunction.Limiting as liberating Discussions of limits and boundaries might bring about critical responses aboutrestrictions of individual freedom. Limits can however also work to open uppossibilitiesandimagination.Sachs(2015)writesaboutthedoublenatureoflimits-how limits act to simultaneously restrict and facilitate by theway that they “act asconstraintsonlywithrespecttooneparticularorderofthingsbutopenuppossibilitieswith respect toanotherorderof things” (Sachs,2015,p.179).WhatSachs calls the“poweroflimits”liesinthewaythat“[l]imitsmaysetfreeaction,becausetheyforecloseoptions”, thatway helping tomobilize energies (Sachs,2015, p. 180). Sachs furtherargues thatno socialor cultural limits can takeholdwithoutbeing “integrated intopeople’sperceptionsanddesires”,andthatanydebateaboutsufficiency is thereforeboundtocirclearoundhowproductivethoselimitsareandhowtheymightbecomeappreciated(Sachs,2015,p.186).Theinnovationpotentialoflimitscan,forexample,be seenwithin the field focusingon so called “frugal innovations”, innovations thatwork to create “faster, better and cheaper solutions for more people that employminimalresources”(Prabhu,2017,p.1).Inhisworkontryingtoredefineprosperity,Jackson(2009b)drawsonAmartyaSen’swork to describe prosperity as people’s capabilities to flourish, that is, how wellthey“areabletofunctioninanygivencontext”(Jackson,2009b,p.34).However,thesecapabilitiesarebounded,Jacksonnotes,bothbyfiniteecologicallimitsandbythescaleofthehumanpopulation.Buthepointsoutthat“thisdoesn’tmeansettlingforavisionofprosperitybasedoncurtailmentandsacrifice”(ibid,p.35).Instead,hearguesthatconsidering that neither social nor psychological functionings are best served bymaterialism, “this new vision of prosperity may serve us better than the narrowmaterialisticonethathasensnaredus”(Jackson,2009b,p.36,ref.toKasser).

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2.3 Relations of space and place: what do they mean for responsibility and justice? This thesis starts from an understanding of sufficiency as an idea that combinessustainabilityandjustice,framingitasaquestionofresponsibility.Buthowcanacallfor sufficiency that simultaneously calls for responsibility be explained in a morepractical sense? Inorder toanswer thisquestion, this section situates sufficiency intermsofspace,place,andrelations.Atthecoreofrelationalgeographyistheideathatspacesandplacesarerelational–theyaremadeupofrelationsandconnections,andtherelationsthatplayoutinthemwilleventuallyalsotransformthem,sincespaceisalsoaprocessofbecoming(Murdoch,2006).Spaceismadeupofmultiplerelationsthatintersectincertainplaces,potentiallycausingconflictsandcompetitionbetweenthepowerhierarchieswithineachofthoserelations(Massey,1991;Murdoch,2006).Inherarticleabouta“Globalsenseofplace”,Massey(1991)asksustozoomoutfroma place as if seen from a satellite, imagining all the relations between people asconnections spreading out over distances, stretching further over the planet andbecoming increasinglymorecomplexwithtime. Shethenasksus tomove incloseragain, zooming in on theweb of relations. Relations between persons are not onlypersonalandsocial,Masseypointsout.Theyareeconomic,political,andcultural,andthey all contain different layers of power and domination and hierarchy. And theystretchoutbetweenusastheyweaveintoeachother-fromhouseholdlevelfurtherextendingintolocalandglobalspace.Eachplace,then,caninthiscontextbeseenasaparticularanduniquepointoftheintersectionofalltherelationsmeetingthere.Itisacapturing image, and it raises the questionofwhatall these relations imply for thepeoplelivingtheirlivesinallthevariouspointsofintersectingrelations(Massey,1991).Harvey(1996)emphasizessocialprocesseslinkedtorelationsthathelpshapespaceandtime:“[t]hesocialconstitutionofspatio-temporalitycannotbedivorcedfromvaluecreationor,forthatmatter,fromdiscourses,powerrelations,memory,institutions,andthe tangible forms ofmaterial practices throughwhich human societies perpetuatethemselves.”(Harvey,1996,p.231).Therelationsthatplayoutbetweenpeopleinacapitalisteconomystretchfarbeyondtheplace,Harveystresses,andindoingso,theyhavemoralimplicationsfortheindividualstakingpartinthateconomy.Inacapitalisturbansetting,thespatio-temporalitiesoftheconsumerandtheproducerarephysicallyseparatedfromeachother,butatthesametimetheyrelatetooneanotherthroughthemediationofmoney(Harvey,1996).Theconsumptionofgoodstiestheconsumertopeopleandplacesinotherpartsoftheworld.Thepeoplebehindthegoodsmayremaininvisibletous,theconsumersintheglobalNorth,buttherelationshipisstillthere.

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Translatedtothefieldofmobilitythereisalsoacomplexsocialdifferentiationofpowerand control at play, and it raises, consequently, political questions (Massey, 1991).Masseyshowshowthepowerovermobilityforsomemayentailtheentrenchmentofothers:

Andthe‘time-spacecompression’whichisinvolvedinproducingandreproducingthedailylivesofthecomfortably-offinFirstWorldsocieties–notjusttheirowntravelbuttheresourcestheydrawon,fromallovertheworld,tofeedtheirlives–may entail environmental consequences, or hit constraints,whichwill limit thelives of others before their own.We need to ask, in other words,whether ourrelative mobility and power over mobility and communication entrenches thespatialimprisonmentofothergroups(Massey,1991,p.318).

Masseysuggestshereaneed–oraresponsibility–toaskabouttheconsequencesthatourliveshaveforthoseofothers.Thecompressionoftimeandspacethatshementionshas not slowed down since 1991- if anything, it seems to be accelerating almostexponentially. In this timeof constant information, there isno longer any room forclaimingthatweintheaffluentpartsoftheworlddonotknowhowourfoodorclothesorelectronicsareproduced.Ifspaceandplaceisrelational,itmeansthatourlivesplayoutinwebsofinterconnectionsandrelations,andthatourlivesaredependentontheprocessesofthoseinterconnectionsinordertogoonasusual.Wearedependentuponpeopleand relations that are invisible tous (Harvey,1996), and thatdependence–while increasingourmobility –means the spatial imprisonment of others (Massey,1991). In a later text,Massey (2004) again raises the issue of responsibility, whenarguingthat ifspace is thoughtrelationally in thissense, itgets implications for the“hegemonicgeographyof careandresponsibility”,which is thatpeople tend to caremostforthosewhoareclosesttothem(Massey,2004,p.9).Responsibility Ifthereistobeapointtodescribinggeographyasrelationalandaplaceasa‘’pointofintersection’’ ofmanysocial, economic,political, andcultural relations, then itmustsomehow hold consequences for our actions and our viewof ourselveswithin thatmyriadofrelationsstretchedoutinspace.Isthereawaytomakethesesocialrelationstranslatetoamoralpersonalresponsibility?Relationsimplyresponsibility,andrelationalgeographyraisesfundamentalquestionsabout responsibility for those relations thatwedependupon tosustainouraffluentlifestyles.Harveyexemplifies themoral implicationsofa foodproductionchainthatstretchesacrossbordersinaglobalizedsociety,andstatesthatifwe“[…]considerit

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rightandpropertoshowmoralconcern for thosewhohelpputdinneronthetable,then this implies an extension ofmoral responsibility (and values) throughout thewholeintricategeographyandsocialityofintersectingmarkets”(Harvey,1996,p.233).Expandinguponthismoralconcern,Young(2011)offersasuggestiononhowtothinkabout responsibilitywhen it comes to social relations that are stretched out acrossdistanceand time. Shepresents the “social connectionmodel”of responsibilityasamodeldifferentfromtheconceptofresponsibilitythattreatsblameandliability.Theunderstandingof responsibility in the liability sense should, according to Young, bereserved“forpersonswhocanbespecificallyidentifiedascausingtheharm,usuallyknowingwhattheyaredoing”(Young,2011,p.104).Thesocialconnectionmodel,ontheotherhand,isdifferentinthatitassignsresponsibilitytoallthosethatparticipateintheprocessesofreproducingthestructuresthatcreatesociallyunjustoutcomes.Theresponsibility is then connected to the very participation in, or contribution to,processesthatproduceandupholdunjustoutcomes:

The social connection model of responsibility says that individuals bearresponsibilityforstructuralinjusticebecausetheycontributebytheiractionstothe processes that produce unjust outcomes. Our responsibility derives frombelonging together with others in a system of interdependent processes ofcooperationandcompetition throughwhichweseekbenefitsandaimtorealizeprojects(Young,2011,p.105).

It is important to remember that structural injustice may be on-going and manyindividualsmaycontributetoitthroughtheiractionswithoutbeingtoblameforhavingdoneanythingcriminal,illegalorevenmorallywrong.InthewordsofYoung,“Thosewhoparticipatebytheiractionsinproducingandreproducingstructuralinjusticeareusually minding their own business and acting within accepted norms and rules.”(Young,2011,p.106).Thatis,theymightnotintendtoproduceunjustoutcomes–theymight even regret them. But even if individuals are not specifically at fault forparticipating in the reproduction of these structures, that does not free them fromresponsibilityfortheoutcomes.Thatresponsibilityisstilltheirs(ours)tobear,Youngargues.Andsincemanyoftheseunjuststructuralprocessesworkwithnoregardstolimitations fromnation-state jurisdictions, thatresponsibility travelsacrossborders:“Anagent'sresponsibilityforjusticeisnotrestrictedtothoseclosebyortothoseinthesame nation-state as oneself, if one participates in social structural processes thatconnectonetoothersfarawayandoutsidethosejurisdictions”(Young,2011,p.142).In scaling up the social connectionmodel of responsibility towork across borders,Youngusestheglobalapparelindustry,orsweatshops,asanillustrationofastructuralinjustice. At the core of an industry that thrives on selling cheap apparel, this is anillustrative example both of how our relations and identities are dependent upon

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relationswithindividualsverydistantfromusinspaceandofhowweasconsumerscontributetoupholdingthestructuralinjusticesbycontinuingtobuytheapparelfromthe sweatshops.Young (2011)points to the complexityof theproductionchainandhow the responsibility (and the liability) for the injustices produced within thesweatshop industry is dispersed. Owners of small factories claim that they cannotaffordtoimprovethebuildingsorlettheworkersworkfewerhours,whereasbiggerproducerslaytheblameonthebrandsfornotbeingabletoraisethesalariesduetohighcompetition,andstatesinturnfeelforcedtocompeteforcompaniestoproduceintheircountries(Young,2011,pp.131–133).Anagent’spositionwithinthestructuralprocessusuallycarriessomesortofpotentialforinfluencingthatprocess.Whenitcomestounjustglobalstructureshowever,Youngpointsoutthatmanyindividualswhoarerelativelyprivilegedbythesystemoftenhaveverylittlepowertochangeit.But,Young(2011)argues,themorerelativelyprivilegedanagentisbythestructuralprocess,thegreaterresponsibilitythatagenthasfortakingaction in order to undermine injustice. The beneficiaries of processes bearresponsibility, and so middle-class clothing consumers bear a relatively greaterresponsibility to take action against injustices than do the lower-income clothingconsumers, the latter being less able to pay for clothes that are producedwith fairwages. In reference to the more affluent consumers, Young adds that “their beingprivilegedusuallymeans,moreover,thattheyareabletochangetheirhabitsormakeextraeffortwithoutsufferingseriousdeprivation”(Young,2011,p.145).One characteristicofYoung’ssocial connectionmodelof responsibility is that it is ashared responsibility between the individuals participating in the processes thatproduceunjustoutcomes.Itisalsoaforward-lookingresponsibilityinthesensethattheinjusticesproducedthroughstructuresareon-going,andwhatisneededfromusinorder to discharge that responsibility, Young (2011) argues, is that all thosecontributingtothosestructurescometogethertoworktotransformthoseprocessesthroughcollectiveaction.Inworkingtoundermineinjustices,agents(individualsandorganizations)need to thinkabout theirpositionsofpowerandprivilegeaswell astheircollectiveabilitywithintheprocessesandhowtheybestmightinfluencethem.Sharedresponsibilityforjusticeisinthisviewapoliticalresponsibility(Young,2011,p.147).Justice Inconnectionwithsustainability,thecaseforextendingthescopeofjusticetoincludenotonlyfuturegenerationsbutalsoobligationstothenaturalenvironmentandnon-

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humanshasbeenextensivelydiscussed.Haughton(1999)suggestsfiveinterconnectedequity principles that represent the "essential environmental justice dimension” ofsustainable development (Haughton, 1999, p. 235). The first principles areintergenerationalequityandintra-generationalequity,underliningtheimportanceofjustice in relation to both other (future) generations and to all people living in thepresent(i.e.socialjusticehereandnow).Thethirdprincipleisgeographicalequity,or“transfrontier responsibility”, indicating that environmental problems travel acrossbordersandthatlocalpoliciesthereforeshouldbegearedtoresolvingglobalaswellaslocalenvironmentalproblems.Haughtonfurthermentionstheprincipleofproceduralequity,meaningthatregulatoryandparticipatorysystemsshouldworktoensurethatall people are treated in the same open and fair way (not only in regard to legalproceedingsbutalso to the right to informationandpoliticalparticipation).Finally,Haughtonhighlightstheprincipleofinterspeciesequity,inwhichnaturehasrights,andhumansalsohaveobligations–tonatureandtoeachother–forexample,topreventthedegradationofotherspeciesandecosystems(Haughton,1999,pp.235–237).Theideaofnaturehavingrightsisgainingincreasedinfluencebothinconcretelegaltermsand as an ideawith potential to change humans’ relationshipwith nature and non-humans(seeforexampleCullinan,2011).In2010,theWorldPeople’sConferenceonClimateChangeandtheRightsofMotherEarthproclaimedaUniversalDeclarationofthe Rights of Mother Earth, and there is ongoing mobilization to make the UnitedNations adopt it (World People’s Conference on Climate Change and the Rights ofMotherEarth,2010),andjustinthelasttwoyears,theWhanganuiriverinNewZealandandtheecosystemofLakeErieintheUnitedStateshavebeengrantedthesamelegalrights as a person (Ainge Roy, 2017; Prior, 2019). There is also ongoing work topromotelegislationagainst“ecocide”asacrimeagainstpeace,asoneimportantstepinthe process of changing the rules of the legal game in the direction of putting theprotectionandwell-beingoftheplanetatcentre(Higgins,2010,2012).Indiscussingtheframingofjusticeinplanning,Campbell(2006)alsofocusesonthelinkbetweenrightsandobligations,highlightingthatindividualsexistinrelationshipwitheachotherandthereforeareinterdependent.Itisthereforeinappropriate(andprobably unproductive) to frame an account of justice in planning based onindividualismandrightsofliberty(Campbell,2006).Shearguesthatinterdependenceiscloselylinkedtorights,andmoreovertotheobligationsthatareassociatedwiththoserights and in the absence of which Campbell thinks the rights in themselves aremeaningless:

Focusonrights,whileleavingtheassociatedobligationsobscured,tendstofosterpassivity,atleastintermsofacapacityforcollectiveaction:apreoccupationwith“whatIoughttoget,“andnotaconcernwith“mywiderresponsibilities.”Thelateroften impliesa responsibility that onlyaddsup to somethingmeaningful if it isupheldcollectively(Campbell,2006,p.95).

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AccordingtoCampbell,theneedforajusticeapproachbasedonrelationsismotivatedbythefactthatallhumansexistinrelationtooneanother–evenifnotallarethesame– and they may confront and experience common situations. Seeing obligations toothers as intrinsically linked to rights is crucial in order tomotivate individuals toaccepta lossofprivilege in theaimfora“higher”commongood.Thisapproachofa“highercommongood”alsosuggestsbroadeningthescopeofjusticebeyondthosewithwhomweshare a common identity, applying the relational justice to strangers too.Here Campbell (2006) connects to Young’s (2011) take on responsibilitywhen sheraisesthequestionofwhetherstrangersindistantlandsshouldalsobeincludedandanswersthesamequestionaffirmativelybypointingtotheinterconnectednessofsocial,economic,politicaland,notleast,environmentalprocesses(Campbell,2006,pp.100–101).Sufficiency as shouldering responsibility Therelationallinksbetweenresponsibilityandjusticepresentedherebringusbacktothequestionaboutwhoneedstochangeinorderforthehumanworldtoturntowardspractices that are more sustainable and just. Again, returning to Sachs’ claim that“justicewillbeaboutlearninghowtotakelessratherthanhowtogivemore”(Sachs,2015,p.174),thisunderlinesthatsufficiencyisverymuchanissueaboutbothjusticeand responsibility, of refraining from taking as an act of shouldering responsibility.Sachs further argues that the most important step to take in the spirit of globalresponsibility is for the “Northern consumer class” – which today occupies theenvironmentalspacetoanexcessiveextent–toretractfromusingotherpeople’slandandshareoftheglobalcommons(liketheoceansandtheatmosphere)(Sachs,2015,p.173).ThisisalsoinlinewithYoung’s(2011)argumentthatitiseasierforthemoreprivilegedtochangetheirhabitswithouttheriskofsuffering.AccordingtoYoung(2011),thesocialconnectionmodelofresponsibilityobligesus(the“us”whowithouractionsparticipateinreproducingstructureswithunjustoutcomes)to engage in collective action in order to discharge that responsibility. This is alsocentralinCampbell’s(2006)accountofrelationaljustice.Thiscollectiveactioncan,ofcourse,takemanyforms.Inthecurrentsocio-environmentalsituation,onesuchformoftakingcollectiveactiontochangetheunjuststructuresisforpeopleandconsumersintheaffluentworldtobeartheresponsibilityof“steppingback”orwithdrawingfromtheexcessiveenvironmentalspacethatourlifestylesdemand,inlinewithSachs’(2015)suggestionforhowtotakeglobalresponsibility.

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“Refrainingfromtaking”mightnotsoundlikeaveryrevolutionaryortransformingact,buthereitisimportanttoreconnectwithHarvey’s(1996)viewofvaluesasinherentinsocio-spatialprocesses.Heunderlinestheimportanceofarticulatingvaluesinordertoproduceemancipatorychange.Ifwearetosucceedinthe“questforsocio-ecologicaland political-economic change”,Harvey argues, thenwe need to look at values andsocio-spatial processes simultaneously, since the struggle to change one is also thestruggle tochangetheother(Harvey,1996,p.12).Sohowwepracticeandplayoutproductionandconsumptionandtherelationsbehindtheminspaceandplacematters.Ifwewanttochangethestructuresthatproduceunjustoutcomes(Young,2011),notonlydoweneedtoacknowledgeourresponsibilityforthereproductionofthem–wealsoneedtorethinkthevaluesbehindthem.Andtotakematerialconsumptionasanexample,thischangeofvalues–tovaluewhatwehave,rethinkwhatweneedandtrytosettlewithwhatisgoodenough–needstobedoneatthesametimeasweinventnewsocio-spatialprocessesofrepairing,borrowing,andco-producingthateventuallymightbeable toreplacetheunsustainableconsumptionandproductionpracticesoftoday.2.4 Framing sufficiency Ifsufficiencyistobearesponsefromtherichpartsoftheworldtotheresponsibilitythattherelationaljusticeapproachimplies,thenwhatisthatsufficiencysupposedtolooklike?Sufficiencyisnotinanywayanewideaandthereisalotofguidancetobefoundbothhistoricallyandindifferentculturesandreligions.Throughouthistory,ideasoflivingmoderately andwithin limits have recurred in different forms: in religions, culture,philosophy and economics. For example, Ingleby & Randalls (2019) provide anoverview of how enough-ness and limits have been understood and taken shapethroughout the history of Europe, from the medieval age through 19th centurymodernityandonuptothepresentday.Thoughtsonsufficiency,limitsandfrugalityare also to a very large degree present in different shapes today, from indigenouscultures to the voluntary simplicity movements and in religious practices andpreachings. As an example of the latter, Pope Francis writes extensively about theecologicalcrisisfacinghumanityandtheplanetinhisencyclicalletterLaudatoSi’from2015, stating that the currentworld system is truly unsustainable for a number ofreasons,amongthemthrowawayconsumerism(PopeFrancis,2015).Inordertomeetthiscrisis,hearguesamongotherthingsfortheestablishmentofalegalframeworkthatsetsclearboundariesthatensuretheprotectionofecosystems(ibid,p.16,section53),andthatChristianspiritualitymustreturntosimplicityandtakeuptheancientlesson-foundnotonlyintheBiblebutalsoindifferentreligioustraditions–that“lessismore”

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(PopeFrancis,2015,p.64,section222).Further, in the fieldofbotheconomicsandreligion,Thailand’s “sufficiencyeconomy”whichoriginates fromBuddhist teachingsshouldbehighlighted.Inanalysingitsoriginsandcomparingthesufficiencyeconomyto other religious economics, namely Islamic finance and Gandhian economics, Noy(2011)notesthatthemoralmandatesthatsuchreligiouseconomicsplaceonhumanscannotbereducedtomathematicalcalculationsand, further, that theyseenatureassacred in itselfandnot justasresources forhumanexploitation.Noyconcludesthat“the insights of systems of religious economics, such as sufficiency economy, mayindeed suggest wiser ways of seeking social well-being than traditional Western,materialisteconomics”(Noy,2011,p.607).In the literatureonsufficiency fromrecentyears, thetermisoftentreatedeitherasmoreofanumbrellatermforaparadigm,principleorlogic(e.g.Princen,2005;Moore&Rees,2013;Sachs,2015;Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014)orasadefinitionofacertainformofindividuallifestyle(e.g.Heindl&Kanschik,2016;Speck&Hasselkuß,2015).Tocall for sufficiency can thus be described as a call for shouldering the (global)responsibilityof affluence on 1, the societal level, and 2, the individual level. In thefollowingsection, I compareandcontrastdefinitionsof sufficiencyonbothof theselevels in order to develop an understanding of how theymight be understood andcombined.Sufficiency at the societal level: paradigm, principle or logic MooreandRees(2013)statethatachallengeintheprocessofreducingtheecologicalfootprintofanaffluentsocietysuchasthatofthecityofVancouver(intheirexample)is engaging civil society with political leaders in order to advance a paradigm ofsufficiency. In their words, this paradigm means “a shared social commitment toconsumingenoughforagoodlifebutnotsomuchthattotalthroughputexceedscriticalbiophysicallimits”(Moore&Rees,2013,p.47).Theyarguethatsuchanewconsumerparadigmisnecessary inordertoavoidthe“reboundeffect”ofpeoplespendingthesavingstheymadefromincreasedefficiencytoconsumeotherthings(ibid).Princen(2005)arguesthataprinciplebecomessociallyusefulandmightbroadentoa“socialorganizingprinciple”whenitservestocontinuallygenerateparticularquestionsand raise critical values, andwhen procedures and rules are aimed at regularizingcollectivebehaviourinsuchawaythatthosecriticalvaluesareprotectedandenhanced(Princen,2005,p.7). Ifsufficiencyweretobeasocialorganizingprincipleaimedtoaddressecologicalovershoot,Princenargues,decisionmakerswouldbecompelledtocontinuouslyraisequestionssuchaswhen importantvalues likeecological integrity

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andsocialcohesionarejeopardizedduetotooextensiveresourceuse,oratwhatpointmaterial gains todaymightmakematerial gains in the futureunattainable (Princen,2005). On a similar note, Spangenberg (2018) defines sufficiency as an organizingprincipleofsociety“that,byreplacinggrowth,offerstheopportunitytoovercomethedistributional dynamics and reap the benefits of a more equitable society”(Spangenberg,2018,p.7).Mastini&Rijnhoutalsohighlight theessentialelementofequityandjusticewhentheyrefertosufficiencyas

(…) a strategy of introducing hard limitations to unsustainable trends—inparticulartooverconsumption—plusanemphasisondistributionaljusticeinorderforeveryonetohaveaccesstoenoughresourcestomeettheirneeds(Mastini&Rijnhout,2018,p.34).

MooreandReese(2013)limittheirtakeontheneedforsufficiencyonthesocietallevelto talkabouta consumerparadigm,whereasAlexander (2015),Princen (2005)andSachs (2015) discuss sufficiency more as an overarching organizing principle andrulinglogiconwhichtobuildthefoundationofadifferentkindofsociety.Spangenberg(2018)inturnpresentssufficiencyasanorientationandarguesthat:

Sufficiency is essentially the antithesis to theorientation topermanent “higher,further,faster,more”.It insteadprioritisesqualityoflifeinwork,education,andleisure, as well as the freedom of responsible choice and the right to self-determination(Spangenberg,2018,p.5).

Thisquotehighlightsthemultilevelfunctionofsufficiencyasbothanorientationforthe society and for the individual, an orientation that could, continuing onSpangenberg’s“antithesis”argument,bedescribedaslower,closer,slower,less.Inanambitiousattempttodevelopa framework(institutional,social,economicandpractical)forapoliticsofsufficiency,Schneidewind&Zahrnt(2014)refertosufficiencyasbeingabout “havingenough tomeetone’sneeds–while thinkingnotonlyaboutmaterial needs” (Schneidewind & Zahrnt, 2014, p. 13). They also provide a morephilosophicalapproachtosufficiencywithreferencetowell-being:consideringthatthesatisfaction of existing wants stimulates the creation of new ones, the race simplycannotbewonsincethefinishinglinecontinuestomovefartheraway.Instead,theyargueforfocusingonthedemandside:

Afulfilledandfulfillinghumanlifeconsistspreciselyinnotpursuingeverywant,innotbeingcogsinthemachineryofeverexpandingdesires.Itconsistsinbeingableto consciously choose to forego things, todefer things, to enjoywhat isalreadythereandtocultivateourrelationshipwiththeworldasitis–ratherthanalwaysdemandingsomethingnew(Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014,pp.15–16).

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ThisbringsSchneidewind&Zahrnttoargueforsufficiencyasbeinganessentialpartof“the Good Life”, something that has also been pointed out by other authors in thecontextofconsumption(seeforexampleBurch,2012;Jackson,2005a).In terms of the actual meaning of the word sufficiency, Princen (2005) makes animportant delimitationwhen he uses sufficiency tomean “a sense of ”enoughness”and”toomuchness,”aqualitywhereconcernforexcessisparamountinthelifeofanindividual,anorganization,oranation”(Princen,2005,p.18).Theconcernforexcessis thus at the core here, as well as a distinguishing of that sense of enoughness,suggesting an accompanying restraint that steers away from excess. Princen notes,however,thatineverydayEnglishthetermsufficiencyismorecommonlyusedinthesenseof“goodenough”,or“secondbest”,andthatwithineconomicsandpsychologythetermsatisficingseemstobeusedinasimilarway(ibid).Burch(2012)underlinesthatsufficiencyisnotsynonymouswithabareminimum,butwith“enough”,meaningthatithaswidermarginsthanthatminimum.Itisimportanttodistinguishbetweenthesetwomeanings,Burchargues,ifweareconcernedwiththepotentialofpresentand future generations to flourish (this being one part of the motivation behindpracticing sufficiency), since “flourishing requires something more than the bareminimumofconsumption”(Burch,2012,p.5).Individual sufficiency: practices, voluntariness and intentionality Whenitcomestosufficiencyasanindividualchoice,Heindl&Kanschik(2016)writeabout “ecologicalsufficiency”asavoluntary lifestyleanddefine it as referring to “avoluntaryrestrictionofindividualconsumptionmotivatedbyecologicalconcerns.[…]Aneco-sufficientlifestyleimpliesassumingecologicalresponsibilityonapersonalbasisand in everyday life” (Heindl & Kanschik, 2016, p. 42). They further state thatsufficiency as a lifestyle choice “explicitly considers an absolute decrease ofconsumptionaspartofanecologicallyresponsiblewayofliving”(ibid).Thisdefinitionof sufficiency is very focused on the individual choice and Heindl & Kanschik areconcernedwithwhetherandhowanecologicallysufficientwayoflifecanbecombinedwith political liberalism. They find the criteria of voluntariness to be crucial andconclude that eco-sufficiency can only be combined with free choice in relativelywealthysocieties,whichleadsthemtoarguethatabenchmarkforasufficientlifeneedstobedefinedfromasituationofaffluenceandnotfromreferringtothepoor,duetoconflictswithdistributivejustice(Heindl&Kanschik,2016).Speck&Hasselkuß(2015)choosetodefineasufficientwayoflivingasonethat“includesecologicalandsociallyfairpractices"andasufficientbehaviourasonethat“impliesreducingenvironmentalandsocialimpactsthatgoalongwithdailyroutinesandbehaviors"(Speck&Hasselkuß,

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2015,p.5),adefinitionthatisinlinewiththatofHeindl&Kanschik(2016).Definingthe conceptof sufficiencyas advocating “a radicaldecreaseofmaterial andenergy-demanding consumption”, Gorge et al. (2015, p.12) expand the discussion beyondsufficiencyasavoluntarydecisioninchoosingtostudybothvoluntaryand“obligatory”(e.g.restrictedeconomicresources)sufficiencyandthetensionbetweenthetwo.Theyhighlight the importance ofmoving from individuallyundertaken sufficiency to onebasedoncollectiveactionandfurtherdiscussimplicationsofthistensionforthedesignofpublicpolicy(Gorgeetal,2015).Regardingindividualsufficiencypracticeinconsumption,thereseemsoveralltobeastrong focus on the voluntariness of such practices. In their review of research onsufficiency,Speck&Hasselkuß(2015)statethatthemotivationandknowledgebehindthe reduced social and environmental impact of one’s actions are of importance,arguing that “adequate competences and moral concepts are irreplaceable for asufficient lifestyle” (Speck & Hasselkuß, 2015, p. 5). This statement supports theargumentthatsufficiencyasalifestylemustbeupheldbyvoluntarinessand,further,bymotivation. This principle is indeed important in order to distinguish the positivemeaning of sufficiency from a state of obligatory or “forced” sufficiency. In theirexaminationofthelinksbetweentheconceptofsufficiencyandeverydaypracticessuchasmobility,foodconsumptionandhousing,Speck&Hasselkuß(2015)showhoweverhow the use of social practice theory can serve to overcome the perspective thatindividuals“needtobepersuadedtomakedifferentchoices”,i.e.tochangetheirvaluesand decisions in regard to consumption (Speck & Hasselkuß, 2015, p. 15). Thisapproach serves, therefore, to partly nuance the rather black and white picture ofsufficient lifestylesandpracticesasbeingeithervoluntaryor forcedbyemphasizingtheneedtoenablesufficientpracticesratherthantofocusontheintentionbehindthem.Another example of such nuancing is what McDonald et al. (2006) have called“accidentalsimplification”intheirresearchonvoluntarysimplifiers(McDonaldetal.,2006).Thisoccursamong individualswhoundertake someelementsof avoluntarysimplicitylifestyle,suchasusingpublic transport insteadofdriving,butwhodonotsharetheenvironmentalandethicalmotivationofthevoluntarysimplifiers.McDonaldet al. (2006, p. 527-528) describe how there is disagreement among researchersregardingthequestionofwhetherthoseoftheinvoluntarysimplifierswhoareforcedbyeconomicrestraintsto,forexample,takepublictransportcouldbeincludedintheconceptofvoluntarysimplicity.Theyfurthermentionanothercategoryofaccidentalsimplifiers, namely people who choose to cycle to work for fitness reasons or eatorganic products for taste or health reasons, as well as downshifters whose mainmotivationbehindthedownshiftinghasbeentoreducestress.Noneofthesegroupssharetheethicalandenvironmentalmotivationsofvoluntarysimplifiersornecessarilyrejectconsumption,even if their lifestylescontainvariouselementsofsimplification(McDonald et al., 2006). It should be noted here that McDonald et al.’s research

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concernsvoluntarysimplificationandnotsufficientlifestylesand,further,thatintermsofconsumptionchoices,the“accidentalsimplifiers”seemtoratherbeconcernedwithgreen/alternative consumption (i.e. more organic products) than with reducedconsumption.Agency of sufficiency within an unsustainable structure Young(2011)pointsoutthattheresponsibilityimpliedbythesocialconnectionmodelcanseemoverwhelming,evenparalyzing.IfIasanindividualsharetheresponsibilityforallofthesocialinjusticesthatmyactionscontributetoproduce,locallyandglobally,itmeansthatIamresponsibleinrelationtoagreatdeal.Itseemsmorethananyofuscould handle, and Young argues that we “should pause at the height of suchresponsibility” (Young,2011,p.124).Thatdoesnotmean,however, thatwe shoulddwelltoolongonitandletourselvesbecomeparalyzed,thusrefrainingfromaction.Instead,Youngarguesthatinthefaceofalltheseinjustices,weneedtoacknowledgeourowncontributiontothem,reflectontheresponsibilitythatcontributionimplies,andthenmoveontoconsiderwhatactionsmightbepossibleandreasonablyexpected(ibid).As a response to Young’s call for action to confront this responsibility, Stolle andMicheletti (2013) present their concept of “individualized responsibility-taking”,arguing forpoliticalconsumerismtobeone formofsuchresponsibility-taking.Theyalso put forward two necessary conditions for any degree of individualizedresponsibility-taking. The first one is a series of structural prerequisites needed inorderforcitizenstomakereasonablechoicesbasedontheirbeliefsonwhatisgoodforthemselves and for society. The second one refers to “personal backgroundcharacteristics” that provide individuals with interest and capability in regard tomakingsuchreasonablechoicesintheirday-to-daylife(Stolle&Micheletti,2013,p.22).Inadifferenttakeonresponsibility,Shethetal.(2011)introducetheconceptofmindfulconsumption,asanapproachthatispremisedontheconsumermindsetofcaring,foroneselfaswellasforone’scommunityandfornature.Thismindsetofcaringinturntranslatesintotemperanceinregardtoconsumptionbehaviour,i.e.temperingexcessesassociated with “acquisitive, repetitive and aspirational consumption” (Sheth et al.,2011,p.21).As mentioned in the introduction, the issue about changed consumption behaviourtowards more sufficient consumption practices raises questions about the relationbetweenindividualagencyandstructure:howmuchroomdoestheindividualhaveforsufficientpracticesinaconsumeristsociety,andtowhatextentcanthespreadingof

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suchpracticesinfluencethedominantstructures?Inlookingattwotypesofpoliticalconsumerism that are a reaction to mass consumption, namely alternativeconsumption (consuming differently, e.g. “buycotting”) and anticonsumerism(consuming less), Boström and Klintman (2019) identify six factors in the massconsumptioncontextthatmayhinderconsumersfromactinginaccordancewiththeirgreenandethicalvalues.Theseare:1)path-dependenciesofindividualsorhouseholds,i.e.thatpreviousconsumptionchoicesinthemassconsumptioncontext(suchasbuyingahouse)shapethefutureconsumptionchoicesoneneedstomake;2)thatconsumersand their social practices are locked into structural arrangements, physicalinfrastructure and systems of provision that are built around the logic of massconsumption; 3) the difficulties navigating the overload of (sometimesmisleading)information about alternative consumer practices; 4) the constant push from “theculturalforcesofmassconsumption”(p.864)toconsumemore;5)thewayconsumersaresocializedintotheroleoftheconsumerinasocietydrivenbymassconsumption,for example being taught to normalize the role of consumption in our search forpleasureandhappiness;and6)socialrelationsandthedifficultiesrelatedtodeviatingfromthesocialnormsthatconsidermassconsumptiontobethestandardandnormalwayofliving(Boström&Klintman,2019,pp.862–867).The very realistic problem that faces consumers who try to implement a moresustainablelifestyleiswell-illustratedbyMontetal.(2013),whoarguethatwe(intheNordiccountries)liveina“consumptogenic”society,definedasasocietywhere

(…) the structuresof societypromote consumptionpatterns thatNordicpeoplethinkofasnormal,butwhichareunsustainable.Ontheotherhand,citizenswhoattempttomakesignificantlifestylechangesforsustainabilityfaceinsurmountablesocio-culturalbarrierstosustainablepractices(Montetal2013,p.10).

According to Mont et al., this highlights the fact that it is governments and notconsumerswhoneedtoleadtheshiftto“culturesofsustainability”(Montetal.2013,p.10). The same problem is highlighted by Sanne (2002) and Jackson (2005a), botharguing that when it comes to everyday decisions, consumers are locked intounsustainableconsumptionpatterns,eitherbysocialnormsorinstitutionalconstraintsthat limit their capacity for decision-making. They are, therefore, “a longway frombeingwillingactorsintheconsumptionprocess”(Jackson,2005,p.29).Oneexampleofsuchlock-ineffectscomesfromSahakian’s(2017)researchonenergyconsumptioninaffluentexpathouseholdsinGeneva,Switzerland,wheresheexploredtheconstructionofsocialnormsandnormalityinregardtoconsumption.Sahakiandescribessociallock-in(howdynamicsandexpectationswithinsocialgroupsworktoenforcenorms)andmateriallock-in(howpeople’sphysicalpossessions,includingthesizeandnumberoftheirhomesaswellastheirtechnologicalappliances)astwocentralconceptsthatserve

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to lock people into certain consumption practices (Sahakian, 2017). Normality is,Sahakianargues,

(…)constructedwithinspecificsocialgroupsandculturalsettings,inrelationtothematerial and social dimension of consumption, and involving appliances, spaceavailability,theinfluenceofpeers,butalsothegeneralmedia(Sahakian,2017,p.68).

Withinthisspecificaffluentsocialgroup,Sahakianfoundthatthesocialandmateriallock-ineffects interact to construct expectationsof “normal” consumptionpractices,suchashavingtwodishwashers,thatmayseemveryexcessivetoother,notasaffluent,socialgroups(Sahakian,2017).Inherexplorationofalternativesystemsofprovisionthatcanworktoovercomethiskind of lock-in effects, Seyfang (2011) explores existing alternative systems ofprovision(suchaslocalfooddistributionsystemsorcommunitycurrencies)–“greenniches”–thatrejectthemainstreamimperativeforeconomicgrowth.Thesealternativesystems of provision can, Seyfang argues, be seen as “offering a more sustainableinfrastructure within which to conduct lives of sufficiency rather than continualexpansionofconsumption”(Seyfang,2011,p.20).Thesystemsofprovisionarealsoatthe centre of Gert Spaargaren’s (2003) argument for a contextual approach tosustainableconsumptionthatcombinesafocusonhumanagencywithafocusonsocialstructure(Spaargaren,2003).AccordingtoSpaargaren,theuseofthesocialpracticesmodelbringssocialstructures,lifestylesandsocialpracticesintothecentreofanalysis,andcanthusservetopointtohowanenvironment-friendlyattitudeisdifferentfromthe conceptof a greenandsustainable lifestyle (ibid). Spaargarenargues thatwhenemphasis isputonsystemsofprovision, theenablingaspectsof thesocialstructurewithinwhichtheindividualsaresupposedtoactouttheirresponsibilityconsequentlybecomeemphasizedaswell:

Whenthereisahighlevel–bothinquantitativeandqualitativerespects–ofgreenprovisioning,peoplearemoreorlessbroughtintoapositioninwhichthegreeningof their corresponding lifestyle segmentbecomes a feasibleoption(Spaargaren,2003,p.690).

The responsibility is then, it follows, not completely removed from individuals butratherbecomesmoreembeddedwithindifferentinstitutions,lifestylesandpractices,highlighting the need to reformulate environmental policymaking and turn thepolicymakersmore in the direction of the citizen-consumers to improve the “greenprovisioning”(Spaargaren,2003).Thesocio-culturalbarrierstosustainablepracticesarealsoverymuchpresentintheinfluence fromourclose friendsandrelativesaswellasour fellowcitizens.Seyfang

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(2011) states that our individual actions and consumption behaviour are stronglyinfluenced by social pressures and that consequently calls for different (andmoresustainable)waysofconsumption“willbemediatedthroughthosecontexts”(Seyfang,2011, p. 13). One example of such social pressure is presented by Cindy Isenhour(2010). In her anthropological study of Swedes who try to live more sustainably,Isenhour foundthat“stopshopping”wasoneof thethingsthey foundmostdifficult(comparedtothingssuchasdrivingless,buyingorganicproducts,orreducingwaste),and identified barriers related to “problems of sociality” as the most frequentlyoccurring among her informants in reference to shopping less or anti-consumption(Isenhour, 2010, p. 463). The experienced social barriers were for example socialpressureonthe informants’childrentonotbeseenasdifferent,aconcern forbeingperceivedasaself-righteousmissionaryintermsoflifestyleoranexperiencedpressuretokeepupwith trendsor simply to live likeothers (Isenhour,2010). Isenhouralsohighlights the challenges related to anti-consumption considering the key symbolicmeaningthatmaterialgoodshavecometoplayasmarkersofidentity(Isenhour,2010,p.464).Existingsocialandculturalbarrierstosustainableconsumptionpracticesmayhoweveralsoprovidehintsonhowtochangeconsumptionbehaviour.Seyfang(2011)pointstothedeepersocialandpsychologicalmotivationstoconsume(e.g.tobelongtoagroup,toexpressone’s identityor tomarkstatus),andarguesthatweneedtounderstandthoseinorderto“envisageastrategytoencouragechangesinconsumptionbehaviourthroughshiftsinpublicvalues,normsandexpectationswhichhaveknock-oneffectsonindividuals’actions”(Seyfang,2011,p.15).Onasimilarnote,Sahakian(2017)arguesthatthesocialandmateriallock-ineffectsshedescribes,alsocarryopportunitiesfor“un-locking” unsustainable consumption practices. For example, managingmaterialpossessions in an affluent household can be very time-consuming and sometimesfrustrating,suggestingthatfocusingonthevalueoftimemightbeonewaytoexplorethepromotionofdownshiftinginaffluentgroups(Sahakian,2017).Atthesociallevel,theroleofsocialnetworksinenforcingexpectationsofnormalitycouldalsoservetoinspirelessresource-intensiveconsumptionpracticesifone’sfamilyandfriendsweretoadoptsuchtrends(ibid).It is important here to highlight the distinction between conscious or politicalconsumerism and sustainable consumption in general on the one hand, and non-consumptionoranti-consumption (in linewitha sufficiencyprinciple)on theother.Black&Cherrier(2010)suggestthatoneunderexploredreasonwhyconsumersfailtoconverttheirpro-environmentalattitudesintopurchaseactioncanbethattheyinsteadseektoenactthosevaluesbynotconsuming(Black&Cherrier,2010).Thepotentialofthistypeofactionislimited,accordingtoSeyfang(2011),whoarguesthatwhileitmaybe encouraging to see that ethical consumers feel empowered by their actions, the

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realizationofthepotentialofcitizenactionsislimitedtoa“citizenshipofthemarket”,where the purchases through individual consumption are the only votes that count(Seyfang,2011,p.41).Thisresultsinanumberofbarriersforindividualswhoseektoactontheir“ecologicalcitizenshippreferences”9,leavingthemunabletoinfluencethemarket (ibid). One such barrier regards thosewho prefernot to consume, Seyfangargues,becausesuchachoiceisasmeaningfulasthatofconsuming,yetithasnoimpactonthemarket.This,accordingtoSeyfang,isoneofthemainproblemsofwhatshecallsthe“mainstreamsustainableconsumptionapproach”,anapproachthatreliesonthesumofmanyindividualchoicesinordertoshiftthemarket(Seyfang,2011,p.42).ThisproblemisalsohighlightedbyPaulson(2017),whopointstothesensationofhowone’sindividualeffortscanseemfruitlessandevenmeaninglessinthebiggerpicture.But,even though the individual voluntary decision to consume less resources has littlechanceagainstthestrongforcesworkingintheoppositedirection,shestillemphasizestheimportanceofsuchindividualactionsinthesensethatsuchnewhabitscanaltertheways inwhichwe “become human” and influence environments and processesthroughwhichpeoplearounduscaninturncontinuallybecomehuman(Paulson,2017,p. 439). This perspective highlights that the structural barriers tomore sustainablewaysoflivingandconsumingthatthepoliticalandeconomicsystemconstitutearefartoobigtorelysolelyonindividualbehaviourchangeorchangedconsumptionpractices.Schor (2005b) argues for the need for a strong global equity principle related tosustainabilityandfortheNorthtoconfrontits“commitmenttogrowth”(Schor,2005b,p.38)inordertoturninamoresustainabledirection.Partofthisturnentails,accordingto Schor, a necessary stabilization of our consumption enabled by a reduction inworkinghours(Schor,2005b).Inadifferentarticle,Schor(2005a)suggeststhatthereisaneedforrestructuringoftherulesoftheglobaleconomyinordertopreventthecurrentkindofexploitationoflabourandresources.Sucharestructuring–includingraisesofwagesinothercountriesandaninternalizationoftheecologicalcostsoftheproduction - would, according to Schor, result in higher prices for imported goodswhichinturnshouldreducethedemandforthoseproducts(Schor,2005a).Theaboveexamplespointtothedifficultiesofoneindividualtoact“sufficiently”withina system/structure and culture that encourages the opposite consumer behaviour.Theyalsopointtotheneedoftakingbothaplanning/policy-makingapproachandasocio-culturalapproachinordertochangeconsumptionpatternsinamoresufficientand sustainable direction. In an extensive overview of different perspectives ofsustainable consumption, Jackson (2005b) points out the insufficiency of the mostcommonpolicy interventions forpro-environmentalbehaviour changeused todate,

9Theideaofecologicalcitizenship,developedbyDobson(2003),extendsexistingtheoriesofcitizenshiptoincludeenvironmentalconcerns.Asnon-territorial,itisconcernedwithourresponsibilitiesandduties(to minimize our environmental impact) aswell aswith our actions and their implications for theenvironmentandforotherpeople(Seyfang,2011,pp.58–60).

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namelyinformationcampaignsandfiscalinterventions.Hearguesthatthemainreasonforthembeingfarfromeffectiveisthattheyarebasedontherationalchoicemodel.This model has proven to be insufficient when it comes to targeting consumerbehavioursinceitfailstoaccountforthecomplexityofthatbehaviour,forexamplebyleavingout the influenceof socialnorms, cognitive limitations,mattersofhabit andemotionalresponses(Jackson,2005b).Jacksongivesanaccountoftheproblemswithfocusingsolelyonthesekindsofinterventions,andclaimsthatfromaculturaltheoreticperspective, “the formsofgovernance familiar to the individualistic/entrepreneurialsociety are never, by themselves, going to be sufficient to achieve the kind ofbehaviouralchangedemandedbysustainabledevelopment”(Jackson,2005b,pp.123–124).Toaddresstheurgencyofthesituation,Jacksonargues,itisgoingtobevitaltothink outside the box constituted by the familiar policy options (ibid, p. 124). Hehighlights the importanceof governmentswhen it comes to leadingby example,bynegotiatingthe institutionalcontextwithinwhichconsumptiontakesplace(throughlegislation and regulations) and also by shaping the social and cultural context ofconsumers by those institutional measures as well as sending signals about whatbehaviours and attitudes are rewarded and valued in the society. Governments canprovide furthersupportwhen itcomesto facilitatingtheconditions foramorepro-environmental behaviour, as well as addressing business practices with policies(Jackson,2005b).Thisoverviewhighlightsthemanycomplexitiesatplaywhendiscussingwaystochangeunsustainableconsumptionhabits,stimulatepro-environmental(andmoresufficient)behaviourandfacilitatealternativegreenwaysofprovisioning.Someoftheseconceptswillbe revisited in thediscussionandanalysis followingtheempirical studies,withspecificfocusonsocioculturalobstaclesandchangeandsystemsofprovision.Expanding the discussion Sufficiency can, in the affluent context discussed here, be defined “technically” aswithdrawing fromone’s occupied environmental space into a smaller and boundedenvironmental space – with a share that is equal to everyone else’s - both on anindividualandasocietallevel.Thisdefinitionimpliesthatnotonlyissufficiencyastatetowards which to strive as individuals and societies, but it is also a process – amovement–ofmovingawayfromone(excess)spaceandmovingtowardsadifferentstateinalimitedspace.On amore philosophical and psychological level, however, whatwe perceive to besufficient (in order to live a “good life”, feel satisfied, etc.) varies greatly between

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individualsandcontexts.Thequestionsofwhatweneedto feelsatisfied,howmuchstuff is “enough” tomakeus feel content, andwhat thedifferentwaysare inwhichindividualsmayapproacha“senseofsufficiency”intheirownlivesareinmanywaysdeeplyexistential.Atthesametimeasbeingaprocessoflearninghowtorefrainfromtaking,sufficiencyisthusalsoaprocessoflearningaboutcontentmentandpleasure.The distinction that Princen (2005, p. 18)makes between sufficiency asmeaning asenseof“enoughness”or“toomuchness”andthecommonuseofthewordinthesenseof“goodenough”or“secondbest”(seeabove,p.49)isimportanttomake.However,thesenseof“enoughness”andthatof“goodenough”mighthavemoreincommonthanwhatPrincen’sdistinctiontellsus.Goodenoughmightimplyasecond-bestoption,butitmightalsotellussomethingabouttheroadofgettingthere–abouttheprocessofsufficiencyasonestartingwithasensationof“toomuchness”andthengradually,withanactivechoiceofreducingconsumptionorgettingridofthings,evolvingratherintoasenseofgoodenoughasingoodandenough-asinnotneeding(orwanting)anymore.Whereasgoodenoughcanmean“asufficientamount”ofsomething,ordoingsomething“adequately”well,goodandenough impliesanappreciationof thatwhichisenough.Thatis,notonlyisitenough,butitisalsogood.Inthisunderstanding,sufficiency(orthesensethereof)carriesnotonlyasenseofenoughness,butalsoaninherentelementofcontentment.Anexperiencedsenseofsufficiencyveryrarelyapproachesthetechnicaldefinitionofhowweideallyshouldliveinordertostaywithinadefined“sufficientspace”,however.Inhiswritingsaboutasufficiencyeconomy,Alexander(2015b)hasdescribedeverydaylife insuchaneconomyasverysimple- far frommanyof theconveniencesthatwetodaytakeforgrantedinaffluentsocieties.Inotherwords-oneaffluentindividual’ssenseof“goodandenough”canbe(andmostprobablyis)veryfarfromthesimplerlifestyle they would lead if withdrawing all the way to a truly “sufficient space”.Considering that sufficiency is alsoaprocess,however, it is relevant toexploreandlearnfromdifferentindividuals’pathstoasenseofexperiencedsufficiency,orof“goodandenough”,inordertotryandsaysomethingabouthowaconsumeristculturecanbeturnedaround,howpeoplecanlearntoappreciateanddesirealifestylewherewell-beingisdecoupledfrommaterialisticstrivings,andfurther,howthepoliticsofaffluentsocietiesmightusethisknowledgetosteertowardsamoresufficiency-orientedlogic.For this reason, it is important to expand thediscussionon sufficient lifestyles andpracticesdescribedintheprevioussection,andlookatthepossibilitiesofapproachingsufficiencyfromaboveinamannerthatcannotreallybedefinedaseithervoluntaryorinvoluntary/forced.Thatis:itispossibletoadoptsufficientpracticesnotbecauseoneisbeingforcedtodosoorchoosestodoso,butsimplybecauseithappenswithoutoneintendingforittohappen.Whenitcomestoindividualswhodonotconsciouslyaimfor

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restricted consumption due to ecological and/or political motives, but for variousreasonsreducetheirconsumptionanywayanddosowillingly,thereseemstoexistagapintheliteratureonsufficiencyasalifestyleorindividualpractice.Aimingtopartlybridge thatgap, I look closerat this typeof entry intomore sufficient consumptionpracticesthatIhavechosentocallunintentionalentriesintosufficiency.ThestudyoftheKonMarigroupisonepotentialexampleofanunintentionalentryintosufficiencywhichdoesnotseemtofitintotheexistingdefinitionsof“eco-sufficient”behaviourorsufficiencypracticesonanindividuallevel,consideringtheoftenstrongfocusonthevoluntariness andmotivations behind such definitions. It is therefore important toexpandthedefinitionofsufficientpracticesinawaythatmightconnecttheindividualsufficiency-related consumption practices to the societal level and the moreoverarchingaimofthesocietalresponsibilityforsufficiency.Returningtothetwolevelsofsufficiency,theindividualandthesocietal,theindividualswhovoluntarilychoosetolivemoresufficientlycanbeclaimedtoshouldertheirindividualresponsibility.Thosewhounintentionallyenterintomoresufficientconsumptionpractices,however,haveperhapsnotreflecteduponthatindividualresponsibility.Forasocietytoexplorethepotentialofsuch“unintentionalentries”andhowtheymightpossiblybefacilitatedsoastoattractmorepeoplecanthereforebeseenasonewayofshoulderingthecollectiveresponsibility of sufficiency, at the same time asmaking it easier for individuals toshouldertheirs(eventhoughtheymightnotbeawarethattheyaredoingjustthat).2.5 A politics of sufficiency: framework and central elements Asshown,therearemanydifferentdefinitionsofsufficiencyasanideaandprincipleaswell as of sufficiency as an individual lifestyle. But how can a principle aimed atorganizingsocietyactuallybetransformedintoconcretepoliticsandimplementedinpractice, in a way that addresses the obstacles to acting and consuming moresufficientlydescribedabove?Intheirambitiousprojectofoutlininga“PoliticsofSufficiency”,onethataimstomakeiteasiertolivethe“goodlife”,ShneidewindandZahrnt(2014)statetheneedfor“goodpolitics”,whichtheydefineasapoliticsthatregulateshowpeoplecanlivetogetherand“live their lives as theywishwithout thereby restricting the life choices of others”(Schneidewind & Zahrnt, 2014, p. 12). Friends of the Earth Europe has a similarambitionwith their anthologySufficiency.Moving beyond the gospel of eco-efficiency(Rijnhout&Mastini(eds),2018),inwhichseveralresearcherspresenttheirideasandsuggestionsforsufficiency-orientedpoliticalsolutions.

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Schneidewind&Zahrnt(2014)usedthe“fourLessens”identifiedbyWolfgangSachsasguidelineswhendevelopingstrategiesforsufficiency.These‘lessens’arelessspeed(intime), less distance (closer andmore clear), less clutter (simpler and fewermaterialthings)andlessmarket(asinalternativewaysofprovidingforoneself)(Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014,p.50).Apoliticsthatbuildsontheseelementsisnotonlyvaluableinthesensethatitfacilitatestheadoptionofmoresufficientlifestyles,theyargue,butalsoinitsfunctionas“symbolicpolitics”,showingthatpoliticscanhelptorealizewaysoflivingthataredifferentfrombusiness-as-usualandtobuildaculturethatisbasedonadifferentviewofthegoodlife(ibid).Sufficiency as freedom Reichel(2018)arguesthatseeingsufficiencyfromapoliticalmacro-levelperspectivecanhelptakethefocusfromtheindividualchoicesandinsteadre-structuresufficiencyasa“mandateforpolicy-makers:toensuretherighttowantwhatyoutrulywantandnomore”(Reichel,2018,p.22).This,heclaims,canbeaformofprotectingpeoplefromtheneedtheymightexperienceto ‘keepupwiththe Joneses’andfromtheconstant“pullofconsumercapitalism”(ibid).Alongthesameline,Lorek(2018),alsopointstosufficiencyas“anewlevelofconsumerfreedom”(Lorek,2018,p.27)andasamatterof the right to self-determination – of not having to buy. This connects in turn toSchneidewind&Zahrnt’sviewofthepoliticsofsufficiencyassomethingthatcanworktostrengthenpeople’sfreedomofchoiceinthesenseoffacilitatingtheirdecisiononwhetherornottheywishtomeettheirneedswithmoreorlessgoodsfromthemarket,orperhapsbyproducinggoodsandservicesthemselvesorincollaborationwithothers(Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014,p.65).Politics setting limits Ingeneral,onecantalkaboutlimitsandlimitationsasbeingoneessentialelementofapoliticsofsufficiency.Thisisdifferent,then,fromthefocusofvoluntarinessinplacewhendiscussingsufficiencyasalifestyleandindividualpractice.Voluntarysimplicity,forexample,isalifestylethatcanbechoseninordertoreduceone’sownenvironmentalfootprintbythevoluntaryadoptionofcapsonone’sconsumption–ofenergy,material,travel,food,etc.Suchachoiceoflifestylemightforsomeindividualsbeperceivedastheinevitablechoiceifonewantstotrytolivesustainablywithinanunsustainablesystem.Apolitics anda societyaiming for sufficiency,however,must implement limitationsfromapoliticallevelinordertorestrictunsustainableresourceuseandemissionsona

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systemiclevel.Theelementoflimitationsorrestraintsisatthefoundationoftheideaofsufficiencyandisrootedintherecognitionofthefiniteenvironmentalresourcesortheecologicallimitsthathumanshavetoadaptto.AsphrasedbyPrincen(2005)whenarguing for theneedfornewsocialorganizingprinciples toaddress“environmentalcriticality”:“adifferentsetofprinciplesareneeded,asetthatembodiessocialrestraintasthelogicalanalogtoecologicalconstraint,asetthatguideshumanactivitieswhenthoseactivitiesposegraveriskstohumansurvival”(Princen,2005,p.19,emphasisinoriginal).How then, can such restraints be put in place? Spangenberg (2018) states that it isaffluencethatisthekeyvariablethatneedstobeaddressed,andthatsufficiencyisallabout “reducing the resource consumption per capita” (Spangenberg, 2018, p. 6).Sufficiencypoliciesareurgentlyneeded ifwearetobeable toreacha“globally justdivisionofresourceaccesswithinenvironmental limits”(ibid),Spangenbergargues,andpointstothedeficiencyoftheefficiencyapproachinthissense.Efficiencymeasuresinregardtoproductionandmaterialusearecertainlyneeded,buttheyenhancegrowthandneedthereforetobecombinedwithsufficiencypoliciesintheformoflimitationsfromthepoliticallevel:

Astherearenoeffectivegrowthbrakesinafreemarketeconomy,thelimitationsmust be set from outside the economic system: politically by capping resourcethroughputwithashrinkingcap(Spangenberg,2018,p.6).

Alcott (2018) also argues for limitations in the shape of environmental caps, andexplainshowthis,albeitbeingaconceptthatissimplebothinconceptandplanning,has not been a go-to solution politically but instead has been ignored in favour offocusing on measures such as renewable energy, population reduction, voluntarysimplicityorothersustainablelifestyles,andenvironmentaltaxes.Thefocusonthesetypesofsolutionsandthepoliticalavoidanceofmeasuressuchascapsonresourceuseisprobably,Alcottargues,duetothefactthattheconceptofcapsmightimplyafeelingofsomethingbeingsacrificed:“Weunderstandablywanttosee ifwecangetresultswithout such unforgiving per-capita limits, to investigate possible painless paths tosustainability”(Alcott,2018,p.10).Alcottclaimscapstobeasimpleconceptandthattheywouldbeaneffectivetoolforpreventingreboundeffectscausedbytheotherkindofmeasures,aswellasforprovidingafairsolutiontomanyenvironmentalproblems,but,headds-thisfactneedssocialmarketinginordertobecomesociallyacceptable(Alcott,2018).Cohen(2015)referstorationingas“thepolicytoolaboutwhichwedarenotspeak”(Cohen,2015,p.214)andarguesonasimilarnotethatitisnotverylikelythatrationingpoliciesareimplementedand/oracceptedifnotprecededbyaculturalchange.Mastini&Rijhout(2018)arguefortheimplementationof“environmentalcaps-and-rationing”bothonamacroandamicro level.Amacroeconomicenvironmentalcaps system would assign limits or quotas to nations, organizations and other

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administrative units; a microeconomic rationing system would in turn mean theintroductionofcaps,forexample,perproductgroup,persector,orpercapita.Thetwocan be combined, Mastini & Rijnhout argue, in the introduction of strict caps onresource use for the society (fairly divided between nations) and then sharing theamountbetweentheinhabitants,forexamplethrougha“PersonalCarbonAllowance”(Mastini&Rijnhout,2018).Capsandlimitationscannotonlybeimposedonuseofandaccesstonaturalresources,they might also be used as tools for distribution measures, for example by settinglimitationsforamaximumincomeandmaximumnumberofworkinghours(Mastini&Rijnhout,2018).And,ofcourse,tolimitindividualconsumption.Oneideathatiscloselyassociated with sufficiency in the area of consumption is the work on sustainableconsumptioncorridors.Thisconcept,asdevelopedbyDiGiulioandFuchs(2014),isanattempt to conceptualize and define both a minimum level of quantitative andqualitativeresourceconsumptionnecessaryforindividualstomeettheirneedsforagoodlife,andadutyforconsumersnottoexceedamaximumlevelofnaturalandsocialresourceconsumption,beingsetinsuchawayastoalsoallowotherstohavesufficientaccess to them (Di Giulio & Fuchs, 2014, p. 187). Sustainable consumption is then,consequently,definedbyDiGiulioandFuchstobeconsumptionthatrespects theseminimalandmaximalstandardsandthusstayingwithinthe“consumptioncorridors”(ibid).Inthecontextofapoliticsofsettinglimits,itcanbearguedthatimposinglimitsorcapson resource usemight lead to another category of entries into sufficiency than theintentional (voluntary) and the unintentional ones at the centre of this discussion,namelyaninvoluntaryandforcedtypeofentry.Itthereforeisimportanttonotethatsteeredentriesintosufficiencyaredifferentfromforced.“Forcedsufficiency”hasbeenused earlier in this chapter to describe an involuntary entry into restrictiveconsumptionpatternsduetoeconomicrestraints(i.e.povertyoradrasticdecreaseinincomeduetoforexamplelossofemploymentorlong-termillness).Ithas,forexample,beenarguedthatvoluntarinessisanindispensablecriteriaforasufficientlifestyleinaliberaldemocracy(Heindl&Kanschik,2016).Itisimportanttodistinguishthiskindofforcedentryintosufficiencyfromenforcingpoliticalmeasuresaimedatareductioninthe total environmental impact of the society’s and its inhabitants’ activities andlifestyles. Firstly, capson resource usemust be fairly and equitably enforced on allindividuals (as well as businesses, local and regional authorities, etc.) in a society,meaningtheywouldhitthosewhoaretheworstemittersandusethemostresources,i.e.themostaffluent,harder.Thus,suchcapswouldnotforceanyoneintopoverty,butratherservetodistributetheuseofresourcesinamoresociallyjustwayandsetoutanew societal target that everyonewould need to contribute to. Secondly, it can beargued that such a top-down enforced or steered sufficiency is a response to the

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identified societal responsibility for sufficiency, and that not shouldering thatresponsibilitywouldmeantocontinuetocauseharmtootherindividuals.Thispointishighlighted by Spengler (2016), who points out that a policy aiming at reducingconsumption at the collective level may be very difficult to accept for not soenvironmentallymindedcitizens,but,sheargues,suchapolicy

(…)caninprinciplebejustifiedbytheliberalprinciplethatthestatemayinterfereifthereisharmoradefiniteriskofharminflictedbysomeindividualsonothers,giventheaccumulativeadverseeffectsofcurrentconsumptionpatternsinaffluentcountries(Spengler,2016,p.928).

Drawing on Spengler’s argument, enforcingmeasures such as resource use caps orcarbonbudgeting canalsobe justified in liberaldemocracies ina situationwhereareductionoftheresourceconsumptionisurgentinordernottoharmotherindividuals(regardless ofwhere these individuals live). This is clearly the case in the face of aclimate crisis thatwill hit hardest against themost vulnerable groups in theworld(Fleurbaeyetal.,2014;Oxfam,2015).ThiscaninturnbereferredtoYoung’s(2011)lineofargumentregardingourmoralresponsibilitywhentakingpartinthestructuralreproductionof social injustices, andmight furtherbeextended to includeavoidinginflictingharmonnon-humanstoo.SchneidewindandZahrnt(2014)alsodebatethequestionofbalancebetweenlimitsontheonehandandtheexerciseoffreedomontheother,andthepointwherethatfreedomrestrictsotherpeople’sfreedoms.Theyarguethat a political framework is needed specifically because of the need to define thisbalance, and that enlightened liberalism - that is, a liberal politics that views theindividual not first and foremost as a consumer, but as a citizen, and that aims toprovideeveryindividualwithmaximumopportunitiesforpersonaldevelopment-isofcrucialimportanceforapoliticsofsufficiency(Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014,p.23).Theissueofenforcingpoliticalmeasuresisasensitiveone,anditpointstothatapoliticsofsufficiencyneedstobeaccompaniedbyatransitionofnormsandcultureinfavourofmoresufficiencythinkingandrationing.Suchatransitioniscrucialinorderforlimitsorcapstobeseenasacceptablebythemajority(Cohen,2015;Sachs,2015).Politics of less and closer Regarding consumption, the ‘less clutter’ element first proposed by Sachs leadsSchneidewind&Zahrnt(2014)todiscussapoliticsof less: Inwhatwayscanpoliticshelptodeclutterourlives,ourenvironment,oursociety?Themostimportantstarting-pointforsuchapolitics,theyargue,is“nottoallowcluttertodevelopinthefirstplace”(Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014,p.61).Somemeasurestohelpinmeetingthisgoalare

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topromoteanenvironment that is “free from thepermanentpressure to consume”(ibid)(forexamplethroughadvertisement-freepublicplacesandurbanplanningnotfocusingonshoppingareasinurbancentres),toimproveconsumerinformationaboutthedurabilityofproductsandtoensurethatpublicprocurementprioritizesqualityanddurability, to take measures against planned obsolescence (for example throughextendingwarranties forproducts)andtosupport therepairandreuseofproducts.ThepoliticsforlessclutterthatSchneidewind&Zahrntproposeiscloselyinterlinkedtotheirsuggestedpolitics forlessmarket.Here, it isaboutpolicymeasuresthatcanservetodecreasetheinfluenceofthelogicofthemarketinsuchawaythatit“doesnotpermeateeverything”(Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014,p.65).Inthisarea,theroleofthecommons–as insharedplacesorplacesofpublic access - is very important.Theseplaces provide opportunities for engagement in activities such as learning, arts andsportsinanenvironmentthatisdeliberatedfromthepressureofpurchasing.Theycanalsobespacesfornon-commercialcitizeninitiativessuchassharinglibraries,repairshopsanddo-it-yourselfworkshops,thuscontributingtoanalternativeinfrastructureofprovision(Hult&Bradley,2017).Theaspectof lessmarket isalsohighlightedbyLorek (2018), who argues that sufficiency solutions for consumption go beyondconsumptionasaneconomicactivitythatoccursinamarketbasedonmonetaryvalues,as they also subsume for example voluntary activities, caring, housekeeping andcommunityactivitiesthatareperformedoutsidethemonetarymarket(Lorek,2018).Consequently, people also need to be recognized outside their role in the market:“Sufficientconsumptionexplicitlyregardspeoplenotonlyintermsoftheirfunctionasconsumers,butascitizensassuch”(Lorek,2018,p.29).Asidefrommaintainingandstrengtheningthecommonsandprovidingconsumption-freepublicplaces,Schneidewind&Zahrntalsohighlightchangingeducationpolicyasoneway of enabling greater independence from the instrumental rationality of theprevailing economic paradigm for young students. Increasing the degree of self-provisioning–tomakemorethingsforoneselfandengageincommunityactivities–isalso an important strategy for reducing the influence of themarket logic in society(Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014).ThepotentialofthelatterhasbeenlookedintobyHult&Bradley(2017),who intheirresearchonwhatrole localauthoritiescouldplay inprovidingspacesthat“enablecitizenstobecomemakers,sharersandrepairers,ratherthan mere consumers” (Hult & Bradley, 2017, p. 601) point to their key role instructuringalternative“infrastructuresofprovision”(ibid,ref.toSeyfang,2011).Ifthesocio-environmentalimpactsofthecurrentandincreasinglevelsofconsumptionaretobehandled, theyarguethat it is important for localauthorities tohelpcitizenstoimprovetheirpracticalknowledgeandskillsintheseareasandenablethemtomake,shareandrepairinconvivialitywithothers(Hult&Bradley,2017).Suchself-provisionknowledge and skills could also, together with conviviality, be seen as importantelementsofamoresufficientsociety.

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Astheseexamplesshow,anelementoflessmarketiscloselyconnectedtoafocusonthelocal.Thisisinturnalsolinkedtolessspeedanddistanceinasufficiency-orientedsociety. Just as Schneidewind & Zahrnt (2014) highlight the importance of thecommons,Sachs(2015)presentsthe“homeperspective”asonekeytosolvingwhatheseesasthecrisesofnatureandjustice.Inlinewiththeoperationalizationofsufficiencypresentedinthisthesis,thehomeperspectiveisbasedonabeliefof“makingroomforothersbymeansofanorderlyretreat”(Sachs,2015,p.87),andthatretreatcomeswitha proposed new rationality,what Sachs calls the “rationalityof shortened chains ofeffect”(ibid).ThiscouldbetranslatedastheneedfortheglobalNorthtobemoderatein regard to objectives and to bring production closer to home, in order to avoidhindering the sustainable livelihoods of others (in the global South) by occupyingexcessenvironmentalspace.Anoverallslowerpace inasufficiency-orientedsocietyalso means an increased dependence on the local community (Sachs, 2015;Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014).Politics of slowing down: work and time Other elements of a politics of sufficiency that are closely connected to materialconsumption,arethereconfigurationofwork–includinglimitationofworkinghoursandincome–andgivingpeoplemoreinfluenceoverhowtheyspendtheirtime.Theseelementsarecloselyconnected,notonlytoeachotherbutalsotoanurgentlyneededreductioninconsumption.Areductioninworkinghoursisoftenputforwardasonewaytoreducepeople’sconsumptionbysimplyreducingtheirfinancialincome,atthesametimeasfreeingmoretimeforleisureandsocialrelations(seeforexampleCoote,2018;Mastini&Rijnhout,2018).Schneidewind&Zahrnt(2014)mentiontimepoliciesaimingfor“timeprosperity”andamore“time-autonomouslife”(p.55),suchasoptionsforworkingparttimeandstrengtheningemployeerights,asoneimportantmeasurefor lessening the speed of everyday life (Schneidewind & Zahrnt, 2014). Onestraightforwardexplanationoftheconnectionbetweenworkingtimeandconsumptionlevel,separatefromthestrictlyeconomicone(i.e.themore/lessincomeweearn,themore/lesswecanbuy),isprovidedbyAnnaCoote(2018):

Agreatdealofresource-intensiveconsumptionistriggeredbyourbusy-ness.Wewantthingsthatarequickandconvenientbecausewehavetoolittletimeatourdisposal,sowetravelbyplaneorcarratherthanbypublictransport,bike,orfoot.Webuyprocessedready-mealsinsteadofpreparingfoodandcookingitourselves(letalonegrowingit).Wethrowawaypossessionsthatarewornorbrokenandbuynewonesinsteadofrepairingthem.Wehaven’tgottimetohire,lendorborrow,sowe and our neighbours have the samemountains of equipment in our homes,althoughweusemostofitveryoccasionally(ifatall).Havingmoredisposabletime

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willnotchangeourhabitsovernight,butitcouldstarttoshiftourattitudesandpriorities(Coote,2018,p.19).

Thisquotenotonlyhighlightstheimportanceofreducingworkinghours,butalsoofanoverallfocusonmoretime,slowerspeedandbetterwork-lifebalanceinthesufficiency-orientedsociety(alsohighlightedby,forexample,Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014)andwhythatisofcrucialimportanceinreducingthevolumeofconsumption.Thisshiftisalso highlighted by Alexander (2015b), who in his illustration of a “sufficiencyeconomy”emphasizesthat themuch lower levelsofproduction insuchaneconomy(due to much lower consumption levels compared to consumer societies of today)wouldimplyareducednumberofworkinghoursformostpeople,atleastwithintheformaleconomy.Thiswillinturncreatemoretimeforleisurebutalso,consideringtheincreasedneedforproduction(offoodandmaterials)athome,atthesametimeservetoblurthedistinctionbetweenworkandleisure(Alexander,2015b).Intermsofwell-beinginrelationtoworkandtime,Sachs(2015)arguesfora“principleofsovereigntyoverone’sowntime”thatcouldstimulatepeopletochoosealifestyleinwhichgainingtimecouldpartlycompensateforalossofincome(Sachs,2015,p.208).Suchaprinciple,extendingone’srighttogovernthelengthofworkperiods,couldbothserve the ecological aim of reducing purchasing power and the societal aim ofmitigatingunemployment(ibid).Coote(2018)pointsoutthatinaimingforareductioninworkinghoursitiscrucialtopayattentiontoinequalitiesinpayandintime,asthereisariskthattheseinequalitieswillincreasewithoutthepresenceofpoliticalmeasurestocombatlowpay(Coote,2018).InthiscontextitfurtherservestomentionastudyoftimeuseandconsumptionamongSwedishhouseholdsperformedbyNässénandLarsson(2015).ThestudyindicatesthatareductioninworkinghoursmayhavealargeimpactintermsofbothenergyuseandGHGemissions,andthatapoliticalstrategyforsuchareductionmightconsequentlybean important complement to eco-efficiency strategies for reaching climate targets(Nässén&Larsson,2015).Politics for ‘The Good Life’ The focusonreducingworktimeandimprovingwork-lifebalance isonepartof thebiggerpictureofthe‘GoodLife’.Whatthatis,andareconceptualizationofwhatitcouldbe, liesat the coreof a cultural andpolitical (re)orientation towardssufficiency.Toreconsiderwhatisvaluedandappreciatedasahighstandardoflifeisnotonlyseenasawaytopotentiallydecreasetheecologicalfootprintsoftheaffluent,butalsoasaway

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topreventmorepeoplefromadoptingunsustainablelifestylesastheyliftthemselvesoutofpoverty. In thewordsofCoote(2018), “wemustaimtoavoida futurewheregreaterincomeequalitymeansthatmorepeoplegoshoppingliketherich,andinsteadredefinethe‘goodlife’andreachasharedviewofhowmuchis‘enough’foreveryone”(Coote,2018,p.19).Arguingforafocuson“well-beinginsteadofwell-having”(Sachs,2015,p.209),Sachsclaimsthatafocusonmaterialsatisfactionoverthenon-materialcandecreaseoverallsatisfactionwithlifeandconcludesthat–“[f]rugality,therefore,isa key to well-being” (ibid, p. 212). This points to another important element ofsufficiency,namelythedematerializationofourwantsandneeds.ThedefinitionofapoliticsofsufficiencyprovidedbySchneidewindandZahrnt(2014)ispreciselyapoliticsthatmakesiteasiertolive‘theGoodLife’.So-whatisthatlife?SchneidewindandZahrntdonotanswerthatquestiondirectly,butarguethat“[i]tisbecomingevermoreapparentthatagoodlifeneedsroomforthatwhichis ‘slower’,‘closer’,‘less’and‘morepersonal’”(Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014,p.13).Followingthis,theymentionthe‘GoodLife’asonethat“requiresroomfornewbalances”(ibid),whichmeans that a politics aiming at facilitating the ‘Good Life’ (namely, a politics ofsufficiency)mustoffer“thepossibilityofself-realisationtoavarietyoflifeconceptsinaspiritofcommonglobalresponsibility”(Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014,p.13).Insuchaspirit,itisappropriatetoincludeforexampleBuenVivir,or“goodliving”,theabovedescribed(in2.2)conceptbuildingontheworldviewsoftheindigenouspeoplesoftheAndes,indiscussionsonthe‘GoodLife’(Acosta,2017).Inherworkonalternativeandnewhedonism,KateSoper(2007,2008,2017)has -despitenotwritingspecificallyaboutsufficiency-presentedquiteafewelementsthatcanbeseenascentral to this frameworktoo.Manyof thecharacteristicsof thenewhedonismthatshedescribesaresimilartothoseofsufficiency.However,Soper’sfocusiscontinuouslyonthepleasuresthatthecurrentconsumeristsocietydeprivesusofand,consequently,whatpleasuresaretobegainedfromchangingthewaywethinkaboutandpracticeconsumption.Asexamplesofsuchpleasures,shehighlightslessstress,lesstime dedicated towork, a slower pace of everyday life andmore time for personalrelations(Soper,2008).Tothinkaboutpleasuresandhedonismisawayofbringingattentiontothenegativesidesoftheconsumeristculturethathavebecomenormalized.Soper (2008) argues for the potential significance of the “’alternative hedonist’disenchantmentofconsumerism”(Soper,2008,p.571)whenitcomestochangingthatcultureandturningtomoreecologicallyandsociallysustainablewaysof living.Thechancestodosoare,sheclaims, “dependentontheemergenceandembraceofnewmodesof thinkingabouthumanpleasureand self-realization, especially, in the firstinstance,on thepartof theaffluentglobal elites” (ibid).Forsuch rethinking to takeplace,thecurrentconsumeristimageofthegoodlifeandhumanflourishingneedstobechallengedbyanalternativethatseemsmoreseductive;onethatappealsnotonlyto

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environmental concerns or altruistic compassion but also to more “self-regardinggratificationsofconsumingdifferently”(Soper,2008,p.571).Inherworkfrom2008,Soper writes about the beginnings of a counter-consumerist trend among affluentconsumersthatbringsforwardalternativeviewsof‘thegoodlife’andthatcanalsobeseenasareactiontodisaffectionwiththeaffluentlifestyleand“disenchantmentwiththesupposedblessingsofconsumerism”(Soper,2008,p.571).Theseanti-consumeristfeelings-eventhoughstillonlyappealingtoasmallminority-havesincethengrown,togetherwithconcernfortheroleofconsumptioninregardtoclimatechange(Soper,2017). Formanyofthesuggestedchangesofculturetocomeabout,Soperarguesthatwhatisrequired is “a radical break with consumer culture's glorification of speed and itsunderstandingofprosperityintermsofefficiency”(Soper,2017,p.29).ThisisinlinebothwithSchneidewind&Zahrnt’s(2014)focuson“lessspeed”andwiththefocusontimeandwell-beingwithinthesufficiency literature.Besidesarguing for thecaseofreducingworktimeandincreasingour“timeaffluence”,Soper(2017)arguesthatthereare also other hedonistic reasons for opting out of some forms of consumption. Asexamples,shementionsthespacethatisfreedupifoneonlyownsaminimumamountofgadgetsandtools,thelabourthatissavedintermsofcleaningandrepairing,aswellaslessproblemswhenitcomestowastedisposal(Soper,2017,p.38).Inregardstohowatransformationtoanewkindofhedonismmightcomeabout,Soperarguesfor(re)discovering the potential pleasures of “goingwithout” certain commodities andelementsofcomfortabilitythatwehavebecomeusedtoinahyper-consumeristculture:

What should also be promoted are the potential rewards of adopting a lessmaterialistic approach to the satisfaction of human needs and desires moregenerally.Inthefirstinstance,however,thismeansaheightenedsenseofwhatwehavealreadylostinthepromotionofahyper-consumeristcultureandofwhat,inthatsense,wearealreadynow“goingwithout”(Soper,2017,p.40).

OnesuchthingthatSoperarguescanbeapotentialsourceforalternativehedonismisthat consumer culture has caused us a loss of sensory experience – for example offeelinghungeror cold– in theway that it encourages constant ‘comfort eating’ andensuresthatwe(thankstocentralheatingandair-conditioning)“arecontinuouslyinthe“comfort”zonewhereverwego”(Soper,2017,p.39).Soper’s alternative hedonism can be seen as adding important substance to thediscussiononwhatagoodlifeisandcanbe,butitalsoaddsanimportantdimensioninterms of speaking of pleasures. If neither a lifestyle nor a society oriented towardsufficiencycanofferpleasure(albeitpleasure indifferent formsthantheconvenientones that affluent consumers are used to), it will be difficult to speak about theirdesirabilityandattractiveness.Bylookingatexperienceddiscontentwithconsumption

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and affluent consumers’own “self-interesteddisaffection”with consumerism, Soperclaims that a new hedonist imaginary can be developed – one that can alter theconceptionofwhatisseenasa‘high’standardoflivingandwhatitmeansto‘flourish’(Soper,2008,p.567).Suchnewalternativeimaginariesareneeded,sheclaims,inordertoeffectivelychallengetheaffluent‘consumerist’wayofconsumption,sincethiswayis“unlikelytobecheckedintheabsenceofaseductivealternative”(Soper,2008,p.571).Suchahedonistimaginarymightverywellhavemuchincommonwithasufficiencyimaginary.Cultural reorientation and satisfaction of human needs Onerecurringelementintheliteratureonsufficiencyistheneedforaculturalshiftorreorientation; one that can at the same time open up for new imaginaries andalternativewaysoflifetoalargerpublicandfacilitatethenecessarypoliticalmeasuresintermsofpublicacceptance.SchneidewindandZahrnt(2014)mention“aperspectiveof cultural optimism” as one essential part of a sufficiency-oriented politics, aperspectivethat“empowerspolitics,civilsocietyandbusinesstoturnnewvaluesintopoliticalandeconomicreality”(Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014,p.27).Inhistheoryofhumanneedsanddevelopment,Max-Neef(1992)framestheadoptionofsatisfiersofhumanneedsasoneaspectofculturalchange.Max-Neefarguesthatallhumanneedsmustbeunderstoodasasystem,becausetheyareall“interrelatedandinteractive”(Max-Neef,1992,p.199).Bydistinguishingbetweenneedsandsatisfiers,Max-Neefpointsoutthat forexample foodandsheltermustnotbeseenasneeds inthemselves,butassatisfiersmeetingthefundamentalneedof“subsistence”.Hefurtherarguesthatthefundamentalhumanneedsarefewandfinite,andthattheyarethesameacross all historical periods and cultures –what changes are the time- and culture-specific ways of satisfying the needs (Max-Neef, 1992). “Each economic, social andpoliticalsystemadoptsdifferentmethodsforthesatisfactionofthesamefundamentalhumanneeds”(ibid,p.200),Max-Neefwrites,andcontinues:

Ineverysystemtheyaresatisfied(ornotsatisfied)throughthegeneration(ornon-generation)ofdifferenttypesofsatisfiers.Wemaygoasfarastosaythatoneoftheaspectsthatdefineacultureisitschoiceofsatisfiers.Whetherapersonbelongstoaconsumeristortoanasceticsociety,his/herfundamentalhumanneedsarethesame.Whatchangesishis/herchoiceofthequantityandqualityofsatisfiers.Inshort,whatisculturallydeterminedarenotthefundamentalhumanneeds,butthesatisfiersforthoseneeds.Culturalchangeis,amongotherthings,theconsequenceofdroppingtraditionalsatisfiersforthepurposeofadoptingnewordifferentones(Max-Neef,1992,p.200).

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Here,oneneedstoaskthequestionwhatthetraditionalsatisfiersofthecurrentcultureare,andwhatmightbenewordifferentonestoadoptintheprocesstowardsamoresufficiency-orientedculture?Max-Neef(1992)clarifiesbysayingthatsatisfiersarenottobeconfusedwithavailableeconomicgoodsbut,dependingonthesocietyandculture,differentkindsofeconomicgoodsareusedtomateriallymanifestthesatisfier.Thus,heargues, “[u]nderstood as objects or artifacts which make it possible to increase ordecreasetheefficiencyofasatisfier,goodshavebecomedeterminantelementswithinindustrialcivilization”(Max-Neef,1992,p.202).Theproductionofeconomicgoodsinindustrialcapitalismhasthusconditionedwhattypeofsatisfierspredominate(ibid).ThisphenomenonisfurtherhighlightedbyLorek(2018),statingthat“itisnothumanneedsassuchthatcauseproblemsofunsustainability,buttheconsumercultureofferedtopeopleasasurrogate”(Lorek,2018,p.27).Inthiscontext,Campbell(2015)arguesthat one driving force of the phenomenon of hyper-consumption is “the high valueattached to thenewand thenovel” (Campbell, 2015,p.29)withinmodernWesternculture. This desire for novelty and its crucial role in driving consumerism andeconomicgrowthisalsohighlightedbyJackson(2009b).Cluestopotentialsatisfierswithin a sufficiency culture could be found, for example, in Soper’s alternativehedonismapproach(Soper,2008,2017).Incontrasttothenovel,itisalsoofinteresttolookintothevaluethatisattachedtoolderandusedobjects(seeforexampleBohlin,2019),andfurther intothe ideaofconviviality.Convivialitycanbeunderstoodasanoppositetoindustrialproductivity,thatis,asaspaceorsocietyofcreativerelationshipswithinwhich tools are used, shared and produced in amanner that strives towardautonomy,orthepowertocontrolhowresourcesareusedandhowhumanneedsaresatisfied(Bradley,2018;Deriu,2015). 2.6 Concluding remarks Thistheoreticalchapterservesasafoundationfromwhichtodepartontheexplorationof sufficiency-related practices. The overview of concepts provides a range ofperspectives tobear inmind through the comingchaptersand theanalysis,both intermsofwhatconceptswillbeusedandhow,andhowthethesisbuildsuponthem.Withhersocialconnectionmodelofresponsibility,Young(2011)hasshownthattheclaimthatrelationsimplyaresponsibilityishighlyvalidalsowhenitcomestorelationsstretchingoutinspaceandwheneconomictransactionstieusintorelationstopeoplethatwewillneverseenorgettoknow.Basedonthismodel,thistheoreticalchapterhasarrivedataframingofsufficiencyasrefrainingfromtakingandidentifieditasacrucialpartofthecollectiveresponsibilitytobeshoulderedbytheaffluentpartsoftheworld.Thisresponsibilityforsufficiency-forkeepingresourceuseandwastewithinsocial

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andecologicallimitsandwithinthefairshareofone’senvironmentalspace-canbeframedbothonanindividuallevelandonthesocietallevel.Thebalancebetweenthesetwo,andtherelationbetweenan individualagencyofsufficiencyandunsustainablesystemsofprovisionbasedonthecurrentlogicwillbediscussedfurther.Onecharacteristicofsufficiencyasanindividuallifestyleandconsumptionpracticeisoftenpointedouttobevoluntariness.Ihavearguedinthischapterforexpandingthatview,inordertoalsoexplorethepotentialofunintentionalentriesintomoresufficientpractices – entries that might be of great importance in the road towards a moresufficientsociety.Further,ifsuchunintentionalentriescouldbefacilitatedindifferentwaysfromasocietallevel–e.g.bychangingtheinfrastructure,incentivesorprovidingamoreallowinginstitutionalframeworkforotherpractices–thiscouldbeseenasonewayfortheaffluentsocietytoshoulderitscollectiveresponsibilityforglobalstructuralinjustices, at the same time as helping individuals shoulder theirs. It is equallyimportanttocontinuetoexplorewaysinwhichsufficiencycanactuallycometobealifestylethatmorepeoplechoose,bothvoluntarilyandintentionally.Thechapterhasfurtherprovidedabroadframeworkinwhichtodiscusssufficiency.Orperhapsbroadisnotthecorrectwordtouse,consideringthatitis,infact,aframeworkoflimits.Theactualphysicalboundariesthatweneedtokeepwithininordertoupholda“safeoperatingspaceforhumanity”(Rockströmetal.,2009)limitshowmuchwecanactuallyuseoftheEarth’sresourcesandthis,inturn,consequentlysetslimitsforhowmuch our economies can grow (Daly, 1991; Jackson, 2009a; Raworth, 2013; Victor,2008).Thereissimplynotenough“room”foreveryoneonEarthtolivealifedemandingasmanyresourcesas,say,theaveragepersoninSwedendoestoday;hence,weneedtostepback.Drawingontheargumentforrefrainingfromtakingasbeingaquestionofresponsibility,theresponsibilityforsufficiencyonasocietallevelbecomesverymuchaquestionofpoliticallysettinglimitsthatcandefinethespaceintowhichtheaffluentsocietiesneedtowithdraw.Theframeworkforapoliticsofsufficiencysketchedoutinthis chapter is an illustration of the kind of limits that a society oriented towardssufficiencymightimplement(forexampleputtingcapsontheuseofnaturalresourcesandemissionsandlimitingincomeorworktime).Thisframeworkwillberevisitedinchapter7, indiscussinghowsufficiencymightbe facilitated in theSwedish context.Paralleltothishowever,Soper’s(2008,2017)ideaofanalternativeornewhedonismfocusesnotonlimitsbutratheronwhatistobegainedfromfocusingonotherpleasuresthanthoseofferedtousbyconsumerism–muchinlinewithLevitas’(2013)argumentthatthefocus(inutopianthinking)mustbeonwhatwillbegained(seeabove,2.1).Touse both practical limits and possible gains as lenses through which to exploresufficiency inpractice isonewayofmakinguseofutopianismasamethod.Anotherwayistolookforthekindof“politicalspaces”,embeddedinpoliticalprocesses,thatSargisson(2007)describesasutopias.

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Limitsdonotneedtocurbourimagination;infact,theycanhelpusmakebetteruseofit.Therangeofcreativeideaspresentwithinrecentyears’literatureondegrowthandsufficiencyaboutdifferentwaysinwhichsocietiescouldbeorganizedisoneexampleofwhatroadsourmindsmighttakeifwesimplycloseoffthedenselytraffickedhighwaythatistheideathatwecanforeverrelyoneconomicgrowthtoprovideuswithanever-higherdegreeof“development”andmaterialstandard.Startingfromthediscussiononutopiainthebeginningofthechapter,oneobjectiveofmyresearchistostayoffthathighway;totryandbreakwitholdhabitsofthinkingaboutconsumptionasanecessityandtheideaofstrivingforaconstantimprovementinmaterialstandardsassomething“natural”.Whathappensifwetrytovoluntarilysay‘enough’?Andwhathappensifwechoosetogetridoflotsofourmaterialgoods–whatpossibilitiesmightthatbringwithit?Thereisroomforimaginationintheanswerstothesequestions,roomforimaginingthatsufficiencycanbecomeanattractivewayoflife,notonlybecauseitisthewayweeventuallymust choose because theremight be no other alternatives in the face ofecologicalcrisis,butbecauseitmightentailsomanypositivequalitiesthatwewanttochooseit.Apoliticsaimedatcreatingasufficiency-orientedsocietywillmostprobablydemandofusthatwemakedowithless,whichinturnwillneedustoanswerthequestionofwhat really is enough forus, as citizensandas societies.Whatmightweaswelldowithout, andwhatdowewantandneed toprioritize ifwe simplymust reduceourconsumption?Tolearnmoreabouttheprocessofapproachingsuchanindividualsenseof sufficiency is also an attempt to understand the drivers behind satisfaction orcontentment.ReturningtoLevitas’statementthatthereconstructionofsocietyshouldbegin“fromthekindof societywewantandproceed tothekindof economic relations thatwillsustainandsupportit,ratherthantheotherwayaround”(Levitas,2013,p.197-198),Iapproach theresearchaimof this thesis fromthe sameperspective.The theoreticalpositioning in this chapter is in that sense a point of beginning, establishing theframeworkforamoresufficientsociety.Therestofthethesiswillrevolvearoundhowsuchasocietymightbebuiltinregardtopractices,culture,planningandpolitics.

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3. Methodology In this chapter, I describemy research approach and reflect on themethodologicalchoicesandconcerns.Ialsopresentthemethodsandmaterialsusedfortheempiricalresearchanddiscusssomelimitationsandconcernsintheworkonthethesis.3.1 Framing an exploration of sufficiency Inthisthesis,Iexplorepossiblepracticesofsufficiencyinaconsumeristsocietyinanattempt to understand and describe how sufficiency could be understood andimplementedbothasavalueorideaandaspoliticsandpractice.Theaimistobreakwitholdhabitsofthinkingaboutconsumptionasanecessityandstrivingforimprovedmaterialstandardsassomething“natural”.Aspreviouslystatedintheintroduction,theresearchhasastrongnormativeapproachinthesensethatitspringsfromadesiretochangetheorderofthings,toquestioncommonpracticesandtoimaginenewones.Itisbasedonassumptionsabouttheimportanceofsufficiencyandbuildsthetheoreticalframeworkaroundthose,anapproachthatperhapsmightbecriticizedfornotbeingopen enough towards other ideas that fall outside the identified framework. In thisregard,Iintentionallymaintainedanopenattitudeinthecasestudiesandpreparedforthepossibilitythattheymightpointtowardsobstaclesratherthanthepossibilitiesofthe chosen framing of sufficiency. Such a contradiction or ambiguity in empiricalmaterial might be grounds for creativity, in opening up for interpretative richness(Alvesson & Sköldberg, 2009, pp. 305–306). Alvesson and Sköldberg suggest thatresearchersshouldengageinresearchpracticesthatcreateadialecticbetweenthetypeofreflexivitythatbringssomethingnewin,andthetypethatismoredeconstructinginits nature and engageswith the limitations and contradictions of knowledge claims(Alvesson & Sköldberg, 2009, p. 313). Attempts to break with the“growth=development” paradigm and question the consumerist culture, i.e. thedeconstructingapproach,isanongoingtaskformanyscholars(seeforexampleD’Alisaetal.,2014; Jackson,2009b).Myattemptataddingsomethingnewtothis field is tosimultaneouslyexplorearangeofpossiblemeaningsofsufficiency inaconsumeristsociety and how thosemeanings can be applied in practice, in relation tomaterialconsumption.In building the narrative for my research, I also chose to not select many othernarratives and stories. Wanting my research to have a utopian focus, in order todecreasethegapbetweenwhat-isandwhat-ought-to-be,itmeansontheonehandthat

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Ihaveprioritizedbuildinganarrativeofpossibilitiesoveravoidingtheriskofbeingaccusedofnaivety.Ontheotherhand,itmightalsomeanthatIruntheriskofbeingcriticized for avoiding the most difficult questions of exactly how a transition to asufficientsocietyshouldbebroughtaboutandbelike.Inrelationtothis,Levitas(2013)underlinesthatutopiaasamethodmustaddressnotonlythetransformationofneeds,wants and satisfactions entailed in a new society but also the ones entailed in thetransitiontothatnewsociety(Levitas,2013,p.218).IaimtoaddressthisbypresentingaframeworkforapoliticsofsufficiencyandlookingcloseratthecurrentsituationinSweden,bytryingtoidentifyobstaclestoandpotentialformoresufficiency-orientedpoliticsandbysuggestingsomestepstotakeinthatdirection.Returning to Levitas’ (2013) statement (presented in chapter 2.1) that thereconstructionofsocietyshouldbegin“fromthekindofsocietywewantandproceedtothekindofeconomicrelationsthatwillsustainandsupportit,ratherthantheotherwayaround”(Levitas,2013,p.197-198),Iapproachtheresearchaimofthisthesisfromthe sameperspective. The theoretical positioning in the previous chapter is in thatsensethestartingpoint,stakingouttheframesforamoresufficientsociety.Togetherwith the introduction, it served twopurposes: first, toprovide a background to theconceptandideaofsufficiency,andsecond,topositiontheresearchtheoreticallyandtoproposeatheoreticalframeworktoinformtheanalysis.Thisparthasbeenbasedonliteraturereviewandsynthesis.Theremainderofthethesisaddresseshowsuchasocietymightbebuiltandsustainedin regard to practices, culture, planning and politics. The framing of this empiricalexplorationofsufficiencyisdividedintotwoparts.Thefirstpartaddressessufficiencyat the individual level and is constituted by two case studies of sufficiency-relatedpractices.Thesecondparttakesawiderlookatsufficiencyatthesocietallevelandisbased on a desk-based study of existing strategies for and work on sustainableconsumptionandwastepreventionatlocal,regionalandnationallevelsinSweden,andon interviewswithpublicofficialsandcivilsocietyrepresentativesworkingin theseareas.Thesepartswillbereferredtoasthe“practicecasestudies”andthe“governancecasestudy”,respectively.3.2 Exploring sufficiency-related practices Inthesecondpartofthethesis,Ifocusonexploringwaysinwhichsufficiencycanbepracticed.Inordertodothis,Ichoseaqualitativeresearchapproachandacasestudymethodologywithsemi-structuredinterviewsastheprimarymethodofdatagathering.Ihaveinterviewedindividualsfromtwogroups,eachgroupconstitutingonecasestudy.

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Inadditiontothisqualitativeapproach,oneofthecasestudiesincludesquantitativedatafromanonlinesurvey.Thetwogroupswereidentifiedonthebasisoftheirdiverseperformancesofsufficiency-relatedpracticesintheSwedishcontext.Whatthegroupshaveincommonisthattheybothapproachsufficiency“fromabove”-thatis,fromapositionofhaving/consumingmoretooneofhaving/consumingless-andthattheydosovoluntarily.ThetwogroupsIchosetostudywere:

1) Thebuy-nothingpractitioners:individualswhohavemadeaconsciousdecisiontoreducetheirconsumptionthrougha“buy-nothing-year”.Thedecisionshouldnot have been forced, but made voluntarily (although in some cases, it wastriggeredbyeconomicconstraints).

2) TheKonMariers:individualswhouseaspecificmethodofdecluttering,namelytheKonMarimethod,todecluttertheirhomesandgetridofbelongings.

Imade the choice to focus on these two specific groups of individuals for the casestudies based on awish to explore two contrasting entries into possible sufficiencypractices.Thischoicemakesitpossibletocomparetwodistinctwaysofapproachingsufficiency from above, one of which is more of a niche practice (voluntary non-consumption)andtheotheramoremainstreamapproach(KonMari).Thedecisiontostop consuming was taken voluntarily and often (but not always) with a strongpolitical/environmentalmotivation behind it, what I refer to here as an intentionalentry, and this study can therefore contribute to a discussion about how alreadyconsciousorpoliticalconsumersmightbecomeattractedtoconsumingless,andhowsuchpracticesmaybefacilitatedthroughplanningandpolicy-making.Incontrast,theKonMariersareagroupwhosemainmotivationhasbeentodiscardtheirbelongings,fordifferentreasons.To“konmarione’shome”anddiscardone’sbelongingsisahighlyintentionaldecision.However,ifthatdecisionlateronresultsinreducedconsumption,itwasmostprobablynotintendedfromthestartbutshouldratherbeconsideredasanoutcome of the KonMari process. This difference is highly relevant since mostconsumersarenot inclined to change theirbehavioursolelybasedon sustainabilityarguments(Eckhardtetal.,2010;Kollmuss&Agyeman,2002;Shove,2003).Therefore,it is helpful to view this as a possible example of unintentional entries into moresufficientconsumptionpractices,and,further,athowsuchentriesmightbeencouragedandfacilitatedfromasocietallevel.ThecasesthatIhavechosenareonesthatIhavebeeninterestedinforpotentiallybeingcasesthatcanprovide insightsonsufficiency-relatedpractices inregardtomaterialconsumption. Inchoosingto focusonthesetwo, Iamawarethat thereareplentyofothersimilarpracticesandgroupsthatalsocouldhaveinformedthisstudy.Inthecaseof the buy-nothing practitioners, other groups with similar practices include, for

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example,voluntarysimplifiersandpeoplewhohavechosentoreducetheirworkingtime(downshifters)ormovedintoa“tinyhouse”.Theseareallpracticesthatcanbesaidtobe intentionalentries intomoresufficientconsumptionpractices,albeitwithvaryingmotivations behind them, and the buy-nothing group is thus chosen on thegroundsofbeingacaseofsuchanintentionalentry.TheKonMarigroupisincontrastassumedtobeacaseofunintentionalentryintomoresufficientconsumption.Itisnotanichepracticeinregardtoconsumptionbutratheracasethatcouldpotentiallysaysomething about mainstream consumers, seeing as the large majority of thepractitionersdidnotaim to reduce their consumptionwhen they startedwith theirpractice. The case is also interesting in that it represents larger societal trends ofdeclutteringandminimalistliving.In implementing their decision to have a buy-nothing year, the first group can beexpected to have downscaled theirmaterial consumption to a sufficiency level, buttheremightbeadifferencebetweenthosedoingsomainlyforideologicalreasonsandthose choosing to do so because they for some reason need to save money. Theirmotivationsbehindthedecision tostopconsumingandtheir experiencesof itwereexplored in order to identify possible attracting factorsof amore sufficient level ofconsumption.Inregardtothesecondgroup,theywillmostprobablynothavediscardedsomanyoftheirbelongingsastobesaidtohavedownscaledtoaminimalistliving.However,itistheirattitudetowardsbuyingnewthingsoncetheyhaveclearedouttheirwardrobesandcupboardsthatisofspecificinteresthere:hastheprocessinanysensechangedhowtheyviewandpracticeconsumption?Itshouldbesaidherethatneitherthecasestudiesnorthethesisasawholeattempttosay anything about “forced sufficiency”. That is, it does not look into practices ofdrasticallyreducedconsumptioninsituationswherepeoplehavebeenforcedtoreducetheirconsumptiontoaminimumbecauseoflifeeventssuchaslossofworkorlong-termillness.Neitherdoestheresearchfocusontheconsumptionpracticesofpeoplecontinuouslylivingonaverylowincome.Someoftheinformantsinthebuy-nothinggrouphadexperiencedadrasticreduction in income,but thatwasduetotheirownvoluntarydecisions(i.e.tochangejobortoleaveajobforuniversitystudies).ThefullinterviewguidesareincludedinAppendix1.Examplesofquestionsthatwereposedtothedifferentgroupsincludedthefollowing:

- On what grounds did they make the decision to reduce their materialconsumptionordiscardtheirbelongings?

- Has theirperceptionofwhat theyneedchangedduring theirpractice, and inwhatway?

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- Have their views of material consumption and their consumption behaviorchangedthroughtheprocess,andifsoinwhatways?

- Hastheirdecisionbroughtwithitanypositive“side-effects”thattheydidnotconsiderbefore?

- What difficulties have they experienced, and what do they think could havefacilitatedtheirpractice?

Inaddition,Iaskedtheinformantsbeforehandtothinkaboutoneortwothingsthatthey considered to be necessary, as well as one or two things that they thoughtsymbolizedsufficiency for them.A fewof the intervieweesbrought these itemswiththemtotheinterviewandallowedmetotakepicturesofthem.Ialsoreceivedsomepictures takenby twoKonMariersof theirhomebefore andafter theirprocessandfurtheraskedforpermissiontotakephotographswhentheinterviewwascarriedoutintheKonMariers’homes.Someofthesepicturesarepresentedinchapter4.Alltheinterviewswerequalitativeandsemi-structuredandlastedbetween45minutesandtwohours.Themajorityoftheinterviewswereconductedface-to-facewhilethreeinterviews were conducted via Skype and three via telephone. The interviewsconductedinpersonwereeitherconductedinthehomesoftheinformants(asisthecasewithmostoftheKonMariers),intheirofficesormine,orinapublicplacesuchasa café. All interviews were recorded and transcribed (a few of them partiallytranscribed),theexceptionbeingtwointerviewsconductedoverthephonewhichweredocumentedthroughnotetakingduringtheinterview.Allofthetranscriptionsweredonebyme,withtheexceptionof two interviewsbeingtranscribedbyacontractedconsultant. All interviews were conducted in Swedish except for one (which wasconducted in English), and the quotes that are presented in the text are translatedexcerptsfromthetranscriptions(translationsbyme).Ihavemadethechoicetoleavea lot of room for quotes in the empirical material, in order to illustrate both theexperiencesandtheargumentsoftheinformants.Inordertoprotecttheanonymityoftheinformants,theirnameshavebeenchangedandtheyarepresentedwithassumedfirstnames.The KonMari case study includes an online survey in addition to the qualitativeinterviews.ThesurveywaspostedintheFacebookgroupKonMariSverigeinJanuary2018andansweredby318membersofthegroup(outofapproximately11000atthetimeofthesurvey)10andprovidesagoodamountofquantitativedataasacomplementtothematerialfromtheinterviews.ThesurveyquestionsareincludedinAppendix2.10AttheendofOctober2017,theFacebookgroupKonMariSverigehadaround10600membersandinMarch2018itreached15000members(informationfromgroupadministratorandfromtheFacebookgroup).

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The buy-nothing practitioners Torecruitpotentialinformantsforthebuy-nothingcasestudy,IpostedamessageintwodifferentSwedishFacebookgroupsasking forpeoplewhohadgone throughorweregoingthroughabuy-nothingyeartocontactmeiftheywerewillingtoparticipateinastudy.TheFacebookgroupswereKöpfrittår2017(“Buynothingyear2017”)andFrivillig enkelhet – mer med mindre (“Voluntary simplicity – more with less”). Themajorityoftheinformantswerefoundinthisway,butsomewerealsofoundthroughcontactsandbyreadingabouttheirexperienceinthemediaandthencontactingthem.In selecting the informants for the buy-nothing case study, I consciously left thedecision about what is considered to be a buy-nothing year to the informantsthemselves.Theyeachhadtheirowndefinitionsofwhatconstitutednon-consumptionfor them and differed inwhat degree of “discipline” they applied andwhat kind ofexceptionstheywerewillingtomake.Iftheyconsideredthemselvestohavehadabuy-nothingyear,Ifoundthemsuitableasinformants.TherestrictionIhad,however,wasthat they should have a clear starting point for their reduced consumption. All theinformants had (of course) made exceptions for buying food, and also for varioushygieneproducts.Afewhadchosentoalsolimittheirconsumptionoffoodanddrinksinrestaurantsorcafés,whereasthemajoritydidnothaveanyrestrictionsinthatarea.15individualswereinterviewedinthiscasestudy.Mostofthemhadfinishedtheirbuy-nothingyear,somewereattheendofitatthetimeoftheinterviewandafewfoundthemselvessomemonthsintotheexperience.TheinterviewswereconductedbetweenDecember2016andMay2017,withoneexceptionforanadditionalinterviewcarriedoutintheautumnof2018.Twelveoftheinterviewswerecarriedoutinperson,oneviaSkype(video)andtwobyphone.Mostoftheinformants(11outof15)livedinthemetropolitanareasofStockholmandGothenburg.Fourpeoplelivedinsmallertownsand/orinthecountryside.Theageofthe informantsvariedbetween28and55years,with13outof15 informantsbeingolder than 35 years. Twoof the informants lived alone,whereas themajority livedtogetherwithapartnerand/orchildren(tenoftheinformantshavechildren).Themajorityoftheinterviewees(12outof15)werefemale.Itproveddifficulttofindmale informants, and the proportion of gender among the informants alsoapproximately reflects the gender proportion in the Facebook groups where thequestionwasposted.

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The KonMariers The KonMari case study is built on an interview study and an online survey. Theinformants for both were found through the Facebook group KonMari Sverige(“KonMariSweden”),whereIpostedamessageaskingforpeoplewhowouldbewillingto be interviewed about theirKonMari experience. Since I received responses frommanymorethanIwasabletointerview,Irecognizedanopportunitytoalsodoasurveyforparallelquantitativedatacollection.Thisdatacollectionwasperformedintwosteps.Inafirstinstance,thesurvey,carriedoutbymeansofaGoogleform,wassentouttothosewhohadexpressedaninterestinbeinginterviewed.Fromthe27respondents(out of 43), I identified potential interviewees aiming to include a variation ofinformants in regard to age, socio-economic situation, place of residence(city/town/countryside),livingsituation(forexamplesingleorfamilyhousehold)andwheretheyfoundthemselvesintheKonMariprocess.Asasecondstep,thesurveywasthenposted intheKonMariSverigeFacebookgroup in January2018and318of thegroup members responded. The identified interviewees were then checked to berepresentative also for this larger group of respondents in terms of the factorsdescribedabove.In addition to questionsmapping the age, gender, socio-economic status and livingsituation of the respondents, the survey contained questions about how far therespondenthadcomeintheKonMariprocess,themotiveforstartingwiththemethodand how the discarded itemswere handled (e.g. thrown ingarbage, recycled, givenaway).Italsocontainedquestionsaboutwhethertherespondentshadchangedtheirperception of their own belongings and whether they had changed their view onconsumption of new things during their KonMari journey. The respondents couldfurtherchoosetoelaborateonsomeoftheiranswersinfreetext.11I interviewed eleven individuals in this study, at different phases in their KonMariprocess. Someof the informantshad finished theirKonMari process andwere nowworkingonkeepingtheirhomesuncluttered,othershadgonethroughmostof theirdeclutteringbutwerestillwaitingtofinishtheirfinalcategory/ies.Theinterviewswerequalitative and semi-structured and were carried out between October 2017 andJanuary2018,withoneadditionalinterviewdoneintheautumnof2018.Sevenofthemwerecarriedoutinperson,twoviaSkype(video)andtwobyphone.WhenreadingMarieKondo’sbook,itisclearthatshefirstandforemostdirectsherselftowomen,asthosewhoareinchargeofthehouseholdandespeciallyofcleaningandtidying.DifferentculturalgenderexpectationsbetweenJapanandSwedenaside,itis

11Thesurveyquestions(translatedfromSwedish)areenclosedinAppendix2.

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obviousthatthemethodalsohasattractedmostlyfemalefollowersinSweden.Alloftheinformantsfortheinterviewsarewomen.Ofthosewhoansweredthesurvey,98.7%identifiedaswomen.ThiscaneasilybeexplainedbythefactthatoutofallmembersoftheSwedishKonMariFacebookgroup,only2.4%weremen,asofOctober2017.12Thatdoes not mean that men are not practicing the method, however - several femalememberswrite in the group about how theirhusbands andmale partners also areinvolvedinthedeclutteringeffortsindifferentways.Theinformantsfortheinterviewswerebetween17and55yearsold,withthemajorityintheagespan36-44years.Theylivedmostlyinmedium-sizedSwedishcitiesorinthemetropolitan areas of Stockholm and Gothenburg. Three of them lived in thecountryside.Thisreflects ratherwell the largergroupof respondents in the survey,wheremostrespondedasbeingintheagespan36-44years(30.8%),closelyfollowedbythegroup45-54years(29.6%).Inregardtotheirlocation,42.1%livedinorclosetoa large citywhereas the groups living in small andmedium-sized towns or on thecountrysidewereofequalsize(18.6to19.8%).Ofthosewhoansweredthesurvey,mostrespondentslivedtogetherwithpartnerandkids(50.9%)orwithapartner(21.4%).11%livedinsinglehouseholdswhereas15.1%livedassingleparentswithchildren.Themajorityofthoserespondingtothesurvey-76.1%-agreedwiththestatementthattheyhaveastablefinancialsituation,and20.8%withthestatementthattheyearnmorethanmostpeople.17.6%reportedhavingastrainedfinancialsituation.Amajorityofrespondents(63%)reportedhavingastableincomeand75%reportedhavingahighereducation. 3.3 Exploring obstacles and potential in the Swedish context Forthepartofthethesisconsistingofidentifyingobstaclestoandpotentialforasocietywithmoresufficiency-orientedmaterialconsumptionandpolicies(chapter6),IhaveinterviewedofficialsandcivilsocietyrepresentativesinSwedenworkingintheareasofsustainableconsumptionandwasteprevention.Intheliteraturereview,aswellasadesk-based studyofongoingactivitiesand strategies inSweden related to reducingmaterial consumption, theseareaswere identifiedashavingmost relevance for thediscussionon sufficiency (see thebeginningof chapter6 foradiscussionabout theconnectionsbetweensufficiency,sustainableconsumptionandwasteprevention).

12Informationreceivedfromgroupadministrator.

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Thedesk-basedstudyincludedthereadingofpublicinquiries,websites,newspapers,government documents and various reports from government agencies and NGOs.Throughthisstudyandparticipationinvariouseventsaboutsustainableconsumptionand sustainable lifestyles in Sweden, I identified municipalities and regions thatappearedtobeattheforefrontintheworkforreducingconsumption,andfurthersomecentralactorsintheworkonsustainableconsumptionatnationallevel(includingcivilsocietyactorsworking to raiseawarenessof theneed to reduce consumption).Theinformantsofthisstudywereidentifiedintheirroleasrepresentativesfortheseactors.Elevenpeoplewereinterviewedinthisstudy,inteninterviews(twooftheinformantsbelongedtothesameorganization).Sevenofthemwerepublicofficialsworkingatthemunicipal,regionalornationallevel,13andfourofthemwereinterviewedintheirroleasrepresentatives for threedifferentSwedishNGOs/networks.The interviewswereconducted in December 2018 and January 2019. The interviews conducted werequalitativeandsemi-structuredandlastedbetween45minutesandoneandahalfhour.The majority of themwere face-to-face interviews but three were conducted overtelephone.AlloftheinterviewsweredoneinSwedishandtherecordedmaterialwastranscribed(fiveinterviewstranscribedbymeandfivebyacontractedconsultant).Thetranslationsoftheselectedcitationsweredonebyme.TheinterviewguidefortheseinterviewsisincludedinAppendix1.Aimingtoanonymizethe informants, thepublicservantsarereferredtoas“official”together with their work place (e.g. the Swedish Consumer Agency, the City ofGothenburgor theVästraGötaland region). In the fewcasesofpotentially sensitiveinformation being quoted, I have chosen to just refer to them as “official” and notmentioning theirworkplace.When it comes to the civilsocietyrepresentatives, thequestionofanonymizationismorecomplicatedasthreeofthemarefromverysmallorganizations or networks. All of them are therefore referred to as “civil societyrepresentative”,notdifferentiatingbetweentheorganizations.Those professionalswho specifically asked to approve their quoteswere given theopportunity to read the quotes and approve of them (in some cases with minoradjustments)beforethefinalversionofthethesiswasprinted.Thegovernance case study is limited in scopeand isnot intended tobea thoroughrepresentation of all the ongoing work on sustainable consumption or wasteprevention in Sweden. The ideawith it is rather to gather insights on some of theongoing work in the municipalities and regions that can be seen as some of the

13 One of the officials works for Avfall Sverige, the Swedish Waste Management Association. Theassociationhas400membersfromboththepublicandprivatesectorwhotogethercollect,manageandrecyclewaste inall Swedishmunicipalities (AvfallSverige,n.d.). It is thusnotapublicauthoritybutrepresentsmanymunicipalitymembersinregardtowasteprevention.

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frontrunners in these fields,andtoaccount for theobstacles that theyexperience intheir work as well as for the possible solutions they suggest for overcoming theseobstacles.3.4 Analysis of the empirical data Thetranscriptsandnotes fromthequalitative interviewsweremanuallycoded.Thecodingandanalysisofthematerialfromthepracticecasestudieswasfirstandforemostbasedonanaimofansweringtheresearchquestions;totryandgetclosertowhatasenseofsufficiencymightbebymeansofunderstandingmoreaboutthemotivesbehindandexperiencesfromtheinformants’respectivesufficiency-relatedpractices,includingwhattheyhadexperiencedasdifficultiesandaspositiveaspectsoftheirpractices.Thecodingofthematerialfromthegovernancecasestudywasbasedonkeyconceptsfromthetheoreticalframeworkinchapter2.Intheanalysisofthematerialfromthepracticecase studiesaswell asof that from thegovernance case study, the framework forapolitics of sufficiency presented in chapter 2 served two main purposes. First, toidentifycentralelementsofsufficiencyofrelevancebothatanindividualandasocietallevel, and second, to serve as a backdrop towards which to perform a “sufficiencydiagnosis”ofcurrentSwedishpolitics.ThefindingsfromthesurveyintheKonMaricasestudyhavebeenusedintwoways.First of all, the survey material provides information about a larger group ofKonMariersintermsofage,gender,placeofliving,familysituationandsocioeconomicfactorssuchas incomeandeducation (see informationabove). Secondly, the resultsinform the case study with quantitative data about the respondents’ KonMariexperiences,theirattitudestowardstheirmaterialbelongingsandtheirconsumptionhabitsbeforeandafterstartingwithKonMari.TheseresultshavebeenintegratedintheKonMari case study tohighlight the findings from the interviewsandprovidemoreground for conclusions in regard to the experiences, attitudes and consumptionbehaviouroftheKonMariers.Inthepartsofthethesisthatconstitutetheanalysis(chapters5and7),Irevisittheresearch questions as well as the theoretical discussions and the framework for apoliticsofsufficiencyanduse those todiscussand reflecton the resultsof the casestudies.Thechapterdescribingthecasestudiesofthetwosufficiency-relatedpracticesisfollowedbyashorteranalyticalchapter(chapter5)thataimstoanswertheempiricalresearchquestionsabouthowsuchpracticesmightinfluencethepractitioners’viewoftheirmaterialbelongingsandneeds,aswellastheirviewofandbehaviourregardingconsumptionofnewthings.Broadeningtheperspectiveinchapter7,Icombinethese

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resultswiththeresultsfromthegovernancecasestudyforaconcludinganalysisaimingtosuggestpossiblewaystomakesufficiencymoredesirableasanideaandwayoflifeand how we might approach sufficiency in practice, making it more feasible andattractiveforlargerpartsofthepopulation.3.5 Reflections and limitations LawandUrry(2004)discusstheresponsibilitywehaveasresearchersifthemethodsweuseareperformative. If theyare, and themethodswechoose formaking claimsaboutrealityworktohelpmakecertainsocialrealitiesmorerealandotherslessso,itraisesquestionsofwhatrealitiescurrentmethodsofsocialsciencearehelpingtoenactorchallenge,aswellaswhatrealitiestheymighthelptobringintobeingorstrengthen.Theyarguethattheissue

[…] isnotsimplyhowwhat isout there canbeuncoveredandbrought to light,thoughthisremainsanimportantissue.Itisalsoaboutwhatmightbemadeintherelationsofinvestigation,whatmightbebroughtintobeing.And,indeed,itisaboutwhatshouldbebroughtintobeing.(Law&Urry,2004,p.396).

Thetheoreticalpositioninghaspresentedanideaofwhatthisresearchmightbringintobeing,andtheutopianperspectivecanbesaidtoprovidealensthroughwhichtolookatthatwhichshouldbebroughtintobeing.So,whatcanbesaidaboutthe“relationsofinvestigation”atplayintheresearchforthisthesis?This thesis was written by a former student of political science at a departmentdedicatedtourbanandregionalstudies.Itwasconductedwithinadoctoralprogrammein planning and decision analysis, funded by a research programme dedicated toenvironmentalhumanities,andtheliteraturereviewsweretoalargedegreededicatedto research in the fields of sustainable consumption, political ecology, ecologicaleconomics,degrowth,sociologyofconsumption,environmentalhumanities,planningtheoryandpoliticsforsustainabledevelopment.Itcanthereforebeclaimedtobetheresultofan interdisciplinaryresearchprocess, involvingamultitudeoftheoriesandmethodological approaches. Ihavemadea consciousdecisionnot toremain strictlywithin any of the disciplines –with the possible limitations that comewith such adecision–but torathertakeadvantageof thevariousperspectivesandusethemtohighlightdifferentaspectsofsufficiencyandvariouswaystoapproachit.Somethingthatneedstobetakenintoconsiderationwhenspeakingaboutsufficiencyasonecrucialstepontheroadtowardsasustainablesocietyisthatdifferentvaluesandideaswillinevitablyconflictandcollidewitheachotheralongtheroad.Howwellcan

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sufficiencybesaidtogoalongwithforexamplefreedomofchoice,theexpressionofidentityandotherelementsofliberaldemocracy?Andifdegrowth,orasteady-stateeconomy,istobethepreferredlargersettingofaparadigmofsufficiency–howaretheconflictswithpowerfulgroupsinsocietyopposingsuchafundamentalchangeofthecurrenteconomicsystemtobehandled?TheseareconcernsthatIhaveneededtokeepinmindduringmyresearchbuttheyarenotquestionsthatcanbeansweredwithinthescopeofthisresearchproject.Idiscusstheissueofsufficiencypracticesandlifestylesasadecisiononanindividuallevel,aswellassufficiencyasapotentialpoliticalproject,butIleaveittootherresearcherstodevelopadeeperdiscussionaboutthepracticalandtheoreticalwaysinwhichtocombinesufficiencywithdifferentelementsofliberaldemocracy. This is also the case in regard to the details and steps of the economictransitionsneeded.Regardingthematerialofthecasestudies,boththeinterviewsandthesurvey,Ichosetousea“self-selection”approachtofindtheparticipants(withafewexceptionsforthebuy-nothingcasestudywhereIfoundtheparticipantsthroughpersonalcontactsandmedia). That is, the invitation to participate in the study was posted in a forum(Facebook),openforanyoneinthatforumtoanswer.Theindividualswhochosetodosomaythusbeassumedtobeengagedmembersofthegroup,inthesensethattheykeeptrackofwhat ispostedthere.Further,andmore important, is that theycanbeassumedtobemotivatedand/orenthusiasticenoughabouttheirchosenpractice(buy-nothingyearorKonMari)to1.jointherelevantFacebookgroupand2.participateinasurveyand/orbeinginterviewedaboutthispractice.Itislikelythatthesecondpointcan seem more appealing if one mostly has positive experiences of the respectivepractice.This self-selectionmethod thus comeswith limitations inregards towhichconclusionsmightbedrawn(Kvale,1997),consideringthattheparticipantsmostlikelywill bemore positive and enthusiastic about theirmethod than an average person“instructed” to try out the method. On the other hand,motivated practitioners areprobablymore likely to actually have enduredwith their practices and can thus beexpected to havemore to say about themotivations behind but also about how toovercometheexperienceddifficulties(Flyvbjerg,2006;Kvale,1997).Thefactthatthereisanimbalancebetweenthetwocasestudiesregardingtheamountofempiricalmaterialmightbeseenasalimitation;however,thequantitativedatafromthesurveycouldratherbedescribedasabonusthatservestoenrichtheKonMaricasestudy.ThesurveymakestheKonMaristudyricherregardingempiricalmaterialandmakes it possible to provide quantitative information about a larger group ofKonMariersthatisnotavailableforthebuy-nothingpractitioners.TheopportunitytodoanonlinesurveyaroseduetothelargeresponseIreceivedfromKonMarierswhenaskingforinformantsforinterviews.ConsideringthedifferentnatureandsizeoftheFacebookgroupsinthetwostudies(wheretheKonMarigroupismuchbiggerthanthe

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twogroupsconsultedforthebuy-nothingstudy)14,itwouldhavebeendifficulttodoasimilarsurveywithinthebuy-nothingstudy.Thelackofthesamekindofinformationaboutalargergroupofbuy-nothingpractitionerscantosomedegreebecompensatedforbythefactthattheresearchonnon-andanti-consumers(suchasthebuy-nothingpractitioners) is quite extensive whereas not much research has been done onKonMariers.Anotherlimitationoftheinterviewandsurveymaterialisthatitcouldbecriticizedfornot sufficiently checking for rebound effects of the informants’ more sufficiency-oriented practices. I have not mapped or in any way measured (quantitively oreconomically)theinformants’actualconsumptionbeforeandaftertheirbuy-nothingyearor theirKonMariexperience,butrather focusedontheirownaccountsof theirshoppinghabits.Thelimitationsofthisapproacharetwofold.First,itcomeswiththeriskthattheinformantsmightexaggeratethechangesintheirbehaviour,suggestingthattheiractualconsumptionhasdecreasedmorethanitactuallyhasinordertotrytopassas“goodinformants”.Second,bynotspecificallyaskingabout,forexample,travelhabitsbutratherposingmoregeneralquestionsabouthowtheinformantshadchosentospendthetimeandmoneythattheirpractices(potentially)hadsavedthem,potentialrebound effects such as “more air travel” are not specifically checked for. This is aweaknessintheempiricalmaterialthatIamwellawareofandIwillreturntoitintheanalysisofthecasestudies.3.6 A self-reflexive note on myself as consumer and interviewer Having stated that consumption is a very complex phenomenon as well as deeplyhuman,andthatweallareaffectedandshapedbythelogicoftheconsumeristsocietythatweareapartof,Ibelieveittobeofimportancetoincludeaself-reflexivenotehereonmyselfasaconsumer.How“sufficient”amIinregardstomyconsumption,andtowhatextentcanthatbesaidtoinfluencemyanalysisofthesepractices?IbelieveIamoneofthoseconsumersthatwouldfallunderthedefinition“conscious”or“political”.Iamcarefulwithmypurchases,strivetobuysustainablyandethicallyproducedgoodswheneversuchalternativesareavailable,andIfurtheraimtolimitmy

14 Approximated number of members in the respective Facebook groups around the time of theinterviews(informationfromgroupadministrators):Köpfrittår2017-250membersasofMarch2017;Frivillig enkelhet –mermedmindre – 3,000members as ofOctober 2016;KonMari Sverige – 10,600membersasofOctober2017.AnimportantnotetomakeisthatthegroupFrivilligenkelhet(“Voluntarysimplicity”)isagroupforpeopleinterestedinvoluntarysimplicityingeneral,andnotspecificallyinabuy-nothingyear(eventhoughsomemembershavechosenthatasonewayofpracticingsimplicity).

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consumptionofnewitemstoaminimum(preferringtoborrowortobuysecond-handitemsifsucharetobefound).IamhoweverfarfromconsequentandIcontinuouslyside-stepmyownideals,makingupexcusesforacertainpurchaseorsimplydecidingthatIhavetolivewiththebadconsciencethatcomesattachedtoit.Incarryingoutthecasestudiesforthisthesis,Ihavemetwithmanyindividualswhohave inspired me in several ways, both in regards to non-consumption and todecluttering.EventhoughIhavefeltbothcuriousandintriguedbythepracticesandtheprocessesthattheinformantshavedescribed,ithasbeenaconsciousdecisiontonotactivelytryoutanyofthepracticesmyselfwhilemyresearchison-going.Thisisbecause it has been my intention to keep the focus strictly on the informants’experiencesandthoughts,andnottolettheanalysisofthosebecomeaffectedbymyownexperiencesofthesamepracticeand/orprocess.However,thisisnottosaythatIhavenotletmyselfbeinspiredbythethoughts,ideasandadvicethattheinformantshaveshared.Ibelieveitwouldbeimpossiblenottobeinfluencedinanywaybythesethingswhenmeetingwiththesepeopleandreflectingontheirpracticesinrelationtomyresearch.Thisinspirationhasfurtherbeenofhelpbothinmyattemptstolimitmyownconsumptionand inhowIviewmybelongingsandwhat things Iwant tokeeparoundathome.ManyoftheinformantshavebeencuriousaboutwhetherornotIsharetheirexperience–ifImyselfhavetriedtostopshoppingorifIpracticetheKonMarimethod.Many–almost everyone - have asked about this, and it has often led to interestingconversationswhereIhavebeenencouragedtotryitoutonceIamfinishedwithmyresearch.Ihavebynomeanstriedtohidemygenuineinterestinthepracticesandintryingthemout,somethingthatmayhavecontributedtotheinformantsappearingtoviewmeaslike-minded.Ihaveoftenhadtheimpressionthattheyseemeassomeonewhounderstandsandsympathizeswiththeirpractices,aswellaswiththemotivationsbehindthem.Thisisparticularlythecasewiththebuy-nothingpractitioners,whomoreoftenthantheKonMarierstalkedaboutpoliticalmotivationsbehindtheirdecisionandexpressed a more general interest in issues regarding sustainability and (anti-)consumerism.ItneedstobementionedherethatIhavebeenclearaboutmyresearchinterestbothwhenlookingforpotentialinformantsandwheninformingthemaboutthestudy.ThismeansthatIhaveexplainedmyinterestbothin(non-)consumptionpracticesandinsufficiencyasan idea andvalue.Forexample, I specificallyasked the informants toidentify belongings that they consider signifying sufficiency for them as well asbelongingsthattheyconsidertobenecessary(thesequestionswereinmostcasessenttotheinformantsinadvance).Itismorelikelythannotthatthishassomehowshapedthe interviews, in the sense that the informantsmightnothave thought in termsof

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sufficiencyotherwise(especiallyconsideringthatthetermisnotverycommonlyusedin Swedish).Many of the informants reported having reflected quite a lot on thesequestions in advance. Further, in the case of the KonMariers, I intentionally askedquestions about their consumption behaviour before and after they began withKonMari,insteadofleavingituptotheinformantsthemselvestomentionornot.Itislikelythatthischoicehasresultedinmoreofafocusonconsumption(andonchangesintheinformants’attitudestowardsit)intheinformants’answers.However,itwouldhave been difficult not to ask such questions, considering thatmymain interest inregardtotheKonMarigroupwastoinvestigatewhethertheirdeclutteringpracticehashadanyimpactonhowtheypracticeconsumption.Thereareofcourseadvantagesanddisadvantages to this approach, and returning to the issueofperformative research(Law&Urry,2004), it is clear thathow I choose to frame the interviewsandwhatquestionsIposewillhaveconsequencesfortheresults.Thisisalsoimportanttokeepinmindwhenanalyzingtheresultsofthecasestudies.In relation to the interviewwith officials and civil society representatives, they allsharedmyinterestinandcommitmenttotheissuesbeingdiscussed.Iwassimilarlyclearincommunicatingmyresearchinteresttothemwheninformingthemaboutthestudyandthisprobablyaffectedtheinterviewsinasimilarwayaswiththeinformantsinthecasestudies.Inthechapterstofollow,Ihavechosentoseparatetheempiricalfindingsofthecasestudiesfromtheanalysisanddiscussionabouttheresults.Thisisprimarilydonewiththeaimtogiveaclearaccountofthefindings.Theempiricalfindingsfromthepracticecasestudieswillthusbepresentedinchapter4,followedbyananalysisoftheresultsinchapter5.Thisisthenfollowedinchapter6byadescriptionofthefindingsfromthegovernancecasestudy.Inchapter7,Ianalysethesefindingsandfurtherbringintheresultsfromthepracticecasestudiestodiscusstheresearchquestionsandformulatethekeyconclusionsofthethesis,whicharethenpresentedinchapter8.

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4. Exploring sufficiency-related practices Thischaptersummarizestheempiricalfindingsofthetwocasestudiesonsufficiency-relatedpractices.Itpresentstwodifferentgroups,thebuy-nothingpractitionersandtheKonMariers,anddiscussestheirrespectivemotivationsbehindandexperiencesoftheirpractices.Thiswillbefollowedinthenextchapterbyamorethoroughanalysisofthe resultsof the case studiesbasedon the researchquestions concerningwhethersufficiency-relatedpracticescanchangethewaythepractitionersviewtheirmaterialbelongings,wantsandneeds,andhowtheyperformmaterialconsumption.Moreinformationaboutwhothebuy-nothingpractitionersandtheKonMariersareandhowthecasestudieswerecarriedoutisgiveninchapter3.4.1 A year of buying “nothing”: the practice of non-consumption Manyindividualsandgroupsareincreasinglyquestioningthewayweconsumeandareexpectedtoconsume.Veryoften, theirargumentshavetodowiththesustainabilityaspectofmassconsumption,asthe“buy-and-throw-away”culturethatconsumersoftoday are used to is highly problematic from a resource perspective, a productionperspectiveandinregardstotheamountsofwastethatthistypeofconsumptioncauses.The campaignBuyNothingDay can be seen as a start of “buy-nothing activism”. ItstartedinCanadainthe1990sasareactionagainstBlackFriday,whichisthedayofthebiggestsalesoftheyearandconsideredthemostimportantshoppingdayinCanadaandtheUnitedStates.BlackFridaytakesplaceonthelastFridayofNovember,thedayafter Thanksgiving, and over the last couple of years it has become an increasinglyimportantshoppingday(andweek)inSwedenaswell.TheBuyNothingDaycampaign,drivenbytheanticonsumeristmagazineAdBusters,hasgrownsignificantlysince itsstartandcontinuestospreadtomanycountriesincludingSweden(“Enköpfridag”).ThecampaignencouragespeopletorefrainfromallconsumptionduringBlackFridayasaprotestagainstmassconsumptionanditsconsequences,butitalso–andmainly–aimstoencouragepeopletoreflectontheirconsumptionbehaviourand“tomakeacommitmenttoshoppinglessandlivingmore”(BuyNothingDayUK,2017).However, the step between choosing not to consume during one specific day andchoosingtorefrainfromconsumptionduringawholeyearis,ofcourse,anenormousone.Evenso,theideaofrefrainingfromconsumptionduringaspecificperiodoftime,

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mostoftenayear,isincreasinglygaininginterestandattention.Recentyearshaveseengrowinginterestinnon-consumptionintheSwedishmediaaswellasinternationally,asmoreattentionisfocusedonoverconsumptionasanenvironmentalproblem.Peoplewhochoosetostopshoppingforayearalsosharetheirexperiencesonblogs,YouTubevideosandinFacebookgroups(buy-nothingbloggersareforexample:McGagh,2016;Oneemptyshelf,n.d.;TheHappyPhilosopher,2018).Iidentified“buy-nothingpractitioners”asonegroupthatpracticessufficiency,astheyhavedecidedtoactivelyrefrainfromconsumptionforoneyear.Ichosetointerviewindividualswhohadactivelydecidedtoembarkona“buy-nothingyear”ratherthanindividualswhoingeneralwereaimingtoreducetheirconsumption.Thereasonforthatisthattheclearlydefinedtimeperiodsetsaframethatallowstheinformantstocomparetheirwayoflifeasconsumersandasnon-consumers,andthenasconsumersagain(ifinterviewedaftertheirbuy-nothingyearhasended).Toactivelyandvoluntarilyrefrain fromconsuming–nomatter thereason–canbedefinedasawayofsayingthatonewillhavetomakedowithwhatonealreadyhas(and/orcanfix,borrow,shareorgetholdofforfree).Itisawayofdecidingthatwhatonealreadyhas isenough,at least fora limitedamountof time. It is in thatwayanattempttopracticesufficiencyinthesenseofrefrainingfromtaking(seechapter2)–totakeastepbackfromtheconsumeristwaysandtoseewhathappens.“Topracticesufficiency”isusuallynot,however,thereasonthesepractitionerspresentfordecidingtodoit.Oratleasttheydonotusethosewordsthemselves.Motivations behind the practice Even though the informants all had various reasons and motivations behind theirdecisions to embark on a buy-nothing year, four strands of arguments were morecommonthanothers.

1. Environmentalandsocialconcernsand/orpoliticalmotivationOnestrongandoftenrecurringargumentwasaconcernwiththesevereenvironmentalandsocialconsequencesofourconsumptionpatternsandadesiretotryandseparateoneself from that. Many suggested that because of these consequences, shoppinginducedasenseofbadconscience.Forsomeoftheinformants,likethiswoman,thisconcernwasthemainargumentbehindthechoicetorefrainfromconsumption:

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[…]thereasonswerefirstofalltodecreasemyecologicalfootprint…thatIsawthedamagingconsequences thatconsumptionhas fortheenvironment, sotospeak.Thewasteofresourcesandpollutionandthatweuseupmorethanthereactuallyis–thatwasthemainmotivation.ButatthesametimeIhadthoughtsofasimplerlifeformyself,soitwasalsoaboutmypersonalpreferencesabouthowIwanttolive(Sofia,41yearsold).

Animportantthingtopointoutisthattheinformantswhodidnotmentionthisconcernas theirmainmotivation,didalsomentiontheecologicalsustainability factorofnotconsumingasbeinga“positivesideeffect”oftheirexperience.

2. TochallengeoneselfAnotherreasonbehindthedecisionwasthatforsomeinformantsthisyearwasseenasapersonal challenge, as something that theywanted to tryand see if they couldgothroughwith.

Itseemedtomeallofasuddenthateverythingwasaboutconsumption,andIfeltsomekindofurgeto…breakthepatternandtrytochooseadifferentway.AnditwastheweekbeforeNewYear’sEvethatIrealizedthatIreallywantedtotrythis.SothenIdiditbytellingthepeoplewhowereatthesameNewYear’spartyaboutmydecision.[…]Soitwassomekindofimpulse,inaway.Butalso…perhapsitisthefactthatyouhave…Ihadturned50,anditisagoodwaytokindoffeelyounger,orfeellikeoneisalive–tochangeone’slifeinonewayortheother.Otherwiseyoucangetthisfeelingofstagnating.[…]Sothisalsofeltlikeafunprojectthatgavemenewenergyinaway(Inger,55yearsold).

Thebuy-nothingyearwasinthissenseviewedasakindofpersonalgoal-settingortest,mainlybasedoncuriosityofone’sabilitytopullitthroughandageneralinterestinthepractice.

3. FinancialmotivationsTwooftheinformantsexplicitlystatedstrainedfinancesasthemainmotivationbehindtheir decision to stop consuming. These informants had both found themselvesconfronted with a drastically reduced income due to their choice to embark on adifferentcareer(withasignificantlylowerincomeandasastudent,respectively).Non-consumptionwasanecessarymeasureforthemtotakeinordertobeabletoembarkonnewroadsthattheyfoundmoreinterestingandrewardingbutthatdidnotprovidethemwiththefinancialsecuritytheywereusedto.Onewoman,37yearsold,whohaddecidedtogobacktouniversitystudiestopursueanewdegreeafterseveralyearsofworking,reflectedonherdecision:

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AndwhenItookthatstep,whenIdecidedtostartstudyingagain,Iremembermysistersaying“well,thenyouhavetochangeyourlifestyle,areyoureadyforthat?”.Andyeah,so,I‘vehadtodothat.Anditbecomespretty…fromhavinghadaregularsalarytogoingbacktoalevelofalmoststudentloanagain…youkindofhave toreduceyourconsumption,youhavetomakeadecision(Jenny,37yearsold).

Theseinformantstendedtobethestrictestinregardtowhatsortofexceptionstheyallowed themselves tomake, something that also couldbe seen toavaryingdegreeamong those mentioning finances as a contributing factor in their decision. Thefinancialargumentwasalsomentionedbysomeoftheinformantsasamoregeneralreasontorefrainfromconsumptioninthesensethattheywantedto“tightenup”theirfinancesand/orgetabetteroverviewandcontrolofthem.Itshouldbeunderlinedherethatthetwoinformantswhoreferredtostrainedfinancesasthemain(oronly)motivationbehindtheirdecisionhadvoluntarilymadethechoicetoreducetheirincome,highlightingthatitwasstillachoiceandnotsomethingtheywereforcedtodo(becauseoflosingtheirjoborsomethingsimilar).Otherinformantswhomentionedfinancesasonecontributing(butnot themain)motivationwere forexamplethoselivingonalowerincome(e.g.onestudent,onepersonworkingpart-time)andthosefeelingthattheydidhavegoodcontroloverhowtheyspenttheirmoney.

4. Consumptionfatigueandwell-beingFinally,oneargumentthatmanymentionedwasthattheyhadbecomekindoftiredofconsuming.Threeof the informantsdescribedhow theyhad started toreflectupontheirconsumptionafteraperiodof“unreflectiveshopping”,suddenlyhitbyaninsightof either the great amount ofmoney spent or the actual amount of stuff they hadpurchased.Theydescribedthisasan insight followedbyareactionofdiscomfortoralmostdisgusttowardsthatkindofshopping,whichinturnhadtriggeredtheneedforachangeinbehaviour.Thisfeelingisillustratedwellbythiswoman,whoembarkedonthebuy-nothingyeartogetherwithherpartner:

It was like we started to feel a bit sick about having somany things. And thetriggeringfactorwasthatwewereinParisforamonth,andattheendofthatmonth,weputallofthethingswehadboughtduringthattimeonatable.Anditwassomuchstuff.Itwas…Icouldn’ttakeitin.Andthenwhenwegothomeandrealizedhowmuchmoneywehadactuallyspent…itwassoabsurd.(…)Sothenwebecamesotiredofitallsowedecidedtotakeaconsumption-freeyear.Andmostofallinordertoinsomeway…decolonizeourselvesofconsumption(Karin,46yearsold).

Somethingsimilartoconsumptionfatiguewasalsomentionedbyawomanwhohadbeenstruckbywhatsheperceivedasthemeaninglessnessofday-to-dayworkwhenshestartedworkingatawell-paidpositioninStockholm:

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Ithinkithadtodowiththat.ThatIsuddenlyrealizedthatohmygod,I’mworkingand everyone thinks “god, you’re making money” and “you have such a goodsalary”…yes,and?Istartedthinking:yes,Ihaveagoodsalary.WhatdoIdowiththeextramoney?Well,Iputitinmysavingsaccount,andthenwhat?Thenit'sinmysavingsaccountandI’mfeelingworseandworseeachday–becausethat’swhatIdidbackthen.So,IbelievethatIstartedtothinkthatallthisstuffthatIhavethepossibilitytoown,atthesametimeasseeingmorepeoplearoundmethatdon’thave anything… that made me think that this thing with stuff, it’s not worthanything.Thishighsalaryisnotworthanything.Oranything…it’snotworthalotwhenit’sreallyabouthowIfeelinside(Annika,47yearsold).

Thisquotefurtherhighlightsthepointmadebyseveraloftheinformantsofhowtheyhadreflectedonthemeaninglessnessofbuyingstuffinrelationtotheirwell-being,i.e.itdidnotmakethemfeelbetter(exceptmomentarily)buttheyhadcontinuedanyway(beforedecidingtostop).Formostofthebuy-nothingpractitioners,themotivationbehindtheirdecisionwasacombinationoftwoormoreofthesearguments.Experiences of non-consumption So,whatweretheinformants’experiencesoftheirbuy-nothingpractice?Perhapsthemostinterestingorsurprisingthingwasthatagreatmajorityoftheinformantsfoundthe experience to be a lot easier than they had anticipated. In fact, several of theinformantsfounditdifficulttogiveanexampleofwhattheyhadexperiencedasdifficult,andtheexamplesgivendidnotusuallyhavetodowithnotbeingallowedtoconsumecertainthings,butratherwiththesocialconsequencesof thenon-consumption(seebelow).Thebuy-nothingyearwasalsoseenbytheinformantsasaperiodofreflection.Mostoftheinformantsstatedthattheyhadreflectedalotupononwhattheysawasnecessaryandsufficientinordertoliveagoodlifeduringtheexperience,evenifsomesaidthattheyhadnotgainedanynewinsightsbutratherhadhadtheiralreadyexistingvaluesand thoughts on the topic reinforced.Many expressed how they hadmore time todedicate to those things that feelmost important to them, either because they hadpreviously dedicated a lot of their free time to shopping or just spending time in“shoppingenvironments”(citycentres,shoppingmalls)whichtheywerenowavoiding,orinafewcasesbecausethereductioninexpenseshadenabledthemmoreflexibilityintermsofworktime.Severalofthepositiveeffectsmentionedbymanyinformantsareincludedinthisquote,byawomanwhopriortoherbuy-nothingyearusedtodoalotofclothesshopping:

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Soformeasapersonit'sincrediblehowmuchtimeIhaveleft.[…]Idon'tbuyanyfashionmagazines and I saved a lot ofmoney, really. Even though I consumedrathercheapfashionactually,intheenditwasquitealotofmoneythatIspentIthink.AndIhadmoretimeleft,IhavereducedmywardrobealotsoIhavegonethroughitandthoughtabout:whatdoIreallyneed?Andthatalsocreatedmorespaceinmyapartment,whichmakesmefeelbetter.[…]Andalso,IhadtimeforotherthingsthatwerebetterformeIthink(Elise,28yearsold.).

This informant, besides underlining the time gains of the practice as well as anincreasedsenseofwell-being,alsopointstosomethingthatwasmentionedbyalmostalloftheinformants,namelythepositivefinancialeffectsofthepractice.Inthecaseofthoseinformantswhohadchosentostopconsuminginordertobeabletopursuenewcareergoals,tofinanciallybeabletoembarkonthosenewpathswasofcoursethemostimportant result.However,othersalsomentionedbeingable to savemoneyand/orgettingbettercontrolandoverviewoftheir financesasverypositiveresultsof theirnon-consumption.Oneinformantspecificallystated“betterfinancialself-confidence”as one of the most valuable and important effects of her buy-nothing year. Thatincreasedfinancialself-confidencehad,amongotherthings,resultedinhermanagingtosaveenoughmoneyforadownpaymentforasummerhouse,andalsohelpedhertrustherownabilityandactuallydaretobuyit.Itmustbeemphasizedherethatthesepracticesneedtobeseeninthecontextofotherpracticesperformedbytheinformants.Toreduceone’sconsumptionandthenusethesavedmoney to fly around theworld cannot exactly be claimed to be in line withpracticingsufficiency.However,concerningthemoneysaved,mostinformantsdidnotstatethattheyuseditforsomethingspecialinsteadofconsumption;rather,itseemstohaveprovidedageneralsenseofamorestablefinancialsituationandabufferforfutureexpenses. One informant talked about how shewould finally be able to realize herdreamtotraveltogetherwithherthreechildrentoacountrywithgreatsignificancetoherfamily(madepossiblenotonlythroughthesavingsfromherbuy-nothingyearbutalsofromsellinghercar),butapartfromthatnoonetalkedspecificallyaboutairtravelbeingdoneasaresultofthesavedmoney.Otherswhomentionedairtraveldidsoeithertosaythattheyhadstoppedortriedtoreducetheirflyingasapartofaimingforamoreoverallsustainablelifestyle,or,thattheycontinuedtotravellikebefore(i.e.thetripsmentionedwerenotduetosavedmoneyfromthereducedconsumption,buttripstheywouldhavemaderegardlessofthosesavings).Regardingotherthingstobedonewiththe money, it was also quite common to allow oneself to buy more organic andexpensivefoodand/ortodineoutbecauseitcouldmoreeasilybejustifiedwhenonedidnothaveotherexpensesfrompurchases.Also,severaloftheinformantswhohadcompletedtheirbuy-nothingyearmentionedthattheynowconsumedlessthanbeforebutwhentheydidbuysomethingtheypreferredittobeofhigherqualitysothattheyknewitwouldlastforalongtime(theethicalandecologicalproductioncriteriawas

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oftenmentionedhereaswell),andthentheyacceptedtheoftenhigherpricethatcamewithit.One central factor that all the informants had in common was that they describedthemselvesasalreadyhavingwhattheyneeded,manyofthemstatinghavingmorethanenough.Thatis,theyhadreachedacertainlevelofmaterialcomfortwhere,forexample,notbeingabletobuyanynewclothesforayeardidnotmatterbecausethewardrobewas already filled with clothes. One informant estimated that with her existingwardrobe(attheendofherbuy-nothingyear),shecouldprobablygofourorfiveweekswithoutdoinglaundryandstillusedifferentoutfitseveryday.Anotherrecalledlookingintooneofherdrawersoneday,thinking“itmustbeamadpersonwhoownsthismanysocks”.Manymentionedthis“having(morethan)enough”asafactorcontributingtothe experienced easiness of not consuming. Age is a factor here of course, as themajorityoftheinformants(13outof15)wereover35yearsoldandhadhad(ifnotallatthetimeofinterview)stableincomesoveranextendedperiodoftime.Butalsotheinformantsbetween25and30andtheoneswithmorestrainedfinancesbecauseofuniversitystudiesorofreducedincomestatedthattheyhadenoughthingsandclothes.Theagefactorisalsoofimportancewhenitcomestotheabilitytostepbackfromthemainstream“normal”wayandbeingabletoresistthepressurefromothersaswellasthetemptationsoftheconsumeristsociety,asreflectedonbythisfemaleinformant,29yearsold:

IthinkIwouldhavethoughtthat[itwasdifficult]ifIwasyounger.It’snotlikeI’mreallyoldnow–Iturn30inacoupleofmonths-butIdon’tthinkIwouldhavedonethiswhenIwas19.BackthenIwaswaytooconcernedaboutjustbeingacceptedas…someone.[…]Inawayit’sabouttrustingyourown…notonlyability,but,like,toask“whatisimportanttome?”andtotrustthatthatisvalid.[…]NowIdon’tcarethatmyphoneistwoyearsold.It’snotimportantformetohavethelatestphone.Idon’tfeellikeIhavealowerstatusbecauseIhaveasecondhandsweater.[…]Butit’sdifficult,becauseitdemandsthatyoulistenmoretoyourownvoicethantoallthethousandvoicesthatscreamatyou-moreandmoredesperatelyforeachday-to“Buythis!Buythis!”(Linda,29yearsold).

Onefrequentlymentionedeffectofthenon-consumptionwasanexperiencedincreaseinwell-being,primarilyrelatedtosomeofthefactorsmentioned:moretime,lessstressover financesand/orkeepingupwithtrendsandallowingoneself to focusonotherthings.Twooftheinformantsalsospecificallymentionedincreasedphysicalwell-beingduetomoreexercising:onebecauseofdecidingtosellthecarsinceitentailedalotofcosts(consequentiallywalkingandbikingmore),andonebecauseofbeingconfinedtotheclothesalreadyinthewardrobedidnotallowforweightgain.

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Difficulties and obstacles Veryfewoftheinformantsdescribedtheirnon-consumptionexperienceasdifficultinitself.Rather,morethanhalfofthemdescribeditintermssuchas“mucheasierthanIhadthought”,“itreallyhasn’tbeendifficultatall-nochallenge”and“ithasfeltlikearelief”.Thatisnottosay,however,thattheinformantsdidnothavetostruggleagainsta “shopping urge” (to various degrees). They reported using different strategies inordertocurbtheirneedforconsumption,orthelongingfor“somethingnew”.Themostcommonsuchstrategywasbasicallyjusttoavoidenvironmentssuchasshoppingmallsand shopping streets, not allowing oneself near “temptations”. Other strategiesmentionedweretohaveclothesandshoesrepaired,tocleanoutordeclutterwardrobesanddrawers,todedicatemoretimetocultureorstudiesorspendtimeinnature,touselibrariesandtoinvitepeoplehomeinsteadofmeetingout.Oneinformantcomparedthekickshecouldget frombuyingsomethingniceto theonesheexperiencedwhencheckingherbankaccountduringherbuy-nothingyeartoseehowmuchmoneyshehadnotspent.Someobstacleswerehoweverofcoursementioned,andmostofthesewereconnectedto social relations. Severalof the informantsmentioned–albeit jokingly– that theysometimescouldfeelkindofoddand“extreme”inrelationtofriends,colleaguesandfamilywhentryingtoexplaintheirdecision.Thisuneasewashandledindifferentways,butalmostallstatedthattheyhadsupportfromatleastsomeoneintheircloseaffinity.Thoselivingwithpartnersthathadsharedtheexperiencewiththemmentionedthatasafactorthatfacilitatedtheirmotivationandpractice,andoneinformantstatedthatthelackofinterestandunderstandingfromthepartner(e.g.thepartnerinsistingthattheyneeded to keep two cars and that it was more expensive with environmentallyconsciousconsumption)wasproblematic.Another example of a social obstacle was the experienced discomfort of not being“allowed” to bring gifts for friends or familywhen visiting orgoing to a party. Oneinformantstatedthatshealwaysmadeanexceptionforgiftsbecauseshelikedtobuyforothers,anotherthatsheallowedherselftobuygiftssometimesbutalmostalwaysbrought something homemade as a way of getting around the urge of giving. Thisexpectation (both fromothersand fromourselves) thatwe shouldbring somethingwithuswhenvisitingothersorbeing invitedwasmentionedby several asa strongsocial norm, and especially in relation to children. One informant described it as“sociallyunacceptable”toarriveatakid’sbirthdaypartywithahomemadeorsecond-handbirthdaygift,andthatshethereforemadeanexceptionwhenitcametobuyingbirthdaygiftsforherchild’sfriends.Someoftheinformantsalsofoundthisexpectationhard to handle the other way around, not wanting to receive the gifts that othersbroughtforthemandfeelingunsureabouthowtoaddressthistofamilyandfriends.

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Tenoutofthe15informantshavechildren.Thosewithyoungerchildren(under15)underlinedtheimportanceofnotmakingtheirchildrenfeeluncomfortablebecauseoftheir parents’ choice to not consume. As mentioned, this was experienced asproblematicinthecontextofbirthdayparties,butalsowhenitcametoclothes,shoesandactivities.Oneinformantstatedthatshedidnotwantherchildrentofeelashamedabouthavinguglyclothesorclothesthatweretooout-of-fashion(eventhoughtheydidinheritabigpartoftheirclothing),andanotherinformantemphasizedtheimportanceoffeeling“normal”:

ButthingsforthekidsisthemostdifficultIthink.BecauseIdon’tneedanything,Imean,Ireallycan’tthinkaboutwhatIneed(…).Computer,thephone,butapartfromthatIreallydon’tneedanything.Butthekidsneedtofeel…normal.And…Iknowwhatit’sliketonotgetthosethings.InevergotapairofjeansthatIwanted,orabackpackthatIaskedfor.(…)Andyes,IhavesurvivedandI’mdoingwell,butIknowhowmanytimeswhenyouwere12andyouwantedapairofjeansthatwereokay.SoI’msomewhereinbetweenthere…Iwanttogivemychildrenafeelingofbeingnormal,inthewaytheywanttobenormal(Helena,42yearsold).

Regarding the informants with older children, these participated in the non-consumption to the degree they wanted – some being motivated to come up withcreativesolutions(whichwasalsothecasewiththeyoungerchildren)andothersbeingcompletely uninterested. One perhaps facilitating factor mentioned by one of theseparated parents was that the children with two homes could live a “normal”consumptionlifeeverysecondweekwiththeirotherparentiftheychosetodoso.Oneparent,when asked aboutwhat couldhave facilitated the non-consumption, simplyanswered“nothavingchildren”.Amongtheinformantswithnochildren,onementionedalotofpressurefromfamilyandclosefriendsasarecurringdifficulty.Theysimplycouldnotunderstandoracceptthedecisiontostopconsumingandworriedthattheinformantwouldnotbeacceptedbyothers,andtheyeveninsistedonbuyingclothesforherinordertoavoidherlookingoutofstyle.Anotherinformantpointedoutthatitwasdifficultforhernottocompareherselfwitheveryonearoundher:

[…]Icomparemyselfalotwitheveryoneelse.Soifeveryoneelsedidn’thaveasmuch,thenmaybeIwouldn’teither.[…]Iverymuchdowhateveryoneelsedoes.IffriendshavethatthenIwantittoo,butifIhadhadadifferentcircleoffriendsandacquaintanceswheredifferentnormsandrulesapplied,thenmaybeIwouldhave…compliedwiththosenormsandrules.NowitfeelslikeIhavefriendsandfamilyinmysurroundingwhoarequitesuccessful,bothintermsofcareersandlivingsituations.Andthen…well,youcompareyourselftothem.Yougetcaughtupintherace,ifIputitlikethat.It’sveryeasytogetcaughtupintherace(Jenny,37yearsold).

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Theproblemofcomparingoneselftootherswasalsobroughtupbyanotherinformant,whoclaimedcomparisontobe“centraltoeverything”:

IfI’mgoingtowalkaroundbeingenviousofsomeonebecauses/hehasabiggergardenornicerclothesorbetterhairorwhatever…Ithinkthat’salotofwhatthisbuy-nothing thing is really about – to stop comparing oneself and stop beingenvious.WhatIneedIneed,thatmightnotbewhatyouneedandthathastobeokay.Comparisonisthemotherofunhappinessinsomeway.ButIthinkoneneedstobeorperhapsbecomequitestronginoneselftobeabletoresistitall(Linda,29yearsold).

This difficulty of comparison contrasts to something else that was pointed out byseveralinformantsasadifficultyexperiencedinrelationtoothers,namelyanincreasedfrustrationwiththeconsumptionbehaviourofothersand,perhapsevenmoreso,withotherpeoples’lackofreflectionovertheirownconsumptionpatternsaswellasofthesocio-environmental consequences of consumption in general, as described by thiswoman:

[…]youreallyputyourselfoutsideaverystrongnormthatexistsinthesociety.AndI’mkindofusedtodoingthat,but…youlookatthesocietyfromoutsidelikethis,anditappearskindofabsurd.Thatwithalltheknowledgewehavetoday…thatpeoplejustcontinue,thatis…Ithinkitisso…perhapsnothorrible,butIamabitamazed(Sofia,41yearsold).

To take a step back from the consumerist societywas in this sense simultaneouslydescribed as a relief and an annoyance, as many informants saw the problematicconsequences of itmore clearlywhen finding themselves at some distance from it.Therewasacommonfrustrationamongtheinformantsaboutthemechanismsoftheconsumeristsocietyandhowdependentweareuponit.Inparticulartheinformantsgivingpoliticalreasonsandsocio-environmentalconcernsastheirmainmotivationfortheirnon-consumptiondiscussedtheproblematicswithoureconomybeingdependentupon economic growth, and our welfare and jobs in turn dependent upon ourconsumption.Notallwereopposedtothefocusoneconomicgrowth,however;someunderlined instead the importance of continued growth inorder to create jobs andupholdthewelfaresystemandofinternationaltradeasanimportantpartofhelpingpoorercountriestodevelopandcreatingjobs.Thereseemedhowevertobeaconsensusregarding a critique of how the consumerist society affects us as consumers andindividualsandaconcernforourcontinuedwell-beinginit.Onepracticaldifficultymentionedbyafewinthegroupwashowtohandletechnologythathadbecometoooldor,rather, toooutdated.Thiswasmentionedasasourceofgreatfrustration,astheinformantsdidnotusuallyexperiencetheirmobilephoneorcomputerasbeingnon-functioning ingeneral (other than slow),but theywere stillfaced with the need to replace them due to the software being too old and not

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supporting the necessary updates. Those facedwith this problemduring their buy-nothingyearwerehoweverpersistent in their attempts tomake theirproducts lastlonger,describinghowtheyhaddefragmentedtheircomputersandre-setthefactorysettingsoftheirphones,thusprolongingtheirrespectiveproductlifespanconsiderably.Similarfrustrationwasalsoexpressedinrelationtoproductsoflowqualityingeneral,or,asinthecaseofthismaleinformant,technicalproductsthatwerenotpossibletorepair:

[…]theblendergotburnt,itwasprobablyafusethatblew.Andthenit’slike-youcan’t get into the thing and change it, so…Here’s a part that you notice in theproduction…oramongtheproducers,whattheydoconsciouslyorunconsciously–theconspiracytheoriesstarttogrowhere–inorderforustobuynewthings.Likeprinters that are sold together with half a package of toner, and when youeventuallyneedtobuynewtoneritturnsoutthatitcoststwiceasmuchsothatyoumightaswellbuyanewprinter(Peter,48yearsold).

Practicaldifficultieswerealsoexperiencedinoccasionssuchaswhenshoeswerewornoutoranitemofclothingbroke.Themostcommonwaytohandlesuchasituationwastosimplyrefrainfromreplacingtheitemswithnewones,butonafewoccasionswhentheitemwasdeemedindispensable,thisresultedinapurchase.On consumption and needs The interviewedbuy-nothingpractitionerscanroughlybedivided intothreegroupswhenitcomestotheirapproachestomaterialbelongings.Onegroupconsistsofthoseinformantswhodonotcaremuchaboutmaterialthingsandappearanceandthereforewerenotveryinterestedinconsumingthingsinorderto“keepup”.Anothergroupis,incontrast,verymaterialisticinthesensethattheyputalotofmeaningandvalueintothethingstheyown,usuallyare interested instyleandalsoliketocollect things forsimplyaestheticreasons(oftensecond-handthings).Thethirdgroupissomewhereinbetweenthetwo,informantshavingmoreofapracticalandneeds-basedapproachtothings,buyingwhat theycanaffordandnotreflectingtoomuchonthemeaningsofthem.Forthemajorityof the informants, thebuy-nothingyearwasseenasone importantstepinaprocesstowardsamoreecologicallysustainableandsimplerlifestyle.Itcouldbe a first step in such a process, but more common was that the informants hadreflectedontheirconsumptionforaperiodoftime,tryingtomakemoresustainableand conscious choices in theway they consumed and had thenmade a decision todrasticallycuttheirconsumptiontonothingbuttheessentials.Inthecaseswherethe

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buy-nothingyearwasmainlymotivatedby financialreasons/restraint,however, theyearwasmoreofastartingpointinanecessaryprocessofchangingone’sconsumptionpattern.Eventhoughseveraloftheinformantsstatedthattheydidfeeltheneedtobuycertainthingstowardstheendoftheyear(forexampletoreplacewornoutshoesandjeans),onlyonementionedanexperienced“urge”toshopwhereastherestdidnotfeelexcitedabout “being allowed” to shop again – rather the opposite. All of the informantsmaintainedthattheywouldnotgobacktothesamewayofconsumingthattheyhadbefore theyear started, suggesting that itwas–orhadbecome - amore long-termchange of lifestyle. Thosewhose buy-nothing yearwas nowwell behind them alsodescribedhowtheyhadcontinuedtolimittheirconsumptiontoaveryconsciouslevel,andthosewhowerestill“in”theyearclaimedthattheywouldcontinueonthesamepathevenaftertheendoftheyear.Thismorelong-termchangeinattitudeisdescribedbythiswoman,whocontinuedtoaddchallengesonceherbuy-nothingyearwasover,inordertostriveforayetmoresimpleandsustainablelifestyle:

Youwouldthink,thatifyoudecidethat”fromnowonIwillnotbuyanythingforsixmonthsorayear”,Ithinkyou’dbelievethat“whenthisyearisoverit’llbeSOgood,I’llfinallybeabletobuy…”,butformeithasbeentheopposite.(…)Becausewhathappensisthatyousomehowwantto“upgrade”evenmore,orbecomeevenbetter.That’showIfeelanyway(Annika,47yearsold).

Inviewofconnectionstoothersufficiency-relatedpractices,halfoftheinformants(7outof15)mentionedaninterestinclearingoutclothesandotherstufffromtheirhomes.Forsome, thiscleaningoutorde-clutteringprocesshadstartedbeforetheystoppedconsuming,whilefortheothersithadstartedalmostasa“naturalconsequence”ofthenon-consumption. Three of the informants compared the sensation of getting ridofstufftothe“kick”theyhadpreviouslyexperiencedfromshopping,onlythatthelatterwasmoreshort-lived.Intheircases,theclearingoutthusservedasastrategyinordertocurbtheneedforconsumption.Anotherthingthatwasmentionedbytwoinformantsassomethingtheyhadbeguntodomoreofduringtheyearandthat filledthesamefunction of “consumption urge-curbing” was gardening and growing one’s ownvegetables,whichcouldbeclaimedtobeanother(self-)sufficiency-relatedpractice.Regardingneeds,somethingthatwashighlightedbyalmostalltheinformantswastheirdependenceonmobilephonesand/orcomputers.Themobilephoneswereveryoftenidentifiedasanecessary item, inordertocommunicatewithothers,oran itemthatcouldsymbolizesufficiencybecauseoftheversatilityofthesmartphones.

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The buy-nothing practice: an individual or collective project? Apart from three of the informants choosing to go through the buy-nothing yeartogetherasacollaborativeprojectandoneinformantdoingittogetherwithherpartner,thebuy-nothingpracticeseemstohavebyandlargebeenanindividualprojectfortheinformants.That is, they involved their familiesand friends tosomedegree in theirthoughtsandmotivations,buttheyearwasnotintendedfirstandforemostasaprojectaiming to mobilize collective critique against consumption or seeking alternativecooperativewaystoreplacethewaytheyhaveconsumedbefore.Rather,itwasaimedatchangingone’sownbehaviourandthoughtsaboutconsumption.Consideringthatthe majority of the informants had some sort of politicalmotivations behind theirdecision to consume less, this lack of collective action related to the practice isinteresting.Manymentioned,however, that theydid try tobringup the topicwhenpossibleandmakeothers reflectupon theirownconsumption if theygotquestionsabout it.Thiswasmostoftendone inan informalwaybyansweringquestions fromcuriousco-workersandfriendsandtalkingaboutitatfamilydinners.Sevenoftheinformantscreatedblogsand/orFacebookgroupswheretheywroteabouttheir experiences, andone informantwrote abook about it. These informants usedtheir channels both to articulate their own thoughts andmotivations and to reflectmorepracticallyuponhowtheyearwasproceeding,describingtheobstaclestheymetanddiscussingpossible solutions toovercome them.Although there isdefinitelyan

Figure 2. Items identified as “necessary” by one informant:bicyclekeys,applefromowngarden,coconutoil,aplantpotato(tobeusedforgrowingmorepotatoes),astronglace,andkeysfortheneighbourhood’s“swappingroom”.Photobyauthor.

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underlyingandoftenoutspokencritiqueagainsttheconsumeristsocietypresentinallof these initiatives, the approach is more of an individual one in the sense that itencouragesotherstoreflectupontheirconsumptionpatterns,theirneedsandwants,wantingtoinspirechangeratherthandemandingdirectpoliticalaction.TheFacebookgroup“Buy-nothingyear2017”(Köpfrittår2017)thathassincechangeditsnametothecurrentyear(2018and2019,respectively),hasfortwooftheinformantsservedasachannelforencouragingothersaswellasfordiscussingexperiences.Sixoutofthefifteeninformantshavegainedattentioninmediainregardstotheirnon-consumption,but these are also personswho themselves have been spreading information abouttheirbuy-nothingyearthroughtheirownchannels(mediaandsocialmedia).Theimpressionofthebuy-nothingyearasfirstandforemostanindividualprojectisalsostrengthenedbythefactthatonlytwooftheinformantsreportedhavinguseda“collective solution” such as clothes swapping or free shops as an alternative toconsumingnewclothesonaregularbasis.Somementionedhavingtrieditonceortwice,but the majority either seemed to interpret these kinds of initiatives as a form of“cheating”inregardstonon-consumption,ortheyjustdidnotfeelthatusingthemwasnecessaryorofinterest.Oneexceptiontothiswasoneinformantwhomentionedthatshehadconvincedherlandlordtoopenupa“swappingroom”inherhouse,wherethetenants could leave things that theyno longerusedandpickup theno longerusedbelongingsofothers.Also,someoftheinformantswhohadcleanedouttheirwardrobesandbelongingsduringtheyearmentionedthat theyhadpositiveexperiencesgivingthemawayorsellingthem,oftenthroughlocalFacebookgroupsforsellingandbuyingstuff.In contrast to this individual focus, three informants (and close friends) chose toembark on their buy-nothing year as a common collaborative project. To share theexperiencewitheachotherhadintheircasebeenanecessaryconditionforbeingabletogothroughwithit,andtheymentioneditashavingfacilitatedtheexperienceagreatdeal.Oneexamplegivenbythegroupwashowtheywerecontinuouslyincontactwitheachother inachatroom,wheretheycould, forexample,expresstheirurgetobuysomethingandfrustrationatnotbeingable toandthenreceive instantsupport thathelped themgetover theurgeand the impulse tobuy.These informantswerealsoamongthosewhomoststronglyarguedfortheimportanceofstrengtheningthecultureof borrowing and sharing.One of them also highlighted the importance of the non-consumptionbeingafunexperience,whichwasfacilitatedbysharingtheexperiencewithothers:

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We’vehad lots of fun.Andwe still have fun.That’s important. […] It can’t be asuffering.Ithinkthatyoucan’tputupwithashopstop15ifit’sjustsuffering,thereneedstobesomekindof“joyprinciple”init–thatit insomewayincreasesthequalityoflife.AndIthinkithasdonethat(Mikael,49yearsold).

Facilitating non-consumption Asmentionedabove,veryfewoftheparticipantsusedclothesswappingor“librariesofstuff”orsimilarinitiativesasanalternativetoshopping.Twoinformantswholivedinapartment buildings with “swapping rooms” mentioned that as facilitating theirpractice, and one of them commented that something that would further havefacilitated during the yearwould be to also have access to a room in the house forrepairingclothes,i.e.acommon“sewingroom”.Oneofthemaleinformantscommentedonthelackofmen’sclothesinfreeshopsandatorganizedclothesswappingeventsincomparison towomen’s clothesandwished foragreater supplyofmen’s clothes inorderforittobeamorerealisticalternativetoshoppingfornewclothes.When it comes to the obstacles to non-consumption that the informants hadencountered,mostof these involvedexistingnormsandsocialrelations.Thiscanbeseenasrelatedtothefrustrationtowardswhatmanyexperiencedasalackofconcernandeducationamongthegreatmajorityofpeoplewhenitcomestotheenvironmentalandsocialconsequencesofourconsumption.Regardingsuggestionsastowhatcouldhavefacilitatedtheexperienceofnon-consumption,manygavequitegeneralanswersfocusing on awish for different norms and a culture less focused on consumption.Severalalsomentionedaneedforconcretepoliticalmeasurestostaveoffthenegativeconsequences of consumption (such as letting consumption bear its ownenvironmentalandsocialcosts)andfurtherhowtheywishedforpublicplacestobefreefromadvertisementsandlessfocusedonpeopleasconsumers.Thisalsoincludedthe internetasa“publicplace”, in thesenseofnotbeingable toescapecommercialmessagesthere.One informant specifically mentioned the difficulties associated with ceasing tocompareoneselftoothersinregardto,forexample,livingsituationandconsumption.Shethereforehighlightedtheimportanceofplanningformoremixedurbanareaswithdifferentformsofhousing,inorderforpeoplefromdifferentbackgroundsandclassestoliveclosertoeachother:15ThisisadirecttranslationoftheSwedishexpression“köpstopp”.Seefurtherdiscussiononchoiceofwordingtodescribethepracticein4.3.

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Ibelievethatifyoumixdifferentsocialgroupsandyouhavedifferentclassmatesalreadyasakidinschool,thenthatmight“calmdown”consumption.Imean,thenitwouldn’tbeseenasnaturalthateveryonegoesawayforskiholidaysorthatyouseeotherparentshavingiPhonesornicebikesorsoon(Jenny,37yearsold).

Overall,thebuy-nothingpractitionerswerepositivetowardsmorepoliticalsteeringinthe area of consumption and other areas related to facilitating a more sustainablelifestyle.Thisregardedforexampleprohibitingadvertisinginpublicspace,improvingeducation on sustainability issues, making environmentally smart solutions andinnovations standard in new buildings and enacting stricter legislation for productdurability.Someinformantsalsoexpressedalongingforbravepoliticianswhodaredtomakeinnovativedecisions.

Figure 3. Items identified by one informant as symbolizingsufficiency:sheetmusicforpiano.Theinformantcommentedthatthissymbolizedself-fulfilment,whichshepracticedthrough,forexample,playing thepiano, consuming cultureand singing inachoir.Thephotoalso includesa smartphone, identifiedby thesameinformantasanecessaryitem.Photobyauthor.

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4.2 Can that which sparks joy also spark sufficiency? Practicing the KonMari method Everythingthatwecollectthroughlifeneedstoendupsomewhere,takingupphysicalspace.Everythingthatwebuyorreceiveasgiftsorcollectforfreehastobekept,stored,ortuckedaway.Ourhomesareusuallywherewegatherourbelongings,whereallthesethingsendup.Onewayofdecreasingthenumberofthingsthatwegatherthroughoutthecourseofalifetimeisofcoursetoactuallystop,ordrasticallyreduce,consuming.Butwhathappensifyouinsteadchoosetostarttheotherwayaround,fromlettinggoofmanyofthethingsyouown?In recent years, the word “decluttering” has made it into media and social media,stirring theways inwhichwe viewour homes and our belongings. Using theword“clutter”toincludeallthethingsconsideredtobeinthewayonthepathtowardsatidyand well-organized home, is, in a sense, a way of distancing ourselves from ourbelongings.Thewordcluttercanbeusedasbothanoun-“(alotofobjectsin)astateofbeinguntidy” and as a verb “tofillsomething in anuntidyorbadlyorganizedway”(definitionsfromCambridgeDictionary,2017).To“declutter”is,consequently,awayof getting ridof the things thatmakeyourhomeuntidy. It canbedone by simplygettingthemoutofthewaythroughdifferentmethodsofstorageandtidying,butitcanalsobe focusedondiscardingofbelongingsandactualremovalof things fromone’shouseor apartment.There is an increasingnumberoforganizing consultantsaroundthatareeagertohelpyouorganizeallyourstuff,storeitinthemostpracticalwayandgetridofthatwhichyoudonotuseanymore.BothintheUSandtheUK,thereareassociationsofprofessionaldeclutteringandorganizingconsultants.16ThenumberofconsultantstiedtotheUSassociationNAPO(NationalAssociationofProductivity&OrganizingProfessionals)has increaseddramaticallyoverthepast10yearsandtheassociationnowhasmorethan3500members(Kessler,2015;NAPO,n.d.).Eventhoughthis trend has not been as prominent in Sweden, the interest in decluttering andorganizingservicesseemstobegrowingandtherearemoreactorsemergingonthemarketsinrecentyears.17ThisstudyfocusesonaveryspecialmethodofdeclutteringthathasgainedattentionworldwideinrecentyearsandisgettingincreasingattentioninSwedenaswell.ItisthemethodcreatedbyMarieKondo,a Japaneseorganizingconsultantandauthorof thebooksThelife-changingmagicoftidyingup(2014)andSparkJoy(2016).Thefirstbook,inwhich she introduces theKonMarimethod, has sold over 6million copies in 40

16AssociationofProfessionalDeclutterers&Organisers(UK):www.apdo.co.ukandNationalAssociationofProductivity&OrganizingProfessionals(US):www.napo.net.17SeeforexampleSellpy:www.sellpy.seandFörvaringsdrottningen:www.forvaringsdrottningen.com.

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differentlanguages.MarieKondohasemergedasadeclutteringguru,helpingpeopletogetridofthingstheynolongeruseorneedorlove.Often,thisturnsouttobemuchmorethantheythought theycould letgoof(Kondo,2014). InSweden, theKonMariFacebook group (KonMari Sverige) is a place for those who practice the KonMarimethodtosharetips,inspirationandsupportforthetaskathand:to“KonMarione’shome”. The group started in April 2015 and for a long time it only had 150-200members,butin2017thegroupgrewfrom5,000to11,000membersanditcontinuestogrowatarapidrate,reaching15,000membersinMarch201818.ThereleaseofMarieKondo’sownNetflixshowTidyingupwithMarieKondoinJanuary2019(Netflix,2019)has further sparked a lot of interest and hype around themethod and it has beenincreasinglynoticedalsointraditionalmedia.IntheUS,theshow’s“MarieKondoeffect”is thought tohavecontributedtoagiant increase indonationstogoodwillstores inJanuary2019(Koncius,2019),andithasfurtherledtodiscussionsproblematizingtheAmericans’ over-consumption and their relationshipwith stuff (see for example LeZotte,2019;Willmore,2019). The KonMari Method So,whatistheKonMarimethodabout?Readingthebook(Kondo,2014),itseemstobemuch more of a lifestyle philosophy than yet another method of tidying up ordecluttering. At the centre of themethod liesMarieKondo’s idea about how in ourhomesweshouldonlybesurroundedbythethingswelove-thethingsthatsparkjoy.Nothingmore.Anditisathoroughmethod.Firstofall,oneshouldvisualizethekindoflifestyleandhomeonedreamsof,andpicturewhatitwillfeelliketoenterthathome–avisiontoreturntowhenitgetsdifficult.Kondothenstressestheimportanceofgoingthrougheverylittlepieceinyourhome,holdingitanddecidingwhetherornotyoufeelthatsparkofjoy.Itisalsocrucialthatyoudothediscardingintheproperorder,startingwithclothesandthenmovingontothecategoriesbooks,papers,komono (Japanesewordformiscellaneous)andfinallythingsofsentimentalvalue(Kondo,2014).Allthesecategoriescaninturnbedividedintoanalmostendlessnumberofsubcategories(someexamplesof subcategories to themiscellaneous category can forexamplebe coffeemugs, sunglasses, kids’ toys and beauty products). Embracing this method, Kondoclaims,willhelpyougetridofbelongingsthatyoudidnotevenknowwereweighingyoudown.Herfocusisontidying,butalsoontheimportanceofchangingourmind-setwith regard tomaterial belongings and possessions. Kondowrites about socks andshoesandbagsandbooksandhousesalmostasiftheyhavefeelings,andsheinsists

1815074membersasofMarch28th,2018.InformationreceivedfromoneofthegroupadministratorsandfromtheFacebookgroup.AsofNovember2nd,2019,thegrouphad23,400members.

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thatwe should treat themwith the respect they deserve for being in our lives andbringingusshelterand joy. It is an approachgrounded in Japanese cultureand theShintoreligionthatmightcomeacrossasoddfromaScandinavianperspective(andWestern,moregenerally),butKondopersistsinthatitisthewaytogoifyouwanttoachieveatidyhome.Byonlykeepingthethingsyouloveandneedandthankingalltheothersforcomingintoyourlife,sheclaimsthatitwillbecomeeasierforyoutodiscardthethingsthatyouholdonto.Because,Kondoclaims,“whenwereallydelveintothereasonsforwhywecan’tletsomethinggo,thereareonlytwo:anattachmenttothepastorafearforthefuture”(Kondo,2014,p.181).Thequestionofwhatwewanttoownisthen,actually,aquestionabouthowwewanttoliveourlives(Kondo,2014,p.182).Havingbeeninterestedintidyingandorganizingallherlife,andhavingtriedoutalltidying methods that she has read about – for herself and others - Kondo herselfbelievesthatwhatmakeshermethodsosuccessfulisthatittakesadifferentapproachtoallothermethodsfortidyingup:itstartsfromreducingtheamountofthingsonekeeps inone’shomeuntil thatnumber is“justright”.Thatmeansdiscardinga lotofthings–Kondomentionsclientswhohavediscarded“twohundred45-litergarbagebagsinonego”andthatthenumberofitemsthatherclientshavediscardedovertheyearseasilyexceedsonemillionthings(Kondo,2014,p.2).Theaverageamountthatasingle person discardsof is between 20 and 30 45-liter bags (p. 185). According toKondo,thisisthesecretbehindthefactthatnoneofherclientscomebackfora“retake”ofhercourse:adrasticreorganizationanddiscardingofitemscanbelifetransforminginthesensethatyouwillneverhavetodoitagain.Ifyoucleanoutyourhomeandgetridofallthethingsthatdonot“sparkjoy”,thenyouwilleventuallyfindyourselfinapositionwhereyouhavenomorepossessionsthanthosethatyoureallyneedandthatbringyoujoy(Kondo,2014).TheKonMarimethodisadditionallyamethodforhowtobeststoreyourbelongings,mostprofoundlyelaboratedwhenitcomeshowtofolddifferentitemsofclothing.Thisisrelatedtothepreviouslymentioned importanceofshowingrespect for thethingsthatweown(Kondo,2014).

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KonMari and sufficiency Thiswayofdiscarding thingsof course raises the issueof theenormousamountofgarbageandwastethatthismethodcreates(moreonthatnotelater).Butitalsolingersclosetotheideaofsufficiency,forexamplewhenKondostatesthatitisherbeliefthat‘’owningonlywhatweloveandwhatweneedisthemostnaturalcondition’’(Kondo,2014,p.197).Inlinewiththis,shestatesthatstoringshouldberesistedasamethodfordealingwithclutterbecausestoringcreatesanegativespiralofkeepingthingsthatwedonot reallyneedorwant (p.23). In connectionwith sufficiency,Kondowritesaboutsomethingthatshehaschosentocallthe“just-rightclickpoint”:

IfyouhavelivedinJapanortheUnitedStatesallyourlife,youhavealmostcertainlybeensurroundedbyfarmorethanyouneed.Thismakesithardformanypeopletoimaginehowmuchtheyneedtolivecomfortably.Asyoureduceyourbelongingsthroughtheprocessoftidying,youwillcometoapointwhereyousuddenlyknowhowmuchisjustrightforyou.Youwillfeelitasclearlyasifsomethinghasclicked inside your head and said, “Ah! This is just the amount I need to livecomfortably. This is all I need to be happy. I don’t need anything more.” Thesatisfactionthatenvelopsyourwholebeingatthatpointispalpable.Icallthisthe“just-rightclickpoint”.Interestinglyonceyouhavepassedthispoint,you’llfindthat

Figures4and5.Examplesof theKonMarifoldingtechnique(towelsandpillowcases)from the home of two of the informants.Privatephotosbyinformants.

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the amount you ownnever increases. And that is preciselywhy youwill neverrebound.(Kondo,2014,p.124,myemphasis.)

ItisimportanttounderlineherethatKondo–asidefromthe“sparkjoy-criteria”givesnoadviceastowhatkindofitemsoneshouldkeepordiscard.Thismeansthatifyouhaveacollectionof,say,76mugsfromacertaineditionandallofthemsparkjoyforyou,youshouldkeepthem.Wheretheclickpoint issituated(intermsofnumberofitems)alsodiffers fromonepersontoanother,Kondoclaims,andcontinues:“Ifyouhavenotyetfeltaclick,don’tworry.Youcanstillreduce.”(Kondo,2014,p.125).Motivations behind the practice TheeleveninformantsfortheKonMaristudyallhadvariousreasonsandmotivationsbehindtheirdecisiontoembarkontheKonMariprocess.Threemotivationsstoodoutasmostcommon,however,bothintheinterviewsandinthesurvey.

1. Discontentwithone’shomeenvironmentThemostfrequentlyoccurringexplanationthattheinformantsgaveforwantingtostartwiththeKonMarimethodwasdiscontentwiththeirhomesinoneorseveralways:itcouldbethatitwastoocluttered,thattheyfeltthattheydidnothaveenoughspace,orthat itwas just toodifficult tokeepthehometidy.Sometimes itwasexpressedasafeelingoffailureandsometimesasamoreabstractsensationofnotfeelingatpeaceinone’sownhome,asinthewordsofthiswomanwhoexperienceddiscomfortduetoherfamily’slivingsituationafterhavingmoved:

WehadmovedtoanewplacemorethanayearearlierandIfeltthatwestillhadn’tsettleddownproperly.Wehadunpackedalot,butwejusthadn’tthoughtthroughwhereall the thingsshouldgo.And Ihaveapartnerwho…as I see it,he’sveryuntidy compared tome, and that creates a lot of irritation. […] So therewas adisorder.AndIwasathomeduringthistime,soIwasinthemiddleofitallthetime.SoIwasn’tcomfortableatall.[…]Whichevercupboardyouopened,stuffwaskindoffallingout.EvenifIhadtriedtodiscardthingsinthemovingprocess,itwasstilltoomuch,althoughwemovedfromasmallerplacetoabiggeronesoyouwouldthinkthattherewouldbespace“left”.Butitdidn’tfeelthatway.SoIfeltastrongneedto…getthingsinorder(Jessica,43yearsold).

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2. ToomuchstuffMany informants expressed a frustration of having too much stuff, and/or notexperiencing that they had a sense of control over their things. This often gotincreasinglydifficultinthecaseofinheritingpartsoforallthebelongingsofafamilymember.Someoftheinformantsbeinginterviewedexplainedfindingitverydifficulttoletgoofthingsandhadexperiencedproblemswithangstrelatedtothis.Onewomandescribed her home before she started with KonMari as looking as if a bomb hadexplodedinthere:

ThebiggestproblemwasthatitfeltlikeIwasdrowningwhenIwenttobedorwhenIgotupinthemorning.Andtheabsoluteworstthingwasifsomeonecametovisit.Ineversaynotoanyone,Ican’tdothat,butIknewthatIwouldfeelSOawfulifIdidn’tdoanything.SothenItookeverythingandstuffeditingarbagebagsandputtheminthebedroom.Closedthedoorandlockedit(Rebecka,35yearsold).

The feeling of having toomuch stuff seemed often to be combinedwith a sense ofdiscontent, or with a frustration over the feeling that even though there was anabundanceofthings,thesewerestillnotenough,ortheywerenottherightthings.

Ithinkitstartedwithfrustration.Thisfeelingof…‘Ihavenothingtowear!’.AndIhaveawalk-incloset,sothere’squitealotofclothesthere(andthereusedtobemore).Sotostandthereandhavethatmanyclothesandstillneverhaveanythingonefeelsgoodinorthatfitswell…that’snotfun.[…]Andit’salsoaluxurytohaveyourownwalk-incloset,sotherewasalsothislongingtosimplymakeitlooknice(Lena,46yearsold).

3. WantingtomakeeverydaylifeeasierSomeof the informantshadfora longtimebeen interested indifferentmethods fortidying and organizing their homes and had been introduced to KonMari throughFacebookgroupsdedicatedtootherorganizingmethodsorhadreadaboutit.19Othersjustmentionedageneralinterestinorganizingbasedonawishtofacilitatetheirday-to-daylife:

[…]Ihavelivedinalotofplacesinmylife,maybe…12places.Movedplentyoftimes.Andinrelationtothosemoves,Ihavealwayscleanedoutandgonethroughthings.Andwe’revery“organizational”,both[daughter’sname]andI,weliketoorganizethingsandplanandsoon.Andthenwemovedheretwoyearsago,andinJanuary[…]IreadanarticleaboutKonMari.[…]AndIthoughtitwassoexcitingbecausetherewasthisphilosophicalperspectiveofthethingsyouownandhowyouorganizethem(Marianne,55yearsold).

19TheSwedishFacebookgroupdedicatedtothetidyingmethod“FlyLady”wasforexamplementionedbysomeoftheinformantsastheplacewheretheyfirstheardabouttheKonMarimethod.

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Someotherthingsthatwerementionedasmotivationsor“triggers”behindthedecisiontostarttheKonMariprocesswereanupcomingorrealizedmove(oftentoasmallerplacethanbefore),inheritanceofanestate,orsimplythatonewascuriousaboutthemethod and/or wanted to do it as a project or challenge. A few informants alsoexpressedalackofwell-being(duetoe.g.depressionorfatigue)anddescribedthatpartof theirmotivation behind startingwithKonMariwas awish to find amethod thatwouldhelpthemfeelbetter.The large majority of theparticipants in the survey (59%)foundoutaboutKonMarithroughsocialmedia,blogsorYouTube.Itwas also common to have beenrecommendedtoreadthebookbya friend (14.8%) or heard/readabout themethod inmassmedia(12.6%). Experiences of the KonMari process Intheinterviews,twoanswersweremorecommonthanotherswhenaskedaboutwhatitwaswith theKonMarimethod that appealed to the informants. Onewas that themethodfocusesonwhatyouwanttokeepinsteadofwhatyouwanttothrowaway,givingthediscardingprocessamorepositivenotetoitandalsomakingiteasytobothunderstandandexplaintoothers.Thesecondreasonwasthewaythatitisperceivedto start fromyouasapersonandyourpersonal feelingsandneeds, andnotwithacertainstructurethatyouneedtofityourselfinto.MarieKondoherselfclaimsthatthisisone of the reasons that themethodworks for everyone (Kondo, 2014).This said

Figure 6. A walk-in closet before and afterKonMari.Privatephotosbyinformant.

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however, itbecameclearboth from the interviewsand the free text answers in thesurveythatfewseemedtofollowthemethodmeticulouslyandthatsomewereabitcriticalofwhattheyperceivedasthestrictnessofit.One experience that all of the informants of the interview study seemed to have incommonwasanewsenseofeaseand/orharmonyintheirhomes.Howdeeporstrongthisfeelingwasseemedtobepartlyrelatedtohowfaronehadcomeintheprocess,butthegeneralfeelingwasoneofincreasedeaseasmoreandmorethingswerediscarded.Another common positive result of the process was the practical one of havingfacilitatedcleaningandtidying.Oneinformantmentionedthatsheandherhusbandhadreducedthetotaltimeittookthemtocleantheirhousefrom5hoursaweekto1.5hours(includingthetimededicatedtoputthingsawayinordertoenablethecleaning).WhatwascommonforalloftheinformantswasthattheyseemedtoseeKonMariasmorethanadeclutteringmethod,anddescribedthatithadchangedtheirlifeinmorewaysthantheobviousoneofhavingatidierhome.Alloftheinformantsmentionedinonewayoranotherhowtheprocessofthoroughlygoingthroughone’sbelongingsisaveryreflectiveprocessthatalsomakesyouthinkalotaboutyourlifeandwhatisreallyimportanttoyouasaperson.Insomecases,thisspurreddifficultquestionssuchas“amIreallyallowedtogetridofthis?”(becauseofwhatitcostorthatitwasagift)andalsoexistentialones,like“whoamIwhenI’mfinishedwiththis?”and“whoamIwithoutthesethingsthatIamusedtosurroundmyselfwith?”.Thisreflectiveprocesshadinmostcasesexpandedtoincludeotherareasoftheinformants’lives,suchasactivities,relations and finances, and had further turned into a more overarching process ofrethinkingwhatonededicatesone’stimeandenergyto.Onewoman,whenaskedwhatpositivethingsaboutthemethodhadsurprisedherthroughherprocess,elaboratedonthis“expansion”:

[…]Ithinkyoucanapplythethoughtoftryingtofindwhatbringsyoujoynotonlywhen itcomes tomaterialthingsbutmoregenerally in life. Ihavemovedon todecluttering my calendar and prioritizing things. I did that before as well, butperhapsmorenow,andIamconsciousaboutfindingthesmallthingsof joy.Forexample,ifI’moutforawalknowinthewinter,therearecertaindayswhenthemorningisextremelybeautiful–thenIstop,reallylookatitandtakeitinandkindoffeelthis…skipofjoy.ComparedtobeforewhenIprobablywouldhavejusthadcarriedonand,like,“Imustmakeittoworkontime”[…]Sothatisapositiveeffect.AndthesecondthingisthatIthink[…]thatbecausethereissomuchfocusonwhatit isthatglitters20,or is tokimeku21, italsomeans that thatwhichdoesn’tglitteris…dirtying.SoIhave,like…hadlesspatienceforcrap(Maylin,27yearsold).

20Thatsomething“glitters”(glittrar)isthechosenexpressionusedbytheSwedishKonMarigroupasatranslationofthatsomethingsparksjoy.21TokimekuistheJapanesetermusedbyMarieKondo(2014)todescribethefeelingthatinEnglishistranslatedto“sparkingjoy”.

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Other informants described how they had “konmaried” their e-mail subscriptions,automatic payments from their bank accounts, memberships in different FacebookgroupsandtheirFacebookcontactlists.Someoftheinformantsdecidedtochangejob,otherschosetoendfriendshipsorcontactsthattheyhaddefinedasnotsparkingjoyintheirlivesandIwasalsotoldaboutmembersintheFacebookgroupwhohaddecidedto‘’konmariaway’’theirpartners.Itmightbeeasy to think thatdiscarding somany thingswouldeventually lead toabacklash, in thesensethatonemissesthebelongingsthathavebeensortedoutandtakenawayfromthehome.However,veryfewoftheinformantsstatedthattheyhadmissedsomethingthattheyhadchosentodiscard.Onementionedforexampleaglassbowl (“but there are other glass bowls out there”), and another a book that shediscardedandthenhadtobuyagain.Anotherinformantregretteddiscardingsomanyhangers,becausenowshewasfacinghavingtobuysomenewones.Butotherthanthat,regretsseemedtobeuncommonamongtheKonMariers.Rather,severalamongthosewhohadfinishedallthediscardingcategoriesexpressedanurgetokeep“konmari-ing”andtogetridofevenmorethingsbecauseofthesatisfactionthatcamewithit.ItwasforexamplequitecommonamongthosewhohadfinishedtodoaKonMari“round”indifferent categorieseverynowand then, always finding that theyhadbecomeevenmorepickyandthatsomethingsthatwerekeptinthefirstroundnolongersparkedjoyinthethird.TheFacebookgroupKonMariSverigewasmentionedbyallinformantsasanimportantsourceofsupportduringtheKonMariprocess.Muchduetoitsactiveadministratorsandengagedmembers, itwasexperienced asaverypositiveand supportivegroup.Eventhoughalltheinformantshadnotbeenactivetothesamedegreeinthegroup,theyalldescribedhavingreceivedsupportduringdifficultmomentsintheirprocess,forexamplebypostingphotosofthecategorytheywereabouttostarton,asking“howdoIdothis?”andreceivingmanygoodtipsandsupportivecheers.Theimportanceofthegroupisalsohighlightedbythefactthatinformantswhohadfinishedallcategoriesstillchosetostayinthegroup,bothinordertocontinuetosupportandhelpothersandtobeabletojointheoccasional“challenges”started22,andbecausetheymentioneditasconstitutingavaluablesocialcontext.

22Theadministrators of the group from time to time start different challenges, suchas “FinishwithKonMaribeforeMidsummer”.

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Difficulties/obstacles Oneof thequestions in theonlinesurveyregardedwhichof theKonMaricategories(clothes,books,paper,komono/miscellaneous,or itemswithsentimentalvalue)oneconsidered to be the most difficult one. 41% of the respondents answered thesentimentalcategory.However,notalloftherespondentshadactuallygonethroughwith that categoryyetbut ratherwere convinced that itwould be thehardest.Thispointstoacertainfearofdealingwithallofoursentimentalbelongings.Oneinformantdescribed inthe interviewhowshedreadedgoingthroughheroldphotoalbumssomuch that she postponed it for one and a half years after completing the othercategories.But,shecontinued,onceshefinallydidsitdownwiththephotostogetherwithherhusband,shewentthroughthemallinanhourandahalf.Oneperhapsobviousdifficultymentionedbymanyisthesheeramountofstuffonehastogothroughwhenadoptingthismethod,andhowoverwhelmingthatamountcanfeel.The common impression among the informants was however that the process ofdiscardingbecameeasierwithtimeandpractice,asexpressedbythisKonMarier:

[…]like,thefirsttenitemsofclothingarefine,thenyou’reupto,like,100or200-thenitbecomesabittough.ButIthinkthat’soneadvantagewiththismethod,thatyoureallysitdownandfeel,andthatisamatterofpractice,toreallypracticeyourabilitytofeel.SoIthink….Itbecomeseasierwithtimebecauseyougetusedtoit(Maylin,27yearsold).

Onethingthatseveraloftheinformantsmentionedasbeingapracticalobstacletotheirdeclutteringwastoactuallygetthediscardedstuffoutofone’shome.Thiswasmostlymentionedasadifficultybythoseoftheinformantswhodidnothaveacarand/orlivedfarawayfromsecondhandshopsandrecyclingsites.Severalcommentedthatitwouldbeveryconvenienttohaveservicesthatpickup,sortandsellyourdiscardedstuffforyou,preferablygivingyouapartoftheprofit.SomesuchservicesarealreadyavailableinStockholmandotherbigcities,butforthosewholiveelsewhere,thereisrarelyanalternativeotherthantotryandsellityourself(onlineoratalocalfleamarket)ifyouwanttoearnsomemoney.MarieKondousuallyencouragesherclientsnottotryandselltheirdiscardedstuff,sincethatoftenprolongstheprocessofactuallygettingitoutof thehouse (Kondo,2014).However, as severalof the informantspointedout, thesmallamountsofmoneyonecanmakebyputtingintheeffortcanbeawell-neededmonetarycontributionaswellasamotivationtokeepgoing.Themostcommonwayfortheinformantstogetridoftheirstuffwastogiveitawaytodifferentcharityorganizationsandsecond-handstores.Regardingthethingsthatwerenotina“give-awaystate”,mosttriedtorecycleasmuchaspossible.Thatseemedtopartially help the informantswith the feelings of guilt related to the environmental

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consequencesofgettingridofsomuchstuff.Oneoftheinformantsdescribedtheguiltofgettingridofthingsnotprimarilybeingrelatedtoenvironmentalconcernsbutratherashavingtodowithasenseof“canIreallydothis?”:

Youthinkaboutallthemoney,allthetime,andmostlyallthedreamsthatyouhavehadforeverything.[…]Allofthose“wrongpurchases”Ihavemadeontheway–Ihad to confront them now. All thosemisconceptions about who I had thoughtmyselftobe.Andit’salongroadbeforeyoumeetyourselfinthatprocess,andinthebeginningit’sveryfilledwithguilt(Susanne,43yearsold).

Anotherinformantdescribedtheprocessofdiscardingthingsas“atfirstitfeelsgreat.Thencomestheangst.”,andcontinued:

IcanwakeupatnightbecauseIhadanightmareaboutfindingmyselfnaked,orsomekindofworstcasescenario:thatsomethingisbrokenandIcan’tfixitbecauseIdon’thavethethingstodoit.Butatthesametime,whensometimehaspassed,I…IthinkthatIdon’tneedallthosedamagedcablesanyway(Rebecka,35yearsold).

TheaforementionedreflectiveprocessthattheKonMariprocesseasilyturnsintoisnotalwayseasy togo through, and several informants talkedabouthaving todealwithsomequitedifficultissuesduringit.Itcouldbeaboutconfrontingoneselfandthethingsthatonehasvaluedbefore(perhapscontinuestovalue),sayinggoodbyetoclothesthatonehassavedforyearsinthehopesofthemonedayfittingagain,goingthrougholdphotographsandlettersandconfrontingolddreams,relationsorfears.Itisaprocessofsimultaneouslyconfrontingthingsandlearningtoletgoofthem.Somethingmentionedbyseveraloftheinformantsasbeinganobstaclewasnothavingone’spartnerand/orfamilyonboardfortheprocess.ThisoftenprovokedasenseofnotbeingabletoevercompletelyfinishtheKonMariprocessbecauseofnotbeingabletokonmarithebelongingsofotherfamilymembers(whichisnotallowedwithinthemethod). This obstacle was dealt with in different ways. Some mentioned feelingfrustratedovertheirpartners’untidinessandunwillingnesstohelp,sometriedtofinda balance and compromise, and others had simply accepted the fact that their kids’rooms would never be tidy and just decided to close the door. Several howevermentionedthat theirpartnersgrewmoresupportiveandinterestedwithtimewhentheynoticedbothanewtidinessinthehomeandinmanycasesalsothepositiveeffectthemethodhadontheinformants’well-being.Thisevenledtosomeofthemtryingoutthemethodthemselves.Inthecaseofthreeoftheinformants,theKonMariprocesswasacommonprojecteitherwithallthefamilymembersorwiththeirpartner(onlyoccasionallyinvolvingthekids).

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In other cases, the informant had been given quite free reignwhen it came to thecommonbelongingsandorganizingthesharedareasofthehome.Onethingthatshouldperhapsnotbelabelledasadifficultybutratheraconcern,isacertainscepticismaboutthemethoditselfthatwaspointedoutbyafewinformants,mentionedinfreetextinthesurveyandwhichisalsobroughtupnowandthenintheFacebookgroup.Thisscepticismhastodowithquestionsaboutwhetherornot themethodisreallyforeveryone,becausewhenitreallycomesdowntoit-whoisitthatcanaffordtoonlykeepthethingsthatsparkjoy?AnotherconcernseemedtobethattheKonMarimethodhasbecomeamoney-makingmachine,ofwhichabigpartconsistsof very expensive courses throughwhich a selected few become certified KonMariconsultants.Asmentionedabove,thismethoddoesleavebehindanimmenseamountofdiscardedmaterialpossessionsamongitspractitioners.Eventhoughalotcanbegivenawaytosecond-handstoresorberecycled,alargepartofitcannotbeconsideredasanythingbut waste or garbage. Marie Kondo is open about this, stating herself that theapproximatenumberofdiscardedbelongingsofherclientsamountstoapproximately28,000garbagebags,withthetotalnumberofitemsdiscardedbeingoveronemillion(Kondo,2014,p.185).Consideringthatthesenumbersarepresentedinherbookfrom2014,itistobeexpectedthattheyhavemultipliedwiththesuccessofthebookand,further,withtheNetflixseries.TheenvironmentalimpactofthistidyingmethodisnotsomethingKondo herself bringsup, but it has been brought to attention elsewhere(Spinks,2016).However,onecouldarguethatallthesethings–ifnotdiscardednowbutinsteadleftdwellinginourhomesuntilwedie–willendupbeinggarbagesooner(that is, now) or later,making the same negative environmental impact if they arediscardedofnoworin50years’time.Oneinformantpointedoutthatyoumightfeelalotofshameforallthatwhichyouthrowoutorgiveaway,allthebagsofstuff.Butthat,she claimed,was inpart compensatedby lookingatwhather familyhadpurchasedduringthetwoyearsafterhavingfinishedwithKonMari,atotalofwhichsheestimatedwouldprobablyfitintwopaperbags(excludingclothesforgrowingchildren):

Sotheshamewasthen,butafterwardsyoucanthinkthatyouwillneverdothatagain. You will never again make these wrong decisions about what to buy(Susanne,43yearsold).

Material belongings Itistobeexpectedthatamethodthatisfocusedondiscardingthingsthatdonot“sparkjoy”inordertoonlykeepthethingsthatdo,necessarilymakesonereflectaboutwhat

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one actually feels in regards to one’s material belongings. In what ways can thisreflectionchangetheattitudetowardsthosebelongings?In answering the question “Has your attitude towards the things you own changedduringyourKonMarijourney?”,themajorityoftherespondentstothesurvey(57.5%)statedthatithadchangedalot.37.7%statedthatithadchangedalittle,resultinginatotalof95.2%claimingachangedattitude.Whenaskedtoelaborateonthewaysithaschanged,somerecurringanswerswerealongthelinesoftheseexamples:

“IappreciatethethingsIhaveleftnowmorethanbefore,Itakemorecareofthem.”“Ifinditeasiertoletgoofthingsnow.”“IreallythinkaboutwhatIwanttohaveandtoown.”“Idon’tfeellikeIhavetokeepEVERYTHINGanymore.”“IammorecertainaboutwhatIneedanddon’tneed,andIonlykeepwhatIdoneedandwhatbringsmejoy.”

(freetextanswersfromsurvey,owntranslation.)TheseanswerscloselymirrortheattitudesthattheinterviewedKonMariersexpressedinregardtotheirrelationtothethingstheyowned.Overall,theKonMariers’attitudestowardstheirbelongingscanbesaidtohavechangedintwobasicways.First,inthattheybecamemoreappreciativeofthebelongingsthattheyhadidentifiedassparkingjoy,whichoftenincludedmoreeffortbeingputintotakingcareofthem.Second,inthattheyfounditincreasinglyeasytoletgoofthingsthattheyidentifiedasnotsparkingjoyandnotholdingontothingsjustforthesakeofkeepingthemorbecausethey“mightbegoodtohavearound”someday.Oneimportantclarificationtomakeherepertainstothequestionoffunction:itmightbeverydifficulttoimaginethatthingslikeacollectionofplasticbagsorreusablelunchboxesoratapeholderordishclothsorsmallboxescontainingdifferentkindsofnailscansparkjoy.Thatsaid,thefunctionthattheyfillmight.ThisisnotsomethingKondoherself reflectsmuchon inherbooks,but it is frequentlydiscussed in theKonMariSverige Facebook group. However, to discard similar things (all falling within thekomono/miscellaneouscategory)canalsobeaboutconfrontinga lotofunnecessaryitems,forexamplefindingoutthatonehasaccumulatedaround25mascarasand20toiletrybags(asoneinformantdid),andchoosingtokeeponlythosewhichonelikesthemost.Changed views on consumption and needs OnecentralquestioninthestudyoftheKonMariersregardswhetherornotthiswayofdiscardingone’sbelongingshasanyimpactonone’sthoughtsandbehaviourregarding

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consumptionofnewthings.Doesasuccessfuldeclutteringleadtomoreconsumptionbecauseofmore freed spaceand/ormore focusonwhatone reallywants,or can itdecreasetheneedandwishtoconsumenewthings?Theanswer is that themethodseems tohavehadquiteanextensive impacton theinformants’ attitudes towards consumption – regarding both how they think aboutconsumingnewthingsandtheiractualconsumptionbehaviour.

Asshownin figure6,a totalof95.6%of theparticipants in thesurvey-allbut14-stated that KonMari has changed their attitude towards buying new things. 61.3%answered that their attitude has changed a lot, whereas 34.3% stated that it haschanged a little. In what way it has changed became more obvious when theparticipantswereaskedtodescribetheirconsumptionhabitsbeforeandafterhavingstarted with KonMari. In the survey, the respondents were asked to choose whatstatements best described their consumptionhabits before and afterKonMari (twodifferent questions), and they could choose up to three statements (out of ten).Regarding their habits before starting with the method, 48.7% agreed with thestatement“Ishoponimpulse”and39.6%withthestatement“IbuyalotofthingsthatIdon’tneed”.AfterhavingbegunwithKonMari,however, thechange isremarkable:just 1.9% agreedwith the statement about shopping on impulse, and only one (1)person(0.3%)agreedwiththestatementaboutbuyingalotofthingsthats/hedidnotneed. Instead, the statementsbest reflecting the consumptionhabitsof respondentsafterhavingbegunwithKonMariwere“IthinkcarefullybeforeIbuyanything”(88.4%

Figure7.Answerstosurveyquestionregardingattitude to consumption inrelation to the KonMari process.Screenshotfromonlinesurveyresults,translatedfromSwedish.

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agreedwith this statement, as compared to18.2%“before”) and “Ionlybuywhat Ireallyneed”(64.5%agreed,comparedto10.4%“before”).Mostoftheparticipantsinthesurveystatedthattheynowreflectalotbeforebuyingsomething,thinkingtwice(ormore)ifitreallyissomethingthattheyneedorwant. Thischangeinconsumptionbehaviourwasalsoveryapparentintheinterviews,wheremostpeoplestatedthattheynowreallyconsiderwhetherornottheyneedsomethingor if it really sparks joybeforebuying it.Onewomandescribed it asbeingpartlyaconsequenceofdiscardingalargeamountofunnecessarypurchases:

[…]thenyoucanfeellike“itwassostupidofmetobuythis”.Youcanthinkaboutitfromafinancialperspective,butImostlythinkfromasustainabilityperspective,andthenit’s…well,thenitgivesyouaknotinthestomach.Butthenyouhavetocomfortyourselfwiththatwell,nowI’mtryingtonot…nowI’mtryingtoactsothatIdon’tmakeanyofthosemistakesinthefuture.Andthenyoutrytorememberthatfeelingthenexttimeyou’reabouttobuysomethingthatyoualmostwant(Elisabeth,47yearsold).

Many described themselves as having becomemuchmore selectivewithwhat theychoose to buy and take into their homes, and saw this as a direct consequence offocusingonthe“sparkjoy”feeling.Thiswasmostlymentionedassomethingpositive,butitwasalsopointedoutthatitinsomewaysmadeitmoredifficulttochoose,asinthecaseofbuyinganewsweater:

Whenitcomestochoosing,everythingbecomesmoredifficult(…).IneedaknittedsweaternowbecauseIwalkaroundfreezingallthetime,butittakestimetofindone.IhavebecomesopickyinwhatIallow,becausethatsweatershouldbecomealife companion. It should staywithmeuntil it falls topieces and stickwithmethroughthickandthin.Sometimesitfeelsalmostlikechoosinganewpartner–youhavesuchhighdemandsthatyoujuststaysinglefortherestofyourlife(Susanne,43yearsold).

Another informantdescribed howshe, beforeKonMari, sometimesused to shop onimpulsewhenitcametobooksandclothes,butnowfounditalmostimpossibletobuyanything,evenwhensheactivelytriedto:

I can’t anymore, it’s completely impossible. You don’t find what you want –specificallybecauseyoutrytofeel.It’sthisconceptoftokimeku–ifitsparksjoyornot-and…mostthingsdon’t.Andthenit’simpossibletobuyit.It’slikesomekindofbarrieryouhave,it’sreallystrange(Marianne,55yearsold).

However,this“sparkjoy”feelinghasanothersidetoit,namelythatitmakesitobviouswhatyouhaveinyourhomethatdoesnotsparkjoy.Thiscaninturntriggeradesiretoreplacethosethingswithothersthatdo,asforthiswoman:

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Ithasbecomeclearertomewhatmytasteis,andIhavestartedtofeellike“thisisme,nomatterthetrend”.Andthatisagoodthing,inaway,becauseitmeansthatIcanchoosenottochoosealot.[…]ButsinceIhavediscardedthosethings,Inolongerhave…blankets.BecausetheonesIhaddidn’tsparkjoy,sotheyhadtogo.Buttheonesthere,inthestore-theysparkjoy,becausetheyaremoreinlinewithwhereIhavefoundmyself.SoIcanseethatitgoesinthatdirection,thattherehavebeensomepurchasesbecauseof that. […]But I think,andhope, thatthesenewpurchases are more permanent: Now I have bought this because I like it andbecauseItrustthisfeeling.[…]Sono,it’snotlikeI’vestoppedbuyingthings.ButIthinkthatIbuymoreoftherightthings.AndthatIwillreachthatstagewhere…there’snotmuchmorethatneedstocomeintothehouseanymore(Jessica,43yearsold).

This suggests that even though some new purchases are done as an effect of theKonMariprocess,thesepurchasesaremorethoughtfulandthereforelesslikelytoberegrettedthanprevious,moreimpulsivepurchases.Thereareofcourseexceptionstobefoundtothischangedconsumptionbehaviour,andthoseinformantswhomentionednothavingchangedtheirconsumptionbehaviour(oronlychangeditalittle)wereoftenthesamepeoplewhoalreadyhadquitearestrictiveor conscious consumption behaviour before starting with KonMari. This can beillustratedbyaquotefromoneoftherespondentstothesurvey:

TheKonMarimethodhasmaybehadthegreatestimpactformeinregardtothethingsIalreadyown.Iwasalreadyaveryawareconsumer,ofenvironmentalandeconomic reasons. The biggest difference consumption-wise is that [I] long oryearnalotlessforthingsinstoresthatarepretty/interesting.(Respondentinsurvey,owntranslation.)

Intheinterviews,itbecameapparentthatthechangedattitudetowardsconsumptionformanyalsoimpliedachange inhowtheyapproachedconsumingthings forotherpeople.Severalof the informantsstatedthat theyhadbecomemuchmorereflectivewhenbuyinggifts.Asaresultoftheirownrealizationabouthowimportantitisthatyoureallywantandlovethethingsthatyouhave,theydidnotwishforagifttobeanuisancetothereceiver(i.e.somethingthat“should”bekeptandusedbecauseofbeingagift).Rather, theychosetobuythingsthat theyknewthepeoplereallywanted,orsomethinglikeflowers,wineorediblethings.

Iammuchmorecarefulaboutwhattheywishfor.Mybrotherhastwokidsandmyhusband’ssisterhastwokidsandthey’rebetween9and21[…]andbeforeitwaslikewewouldbuywhatwethoughttheyshouldhave.But,likethe21-year-old…theonlythingshewantsismoney.Sheisastudent,moneyisallsheneeds.Andthenit’slike…“stopfussing!”Forgetaboutitnotbeingfunandjustgiveit,becauseit’sallshewishesforandshegetshappy.Thenwe’llgiveherthat,andthenit’snotaproblemanymoretogivepeoplewhattheywishfor.Becauseyouunderstandthat,

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that it’s what you wish for that is tokimeku. So I have probably becomemoreresponsiveinthatsense(Lena,46yearsold).

Thischangedattitudewasalsotoalargeextentmentionedinrelationtobuyingthingsforone’sownchildren,bothbirthdaygiftsandthingstheyneeded(i.e.newclothesorshoeswhen growing). Several of the informants alsomentioned that ithad becomeincreasingly difficult to appreciate gifts that they themselves received, like thisinformantwhodescribedherthoughtsleadinguptoherrecentbirthdaycelebration:

[A]verybigchangethatIfeelinside,isthatIdon’tliketoreceivepresentsanymore.IguessIwasn’tanextreme“giftperson”beforeeither,butwhenIhadmybirthdayrecentlyIjustfeltlike“nonoNO,whatifsomeonecomesandgivesmebooks!”.Idon’tliketogetbooks.AndIguessIneverreallyhavelikedit,butsomehowIfeltitverystronglynow(Karoline,37yearsold).

ThesequotesindicatethattheKonMariers’changedattitudestowardsbothgivingandreceivinggiftsmightalsohaveanimpactamongtheirfriendsandfamilies,inthesensethattheycommunicatetothemthattheydonotwantanyunnecessarygiftsandalsoareveryconsciousaboutnotgivingawayanysuchgiftsthemselves.4.3 Reflections on the case studies The presentation of the two case studies provides insight into two quite differentpractices.AsIhavepreviouslypresentedtheseasbeingexamplesofsufficiency-relatedpractices,thefirstquestionafteracloserexaminationofthemmustperhapsbe:canthepracticesreallybedescribedasbeingsufficiency-related?Inthecaseofthepracticeofnon-consumption,orindividualschoosingtohaveabuy-nothingyear,theanswerisaclearyes.Thepracticecaninfactbeclaimedtobemorethansufficiency-related,ratherbeinganexampleofsufficiencyinpracticeinregardtoconsumption(inlinewithe.g.Heindl&Kanschik,2016;Speck&Hasselkuß,2015).Eventhoughtheinformantsofthestudyapplieddifferentdegreesof“strictness”intheirnon-consumptionandhadvariousmotivationsbehind theirdecision, allof themmaybeclaimed to have practiced sufficiency in the sense that they all strived towards aminimalconsumptionduringtheirbuy-nothingyear.InthecaseoftheKonMariers,theanswerismorecomplex.ConsideringthenumberofthingsthatpractitionersoftheKonMarimethodareexpectedtodiscardaswellastheessenceofthemethod-toonlykeepthatwhichsparksjoy(Kondo,2014)-thepracticeof“konmari-ing”candefinitelybesaidtobeasufficiency-relatedpracticeinthesenseof “striving toown less”.However, since the focus of this thesis ison sufficiency in

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relation to material consumption, what is central to answer is whether or not themethodhasanybearingontheconsumptionbehaviourofthosewhopracticeit.“Torestrictmyconsumption”wasnota reason thatanyof the informantsorof theparticipants in thesurveygaveasamotivationbehindthedecisiontostartwiththeKonMarimethod. Rather, themotivations behind starting the process of discardingone’sbelongingswererelatedtothingssuchasasensationofhavingtoomuchstufforbeingtiredofthemessinessathome.However,theresultsofboththeinterviewsandthesurveyshowthattheKonMariprocesshasinfacthadanimpactbothonhowtheinformantsand the respondents thinkabout consumptionandonhow theyactuallypracticeit.Infact,theimpactseemstobequiteextensive,consideringthataround95%oftheparticipantsinthesurveystatedthattheirattitudetowardsbuyingnewthingshadchangedduringtheprocess.Still,thereducedconsumptionwasnotintentional,orstrived for, in the sense that the largemajorityof informantsdidnotdescribe theirattitudetowardstheirownconsumptionasoneofactivelytryingtoreducetheamountoneconsumes.Rather,thetendencyseemedtobethatonegraduallyre-valuedwhatonereallywantedtobringintoone’shomeandconsequentiallybecamemoreandmorereflectiveinregardstothethingsoneactuallydecidedtobuy,wantingtobecertainthatitwas the right thing.The result,however,was inamajorityof the casesanactualreductioninconsumption,whichshouldbeenoughgroundtoclaimthatKonMaricanalsobedescribedasasufficiency-relatedpracticeinrelationtoconsumption.ThisisfurthersupportedbyanalmostidenticalsurveyandinterviewstudyperformedwithKonMariersintheUnitedKingdomandIreland,showingverysimilarresultsintermsof the informants’ changed attitudes and behaviour in regard to consumption(Chamberlin&Callmer,2019).Itshouldbenotedherethatinnoneofthecasestudiesdid I ask for any kind of quantitativemeasure from the informants regarding theirconsumption before and after their decision. I have instead focused on their ownestimates regarding their consumption behaviour before and after theymade theirdecisiontohaveabuy-nothingyearortostartwithKonMari.23Thisadditionallymakesitdifficulttocheckforreboundeffectsofthereducedconsumption,i.e.tocheckwhattheyspendtheirpotentiallysavedtimeandmoneyoninstead.Sufficiency-related practices – a question of privilege? Oneimportantfactorthatbothcasestudiesservetohighlightisthequestionofwhoitisthatcanaffordsufficientconsumptionpractices.Theactofchoosingtorefrainfrommaterialconsumptionisinmanywaysaquestionofincomeandclass.Notonlydoes

23Readmoreaboutthelimitationsofthisapproachinchapter3.

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being able to do so require someprivilege -or at least it ismuch facilitated by theprivilegeofhavingbeenabletoreachacertainmaterialstandard-butitisalsoeasierforrichormiddle-incomeconsumerstolivea“goodlife’’withoutmaterialconsumptionbecausetheycanaffordtopayforexperiences.Onasimilarnote,tobeabletodiscardofthingsthatdonotsparkjoycanalsobeseenasaprivilege,becausewhatifyouhaveneverhadthepossibilitytoaccumulatethingsthatdo?Whatifthethingsyouhaveinyourhomearethingsthatyousimplycannotgetridofbecauseofthefactthatyouneedthem,whethertheysparkjoyornot?ThesurveyperformedinthesecondcasestudymadeitpossibletogetamoreextensiveoverviewoftheeconomicsituationofthosechoosingtoperformtheKonMarimethod(ofcoursefarfromcompletesinceonly318outofapproximately14,000membersintheKonMariSverigeFacebookgroupparticipated24).Amongthesurveyparticipants,76.1%agreedwiththestatementofhavingastablefinancialsituation,whereas17.6%reportedhavingrestrictedfinances(formoreinformation,seechapter3).Thelackofasurveyinthecasestudyonbuy-nothingpractitionersmakesitdifficulttocomparethegroups inmoredetail in termsof their financialsituation.The issueof financeswas,however, brought up in the qualitative interviews – many times directly by theparticipants themselves and sometimesmentioned indirectly in reference to earliershoppingbehaviouretc.Fiveofthebuy-nothingpractitionersdescribedthemselvesintermsof“neverhavinghadmuchmoney”orbeingusedtothinkingaboutsavingmoney.Thatsaid,however,theyallconsideredthemselvestohavemorethanenoughintermsofmaterialstandardandthings,asdescribedabove.Thiswasalsothecaseforthoseoftheinformantswholivedwithalowincomeduringtheirbuy-nothingyear.To stop or to be free Finally,onereflectionneedsalsotobemaderegardingthevocabularyusedamongtheinformantsforthebuy-nothingcasestudy.ThemostcommontermusedinSwedish,köpfrittår,directlytranslatesto“buy-freeyear”or“consumption-freeyear”,indicatingamorepositivetoneofnon-consumptionthanthemostcommonEnglishterm,“buy-nothing year”.Köpfritt år is also the name of the Facebook group dedicated to thepractice.Oneoftheinformantsalsohighlightedtheveryconsciousdecisiontonotlabelher experience as a “shopstop” or “consumption stop” (“köpstopp”) but rather as“freedom from buying” (“köpfrihet”) – thus pointing to the experience of freedom

24ThisnumberisapproximatedfromthenumberofmembersinOctober2017(10,600)(informationfromgroupadministrator)and15,074membersasofMarch28th,2018(information fromFacebookgroup).ThesurveywaspublishedinthegroupinJanuary2017.

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associatedwithherdecisionratherthantothatofrestriction.Onasimilarnote, is itimportanttostop“buying”,orrathertostop“shopping”or“consuming”?Wordsshapeourthoughts,andtheterm“buy-nothing”-justliketheSwedish“köpstopp”-indicatesthat nothing can or should be bought, when it is perhaps rather an issue about“shopstop”–torefrainfromone’sregularshoppingbehaviourratherthantogivetheimpressionthatonedoesnotbuy,forexample,hygieneproductsortoiletpaperorfood(somethingthatcouldscareawayratherthanattractnewpotentialpractitioners).Astheterm“buy-nothingyear”isstillthemostcommonwordinEnglish,however,Ihavedecidedtouseitinspiteoftheseconcerns.Thisreflectionfurthertiesintothedecisionofwhattocallthegroupthatpracticesthebuy-nothingyear.Idebatedforsometimewhethertousetheterm“buy-nothingactivists”or“non-consumers”,beforedecidingon settling somewhere in between. This was after considering that “buy-nothingactivists” suggested that there was a certain (or high) degree of political activismembedded in the practice, whereas “non-consumers” on the other hand had a toopassiveringtoit(hintingat,forexample,non-consumptionduetolackofinterestoreconomic restraints). The choice of calling the group buy-nothing practitionersindicates that the informantsactivelyperformapractice,but itdoesnotnecessarilysuggestapoliticalmotivationbehindthatpractice,northatitstrivestowardsamorecollectivepoliticalaim(suchassuggestedwiththetermbuy-nothingactivists).Inthetheoryandmethodologychapters,Isuggestedthatthesepracticeswerecasesofdifferentformsofentriesintoamoresufficientconsumptionpractice:thebuy-nothingyear being a highly intentional entry and the KonMari process, in contrast, anunintentionalentry. Ialsoexplainedwhybothtypesofentryareimportanttostudy,arguingthatfarfromallaffluentconsumerscanbeexpectedtovoluntarilydecidetoreduce their consumption and that looking into how other entry ways might befacilitated can be seen as one part of shouldering the collective responsibility forsufficiencythatfallsonaffluentsocieties.Inthenextchapter,Iwillreturntotheissueofintentionality,aswellastotheresearchquestions,inordertodelvemoredeeplyintothepotentialofthesepracticestoattractmorepeopletomoresufficientconsumptionpractices.

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5. Entering sufficiency: what to learn from sufficiency-related practices? Thischapteranalysesthefindingsfromthetwocasestudiespresentedinchapter4inordertoanswertheempiricalresearchquestionsaboutwhetherandhowsufficiency-relatedpracticessuchasthosepresentedherechangethewaythepractitionersviewtheirexistingbelongingsandthinkaboutwantsandneeds,aswellashowtheyperformconsumptionofnewmaterialgoods.Italsoprovidesafirststepinthediscussiononthepossibledevelopmentofasenseofsufficiencyamongaffluentconsumers,andonhowmore people might become attracted to more sufficiency-oriented practices andlifestyles.Thisisadiscussionthatwillcontinueinthefollowingchapters,wherethemoreoverarchingsocietalstructuresandculturalandpoliticalcontextwithinwhichthesepracticesareperformedwillbeexploredmorethoroughly.5.1 Practices changing perceptions and performances Theresearchquestions(seesection1.4)thatprimarilyservedtoguidetheexplorationof thesufficiency-relatedpracticesstudiedinchapter4werehowand inwhatwayssufficiency-related practices can change 1) the way that people view materialbelongings, wants, and needs; and 2) how people perform material consumption.Attemptingtoanswerthesequestions, Iwill firstofallaccount forhowand inwhatwaysthesespecificsufficiency-relatedpracticesmightdoso.Reflections leading to change Onethingthat isclear inbothcasestudies is that thesesufficiency-relatedpracticesmakemostpeoplewhopracticethemreflectalot:ontheirpriorities,theirhabits,theirwants and needs, what they find important enough to dedicate time to, what theirbelongingsaswell as their relationshipsmean to them,what it is in their lives thatmakesthemhappyandwhatitisthatdoesnot.Thesearepracticesthatinviteonetoreflectonmanyaspectsofone’slifeandononeselfasaperson.Inthecaseofthebuy-nothingpractitioners,thedecisiontorefrainfromconsumptionwasoftentheresultofalongperiodofthinkingaboutthenegativesocio-environmentalconsequencesofour(affluent)consumptionandawishtodistanceoneselffromthosebynottakingpartinthe consumerist logic. Some of the informants could to a large degree already be

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describedaseco-consciousconsumersbeforestartingtheirpractices,inthesensethattheytriedtobuymoresustainableandorganicproductsandhadearlierattemptedamoregeneralapproachof“buyingless”.Oneexceptionfromthiswasawomanstartingmainlyfromawishtoreducehercosts,butwhocametorealizethattheprocessofthebuy-nothingyearreachedmuchdeeperthanthat:

Wehavetalkedaboutitsovery,verymuch–ithasn’tjustbeen“stopbuying”.Ithasbecomesomethingdeeperthanthat,evenifwedidn’tthinksofromthebeginning.Or Ididn’t think itwouldbecomethisextensive, thismanythoughts(Ulrika,42yearsold).

Evenforthoseoftheinformantswhoalreadyhadaquiteconsciousconsumptionbefore,toactuallymakethedecisiontorefrainfromconsumptionduringawholeyearwasasignificantstepthatinmostcasesconsequentiallyalsomeantaprofoundchangeintheinformants’consumptionpractices.Whenitcomestotheinformants’thoughtsaboutconsumption, the buy-nothing year also seems by and large to have confirmed orenforcedtheinformants’alreadycriticalattitudetowardsconsumerism.Inthecasesofthemostfinanciallymotivatedinformants,theyhadingeneralalsoreflectedsomewhatontheseissuesbeforebutgrewtobecomemorecriticaltowardsconsumerismduringtheirprocessesaswell.Intermsofconsumptionbehaviour,alloftheinformants(albeittovariousdegrees)sawtheirbuy-nothingpracticeasapartofamoreconsciousoverallapproachtoconsumption.Theyclaimedthatthiswasalong-termchangeinhowtheythoughtaboutandperformedconsumption,aclaimstrengthenedbythoseinformantswhose buy-nothing year was already several years behind them and who hadmaintainedaveryconsciousandrestrictiveapproachtoshopping.Perhapsmoreinterestinginthecaseofthebuy-nothingpractitioners,then,istolookatwhetherandinwhatwaystheirattitudestowardsmaterialbelongingsandwhattheyneedandwantchanged.Asshowninthepreviouschapter,themajorityexperiencedrefrainingfromconsumptiontobeeasierthantheyhadpreviouslythought.Toalargeextent,thiswasduetothefactthattheyalreadyconsideredthemselvestohaveenough,orevenmorethanenough,forexample,inthecaseofclothing.Notbeingallowedtobuymore,however,forcedthemtodigdeeperintotheirwardrobes,starttoreuseoldclothesandbecreativeintermsofrepairingandusingthings.Theresultsofthecasestudysuggestthatthebuy-nothingpracticeperhapshadthemostimpactonthewaythe informantsviewedtheirmaterialbelongings,wantsandneeds in thewaythat itmadethemreflectuponwhattheydidnotmiss.InthewordsoftheKonMariconsultantsKarinSocciandKristynIvey,thepracticeofKonMarireally is apractice in the sense that it is all about “buildingyourdecision-makingmuscle”(Socci&Ivey,2017).FortheKonMariers,itisveryclearthatpracticingthe KonMari method has made them change the way they view and value their

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belongings, resulting inwhatmight be said to be a higher degree of confidence orcertaintyinknowingwhatitisthatsparksjoyforthem.Withtimeandpractice,ithasalsobecomeeasierforthemtodecidetoletgoofthingsthatdonot.Asaconsequenceof thiscertainty, theyhavetoavery largeextentbecomemuchmoreparticularand“picky”whenitcomestobringingnewthingsintotheirhomes–questioningwhetherthosethingsreallysparkjoyorfillafunction,becauseiftheydonot,theywillendupbeing discarded. This attitude has also led toa changed consumption behaviour, asshownintheresultsofboththeinterviewsandthesurveyintheformofamuchlessimpulsiveapproachtoshoppingnowthanbeforestartingwithKonMari.AlmostalloftheKonMariersfurtherstatedthattheyveryseldomboughtthingsthattheydidnotneed.Thus,thecasestudyshowsthatanextensivediscardingofbelongingsmayleadto a more restrictive consumption practice. A very important note to make here,however, is that the choice of discardingmethodmost likely affects its potential toresultinrestrictedconsumption.Whathasbeenstudiedhereisaspecificandthoroughdiscardingmethodessentiallyfocusingonkeepingthethingsthatbringyoujoyinsteadoffocusingonwhattothrowaway.Comparingthechangesinattitudesandbehaviourbothtowardsmaterialbelongingsandmaterialconsumptionbetweenthebuy-nothingpractitionersandtheKonMariers,itisclearthatbothpracticeshavehadanimpactonattitudesandbehaviour.Asfortheattitudetowardsthatwhichonealreadyowns,thechangesinattitudecanbesaidtobequitesimilar.Manyofthebuy-nothingpractitionersunderlinedtheimportanceofusingwhatonealreadyhasandseveraltalkedaboutthejoyofrediscoveringforexampleanitemofclothingthattheyhadforgottenaboutorhavingtheirfavouritepairofshoesrepaired.Therewasinmanycasesanexperiencednewfoundpositiveattitudetowardstheirbelongings,andalsoasenseofconfidencegrowingfromthefeelingofmakingdowithwhatisavailable.TheKonMariersalsoreportedexperiencinganewfoundjoyintheirbelongings,butthisjoyseemedtohavedevelopedfromaprocessofdiscardingthe things that they decided they did not love to have around and, in that process,growingincreasinglyawareofwhatitisthatsparksjoyforthem.Thisprocessfurtheroftenservedtodeepentheirappreciationforthethingsthatdo.A question of intentionality When it comes to consumption, the active decision in the case of the buy-nothingpractitionerstoembarkonabuy-nothingyearimpliesinitselfachangedbehaviour,presumingthattheysticktothatdecision.Thischangedbehaviourtosomeextentalsoaffectedtheirattitudestowardsconsumption,mostlyinthesensethattheydidnotfinditasdifficulttorefrainfromastheyperhapsthoughtitwouldbe.Forthelargemajority

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oftheKonMarierswhoclaimedthattheirKonMariprocesshadalsoresultedinamorerestrictiveconsumption, thishadnotbeenan intendedresultof thempracticingtheKonMarimethod.Instead,theyendeduptherethroughapathofdiscardingmoreandmore of their belongings in search ofwhat it was that truly sparked joy for them.Approachingthat feelingmadethemincreasinglyuninterested inthingsthatdidnotsparkjoy,resultinginfewerspontaneouspurchasesandmorecontroloverwhatitisthattheywantandneed.Thedifferencebetweenthesetwoentriesintoamoresufficientconsumptionpracticecan,asstatedearlier,bedescribedasbeingaquestionofintentionality:thebuy-nothingpractitioners intentionally want to stop consuming, whereas the KonMariersunintentionallyceasetowantthesame.Theseresultsfromthecasestudiespointtosufficiency-relatedpracticesbeingabletochangeourattitudesregardingboththethingsweownandtheconsumptionofnewthings(ornewtous,inthecaseofsecond-handpurchases).Further,theycanworktochangeourbehaviour-evenifwedonotintendthemto.Thisworkstopaintamorenuanced picture of sufficient practices than the contrast between voluntary andobligatory/forceddiscussedinchapter2.SomemightobjectthattheKonMariersareindeedhighlyintentionalintheirpractice,and that they, through discarding their belongings, strive to approach a sense ofharmony, and perhaps sufficiency, with just as much intention as the buy-nothingpractitionersholdwhenstartingoff theiryearofnon-consumption.This iscertainlytrue,andtheKonMariershavealsobeenchosenforthisstudybecauseoftheirpracticeofamethodthatcanbeseenasanexampleofapproachingsufficiencyfromabove–fromapositionofhavingmoretooneofhavingless.However,whattheyintentionallyenterintoisthediscardingofstuffandawishtodeclutter–notareductionoftheirconsumptionofnewthings.Thisdistinctionisofimportanceasitsayssomethingaboutways other than the “political” to arrive at appreciating a more restricted way ofconsumption.Also,asachangedconsumptionbehaviouriswhatistheprimaryfocusinthisthesis,thequestionofintentionalityisdefinedfromthatperspective.Thisisnotdone to inanywaydiminish the importanceof the “decluttering intentionality”,butrathertohighlightthatwhatmakesarealdifferenceintermsofanorientationtowardssufficiencyisanactualreductionintheamountofstuffthataffluentconsumersbuy.Thefact that the active discarding of one’s belongings with the KonMari method (and,possibly,withotherdiscardingmethodsaswell)mightresultinsuchareductionopensuppossibilitiesinthediscussiononhowtostimulatemoresustainableandsufficientconsumptionbehaviour.

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5.2 Developing a sense of sufficiency Theresultsfromthecasestudiesalsofeedintothediscussionwhentryingtoanswerthemoreoverarchingresearchquestion,namely:whatcanthesecasestudiessayaboutthepossibledevelopmentof a “senseof sufficiency”amongaffluent consumers, andabout the potential of sufficiency-related practices to spread to amoremainstreampublic?Inordertoanswerthefirstpartofthequestion,thatofapotentialdevelopmentofasenseofsufficiencyasaresultofthepractices,itisfirstofallofinteresttoidentifytheattractingfactorsofthesepractices.Ihavelookedattheoverallexperiencesoftheinformantsofboththecasestudiesand,morespecifically,attheirmotivationsbehindstartingwiththepracticeandwhethertheyhadreflectedonanypositive“side-effects”of theirpractices that theyhadnot consideredbefore starting it.This is inorder toinclude both the specific factors that worked to attract these informants to theirrespectivepracticeand thoseresultsoreffects that theyexperiencedaspositivebuthadnotforeseen,consideringthattheseeffectsmightverywellbewhatattractotherpeopletothepractices.Possible attracting factors of sufficiency-related practices Inthecaseofthebuy-nothingpractitioners,averycommonpositivefeelingwasoneofliberation in relation to the experience of “stepping away” from consumerism – therestrictionsonone’sconsumptionwereoftendescribedasopeningupwaystoengagein other things, and none of the informants reported having missed the ability toconsume,otherthanoccasionally.Theliberatingfeelingwasalsomentionedinrelationto(not)owningthings,expressedbyoneinformantas“freedomfromowning”:

Idon’tthinkIhadthoughtsoclearlybeforethatIdon’twanttoown.Ibelievethatthisyearhas…Imean,wehavetalkedabout(…)cleaningupinthemessandallthatbefore, but to really talk about how great it is to not have to possess - Imeanfreedomfromowning,orfreedomfrombuying(…)–there’ssomethingwonderfulabout that. That the owning in itself ties up energy – I don’t think I had reallygraspedthatuntilnow(Helena,42yearsold).

Relatedtothisisthatseveraloftheinformantscamebacktohowthingstaketime,onespecifically talkingabout “themanagementof things”– toown them, to fix them, tofurbishthem-andhowitisliberatingtogetawayfromthatdependenceuponthings.ThiswasalsopointedoutbyoneoftheKonMariers,whoemphasizedthetimeshehadgainedasoneofthemostimportantpositiveoutcomesofherKonMariprocess:

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Ithinkalotaboutthatweoftenconsiderwhetherornotwecanaffordsomething,fromthelittlethingstothebigthings.Itcouldbeanythingfromanewtop,toacottage,oraboat.Butweveryseldomaskourselvesthequestion“doIhavetimetoownthis?”.AndIthinkweneedtoaskthatmuchmoreoftenthanwedo(Elisabeth,47yearsold).

This time-consuming factor of owning is also mentioned by Sahakian (2017), whohighlights the value of time as one factor that might serve to help un-lockingunsustainable consumption practices. The buy-nothing practitioners furthermentioned gainingmore time as a result of not spending time in stores looking fordifferentthingsandintentionallyavoidingthekindofshopping-friendlyenvironmentsthatmightspurtheurgetobuy(includingavoidingshoppingsitesontheinternet).Inafewcases,timewasalsomentionedasapositivefactorbecausethenon-consumptionhadenabledtheinformanttoworklessduetoreducedspending.Timewasalsoafactoramong theKonMariers in terms of reductionof the time dedicated to cleaning anddecluttering(whichbecomesaloteasierandlesstime-consumingwithlessbelongings)andinhavinggainedabettersenseofwhattheyactuallywantedtodedicatetheirtimeto.Onepossibleattractingfactorofthesufficiency-relatedpracticesis,hence,moretime.TheKonMariersalsostatedexperiencingsomethingsimilartoliberationorrelief,andincreasinglysowhenmoreandmorethingswerediscarded.Itwasnotexpressedintermssimilartofreedomfromowning,butratherasasenseofharmony,asexpressedbythisinformant:

[S]omeonesaidthattocomehomeshouldfeellikeanexhalation.AndthemoreIhavediscarded,themoreIhavefeltsomehowthattheceilinghaskindoflifted,thatthereisabetterpossibilitytobreathe.Ithaseased.Somethinghaseased(Julia,35yearsold).

Thissenseof liberationandharmony isconnectedtowhatwasmentionedbymanyinformantsinbothgroupsasaresultoftheirpractice,namelyincreasedwell-being.Itisdifficult topinpoint the reasons for this as it inmost cases seemed tobeanoverallreflectionabouttheexperience,thusbeingduetoacombinationoffactors.However,inthe case of the buy-nothing practitioners, itwas oftenmentioned as a resultof nottakingpart in the consumerist frenzy:by intentionallysteppingaway from it,manyexperiencedthattheynolongerspentasmuchenergythinkingaboutwhattobuynextorhowto“keepup”.Thisinturncontributedtofeelingsbothofreliefandoflessstress.Research on anti-consumption and voluntary simplicity also highlight this positiveassociation of anti-consumption with happiness and well-being (Lee & Ahn, 2016;Seegebarthetal.,2016).Twoofthenon-consumersalsoreportedanincreasedphysicalwell-being as a result, the non-existent opportunity to buy new clothes acting as aspurringfactorforexercisinginordernottogrowoutofone’sexistingwardrobe(ortobeabletogetintoone’soldclothesagain).Theincreasedwell-beingreportedbymany

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of theKonMarierswasmostlyrelatedtotheabove-mentionedfeelingofharmony inone’shome,butalsotoanincreasedsenseofhavinggainedcontrol–notonlyofone’smaterialstuff,butalsoofwhatonewantedtodedicateone’stimeandenergyto.Inthiscontextitalsoservestohighlighttheconceptofmindfulconsumption,inwhichacaringmindsetleadstotemperanceinconsumptionbehaviour(Shethetal.,2011).Shethetal.(2011)describethecaringmindsetinrelationtoself,communityandnature.Inregardto well-being, which may be translated to caring for (one)self, many KonMariersseemed to adopt a more tempered behaviour towards consumption partly as aconsequenceofexperiencingthisincreasedwell-beingandwishingtoholdontoit.Manyalsomentionedthefinancialfactorasapositiveexperience.Forsomeofthebuy-nothingpractitioners,thiswastheexplicitaimoftheirpractice.Butalsofortheoneswhomainly had othermotivations, their buy-nothing year resulted in them savingmoneyandalsoseemstohavecontributedtoabetteroverviewandcontrolof theirfinances. Several of the KonMariers had also saved money as a result of havingrestrictedtheirconsumption,but theyalsomentionedanoverall improvedfinancialsituation as a result of having “konmaried their finances”, that is, having removedunnecessary expenses and organized their finances in away thatmade themmoremanageable.Theabove-mentionedfeelingofanincreasedsenseofcontrolwasoftenrelatedalsotofinances.Finally,somethingpositiveaboutconsuminglesswhichwasmentionedbymanyoftheinformantsinbothgroupsistheexperienceoflivingmoresustainably.Thiswasbroughtup bymanymore than thosewho claimed sustainability to be themost importantmotivationbehindtheirpractice(namelysomeofthebuy-nothingpractitioners).Thiscanalsobesaidtobeanattractingfactorofsufficiency-relatedconsumptionpracticesinthemoregeneralsense,seeingastheycanprovidea“betterconscience”:choosingsuch a practicemeans that your own consumption behaviourwill not, to the sameextent as before, contribute to the negative environmental consequences of mass-consumptionorsupportcompanieswithnon-existentlabourrights,forexample. From “too muchness” to “good and enough” The above-mentioned attracting factors can all be seen to have contributed to theinformants’overallpositiveexperiencesoftheirrespectivepractices.Addingtothesepositive experiences, the extensive reflection that these practices generate is anelementthatappearstohavebeenimportantinthedevelopmentofasenseofsufficiencyamongthe informants. It isdifficult topinpointwhatsucha“senseofsufficiency” issinceittakesdifferentindividualexpressionsandtheinformantsthemselveshavenot

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usedthattermtodescribetheirchangesinattitudes.Here,itservestotracebacktothediscussiononPrincen’s(2005)understandingofsufficiencyas“asenseof“enoughness”and“toomuchness,”aqualitywhereconcernforexcessisparamountinthelifeofanindividual, anorganization,oranation” (Princen,2005,p.18).This, in combinationwiththediscussiononsufficiencyasbeingaprocessofmovingfromsuchasenseofenoughnesstooneof“goodandenough”(seesection2.4),cantellusmoreaboutwhatasenseofsufficiencyis.Keepingthisprocessofmovingtowardsafeelingof“goodandenough” inmind, theexperiences fromthe informants in thecasestudiescantellusabouthowasenseofsufficiencymightdevelopinanaffluentcontext.Someelementsofthisdevelopmentcanbeidentifiedascommoninbothgroups.Firstofall,thedevelopmentofasenseofsufficiencycanbeseenasaprocessoflearningtoletgo.Amongthebuy-nothingpractitioners,thislettinggowasfirstandforemostrelatedtolettinggoofwhattheysawasunnecessarywantsortheurgetobuythings.AmongtheKonMariers,itwasconnectedtolettinggoofmaterialbelongings–notonly,however,thethingsinthemselves,butalsoone’sreasonsforkeepingthem(inthecasesthattheydonotsparkjoy,thatis).Secondly,whatcanbeseeninbothgroupsisthattheinformantsincreasinglyreflecteduponwhatwasnecessary in their livesandwhatwasnot.Their increasedability todecidewhatisnecessary/unnecessaryseemstonotberestrictedtomaterialthings,buttogobeyondbothmaterialbelongingsandtheprivatesphere.Thatis,itcausedmorecriticalreflectionsabout,forexample,theexposuretocommercialmessagesinpublicspaceandoftenhelpedtheinformantstofigureoutwhattheywantedmoreorlessofintheirlivesinregardtoactivities,workandrelationships.IntheKonMarigroup,the“necessary”waspartlyaquestionaboutwhatsparksjoy,andtheinformantsveryoftenconnectedthistowhatonereallyneedstobehappy,ortofeelcontent.Thequestionofcontentmentorsatisfactioncaninmanywaysbeseenaskeyinbothgroups,orasoneoftheinformantsinthebuy-nothinggroupexpressedit:“Tobecontent,oratleastbecome[content]ontheway–that’sprobablytheconditionandtheresult[for/ofthebuy-nothingyear]atthesametime”(Linda,29yearsold).Theabove-mentionedfeelingofliberationthatmanyoftheinformantsexpressedseemstobeacontributingfactortothedevelopmentofasenseofsufficiency.Thisseemstobethecasebothwhenthisfeelingofliberationstemmedfromnolongerhavingtotakepartinthestressofconsumerismandwhenitwasrootedintheincreasedeasethatcamewithfewerthingsandamoreharmonioushome.Thisliberationinturnseemstostrengthenthefeelingofnotwantingmore.

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Theprocessofpracticingnon-consumptionor theKonMarimethodand theparallelprocessofreflectingoverallaspectsofone’spracticeisinmanyways,intheaffluentcontexthere,oneofmovingfromthesenseoftoomuchnessorenoughnesstowardoneof “good and enough” – of satisfaction, of not aspiring for much more in materialstandard. That is not to say that all informants have landed permanently in such afeelingofsatisfactionorcontentment.Further,whatconstitutesgoodandenough isobviouslyveryindividual.Butoverall, itisclearthatallinformants,throughpracticeandreflection,havecomeclosertoidentifyingwhatgoodandenoughmeansforthemandwhatitisthatmakesthemfeelcontent.5.3 Potential for practices to spread To turn to the secondpart of the overarching research question of interest for thischapter,namelythatofthepotentialofsufficiency-relatedpracticestospreadandscaleup,thecasestudiespresentedhereareonlytwoexamplesoutofmanysuchpractices.Assuch,theydosaysomethingaboutwhatmightpossiblybeseenandexperiencedasfactorsthatcanattractmorepeopletothiskindofpractice.Thosewhointentionallyseektopracticesufficiencyinonewayortheother(orinseveral)mightbeevenmoreinclinedtodosoifthechosenpracticesareperceivedasrewardinginmorewaysthanthemostobviousonesof“savingmoney“and“goodconscience”.Thosewhoapproachsufficiencyunintentionallymightinturnbepositivelysurprisedbythosetwofactorsbeingaresultoftheirpractice,aswellasbyotherfactorsthattheydidnotforesee.WhatthecasestudyoftheKonMariersclearlyshows,isthatindividualscanfindthemselvesin a position of having actually reduced their consumption without it being theiroriginalintentiontodoso,butstillenjoyingtobeinthatsituation.Inaddressingthequestionofthepotentialforthepracticestospread,thereisaneedtoreturn to thequestionof individual andcollectiveaction.Witha few exceptions forcases where it is or has been a common endeavour shared with a partner, familymember(s)orfriends,boththebuy-nothingyearandtheKonMariprocesshavetoavery large extent been individual practices. The question is, then, whether suchindividualpracticescanbesaidtohaveanypoliticaland/orculturalimplicationsonasocietallevel.The practitioners in both the case studies were generally keen to talk about theirpractice and their experiences of itwith family, friends and colleagueswhen askedaboutit.Atthesametime,theywerecarefultonotbeperceivedas“imposing”theirown practice and reflections from it on others, aiming to inspire and evoke newthoughtsratherthantopromotetheirwayoflifeortotrytorecruitnewpractitioners.

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Inthisregard,itseemsthatthebuy-nothingpractitionersmoreoftenexperiencedbeingquestionedorregardedasodd.Theywerealsoingeneralconcernedaboutotherpeoplenothavingto“suffer”becauseoftheirbuy-nothingyear.Thiswasmostobviousinthecase of the informantswith children but also apparentwhen it came to gift-giving.ThesereflectionsservetohighlighttheissuepointedoutbySeyfang(2011)regardingthe strong influence that social pressures have on our individual actions andconsumption behaviour and further the “problems of sociality” connected to anti-consumption identified by Isenhour (2010) (see section 2.4). It should however bementionedhere that social acceptance for thebuy-nothingpractice is likely tohaveincreasedsincethecasestudywasperformedinlate2016andbeginningof2017(seefurtherdiscussionon(anti-)consumptiontrendsinSwedeninchapter6).Consideringthatthebuy-nothingpractitionersinalmostallcasesgroundedtheirpractice(atleastpartly)inacritiqueagainstconsumerismanditsconsequencesandthatmanyofthemdiscussedtheneedforchangesonamoresystemiclevel,thelackofattemptstoworkforsuchchangesorformorecollectivesolutionspoliticallymaybeseenassomethingofaparadox.Butitmightalsosuggestthattheysimplychoosetoactindividuallyandregard their practice as an important statement, not only in terms of living inaccordancewiththeirvaluesbutalsoasawayofteachingbyexample,asexpressedbythisinformant:

I have changedmy lifestylebecause Iwant tobe a good rolemodel indoing itdifferently, and I also wanted to prove to myself that even though the[unsustainable/consumerist]systemexists,Idon’tneedtobepartofitbut[can]stillbehappy(Elise,28yearsold).

Many of them did however actively spread the word about their experiences andreflectionsintraditionalmediaandsocialmedia,suggestingastrongbeliefamongthesepractitioners in the importance of changing the culture, norms and the socialexpectationsinregardtoconsumption.The gender dimension Onecharacteristicofboththesepractices is that theyareclearlygendered.25This inturncarriesimplications for theirpotential tospread.Asstatedabove,MarieKondo

25Anoteneedstobemadehereonthebinarylanguageusedinthisthesisinreferringtogenders.EventhoughIrecognizetheexistenceofother/moregenders,itservesanimportantfunctiontodiscusstheissueof(un/sustainable)materialconsumptionpracticesinbinaryterms,seeingasbothresearchandreportsshowsubstantialdifferencesbetweenmenandwomenwhenitcomestosustainablebehaviour(seeforexampleKonsumentverket,2018andRäty&Carlsson-Kanyama,2010forgenderdifferencesinregardtoconsumptionandenergyconsumption,respectively)andthatthepracticesatthefocusofthisthesisaresoclearlyfemale-dominated.

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(2014)herselfveryclearlydirectsherbooktowomen,andthedistributionofgenderintheSwedishKonMariFacebookgroupshowsthatitdefinitelyisapracticethatfirstand foremosthaspotential toattract femalepractitioners.Thebuy-nothingpracticeseems,ontheotherhand, tobeapracticewhich ismore likely toattractmen, eventhoughthattooismuchmorecommonamongwomenifonejudgesbythecleargendergapintheFacebookgroupKöpfrittår201926,where97%ofthemembersarewomen(informationfromgroupadministrator).Onepossiblereasonforthatistheexpressedlackofinterestinshoppingfromtwoofthemalepractitioners.OneofthemcommentedonthepredominanceofwomenintheFacebookgroupandwhathethoughtwasthereasonformorewomenhavingembracedthebuy-nothingpractice:

(…)mymalefriends,theykindofdon’t…theydon’treallyhavethatbehaviour[ofimpulsiveshopping].Sotheycouldeasilybehere[intheFacebookgroup],butIdon’tthinktheywouldhaveanythingtocontributewith(…).Ihaveexperiencedthatperhapsit’smorewomenwhohavethoseproblems,andwhothemselvesfeelthat…maybetherearenotasmanyguyswhohavethatandthosewhodomaybedon’tfeelthatit’saproblem.(…)Imean,inthesenseof“Ishouldn’treallybuythis”or“itwasunnecessarythatIdidthat”.Andshoppingasaterm,it…belongsperhapsmoretothegirls.Imean,ineverydaytalkandsoon.Thegirlsshop,wegoforabeer–that’swhatit’susuallylike(…)(Peter,48yearsold).

Thisquote suggests thatmanymenmightalreadyhave quitea restrictive shoppingbehaviour in thesensethat theyaresimplynotvery interested inbuyingstuffor inshoppingasapractice,butthatfewfeeltheneedorwishtogo“allin”andcompletelyrefrainfromconsumptionforayear.Thismightinturnbepartlyduetoalackofinterestinsustainabilityissues.IntheirmappingofSwedishconsumers’possibilitiestomakeenvironmentally-conscious decisions, the Swedish Consumer Agency (2018) statedthatwomentoa largerextent thanmenclaimthat it is important for themtoknowabouttheenvironmentalconsequencesoftheirconsumptionchoices.Womenalsohavebetter knowledge than men about the possibilities for choosing more sustainablealternatives(Konsumentverket,2018).WWFSwedenhave furtherpresentedresultsfromasurveyshowingthatalargerproportionofwomenthanmen(47%against34%)chose to decrease theirmeat consumption during 2018 for climate reasons (WWF,2019).Thesamesurveyshowsthatwomenweremoreinclinedthanmentochoosetotravelbytraininsteadofflying(ibid).

26ThisFacebookgroupisa”continuation”ofthegroupKöpfrittår2017,i.e.thegroupisthesamebuthaschangednameaccordingtothecurrentyear(2018and2019,respectively).

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A positive spiral of sufficiency-related practices Itisinterestingtoseehowthesepractices-whichmightlookverydifferentfromthestart–seemtoatthesametimebecloselyrelatedinthesensethatonemighteasilyinspire the other. The KonMariers voluntarily (if unintentionally) restricted theirconsumption, andhalfof the informantswhohadpracticedabuy-nothingyearalsostated having actively attempted to declutter and clean out their belongings (oneinformant explicitly mentioned using the KonMari method). This suggests thatsufficiency-relatedpracticesmighthaveacertainspill-overeffect.Otherresultspointto how they may additionally trigger a sense of wanting new sufficiency-relatedchallenges,forexampleintheformoffewerbelongingsortryingtogrowone’sownfood.Thisisclearlyshowninthecaseofsomeofthebuy-nothingpractitionerswishingto “up their game” and not going back to their old ways but rather challengingthemselvesmorebyaddingrestrictions.Relatingbacktotheissueofreboundeffects,i.e. where environmental gains due to more efficient production and greenconsumptionare“eatenup”byforexamplemorematerialconsumptionortravelmadepossibleby savingsdue to lowerprices (Boulanger,2010;Sorrell&Herring,2009),theseresultspaintaninterestingpicture.Theysuggestinsteadapositivespiraleffect,oravirtuouscircle,whereonesufficiency-relatedpracticeoftenleadstoanotherandthenyetanother.Tobenotedhereisthatthetravelbehaviouroftheinformantswasnotaskedaboutindetail,neitherwastheiractualconsumptiondocumentedintermsofvolumeorexpenditure.Twoexamplesofareboundeffectintermsofairtravelthatdidcomeupduringtheinterviewsneedtobementioned.Oneisthealreadymentionedbuy-nothing practitioner whose savings and selling of her car made possible therealizationofalongwished-forjourneytogetherwithherchildrentoaplaceofgreatimportancetoherfamily.AnotherisoneoftheKonMarierswhoexplainedhowsheandherfamilyhadsoldtheirsummerhouseandtheirboatinaimingtolive“simpler”withfewer things and how both the savedmoney and the saved time that the KonMariprocess had resulted inmade possiblemore travel, including one long-haul (cross-Atlantic)flightperyearforthefamily.Theseexamplesseemhowevertobeexceptionsandthegeneralanswersfromtheinformantsconcerningwhattheychosetodowiththeextramoneytheysavedandhowandwhattheyconsumenowservetoindicatethatthegreatmajorityoftheinformantswereinclinedtowardsconsumingandlivingmoresufficientlyingeneraloncetheyhadenteredintoonesufficiency-relatedpractice.Addressing unsustainable structures Thecasestudiesandthefollowinganalysishaveshownthattherearedifferentwaysfor individuals to enter into more sufficient practices in regards to material

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consumption–and,perhapsmoreimportantly,toreallyenjoydoingso.Thisiscertainlypromising in terms of the potentialof transitioning tomore sufficient consumptionnorms and behaviours among Swedish consumers. Nevertheless, much as theseindividualpracticesmightbetrendingandspreadingrightnowinaSwedishsocietyconcernedwithmoresustainableconsumptionpractices,itiscrucialtolookbeyondtheindividual (more) sustainable practices within an unsustainable political-economicsystem and culture (as described in section 2.4). That is, if these (and other)moresufficientpracticesaretobecomemainstream,thereisanurgentneedtoaddresstheunsustainability of that system itself, and forpolitics and planning to participate instakingoutanewdirection–tosteertowardssufficiency.Itisdifficult,ifnotimpossible,todiscussthespreadingandenablingofmoresufficientconsumptionpracticesandbehaviourswithoutaddressingthelogicandinfrastructureof the highly “insufficient” society within which such practices are carried out atpresent.Materialconsumptionisonlyonearea,albeitperhapsoneofthemostvisible,where this opposite to sufficiency thinking is displayed. The spread of individualinitiativesandpracticessuchasthosedescribedinthecasestudiesareimportantinordertochangenormsandincreasetheculturalacceptanceofreducedconsumption,butwithouttheadditionofdifferentformsofsupportinginfrastructuresandchangedsocietal norms, these practices will probably continue to seem too complicated ortroublesomeforthemajorityofmainstreamconsumers.Lorek(2018)recognizesthevitalrolethatpersonal(aswellassocietalandcultural)valuesplayforsufficiency,butpointsoutthatthefocuswithinthesufficiencyapproachanddebateneedstobeonthestructuralchangesthatareneeded,ratherthanonindividualactsofsufficiency(Lorek,2018).TheintricatesystemsandinfrastructuresupholdingthesocietalstructuresandtheeconomyofSwedenandthelargemajorityoftheworld’scountriestodaybuildona logic that is quite the opposite of sufficiency. To counter such a logic andmake asocietalturntowardsamoresufficiency-orientedlogic–notonlyintermsofmaterialconsumptionbutalsoinregardtoforexampleenergy,housing,food,andwork–isagianttransitionprojectthatembracesallareasofsociety.Thenextchapterwilllookcloseratsomestepsthatcanbetakeninordertoembarkonthatproject.

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6. Obstacles and potential on the road towards a sufficiency-oriented society: The case of Sweden In the interviewswiththebuy-nothingpractitionersandtheKonMariers, theywereasked what types of services, structures or political decisions they thought couldsupport or facilitate their practices. The answers varied from those who had notreflecteduponitatall,tothoseinformantswhoarguedforthenecessityofchangingthewholecurrentsystemofthrow-awayconsumerismandthestrivingforeconomicgrowth. Roughly put, most of those who wanted to see restructuring on a moreoverarchingsocietalandglobal levelbelongedtothebuy-nothinggroup.Thisgroupwasalsotheonethatmostfrequentlymentionedobstaclestotheirpracticeandpointedoutthebuilt-inelementsofconsumerismineverydaylifethatperhapspeoplegenerallydo not reflect upon until they actively try to stay away from them. Such elementsmentionedwere,forexample,acontinuousstreamofoffersfromcompaniesinone’se-mailinboxandinpublicplaces,thedifficultyinfindingplacesinwhichonecansitdownand socializewithout being expected to buy anything, and the often-higher costs ofrepairinganitemoragarmentcomparedtobuyinganewone.Theseareexamplesofthe social norms and institutional constraints serving to lock consumers inunsustainableconsumptionpatterns(Jackson,2005;Montetal.,2013;Sanne,2002).Thischapterhastwoobjectives:First,toprovideabriefoverviewofexistingstrategies,policyworkandongoingactivitiesandprojectsinSwedenintheareasofsustainableconsumption and waste prevention. These areas have been chosen because theyprovidea focusonreductionofmaterialconsumptionthat is “ascloseascanbe” tosufficiency-oriented policies in the Swedish context. Somemore overall sufficiency-oriented proposals and political initiatives will also be mentioned. Secondly, thischapter aims to identify both obstacles to and potential for a transition to a moresufficiency-oriented politics in Sweden. This identification is based on empiricalfindings from a governance case study, consisting of a reviewof existing strategies,reports and policy documents and from interviews with public officials andrepresentatives of civil society working specifically with sustainable consumptionand/orwaste reduction.Theseempirical findingsand the identificationofobstaclesandpotentialprovidethefoundationforfurtheranalysisinchapter7,whereIrevisittheframeworkforapoliticsofsufficiencypresentedinchapter2anduseittodiscusspossiblewaystowardsamoresufficiency-orientedfutureinSweden.Whatmight-rightfully–beperceivedasagapbetweenthesetwoobjectivesneedstobe elaborated in a bitmore detail. The concept of – and, hence, the literature on -sufficiencyspansamuchwiderrangeofareasthandotheacademicfieldsandpolicy-

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making on sustainable consumption and waste prevention. In the theoreticalframeworkofthisthesis,sufficiencyisunderstoodfirstandforemostasaprinciple,anunderstandingof theworld that can serveas a foundation for theorganizationof asociety. Thisprinciple has its roots in the recognitionof: 1. ecological limits, and2.justiceandresponsibility.Theresponsibilityforsufficiency-definedinchapter2asaresponsibilityto“stepback”fromtheexcessenvironmentalspaceoneoccupies-lieswithallindividualsandsocietiesthatthroughtheireverydayactionscontributetothecementationofunjustandunsustainableglobalstructures(withreferencetothesocialconnection model of responsibility by Young, 2011). This withdrawal needs to beperformedinallareaswhereexcessresourcesarebeingconsumedandwasteisbeinggenerated:energy,food,consumptionofmaterialgoods,transport,services,housing,etc.Sufficiencyinregardstomaterialconsumptionisconsequentlyjustonepieceoftheenormouspuzzlethatistheconstructionofamoresufficientsociety.Becauseofthefocusofthisthesisbeingspecificallysufficiencyintheareaofmaterialconsumption,there are, however, a lot of links to be made between this topic and the field ofsustainableconsumption,bothinrelationtotheoreticaldiscussions(e.g.obstaclesthathindermore sustainable consumption andways to overcome them), and to policy-making and implementation. The theoretical discussions and their links to policy-makingwereputforwardinchapter2;whatliesaheadinthischapteristolookcloserattheimplementationofpoliticaldecisionsregardingsustainableconsumptionatthelocal,regionalandnationallevelsinSweden,withtheintentiontoinformtheresearchquestion of how planning and politics can facilitate the transition to a sufficiency-orientedsocietyandwayoflife.Intheabsenceofmoreoverarchingpoliticalinitiativesand activities explicitly aiming for sufficiency, the focus in this chapter will be onsustainableconsumptioningeneral,withparticularfocusonthereductionofmaterialconsumption.Attentionwillalsobegiventostrategiesandactivitieswithintheareaofwasteprevention,as theseareasarecloselyconnected(Ekström(ed.),2015). In theprocessofmappingongoingactivitiesandstrategiesinSwedenofimportancefromasufficiencyperspective(i.e.throughvariousreports,publicinquiriesandpartakinginseminarsonsustainablelifestyles),wastepreventionwasidentifiedasbeingofcentralimportance.Thischapterwillthereforeexplorethepotentialwithinthefieldandhowwaste prevention may tie into a more overarching politics aiming at reducing thematerialflowsandconsumption.Thedistancebetweenthepoliticsofsufficiencythatwassketchedoutinchapter2andthe ongoing work on sustainable consumption and waste prevention in Swedenpresentedinthischapterisconsiderable,boththeoreticallyandinregardstopracticalwork.Toofferapeekintothediscussionattheendofthischapter,itisnotadifficultconclusiontodrawthatSwedishpoliticsandpractice–beitonnational,regionalormunicipal level– isvery far frombeingable tobe identifiedassufficiency-oriented.Therearestrategiestobefoundwithintheareasofsustainableconsumptionandwaste

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prevention that areveryoutspokenandambitious in regards to theneed to reducematerialconsumption,aswellasprojectsthatcanshowimportantresultsinthatarea,butnomunicipalityorregioncantodaybesaidtohaveanoverallstrategy for theirworkandpoliticalprioritiesthatisinlinewithageneralpoliticsofsufficiency.Intheabsenceofpoliticsandactivitiesexplicitlyaimingforsufficiency,thischapteridentifiesthepotentialforsuchpoliticsthatistobefoundinexistingpoliciesandactivities.So,themainquestiontobeansweredinthischapteris:wherecantheseseedsofsufficiencybefound,andhowmighttheybemadetoflourish?6.1 Current state of consumption Before turning to this question, however, a brief description of the current state ofSwedishconsumptionisneeded.AccordingtoWWFSweden(2018),Swedestodayliveandconsumeasiftherewerefourplanetstogoaround.TheConsumptionReportforthe year 2018, published by the Centre for Consumer Research at GothenburgUniversity,paintsapictureofaconsumptionthatisgrowinginvolume(Roos,2018).ItshowsthattheSwedishconsumptionincreasedwith16.2%betweentheyears2010and2017(measured in fixedprices),andthatSwedishhouseholdsconsumed2.3%more in 2017 than in 2016 (an increase from 2016 was seen in all consumptioncategoriesexceptforalcoholandtobacco).Oneofthecategoriesthathasincreasedthemost is the consumption of home furnishings and household goods, showing anincreaseof40%(measuredinfixedprices)betweentheyears2007and2017(Roos,2018).Atthesametime,however,Swedishconsumersunderestimatehowmuchtheyactually spend on consumption, and this underestimation is increasing (ibid). E-commerceinSwedenhasalsogrownsignificantlyinrecentyears,seeinga15%growthinrevenuein2018(PostNord,2019).Parallel to this picture of overall increasing consumption, however, there is also agrowing consciousness among Swedish consumers of the social and environmentalimpactsof consumption that is beginning to change consumer behaviour in amoresustainabledirection.ArecentsurveybyWWFSwedenhasshownthatmanySwedesmakechoicesintheireverydaylifeinordertodecreasetheirclimateimpact,suchasreducing theirmeat consumption (40%statedhaving reduced their consumptionofmeat)andchoosingtotravelbytraininsteadofbyplane(18%chosetotravelbytraininstead)(WWF,2019).SalesoforganicfoodhaveincreasedrapidlyinSwedeninrecentyears;however, this rapidgrowthdidsomewhat slowdownduring2018,when theSwedish retail sector rather saw an increase in the sales of plant-based and locallygrownproducts(Ekoweb,2019).ThereisgrowingcoverageinSwedishmediaaboutthe environmental impacts of clothes production, as well as the environmental

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advantagesofbuying,forexample,clothessecondhandorswappingwithfriends.TheConsumptionReportfor2018stated,however,thattheyear2017sawadecreaseinthe second hand shopping from2016, after some years of an upgoing trend (Roos,2018).6.2 The playing field: existing strategies and work for sustainable consumption and waste prevention EventhoughsustainableconsumptionhasbeenontheagendainSwedenforatleasttwodecades,themostrecentyearshaveseenagrowingengagementintheissuethatmoves beyond the “green consumption” discourse (i.e. switching the products youusually buy for others that are more environmentally friendly), pointing outoverconsumptionasanenvironmentalprobleminthepublicdebateandturningthefocussomewhattowardsreuse,upcycling,sharinginitiativesandreducedconsumption.This section of the chapter (6.2) will present examples of existing strategies andactivities of relevance from a sufficiency perspective at local, regional and nationallevelsinSweden.Itwillbefollowed(6.3)byidentificationofwhatitisthathindersatransitiontowardsmoresufficiency-orientedpoliticsandpractices,aswellasofthatwhich bears potential for supporting such a transition.Both parts are basedon thegovernancecasestudy(seemoreinchapter3),includingadesk-basedstudyofexistingstrategiesanddocumentsofrelevance,andoninterviewsperformedwith:

1.Officialsworkingwithin theareasof sustainable consumptionand/orwasteprevention at national, regional andmunicipal levels in Sweden. The nationalofficials interviewed work at the Swedish Consumer Agency, the SwedishEnvironmental Protection Agency and the Swedish Waste ManagementAssociation.Theregionalofficialsrepresent theGothenburgregion(comprisedby a network of municipalities in close proximity to the city of Gothenburg,includingthemunicipalityofGothenburg)andtheVästraGötalandregion.ThetwomunicipalrepresentativesinterviewedworkforthemunicipalityofÖrebroandtheCityofGothenburg,respectively.27

27ItservestorepeatthatalltheinterviewsweredoneinSwedishandthecitationspresentedherearetranslations of transcribed excerpts from the interviews (translations done by me). See furtherinformationinchapter3.

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2. Representatives from Swedish NGOs or networks working to promote andfacilitate more sustainable consumption behaviour: The Swedish Society forNatureConservation,ConsciousConsumptionandBuyNothingDay.28

Themunicipalitiesandregionsthatarerepresentedinthisstudyarechosenbecauseofhavinghighambitionsaswellasclearlypronouncedstrategiesinregardstotheirworkonsustainableconsumptionandwasteprevention(seefurtherdiscussioninchapter3).Theselectionhasbeenmadewiththeknowledgethat there isa lotof importantworkbeingdoneintheseareasalsoinothermunicipalitiesandregionsacrossSweden.Duetothelimitednumbersofinformants,thisstudydoesnotinanywayattempttoprovideanexhaustiveoverviewof theongoingworkatmunicipalandregionallevelwithintheseareasinSweden,norofalloftheinitiativesandpotential.Morein-depthmappingsof theworkonsustainableconsumptionandwasteprevention inSwedenhavebeendonebyothersinrecentyears,twogoodexamplesbeingtheinventoryofSwedish municipalities’ work on sustainable consumption by Bernstad Saraiva &Andersson from2017 (a reportwritten for theSwedishConsumerAgency)and thereport from the research project “From waste management to waste prevention”(Corvellecetal.,2018).Thesetworeportswillbefrequentlyusedasreferencesinthischapter.Ratherthantoprovideanextensiveoverviewofallongoingprojects in thecountrythatcouldpossiblybeof importance fromasufficiencyperspective, theaimwith the study presentedhere is to focus on the identificationofhindrances to andpotentialformovingtowardsmoresufficiencyinpoliticsandpracticeinSweden(withspecificemphasisonmaterialconsumption).Strategies and initiatives at the national level Since 1999, Sweden has a goal-oriented system in place to guide its environmentalpolitics (Naturvårdsverket, 2019). Thework to achieve Sweden’s 16 environmentalquality objectives is to be guided by the overarching “generational goal”(Generationsmålet),whichhasbeendefinedbytheSwedishParliamentas

[t]he overarching goal for the environmentalpolicy is to hand over to the nextgenerationasocietyinwhichthemajorenvironmentalproblemshavebeensolved,withoutcausingincreasedenvironmentalandhealthproblemsoutsideofSweden’sborders(Naturvårdsverket,2018,owntranslation).

One important step in regard to putting sustainable consumption on the politicalagendawasthenational“StrategyforSustainableConsumption”(Strategiförhållbar

28NamesinSwedish:Naturskyddsföreningen,MedvetenkonsumtionandEnköpfridag.

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konsumtion), released in 2017 by the Social Democratic and Green Party coalitiongovernment of 2014-2018. The strategy outlines a politics aimed at reducing theenvironmental impact of the Swedish consumption and at strengthening thecooperationbetweendifferentactorsworkingtowards this aim. In the strategy it isstatedthataverageconsumption inSweden isfar fromenvironmentallysustainable,notleastbecauseoftheemissionsrelatedtoSwedishconsumptionthatoccurinothercountries.Consequently, thestrategyargues for theneedtochangebothproductionpatterns and consumer behaviour towardsmore circularways of consumption andeconomics and highlights the importance of nudging as away to change consumerbehaviour (Finansdepartementet, 2017a). The Swedish Strategy for SustainableConsumptionhasreceivedagooddealofattentioninternationallyforinitiativessuchastaxreductionsforrepairsofcertainproducts(inpracticesinceJanuary1st,2017)29.Othermeasuressuggestedinthestrategyare,forexample,moreefficienteco-labelling,enablingofsharing initiatives,higherdemandsonproducerresponsibilityregardingthe durability of their products, and a focus on waste prevention as a measure tostimulatethecreationofacirculareconomy(Finansdepartementet,2017a).Itfurthermentionsfacilitatingeducationabouttheenvironmentalimpactsofconsumption(ibid).Oneconcreteresultofthestrategyandtheformergovernment’sworkonsustainableconsumption is thestart-upofanewforumworkingspecificallywiththesematters:“ForumonEco-smartConsumption”(Forumförmiljösmartkonsumtion).Thisforumispart of the Swedish Consumer Agency, and according to its commission from thegovernment its function should be to provide ameeting place (both physically anddigitally) for different actors who work to promote environmentally sustainableconsumption.Itshouldaimtostimulateenvironmentallysmartconsumptionpatternsand its focus should be on areas where the environmental impact from privateconsumption is extensive, as well as on gender equality aspects of consumption(Finansdepartementet,2017b).Sinceitsestablishmentin2017,theforumhassetupadigital meeting place for actors working with environmentally sustainableconsumption in Sweden, and has arranged physical meeting places in the form ofvariousworkshops,conferencesandseminars.Inthepracticalimplementationoftheforum’scommission,therehashithertobeenafocusonsettingupthesemeetingplacesandonfindingwaystoreachouttoidentifiedtargetgroups(interviewwithofficial,theSwedishConsumerAgency).Paralleltothecommissiontoestablishaforumforeco-smartconsumption,theSwedishConsumerAgencyalsoreceivedanothercommissionfrom the government - to stimulate environmentally smart consumption patternsamong Swedish consumers, for example through nudging, production of educationmaterial suchas films tobeused inschools, and information through the consumer

29TheVAT(value-addedtax)reductionincludesrepairsofbikes,shoes,clothes, leatherproductsandtextilesforhouseholduse(e.g.sheetsandcurtains)

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guidance contact centre “Hello consumer!” (Hallå konsument) (official, SwedishConsumer Agency). There is an ongoing cooperation and dialogue between severalSwedish agencies (the Swedish Consumer Agency, the Swedish Energy Agency, theSwedishChemicalsAgencyandtheSwedishEnvironmentalProtectionAgency)aboutidentifying ways in which the forum might help in fulfilling Sweden’s nationalenvironmentalgoalsfor2030(official,theSwedishEnvironmentalProtectionAgency).Anothersteptakenbythe2014-2018governmentthatcanbeseenasaddressingtheneedformoresustainableconsumptionwastocommissionpublicinquiriesintheareasofcirculareconomyandsharingeconomy.Theinquiryaboutamoreresourceefficientand circular economy was published in 2017 and resulted in recommendations invariousareas. Itpointedout theneed toaddress the issueof a transition toamorecirculareconomytoastrategiclevelinclosecooperationbetweenstate,academia,theindustriesandbusinesses,andthecivilsociety,andfurthertostrengthenthecirculareconomyagendabysettingclearandambitiousnationalgoals(SOU2017:22,2017).Amongtheconcreterecommendationsgiventothegovernmentwereagreentaxshift(lowertaxonwork,higherenvironmentaltaxes)anddifferentmeasurestoimprovethedegreeofusageofproducts, forexamplethroughintroductionofa taxreduction forrenting,repairingandbuyingsecondhandproducts,clarificationofthemunicipalities’responsibility for waste prevention and strengthening regulations on productdurabilityandguarantees(ibid).Theinquiryaboutasharingeconomyconcludedthatthe development of the sharing economy is still at an early stage in Sweden, butrecommendedthatitsdevelopmentshouldbefollowedcloselybystateauthoritiesinordertosafeguardtheinterestsoftheusersintheprocess(SOU2017:26,2017).Italsorecommended commissioning the Swedish Consumer Agency with providinginformation to consumers/users about the implications, risks and possibilities ofsharingtransactions(ibid),somethingthattheagencywaslatercommissionedwithbytheMinistryofFinance(Fi2017/01645/KO,2017).At a more overall level of importance for a sufficiency perspective, the Swedishgovernmentof2014-2018alsotookstepstowardswideningandcomplementingtheunderstanding of prosperity when introducing new indicators to complement GDPwhenmeasuringprosperityinthespringbudgetof2017(Prop.2016/17:100,2017).Theindicatorsweredevelopedwiththeaimofmeasuringlong-termeconomicstabilityaswell as thewell-beingandqualityof lifeof theSwedishpeople.These indicatorsinclude:financialmeasuressuchaslevelsofemploymentandunemploymentandthedegree of debt among households; environmental indicators such aswater and airquality,emissionofgreenhousegases,andlevelofchemicals;andsocialindicatorssuchasshareofpopulation livingata loweconomicstandard,education level,subjectivewell-beingandhealth,andleveloftrustinsociety(ibid).EventhoughGDPpercapitaisstillusedasoneindicator,theformergovernmentrecognizedthatitprovidesalimitedmeasureofwell-being(Proposition2016/17:100,2017).

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Inregardtodevelopmentofnewindicators,manyactorshavebeenhighlightingtheimportance of setting goals aimed at reducing consumption-based emissions (i.e.emissions related to Swedes’ consumption but that to a large extent occur outsideSweden) inaiming to reachSweden’semission reductiongoals, andnot to limit thegoalstoreductionofemissionsonlyoccurringinSweden(Klimatmålsinitiativet,n.d.;Naturskyddsföreningen,2017;Sverigeskonsumenter,n.d.).Theneedforindicatorsofconsumption-basedemissions is alsomentioned in theagreementbetween thenewSwedishSocialDemocraticandGreenPartycoalitiongovernmentof2019anditstwocollaboration parties (the Liberal party and the Centre party), in which the publicinquiryonSweden’senvironmentalgoals,Miljömålsberedningen,wascommissionedtolook into the development of such indicators (Socialdemokraterna, 2019). RecentresearchconductedwithinthePRINCEprojecthasalsoservedtodevelopotherwaysinwhichtoquantifyandmeasuretheenvironmentalimpactsofSwedishconsumptionabroad(PRINCEproject,n.d.;Steinbachetal.,2018).From a more overall sufficiency perspective, it also serves to mention politicalinitiativesthatindifferentwayslookbeyondthestatusquoandforexamplesetouttoquestionsomeofthefoundationsoftheeconomicgrowthparadigmortoemphasizeecologicallimitsasframinghumanactivity.ElementsofsufficiencycaninthissensebefoundamongsomepoliticalpartiesbothinandoutsidetheSwedishparliament(seeforexampleFeministisktInitiativ,2018;Miljöpartietdegröna,2013;PartietVändpunkt,2019;Vänsterpartiet,2016).30Strategies and activities at the regional and local levels Nationalmeasuressuchasnewlawsandregulationsareneededtosupporttheagendaforamoresustainableconsumption,butitisatthemunicipal(and,tosomeextent,theregional)levelthatstrategiesforsustainableconsumptionand/orsustainablelifestylesaremostoftentobecarriedoutinpractice.IntheirmappingofSwedishmunicipalities’work in theareaof sustainable consumption,BernstadSaraiva&Andersson (2017)foundmanygoodexamplesofmunicipalprojectsandstrategies,butwerealsoabletodemonstratethatseveraloftheofficialsinterviewedexperiencedthemunicipalmissionin regard to sustainable consumption as unclear.Most projects targeting individualconsumersthatwereidentifiedinthemappingbelongedtotheareasoflocaltransport,wasteprevention(throughreuse),energyeffectivization/ownenergyproductionandurbangardening.Theauthorsfounditdifficulttodiscoverexamplesofmunicipalities

30NamesofpoliticalpartiesinEnglish:theFeministInitiative,thePartyTurningPoint,TheGreenParty,andtheLeftParty.

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that were explicit about working to reduce the environmental effects of theirinhabitants’consumption,forexampleinregardtothetotalvolumeofconsumption,travel habits (long haul flights etc.) or food consumption (Bernstad Saraiva &Andersson,2017).The city of Gothenburg and the regional administration unit of VästraGötaland (towhich Gothenburg belongs) have been pointed out as having some of the mostambitiouspoliticsandstrategiesinSwedeninregardtoclimate,sustainablelifestyles,consumption,andwasteprevention(seeforexampleBernstadSaraiva&Andersson,2017;Boman,2017;Hult&Larsson,2016).AnexampleofthisistheClimateStrategyProgrammeforGothenburg(KlimatstrategisktprogramförGöteborg)from2014,whichaimsatreachinga“justandsustainablelevel”,definedas1.9tonsperpersonandyear,ofGHGemissionsinGothenburgintheyear2050(MiljöförvaltningenGöteborgsstad,2014).Theprogrammeincludesastrategyfor“climateconsciousconsumption”,statinganurgentneedfortransitionandforincreasedclimateconsiderationbothinprivateconsumption and in public procurement. Noteworthy is that the strategy alsospecificallytargetsoverconsumption:

Alargepartoftoday’sconsumptiondoesnotoccurinordertofulfilbasicneeds,butinordertocreateidentity.Thisso-calledsymbolicconsumptionneedstodecrease(MiljöförvaltningenGöteborgsstad,2014,p.60,owntranslation).

TheGothenburgstrategyforclimateconsciousconsumptionfocusesonreducingtheclimateimpactoffoodconsumption,reducingtheconsumptionofresource-intensiveproducts,preventingwasteandimprovingrecycling,promotingsustainableactivitiesandencouragingalternativestoflighttravelbymakinglocalactivitiesandexperiencesmoreattractivethanairtraveltodistantdestinations.IttargetsboththeinhabitantsofGothenburgandthepublicprocurementofallthedifferentadministrativeunitsofthecity– settingambitiousgoals for, forexample, reducing foodwasteand the ratioofnewlyproducedproducts(ascomparedtoreusedandrecycledones)forprocurements.The cityofGothenburgalsoaimsat cooperationwith localbusinessesandwants toincreasethedemandsonthemwhenitcomestopreventingwasteetc.TheregionofVästraGötalandalsohasanambitiousclimatestrategy(from2009)withthegoalofbeinga fossil freeregionby2030.Thisregionalgoalhassincethenbeencomplemented with another goal, stating that the GHG emissions caused by theconsumptionoftheregion’sinhabitants-nomatterwhereintheworldtheseemissionsoccur - should be reduced by 30% (from 2010 levels) by 2030 (VästraGötalandsregionen,2017).Theregiondoesnothaveaspecificstrategyforsustainableconsumption, but works continuously to highlight sustainability aspects both ininternalprocurementprocessesandwithintheworkfocusedonregionaldevelopment.Thelatterincludesdialoguewithindustriesandbusinessesintheregionaswellaswith

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municipalities. The region is traditionally home to a strong textile industry. Thisindustryand theNordicTextileAcademy inBoråshavebeen importantpartners inrecentresearchprojectsabout innovations foramoresustainabletextileproduction(official, Västra Götaland). With its resources for regional development, the VästraGötalandregioncanfundappliedresearchprojectswithcloselinksbetweenresearch,innovationandtestinginlocalbusinesses.Onesuchprojectisthe“F/ACTmovement”,acollaborationbetweenRe:Textile,theregionofGothenburgandtheSwedishFashionCouncil.31Theprojectstartedin2019andfocusedonconsumerswithagreatinterestinfashionwhowerewillingtorefrainfromconsumingclothesduringaperiodofsixmonths.Theconsumerswhowerechosentoparticipateintheprojectreceivedsupportandinspirationfromexpertsincircularfashion/reuseattheNordicTextileAcademyandwereexpectedtosharetheirexperiencesonsocialmediainordertorecruitmorefollowers to the movement (official, Västra Götaland; F/ACT movement, n.d.). Theprojects in cooperationwith the textile and fashion industry inVästraGötalandareclearly focused on reducing the consumption of new material and products. Incooperationwiththefurnitureindustry–alsoanimportantindustryinthispartofthecountry – the region of Västra Götaland has also focused on reducing materialconsumption,forexamplebymeansofreusingandupcyclingthefurnitureusedintheregion’sdifferentworkplacesandpublicspaces(official,VästraGötaland).TheGothenburgRegionisaco-operativeorganizationunitingthirteenmunicipalitiesintheareaofGothenburg(includingtheCityofGothenburg)andworking,amongotherthings, with a commonwastemanagement plan. One of the 18 goals set up in thecurrentwastemanagementplanistoreducethevolumeofwaste.Forindividuals,thisgoalisformulatedastheamountofwasteproducedbyonepersonin2020shouldbelowerthantheamountproducedin2008(Göteborgsregionen,2011).Oneconcretewayinwhichtheregionhaschosentoworktowardsthisgoalistheproject“TheMinimizingMasters” (Minimeringsmästarna). It addresses private households with the aim ofinspiring them tominimize their householdwaste throughworkshops, information,supportandcompetitionwitheachother.Theparticipatingfamiliesaregivendifferentchallengeseachmonthforayearandareencouragedtoblogabouttheirexperiences.Onechallengeisabuy-nothingmonth.TheMinimizingMastersprojecthasrunfortwoyearsintheGothenburgregionandalsostartedupintheregionofSörmlandin2018(official, Gothenburg region). Interviews with participants from the first year haveshownthatthehouseholdshavemanagedtokeeptheirwasteatalowlevelevenaftertheprojectfinished(ibid).TheGothenburgRegionisatthemomentworkingonanewwastemanagementplan,wherebytheproposedaimistoreducethewasteperperson

31 The project is financed by the region of Västra Götaland and the Swedish Waste ManagementAssociation(AvfallSverige)andisapartoftheCircularTextileInitiative(F/ACTmovement,n.d.).

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by30%by2030comparedto2020andreducethewastefromthemunicipalities’ownactivitiesby40%inthesameperiod(official,Gothenburgregion).ThecityandmunicipalityofÖrebrohaschosentoworkinasimilarwaywithintheirproject “Climate smart everyday life” (Klimatsmart vardag). The project is designedarounddifferentchallenges,suchastoeatmorevegetarianfood,cycletoworkandsavewater. The different challenges have been promoted through the web pages andFacebook pages of the project itself andÖrebromunicipality, and all inhabitants ofÖrebrohavebeenwelcometoparticipate(official,Örebromunicipality).Someofthechallengeshavefocusedspecificallyonconsumption,suchassharingpicturesofone’sbestsecond-handpurchaseonsocialmediaoranupcyclingchallenge.Theprojectdidalsoincludeachallengethatwasa“buy-nothingmonth”inMarch2015.Thischallengereceivedquitealotofcriticismfromlocalbusinesses,claimingthatitwasnotwithintheremitofamunicipalitytodecidewhetherornotpeopleshouldshop(official,Örebromunicipality; P1-morgon, 2015). The initiative was even reported to the localAdministrativeCourt(FörvaltningsrätteninKarlstad)byanindividualwhoaskedthecourt to rule on whether the municipality really has the right to encourage itsinhabitantstorefrainfromshopping.Thepersonreportingtheinitiativewasamemberof the board of a number of local companies, and referred to complaints from thecommercesectorinÖrebro(P4Örebro,2015).Another project related to sufficiency that isworthmentioning is the collaborationbetween the Climate Change Leadership node at Uppsala University, the consultingmanagementfirmRamböllandanumberofSwedishmunicipalitiesandregions,withthe aim of calculating municipal and regional carbon budgets. This project is notspecificallytiedtotheareasofsustainableconsumptionorwasteprevention,butisofrelevancetohighlightseenasitaddressestheoverallquestionofsettinglimitsfortheactivitiesof apolitical entity (in this casemunicipalitiesandregions) that is centralwithin the politics of sufficiency framework (Alcott, 2018; Cohen, 2015; Mastini &Rijnhout,2018).ThecarbonbudgetscalculatedwithintheprojectaretobeinlinewiththeParisAgreementofkeepingbelow2degreesCelsiuswithastrictfocusontheequitycommitments in the agreement (Anderson et al., 2018). On the basis of differentmethods for calculating a fair allocation of the responsibility of emission reductiongloballyandwithintheOECD,theprojecthascalculatedacarbonbudgetforSwedenwithanannualrateofreduction inemissionsof16.4%.This is therateofreductionwithwhichallauthoritiesneedtocomplyinordertomakeafaircontributioninlinewiththeParisAgreementlimitingglobalwarmingto2°C.Onthebasisofthisnationalcarbon budget, the participating municipalities and regions have then been“grandfathered” a proportion of the national budget that is calculated from theirestimatedshareoftheSwedishemissionsandrepresentstheircarbonbudgetfor2020onwards(Andersonetal.,2018,p.36).

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6.3 What hinders a turn towards sufficiency, and what might help it? Theseexamplesofexistingstrategiesandongoingactivitiesat thenational,regionalandlocallevelintheareasofsustainableconsumptionandwastereductionshowthegrowing interest in and commitment to these issues. It points to themulti-layerednatureofthechallengesandhighlightsthattheseareissuesthatneedtobetargetedsimultaneouslyatalllevelsandbymanydifferentactorsincooperation.Butwhatkindofobstaclesshouldbetargeted,andhowcanitbedone?Thissectionwillaccountforwhatthedifferentactorsinterviewed–workingatnational,regionalandlocallevelsaswellaswithinthecivilsociety–experiencedasobstaclesintheirownworkand,moregenerally,onthewaytowardsanoverallreductionofmaterialconsumptionandwasteinSweden. In the interviews,manysuggestionswerealsogivenabouthowsomeoftheseobstaclesmightbeovercome,intermsof,forexample,politicaldecisions,policymeasuresandchangednorms.Thesesuggestions,andtheidentifiedpotentialformoresufficientpoliticalmeasures,willalsobeaccountedfor.The need for goals, clarity and measures One obstacle in the strategicwork on sustainable/reduced consumption andwasteprevention mentioned by several of the informants is the absence of clear andambitiousgoals,specificallyatanationallevel.MoreclaritywouldnotonlyfacilitatetheworkbutinadditionstrengthenSweden’scredibilityontheseissuesinternationally,accordingtothisofficial:

WhatIwouldmostlywishforattheinternationallevelisforSwedentostandupfor theneedtoreduceconsumptionofresourcesglobally,andalsotobea frontrunner in accordance with what it would take to keep within the planetaryboundariesandachieveAgenda2030,aswellasthe[Swedish]environmentalgoals.Thatwehadaperseveranceinthatmatter.(…)Thatwewouldgetalong-termgoalfor the environmental impact of consumption (official, Swedish EnvironmentalProtectionAgency).

The absence of clear goals is followed, consequently, by uncertainty regarding theoverallresponsibilityoftheworkthatneedstobedone,asexplainedbythisofficial:

[T]hat not more is going on is perhaps because authorities at both local andnational level have not received a clearmission (…). Because we don’t have anational goal that targets prevention [waste prevention], no one has theresponsibility either topush forusdoing things in a certainwayor tomonitor

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whether theyhavebeendone.So, theabsenceof thegoal isanobstacle initself(official,SwedishWasteManagementAssociation).

Tohavecleargoalsandobjectivesatthenationallevelwouldfurtherfacilitatetheworkalsoatthelocallevelaccordingtothislocalofficial,whoarguedthatitwouldbeeasierto set goals and targetsat themunicipal level if therewasmore clarity inregard toexpectations:

Andthenit’s(…)objectives,Ithinkit’sreallyimportanttoboth…makethemmoreconcreteandthatyoukindofbreakthemdowntomunicipallevel.Therearecertainthingsthatarereally…thatyoubreakdown,forexamplethisthingwithsingle-useplastics,Ithinkplasticuseoverallwouldbeeasytotarget,tomotivateandsetasapolitical goal at national and local level (…), but also reuse and such things,internallywithinpublicorganizations–Ithinkthatthereneedstobe…weneedtosetdemandsandgoalsanditwouldhavebeenverygoodifyoucouldsetthatfromanationallevel:“thisneedstobedone,youneedtosetgoals”.(…)Butthenit’salsoimportantthattherearefundsandresourcesavailableforthataswell(official,CityofGothenburg).

This lackof clarityandambitiousgoal-setting is alsopointedoutbyCorvellecet al.(2018)intheirreportonwastepreventioninSweden.Theauthorspointoutthateventhough waste prevention is identified as a prioritized goal, the national wastepreventionpoliticsisverymodestinitsambitionforchangeandinpracticeleavesalltheresponsibilitytothemunicipalities,theconsumers,andthebusinesses(Corvellecetal.,2018).Theyalsodescribehowthepoliticsforwastepreventionischaracterizedby so called softmeasures, suchas informationcampaignsandpilotprojects ratherthanhardmeasuresandproposalsintheshapeofforexampleregulations,laws,andtaxes,inspiteofthefactthatavarietyofexamplesshowthatacombinationofsuchmeasureshaveeffect(ibid).The importance of goals is alsomentioned in the reversed context, that is, that thepresence of ambitious goals at the local level often also results in ambitious andsuccessfulactivities:

[W]ethinkthatgoalsingeneralareveryimportant.Wehaveseenhowwherethey[municipalities]havegoals,moreisgoingon.Andit’snocoincidencethatalotishappening inGothenburgbecause theyhave a toughgoalset by thepoliticians.Another example is Helsingborg, or Nordvästra Skånes Renhållningsaktiebolag,NSR,[thecompanyresponsibleforwastemanagementinthenorthwesternregionof Skåne]. They also have tough goals thatmake them do some different “odd”things,outsidethebox(official,theSwedishWasteManagementAssociation).

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Theimportanceofambitiousgoalsinordertoreachsuccessfulresultscanthusbeseenbothinthecontextoftheobstaclesthatalackofsuchgoalscreate,i.e.lackofacleardirection,politicalprioritiesandtargetsfortheworkbeingdone,andinthecontextofthepositiveresultsseenamongthoseactorswhodohaveambitiousandcleargoals.Itshouldbementionedherethatthelocalandregionalofficialsinterviewedrepresentedmunicipalities and regions that are at the forefront in their work on sustainableconsumptionand/orwastereduction.WhentalkingabouttheworkinSwedenmoregenerally, itmight thereforebethata lackofambitiousgoalsandtargetsalsoat theregionalandmunicipallevelisexperiencedasanobstacleinmunicipalitiesandregionswherethishasnotbeenapoliticalpriority.Thisimportanceofpoliticalleadershipishinted at in the following quote by a local officialwhopreviouslyused towork foranothermunicipality:

[XX]municipalityhascomequitealongway.In[YY]municipality,thereitwas…–Iusedtoworktherebefore–there’snotthesamefocusontheseissuesatall,soyoucouldsaythatyoudidn’thavethepoliticiansbehindyouthere(official).

Goal-setting,withfollow-up,isinmostcasesdirectlylinkedtotheformulationofcleartargetsandmeasures,atthelocalaswellasthenationallevel. Inthisareathereareseveralsuggestions-fromtheinformantsaswellasfromotheractorsworkingwithinthe area of sustainable consumption in Sweden – for political decisions and policyinterventionsthatwouldhelpovercomesomeoftheobstaclesexperiencedtoday.Onesuch suggestion is to create indicators for consumption on a local/regional level inordertoenabletheevaluationandfollow-upofspecificactivitiesandtheprogressofthe municipalities’ work (Bernstad Saraiva & Andersson, 2017). The networkKlimatkommunerna(“TheClimatemunicipalities”)hassuggestedthatthegovernmentinstruct Statistics Sweden (Statistiska Centralbyrån) to create such indicators andmonitorthemonayearlybasis(Klimatkommunerna,2018).Producing and consuming sustainably in an unsustainable system Other obstacles identified by the informantswere of a more structural nature andconcernedtheinabilityofthecurrenteconomicandpoliticalsystemtoaccommodatesolutionsandinfrastructuresthataremoresustainablethanthebusiness-as-usualones.One such obstacle is the difficulty in combining circular business models with theexistingmarketlogic,somethingexperiencedbythisregionalofficial:

[W]ecanseethatseveralofthecircularbusinessmodelsclashstronglywiththelinearones.Soacompanyneedstoconsiderstartingaformofsubsidiaryinordertodevelopthenewservices,becauseitisverydifficulttocompetewiththelinear

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systematthesametimeasdevelopingacircularsystem(official,regionofVästraGötaland).

Thiskindofobstaclealsoincludedsuchthingsasthepricemechanismsoftheglobalmarket making unsustainably (ecologically and socially) mass produced productscheaper–oftenalotcheaper–thanmoresustainablyproducedalternativesorservices(suchashavingthingsrepaired).Suchpricemechanismsservetolockconsumersintoasystemwhere“doingtherightthing”orbeinga“responsibleconsumer”isoftenalotmore expensive as well as time-consuming (see for example Jackson, 2005b). Onerecurringsuggestionamongtheinformantsforimprovingthiswastointernalizethetruecostsofproduction,sothattheyarereflectedbothinthefeesandtaxesthattheproducershavetopay,andinthepriceoftheunsustainablyproducedproductonthemarket:

Itshouldcosttopollute.Ifyouextractrawmaterialsitshouldn’tbecheapbecausetherearealotofexternalcostslinkedtoit,andthesamethingifyoubuildfactoriesandpollute – to internalize those external costs to ahigherdegree. (…) Itmustbecomeclearthatitisnotfreetoexploitnatureandthatittakesavery,verylongtimeforittorecover(official,SwedishEnvironmentalProtectionAgency).

Not only the true costs of pollution and extraction of natural resources should beinternalized in the price of a product, according to the interviewees, but the priceshouldalsoreflectthesocialcostsofproductionandcontributetoensuringfairpayforworkers:

Insomeway,Ithinkthatthereisaproducerresponsibilitythatshouldbeinplacetopreventthingsanditemsfrombeingtoocheap.(…)[S]omethingthatactuallyelevatesthingstotheirtruevalue.Andthenthereisaneedforabunchofpolicymeasuresthatcanensurethattheonewhohasproduced[theitem]atleastreceivesalivingwage(civilsocietyrepresentative).

Thissuggestiontointernalizethe“truecosts”ofproductionalsorecurredamongtheinformantsinthebuy-nothinggroupwhentheywereaskedaboutwhatmeasurestheywouldliketoseethatcouldfacilitateareductioninmaterialconsumption.Another issue brought up by the interviewees that serves as a lock-in factor in anunsustainable buy-and-throw-away consumerist system is that cheap products andclothesarenotoftenproducedtolastverylong,incertaininstancesevenproducedwithanelementofplannedobsolescence.Mostproductsarenotaccompaniedbysparepartsthatmakeitpossibletoreplaceoneworn-outdetailwithanewone,somethingworkingrathertoencourageahabitofreplacingthewholeproductwithanewone.Thisisanobstacletargetedbytheinquiryoncirculareconomy(SOU2017:22),recommendingthat Sweden should work “toward rules that govern more sustainable productdesign”(SOU2017:22,2017,p.38),forexamplethroughstrengtheningtheconsumer’s

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righttocomplainaboutproducts.Severaloftheinformantsinterviewedalsoproposedanextendedproducerresponsibilityandstrongerguaranteesonproductsasmeasuresthatcouldworktostimulatetheproductionofmoredurableproducts.Thisisworkthatto a large extent needs to be done at the EU level. This civil society representativesuggeststhattheresponsibilityofproducerscouldalsobelinkedtotheprecautionaryprincipleandtoproductsafety:

Intheconsumerareathereisaprettystrongdirectivethatistheproductsafetydirectiveand(…) ithasbeendefinedwhatadangerousproduct is,and it is theresponsibility of theproducer tomake sure that theproductpassesall of these[demands].32Youcan’thanditovertosociety.Ontheenvironmentsidethereisacompletelackofsucharegulation,andIoftentalkaboutan“environmentalsafetyproductsafetydirective”(…).[T]hatwouldmeanthatyoutransferalltheburdenfromthesocietytotheoneproducingthings,andthenyoutrytoensurethattheone who produces things realizes their responsibility and therefore can avoidcreatingthatwhichcausesharminsocietyorcoststoomuchresourcesandsoon.(…)Ithinkthatwouldbereallygood(civilsocietyrepresentative).

Anotherpolicymeasurethatseveralof the informantsmentionedasonethatwouldpotentiallyhelpsteertowardsreducedmaterialconsumptionandamoresustainable“infrastructure” forconsumption isagreentaxshift.Suchashiftcould, forexample,include increasing the tax on consumption of newly producedmaterial/things andloweringitonservicessuchasrepairandrental:

Naturally,weappreciate taxationof thatwhich isbad,we like tax shift… sowewouldwantthat.Andthatalsomeansthatyouasasocietymustdefinewhat“bad”is,sothatthereisasortofclarityandclearrulesofthegame.Andtheexperienceseemstobethatit’snotreallyanobstacle,butratherthattheseclearrulesofthegame–especiallythelong-termones–tendtofacilitate.Everyoneadjuststothemand thenworksaccordingly. (…)Tax shiftsare goodbecause thenyou can alsomakesurethatnogroupsarebeingdisfavoured.(…)Onejustneedstofindawaytocreateajusticeinit,sothatitfeelsfairwhensharingtheseburdens,ortheseausteritiesorlimitations(…)(civilsocietyrepresentative).

Notallthesuggestedpolicymeasureswereaimedatproducers,however.Targetingtheissueofaffluence,twoofthecivilsocietyrepresentativesemphasizedthesignificanceofsimplyshrinkingthe“spaceforconsumption”forSwedishconsumers,thatis,usingdifferentmeasuresinordertoreduceeithertheirincomeorthepartoftheirincomethat isused forconsumption.Measuresthatweresuggested for thispurposewereareductioninworkhoursandstricterregulationsformortgagepayments.

32Theproductsafetydirectivethatismentionedisthegeneralproductsafetydirective(GPSD),issuedbytheEuropeanParliamentin2001.

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On an even higher systemic level, several of the informantsworking on promotingsustainableconsumptionortopreventwastestatedthattheyexperienceddifficultiesin thestrategicworkdue to conflictingpolitical andeconomic interests.This is alsosomethingdescribedbyBernstadSaraiva&Andersson(2017),whointheirmappingof municipalities’ work on sustainable consumption encountered many officialsdescribingwhattheysawasanintrinsiccontradictionbetweensustainabilityinterestsandtheinterestsofcontinuedeconomicgrowthasanobstacleforstrategicwork.Thistype of conflict or contradiction was also highlighted by several of the officialsinterviewedinthisstudy:

Asweworkalotwiththeindustryandbusinesses,weoftenendupinthebusinessmodel.They[theindustry]haveoutdatedbusinessmodels,theydo…theirwholebusinessideaiswrong.Butthatishowtheybuildtheircapital,andaslongasthatisthedrivingforceinthesociety, it’skindofdifficult.Sure,theytestoutalotofotherparallelbusinessmodels,butthemainbusinessisstill…Imean,thatishowpeoplemakemoneytoday,byproducingandselling.Thatneedstobechoked,andweneedtofindotherways(official,regionofVästraGötaland).

Thisquotenotonlypointstotheexperiencedproblemsassociatedwithanoutdated(linear)businessmodel,butalsotothedrivingforcebehindthebusinessidea,i.e.howthebusinesses“buildtheircapital”,suggestingthatanon-profitbusinessmodelmightnotconflictasmuchwiththeobjectivesoftheworkforamoresustainableconsumption.Theconflictbetweenthegoalsofaiming forprofitandgrowthontheonehandandmoresustainablebusinessesandconsumptionontheotherwaspointedoutbyanotherofficialasbeingpresentinrelationtobothbusinessesandpoliticians:

Politicians-whoarethepeoplewhodecideaboutthewastemanagement-theywanttoattractalotofbusinessesandactivitiestotheirownmunicipality.Ifonethen goes out and proclaim that “we should not shop as much”, then it’scontradictory.(…)Thecompanieswanttoselltheirthingsandtheywanttobeinaplacewherethatisacceptedandwheretheycangetsupportforit.Soyes, it’saconflictbetweengoals.But ifyousitdownanddiscuss itandtalkabout it, theyunderstandeventually.Butsure,itcanbedifficulttomakeyourselfheard.Andthenit’s also… Idon’t know if one shouldbepolitical, but (…)partieshavedifferentopinionsonthisandthatshowsinthedifferentmunicipalities(official,xx).

Bernstad Saraiva & Andersson (2017) highlight the Swedish Consumer Agency ashaving an important role to play in bridging the experienced conflicts between theobjectivesofsustainabilityandeconomicgrowth.Thiscanbedonethroughprovidingatrustedplatformwheretheseperceivedcontradictionsandpoliticallysensitiveissuescan be discussed in a serious and objectivemannerwith relevant actors (BernstadSaraiva&Andersson,2017).ItwasalsohighlightedbytheinterviewedofficialfromtheSwedishConsumerAgencythattheForumforeco-smartconsumptionaimstobeanarena inwhich controversial issues such as this can be discussed (official, Swedish

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ConsumerAgency).TheSwedishConsumerAgencycouldalso,accordingtoBernstadSaraiva & Andersson (2017) be a relevant actor when it comes to facilitating andencouragingtheworkbeingdoneindifferentmunicipalitiesandhelpingtocreatethestructures needed to give the municipalities’ work in the area of sustainableconsumptionhigherpriority(BernstadSaraiva&Andersson,2017).Relatedtothesustainabilityvs.growthcontradictionisalsowhatBernstadSaraiva&Andersson(2017)perceivetobealackofmoreoverallmethodsforevaluatingprojectsaiming forsustainableconsumption.Theycall forevaluationmethodsthat look intoareasbeyondthespecificconsumptionbehaviouritselfandthatcanhelpevaluateothereffectsthataprojectmighthaveonforexamplepublichealth,economics,andgenderequality. The development of evaluationmethods that can illustrate environmental,social and economic values would, they argue, serve to perform more holisticevaluations about benefits from a socio-economic perspective (Bernstad Saraiva &Andersson,2017).Choice of words and language Connected to the experienced goal conflict between economic growth andsustainability, someof theofficials interviewedmentioned that these contradictionsalso have effects on the language used when discussing the issue of sustainableconsumption. This is illustrated by one official talking about the choice ofwords ininternalandexternalcommunicationatthenationallevel:

We talk very littleabout sufficiencyandabout reducing consumption. (…) [W]eworkwithwasteprevention,andthatiskindofamorepoliticallyacceptedwaytoaddresstheissueofoverconsumptionofresources.Eventhoughtopreventwastealsoaimsatreducedconsumption-it’softenthesamething-butyoujustcan’ttalkaboutreducedconsumption.So,wastepreventionandsustainableconsumptionofnaturalresourcesisbasicallythesamething,ifyouignorethefactthatsustainableconsumption also includes a social aspect and a health aspect and that wastepreventionismoredirectlyaboutreducingthevolumesofwaste(official,SwedishEnvironmentalProtectionAgency).

Aregionalofficialarguesalongsimilarlines,thatitisimportanttousewhatisperceivedasacceptedor“right”language:

[I]n order to reduce the volume of waste, you return all the time to reducedconsumption.Orchanged-wehavechosennottosay“reduced”becausethatreallyannoyssomepeople, sowetalkaboutchangedconsumption -moreexperience-basedandsecond-hand(official,Gothenburgregion).

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This suggests a discrepancy between the officials working with sustainableconsumptionandwastepreventionandthedifferentactorstheyneedtocollaboratewithintermsofhowtheyframetheissues.Inordertonot“annoy”thelatterbyusingwhatmightbeseenas tooradicalwordsor framing, forexamplebyquestioningtheadvantagesofmaterialconsumption,theofficialschoosetowrapthegoalofreducedconsumptionintowordsinthatareseenaslessannoyingorthreatening. Waste prevention as obstacle and possibility The “waste hierarchy” from the European CommissionWaste Framework Directiveidentifieswasteprevention,orminimizingwaste, as the firststepof thehierarchy -before reusing and recycling (European Commission, 2016). This framework is themodelthatguideswastemanagementinalltheEUmemberstates,anditstateswastepreventionas the firstpriority in thiswork.The first step in thehierarchy is aboutmeasures that prevent waste appearing in the first place, such as getting themunicipalities’differentunitstoplantheirfoodpurchasesbetterinordertominimizefoodwaste.Corvellecetal.(2018)haveidentifiedseveralchallengesfortheworkonwaste prevention in Sweden such as unclarity in terms of political goals andresponsibilities; structural “lock-in factors” such as a conventional business logic,legislation,regulations,habitsamongemployeesinwasteorganizations,andexistingwaste management infrastructure that obstructs the work on waste prevention(Corvellecetal.,2018).Forexample,thecurrentconventionalmarketlogicofthewastemanagement industry lacks financial incentives for actors (both the private andmunicipal) to really work for a reduction of the waste volume, which leads to acontinuedfocusonmanagingexistingwasteinsteadoffocusingonprevention(ibid).Corvellecet al. further identify the seeming“invisibility”ofwasteasanobstacle, aninvisibilitycreatedbybothaphysicalandmentaldistancebetweenthewasteitselfontheonehandandhouseholdsandpublicactivitiesontheother(Corvellecetal.,2018).When it comes to the municipalities’ existing and potential role in reducingconsumption volume, the current Swedish system of waste prevention andmanagementwasseenasbothanobstacleandakeytothesolutionbyseveraloftheinterviewedofficials.WhenitcomestothepreventionofhouseholdwasteinSweden,theobstacleseemstobetwofold.Severalofficialsmentionedthe flawinthecurrentsystemregulatingthefinancingofwastemanagement.Thesystemobligeshouseholdstopayacertainchargeforwastecollection–therefusecollectioncharge.Thischargeistobeusedbythemunicipalitiesforcostsrelatedtomanagingwasteandcansolelybededicatedtothatspecificactivity.Itmightbeusedformeasuressuchasencouragingmorerecycling,buttheregulationsarestrictandmunicipalitiesare,forexample,not

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allowed to use themoney for things such as information campaigns to householdsaboutwaystoreducetheirwaste(official,theSwedishWasteManagementAssociation).Thisresultsinaninsecurityamongmunicipalitiesabouthowtofinancesuchmeasuresandwastepreventionneeds, consequently, to competewithotheractivities suchasschoolsandnursinghomesinordertobeassignedfinancinginthebudget(ibid).This,in turn, is connected to a general lack of clarity regarding the municipalities’responsibility and mandate in the area of waste prevention. The SwedishEnvironmentalCodestates theobligation formunicipalities todescribemeasurestopreventwasteintheirwasteplans,butthisisnotlinkedtoanyexplicitlegislatedorregulatedobligationforthemunicipalitiestoactuallyenactanyofthosemeasurestopreventhouseholdwaste(SOU2017:22,2017).Thepracticalhindrancesthatthislackofclarityresultincanbewitnessedinaconfusionamongthemunicipalitiesinregardtowhattheyareactually“allowed”todo:

One obstacle today is (…) this thing with the charge financing – that themunicipalities, or the waste departments in themunicipalities only work withrevenue thatcomes fromtherefusecollectioncharge. Andthere isaveryclearframeworkforwhatthatmoneymaybeusedfor,andpreventionisnotincludedinthat.Sothatisanobviousrestriction,atrueobstacle.(…)[W]e[theSwedishWasteManagementAssociation]aresupposedtoworkveryactivelywiththisissuebutwearenotallowedtodothatbecauseofthisnon-existingmandate,thisrestrictioninthelegislation.Andthatisclear-cutprevention.Butre-usecantoalargeextentbeplacedwithinthisterm,soit’satoughlegislationinthatsenseandtherearequiteanumberofmunicipalities thatareunsure: “whatcanwedo?Canwegetpunishedifwedothis?”.Andsomearebraveandtestthingsout,othersaremorecautious because they don’t want to risk anything. So that’s an obstacle – thisuncertaintyaboutwhatyoucanandcan’tdoasamunicipality,orasawasteunitatamunicipality(…)(official,theSwedishWasteManagementAssociation).

Anotherofficialworkingwithcoordinationbetweenmunicipalitiesintheareaofwastepreventionpointstoasimilarconfusionandalackofclearroles:

Andthen,thereisnoobviousperformerofwasteprevention…becauseperhapsitshouldn’t reallybe laidat the feetof thewastedepartment [atthemunicipality,note],becausetheyaresupposedtotakecareofthewastethatemerges.Maybeitshould be Environment, or Consumer Information. So that’s a problem aswell,really.Asithasturnedout,itisthewastemanagementdepartmentthatmostoftendeals with it, but there’s a need for a much better collaboration within themunicipality.Andthewastemanagementdepartmentisnotreallyallowedtoworkwithiteitherbecauseof…Allofthewastemanagementdepartmentisfinancedbytherefusecollectioncharge,theyhavenotaxrevenues(official,Gothenburgregion).

Theinquiryoncirculareconomy(SOU2017:22)targetsthisobstaclebyidentifyingtheneed to clarify the responsibility of municipalities in regards to waste prevention,arguingthatsuchaclarificationmightservebothtoraisethemunicipalities’ambitionlevelsandtostrengthentheirstrategicworkinthisarea(SOU2017:22,2017,p.292).

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Theclarificationof responsibilityshould, according to thepublic inquiry, includeanobligationforthemunicipalitiestoinformtheirinhabitantsabouthowtopreventwasteand to facilitate the collection and sorting of recyclable products (ibid). To enableactivities related to this expanded and clarified responsibility, the inquiry furtherarguesforachangeintheregulationcoveringtherefusecollectionchargeinordertoopenupforthefinancingofwastepreventionmeasurestargetedatprivatehouseholds.Thiswould,itisargued,comewithsocio-economicgainsandalsobenefittheoverallworkwiththewastehierarchy:

If it ismoredifficultforthemunicipalitiestofinancethosemeasuresthatareofhighestpriorityandthemostsocio-economicallyefficientcomparedtotraditionalwastemanagement,thisthreatenstoconservebehavioursandthecurrentsystem.Ifthemunicipalrefusecollectionchargecanalsobeusedforwasteprevention,itcreates better conditions for working in accordance with the whole wastehierarchyinamoreuniformmanner(SOU2017:22,2017,p.295owntranslation).

Anotherobstaclethatwaspointedoutinrelationtotherefusalcollectionfeewasthatitisextremelypricesensitive,thatis,thatcitizensareknowntoreactnegativelyintheeventofaraisingofthefee(official,theSwedishWasteManagementAssociation).Thismakesitanobstaclein“twosteps”:first,theregulationsneedtoopenupandallowforthe financingofwastepreventionactivities;second, there is thechallengeofgettingacceptance–bothamongpoliticiansandcitizens-forthenecessaryraisingofthefeethatthiswouldimply(ibid).Alloftheinformantswhomentionedthewastemanagementsystemandfinancingasanobstacleintheircurrentworkcorrespondinglyexpressedtheirstrongsupportforthe suggested measures presented in the inquiry on circular economy. Anothermeasuresuggestedtomovethewastepreventionworkforwardwasproposedbytheofficial from the Swedish Waste Management Association. For a few years theassociationhasprovidedtrainingfor“wastepreventioncoaches”fortheirmunicipalitymembers.Theconceptofwastepreventioncoachesisbasedonthemodelofenergyadvisors that has been present inmunicipalities formany years directed at privatehouseholdsandbusinesses,givingadviceonhowtoachievelowerandmoreefficientand climate-friendly energy use. In the long run, the Swedish Waste ManagementAssociationofficialwishedfortheestablishmentofsimilarwastepreventioncoachesinallSwedishmunicipalities.Suchcoacheswouldbevaluableinthewastepreventionwork, with their understanding of resource efficiency and behaviour aswell as therelationbetween them,providingpedagogicknowledgeaboutnecessarypreventionmeasures(official,SwedishWasteManagementAssociation).

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The potential of waste prevention work in promoting a more sufficiency-orientedpoliticscanalsobeseenfromthefactthatseveraloftheofficialsmentioneditasbeingamuch lesspolitically sensitive issue thanconsumption reduction (see forexamplequote above by the official from the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency). Itmight therefore, insomecases,bemoreefficient to talkofwastepreventionwork ifaimingatcollaborationbetweenactorswithmanydifferentinterests.Animportantnotetomakeonwastepreventionisthatthemunicipalitieshavequitestrict regulations in regard to their own waste as well as to the management andpreventionofhouseholdwaste,whereasbusinessesfacelooserregulations(Corvellecet al., 2018; official, Swedish Waste Management Association). This is crucial tohighlight,seeingthatitisnotthehouseholdsthatcreatethemajorityofthewasteinSweden, but the production side (ibid). Corvellec et al. (2018) further highlight thecentralquestionofthelegitimacyofwastecreationandpointoutthatproducersandconsumers today practically have an unlimited right to producewaste. They arguethereforethatonecriticalelementofwastepreventionistochangethesocialnorminregardtowasteproduction–fromthecurrentnormofacceptingtheproductionofalot of waste to one that does not accept it and instead rewards the limitation andpreventionofwaste(Corvellecetal.,2018).Insecure financing and political priorities Intheperiodwhentheinterviewsforthisstudywereconductedwithofficialsandcivilsocietyrepresentatives,SwedishpoliticsfounditselfinaperiodofparalysisafterthenationalelectionofSeptember2018,theresultofwhichleftthecountryinasituationwithnoclearpoliticalmajoritytoformagovernment.Thediscussions,deliberationsanddisputesbetweenthemainpartieswentonformonths,leavingSwedeninastateoflimboinwhatturnedouttobethelongestperiodwithoutagovernmentinitsmodernhistory (Mattson, 2019). The election results were similarly unclear in manymunicipalitiesandcounties,pressuringpartiestoformnewcooperationconstellationsinordertobeable togovern. In theend,anewgovernmentwas formedbythetwoformergovernmentparties(theSocialDemocratsandtheGreenParty)inJanuaryof2019,afteranagreementwiththeLiberalPartyandtheCentreParty.Foralargepartof2019,however,thisnewGovernmentwasconfinedtoworkonthebasisofabudgettheydidnotelaboratethemselves,asaresultofthepoliticalturmoilwhichinDecember2018ledtheparliamenttoacceptabudgetfor2019presentedbythetwoconservativeparties,theModeratesandtheChristianDemocrats(SVTNyheter,2018).

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This special situation served to illuminate the obstacle of work on sustainableconsumptionoftenbeingdependentuponthepoliticalprioritiesatthenationalaswellastheregionalandlocallevelsandthuspossiblybeingvulnerabletobudgetchangesduetochangesinpoliticalpower.Atthenationallevel,thebudgetthatwasacceptedfor 2019withdrew the former government’s investmentKlimatklivet (“The ClimateStride”)–a funding forprojectsaimedat reducingGHGemissions.33Gothenburg- amunicipalitywithalonghistoryofaSocialDemocraticmajority–canservetoillustratean example of the sameproblem at the local level. In the autumnof 2018, the newpoliticalmajorityinthecityadoptedabudgetfor2019whichcuttheformersupporttocoordinationofcross-unitsustainabilityworkandprojectsinthecity,someofwhichwere still on-going. This was a special fund linked to the city’s Climate StrategyProgram 34 and aimed to facilitate the work towards reaching Gothenburg’senvironmentalgoals(official,CityofGothenburg).Thisbudgetcutcreatedconfusionanddoubtsregardinghowtheseprojectsandcollaborationsweresupposedtocontinue,asthegoalsremainedaswellasthemoneyforeachunit’sworkwithinits“own”areabut themoneytocoordinateandsupportcross-unitprojectsandcollaborationswaswithdrawn.Oneofficialtalkedabouttheuncertaintythishadcreated:

[I]nGothenburg,asinmanyotherplaces,therehasbeenashiftinpoliticalpower,whichresultedinverybigconsequencesfromasustainabilityperspectiveinthecity,becausethisMIST35money–theenvironmentstimulationfunds…evenifthatfundhasbeenreduced,ithasstillbeenveryimportantinordertorunprojectanddevelopmentworkwithinthesustainabilityareaandinordertobeabletohavesupportingfunctions.(…)Andthatisachallengerightnow.Wedon’tknowhowwewill beworkingwith these issues in time to come,wehave beenworkingveryactivelywiththem(official,CityofGothenburg).

Theproblemexperiencedinthiscasecanfurtherservetoemphasizetheimportanceofcoordinationandcooperationbetweendifferentactorsandactivitiesinordertopushtheworkforsustainableconsumptionforward,afactorhighlightedbyseveraloftheofficials interviewed. In the Gothenburg case, the units and departments still hadfundingfortheirowncoreworkinthesustainabilityarea,butthiswasexperiencedbytheinterviewedofficialasawork“insilos”(official,CityofGothenburg).Also related to fundingandpoliticalpower shifts is the fact thatmunicipalprojectsfocusing on encouraging sustainable consumption are often externally funded and

33ThiswithdrawaloffundswaslatercompensatedwhentheelectedgovernmentpresentedtheirspringbudgetinApril2019.34The “environmental stimulation funds” (miljöstimulansmedel) have been available for 3-4 years inGothenburg, financing the coordination of projects run in collaboration between different units anddepartments. Examples are Circular Gothenburg and thework for toxic free pre-schools. The fundsamountedto45millionSEKperyearthefirsttwoyears,andwerelatercutto17millionSEK(official,Gothenburgcity).35MIST–miljöstimulansmedel.Seefootnoteabove.

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organizedwithinprojects, aspointedout byBernstad Saraiva&Andersson (2017).Theirmappingofmunicipalworkinthisareaidentifiedthetwomostimportantfactorsbehindasuccessfulsustainableconsumptionprojectorinterventionasbeingexternalfundingandsecondly localpoliticiansandofficialswhoarecommitted.Eventhoughmany projectshave indeed been successful, the dependence on those factors at thesametimemakesmunicipalities’workinthisareaquitevulnerable,seenasitisoftenrestricted by project financing and bound up with strong individual commitmentamongofficials and politicianswhomight leave their positions (BernstadSaraiva&Andersson,2017).ThesefactorsarealsomentionedbyDawkinsetal.(2019)astwosubstantial barriers to the effective implementation of sustainable consumptionmeasuresatthelocallevel(Dawkinsetal.,2019).Oneofficialalsomentioned“projectfatigue” as an obstacle – that limited resources canmake it difficult to find enoughpeopleandactorswhoareableandhavetheenergytoparticipateinprojects(official,region of Västra Götaland). To improve the conditions for themunicipalities’ work,Bernstad Saraiva & Andersson recommend a clarification of the municipalities’possibilitiestofinanceprojectsaimingatsustainableconsumptionwithtaxrevenue,reforming the regulations and laws that are now hindering the implementation ofsustainableconsumptionactivitiesatthelocallevel,andclarifyingthemunicipalities’mandatewithinseveralareas(BernstadSaraiva&Andersson,2017).Facilitating through urban planning Theareaofurbanplanningwasalsomentionedashavingpotential fora transition.Informantssuggestedthatitwouldbehelpfultoplanfor“non-consumption”activities,and to dedicate more public space to activities such as repairing, sharing, andborrowing, etc.Oneofficial explicitlymentioned that theworkonwastepreventionwouldbenefit fromcollaborationwithseveralotherunitsat themunicipal level, forexamplewithurbanplanning:

Well,there’sreallyaneedformanydifferent[collaborations],forexample…landuseplanning-becauseyouneedspaceforprevention.Itcouldbeanareaassignedto swapping and it could be that you create some kind of cultural experienceinsteadofaretailstore.Therearealotofdifferentsolutionslikethat,simplythatyoutrytoreplaceconsumptionwithanexperience,andthatneedstobeincludedinthelanduseplanning(official,Gothenburgregion).

AnotherofficialattheCityofGothenburgalsomentionedtheneedforspaceinregardto facilitating waste prevention and alternative, more sustainable consumptionpractices,andexpressedawishtocreateastoragefacilitythatwouldfacilitatethereuse,reparationandupcycleof,forexample,thecity’sprocuredofficefurniture(official,City

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of Gothenburg). When it comes to changing consumer behaviour, one official alsohighlighted the strong potential of digitalization, especially in terms of stimulatingmoresharingamongconsumers(official,SwedishEnvironmentalProtectionAgency). Public authorities taking the lead Somethingthatwasrepeatedlymentionedintheinterviewswithofficialsatthelocalandregionallevelwasthegreatpotentialforchangethattheauthoritiesattheselevelscarryintheirroleaslargescaleprocurersandemployers.Asprocurersof,forexample,foodtoschools,hygieneproductstonursinghomesandothercarefacilities,andofficematerial and furniture tohundredsof offices,municipalities and regions can set animportantexamplewhen it comes tosustainableprocurement. In thisway they canshow localbusinesses that there is ademandfor, forexample,morevegetarianandlocallyproducedfood,alternativestosingle-useplasticsheetsandapronsinnursinghomes,andofficefurniturethatisreusedordesignedforcircularuse.ThecityofGothenburgisanexampleofwhenpoliticianshavesetambitiousgoalsforbothreducedemissionsandwastepreventionthathavehadaneffectnotonlyforthecommunicationtowardsthecity’sinhabitants,butalso–andperhapsevenmore–fortheinternalworkwithinallofthecity’sactivities.Accordingtothecity’sEnvironmentProgramme,allthemunicipalactivitieshavearesponsibilitytoreducetheirwasteandsetanambitiousexamplefortheinhabitantsofGothenburg(Göteborgsstad:Kretsloppochvatten,n.d.).AccordingtotheClimateStrategyProgrammeadopted,thegoalofthecity is to reduce waste volume per inhabitant by 30% between 2010 and 2030(Miljöförvaltningen Göteborgs stad, 2014). The department responsible for wastemanagement has produced guides and checklists for reducing waste in offices, atnursing homes and at schools, aswell as for preventingwaste in the procurementprocess.Therearealsoguidesforbusinessessuchasrestaurantsandcafésoperatingin the cityand forapartmentbuildings (Göteborgs stad:Kretsloppochvatten,n.d.).Severalactivitiesinthecityhavealsoworkedverydedicatedlywithwastepreventionandcanshowimpressiveresults.Oneexampleisthepilotprojectperformedin2015-2016atSekelbonursinghome,inwhichthefoodwastewasdecreasedby23%andtheresidual waste with 10% in just six months (ibid). The positive results led to thedecision that all nursinghomes inGothenburg shouldgo through the sameprocess(official,cityofGothenburg).Thishasproventohavepositiveresultsnotonlyintheareaofwasteprevention,accordingtotheofficialatthecityofGothenburg,butalsoinregardtoreducedconsumptionand,consequently,areductioninpurchasesoffoodandsingleusehygieneproductssuchasdiapers,plasticsheetsandplasticaprons(ibid).Theseareresultsthatcanbequantifiedbothintermsofreducedemissionsandmoney

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saved,but, aspointedoutbyanotherofficial, therearealso results thatpoint toanincreasedwell-beingamongtheelderlyresidentsinthecarefacilityandanimprovedworkingenvironmentverymuchappreciatedbytheemployees(official,Gothenburgregion). Similar results can be seen also in the case of the other two pilot projectmunicipalities, according to the official at the Swedish Waste ManagementAssociation36:

Andthenwegotniceresults,theyhavereducedtheirvolume[ofwaste],andthereweremanymany‘soft’,positivevaluesexperienced.Theyhaddeveloped,andtheyhadbetterorder[attheworkplace],andatoneplacetheyevenfounditbecameeasier to recruit newpersonnel, and…yeah,many soft values.Andbetterworkenvironment,betterenvironmentforthepeoplelivinginthenursinghome,andsoon. And thosewere thingswe hadn’t really expected. Becausewe thought theywouldsavemoneyandreducetheirenvironmentalimpact,andwehadn’treallythoughtaboutitmuchmorethanthat.Butitturnedouttobealotmore.Andthatis also something that is difficult tomeasure, but really important (official, theSwedishWasteManagementAssociation).

Inregardtoprocurement,the“CircularGothenburg”projectwithintheGothenburgcityadministration has supported different units in the procurement of reused and re-designedofficefurnitureinsteadofnewfurniture,andstartedupastoragesysteminordertofacilitatetheexchangeoffurniturebetweendifferentunitsandoffices(official,city of Gothenburg). Together with the unit working with procurement, CircularGothenburgwaselaboratingtwonewframeworkagreementsforprocurementofofficefurniture at the time of the interviews (January 2019). One of these frameworkagreements was for reused and redesigned furniture and one for newly producedfurnitureforcircularuse(official,Gothenburgcity).TheregionofVästraGötalandhasalsodoneanextensiveworkinthisarea,workingdirectlywithfurnitureproducersintheregiontopersuadethemtotrymorecircularbusinessmodelsandrepair/redesigntheexistingstockofofficefurnitureinsteadofproducingnew(official,regionofVästraGötaland).AccordingtotheofficialsinVästraGötalandandGothenburgcity,thisworkis of great importance in order to stimulate dialogues and cooperation with localbusinesses,andtheauthoritiescan–intheirpositionasimportant,“big”customers-pointtothedemandofotherkindsofproductsandbusinessmodelsthanthebusiness-as-usual ones. Sending such clear signals can in turn stimulate investments in theindustry and businesses to try and satisfy that demand, something that eventually

36The pilot projectswere followed closely by the SwedishWasteManagementAssociation,and theofficialfromtheassociationmentionedthattheyareoftenusedwhencommunicatinggoodexamplesofwasteprevention.ThemethodusedinthesepilotprojectswasdevelopedbytheconsultantfirmTyrénstogetherwiththedivisionattheCityofGothenburgresponsibleforwasteprevention(“Kretsloppochvatten”).AsimilarconceptisusedbytheSwedishWasteManagementAssociationintheirtrainingof“wastepreventioncoaches”(official,SwedishWasteManagementAssociation).

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mightresultinagreatersupplyofthesekindofproductsalsofortheprivateconsumersintheregion,likethisofficialdescribes:

[I]tisawaytoshowtheindustry–thefurnitureindustry–(…)insomewaythrough,like…alittlestick,carrot,discussion…[and]support,becausewehaveorderedanexpertcommission,aconsultant,whohasdonethejobwithproducingtheseclearrequestsandwhatitisweexpect.Theydon’tneedtofinditout[forthemselves],butwe are clear in our expectations and can acceptwaiting for awhile beforegettingeverythinginplace.Butitisalsoaclearsignal,Ithink,towards…likeIKEA,they’rereallyforwardintheseissueswithcircularityandtheykindofworkbothtowardscompaniesbutalsooutwards,toinhabitants.SoIhopethatourinternalworkinthecitycanhaveapositiveeffectfortheinhabitants’consumptionofnewthings(official,cityofGothenburg).

Apart from their role as big procurers, public authorities and agencies alsoplay animportantrolewhenitcomestofundingresearchandinnovationprojects.TheregionofVästraGötalandhas,forexample,fundedseveralregionaldevelopmentprojectsincollaborationwith the furniture and fashion industry that aim to look intoways inwhich the circular business model could work as smoothly as the linear ones,investigating the changes needed in infrastructure, policy-making and businessdevelopment(official,regionofVästraGötaland).Whenitcomestotheroleofthemunicipalityand/orregionto“takethelead”inworkon waste prevention and sustainable consumption/procurement, this was onlymentioned inpositivetermsbythe informantswhorepeatedlyunderlinedthegreatpotential in this area. It shouldhoweverbeemphasizedagain that the regional andmunicipalauthoritieschosenforthisstudyareinmanywaystobeseenasthefrontrunnersinregardtoworkonsustainableconsumptionandwastepreventioninSweden.It could therefore perhaps be argued that in municipalities and regions lackingambitiousgoalsandinterestinstrategicworkintheseareas,theabsenceofsuchcouldconstituteasignificantobstacle.Civil society actors pushing for change Thecivilsocietyrepresentativesinterviewedforthisstudyseemedtoagreeontheroleof civil societyasan importantdriving force in the transition toamoresustainablesocietywithlessmaterialconsumption.Theyhighlightedfactorssuchasclosenesstotheconsumers(members)themselves,cooperationwithotheractors(otherNGOsandnetworks, businesses and public actors), spreading information and pushing forpoliticalchangeasimportantelementsoftheirwork.Onetaskis,forexample,tospread

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awareness about the impact of current consumption patterns at the same time asinspiringchange,asdescribedhere:

Andwetrytoinspire(…)theconsumer,withoutmoralizing,tothinkthatperhapsonedoesn’tneedalot.Theyshouldstriveforreflection.Becauseit’ssoeasyintheconsumeristsocietyweliveintodaythatwedothingsonroutineandarejustusedtohowonebuys[things]becauseit’swhatoneshoulddo–it’swhatyouhavebeen“taught”,sotospeak.Butwewanttohighlightanotherperspective,thatis,firstofalltoposethequestion“doyoureallyneedthis?”.Simplytoinspireanalternativewayofconsuming.Sowe(…)presentresearchandstatisticsandsooninoursocialmedia–“thisisthehardtruth”–butthenwetrytotweakittowards“BUTyoucanthink…”and“YOUcando”thisandthisandthis–not“thisisthehardtruth,andyousuck”[laughter](civilsocietyrepresentative).

In relation to inspiration, another civil society representative talked about theorganization’supcomingcampaign,aimingatputtingtogetheralltheirideasaboutthechangesthatareneededandcreatingapositivepictureoftheworldtheyenvision:

[I]believe that ifyouare tobeable togetsomeoneonboardona journey thatsometimeswillmean stepping away fromwhatone is used toand considers as‘natural’,thenyouneedtopaintanattractivefuture,andyouneedtobelievethatitisthere(civilsocietyrepresentative).

The civil society representatives also underlined the potential and importance ofworkingatdifferentlevelssimultaneously,thatis,problematizingtheroleofindividualconsumptionatthesametimeaslobbyingforpoliticalchange.OneNGOrepresentativestatedtheorganization’sbeliefinpoliticsasastrongdriverforchangeinsocietyandreflecteduponpoliticalmeasuresasawaytogeta lotof thingsdonethatotherwisetend to “short circuit” when toomany actors try to agree on an issue. She furtherhighlightedhowcivilsocietymobilizationandpoliticsoftenworkbestwhentheyworktogether:

Ifwehaveacampaignandcanpointtoachangedbehaviour,ifwecangetthingstohappenonthemarket,thenit’saloteasierlaterontogetpoliticsthatsupportthatdevelopment(civilsocietyrepresentative).

This“doubleeffect”wasalsopointedoutbyanotherrepresentative,whoemphasizedthatevensmallpoliticalmeasurescanhaveanimpactonpublicinterestintheissue:

Whenworkingforsustainableconsumptionandmorereuseingeneral,repairsandsoon,thenyouhaveboththeeffectoftheimplementationofthepoliticaldecisioninitselfandthedebatethatitcanstimulate(civilsocietyrepresentative).

Inthisway,thecivilsocietyorganizationsandnetworksthatworktopromotemoresustainable(andreduced)consumption,illustratehowpublicattitudesareofcrucial

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importancewhenitcomestothewillingnessamongpoliticianstodealwithanissue,and, further, that civil society inSwedenplaysan important roleboth inregards toengagingandinformingconsumersandinpushingthepublicdebatetowardsachangeinthenormsregardingconsumption(aspointedoutby,forexample,Montetal.,2013).Difficulties and potential in norms, culture and habits Just as norms and culture to a large degreewere experienced as obstacles tomoresufficientconsumptionpracticesbythebuy-nothinggroup(seechapter4),theywerealso very much considered as such by the people working with sustainableconsumption and waste prevention issues. Habits, norms and culture, or humanpsychology,wereoftenmentionedbytheofficialsandbycivilsocietyrepresentativesasbeingdirectobstaclestobehaviourchange:

Andthen…otherobstaclesareofcourse…ushumans[laughter]–thatwearethewayweare.It’sdifficulttochange,wearecomfortable,wewantourthingsandthelifethatwehave.Welivewell,mostofusinthiscountry,andofcourseit’salargeobstacletorealize thatweneedtochangeourselvesquitea lot.That’samentalobstacle,itreallyis(official,theSwedishWasteManagementAssociation).

Oneofficialexplainedthedifficultiesinreachingthegoalofreducingconsumption,oneofthegoalssetintheregion’swastemanagementplan:

Oneofthemostdifficult[goals]isthequantityofwasteandtoreduceit,becauseitkeepsincreasingallthetime.Becausepeoplehavetoomuchdamnmoneyandbuyalot.Sure,theycanrecycleorgiveawaystuff,buttheybuyevenmore.Oneproblemwehaveisthatwereceivealotofnicethings[attherecyclingstations,note],butnoonereallywantstobuythose–theybuynewstuffinstead.[…]Sothat’squiteinteresting, it’s a consumption habit that needs to change (official, GothenburgRegion).

The followingquoteby theofficial at theSwedishEnvironmentalProtectionAgencyfurther points to the connection between the system lock-in effects and the normsgoverningoursocial(and,toalargeextent,ourconsumer)behaviour:

ThelargestobstacleIguessis…well,it’stheeconomicsystemandthepursuitofincreasedGDP,that’sprobablythelargestobstacle.(…)Thatisprobablythesinglelargestobstacleandthatwhich…like,allofourculturearoundthisendeavourthatwebecomehappierwhenweownmore….Theviewofownershiplinkedtowell-being.Thoseareprobablythetwobiggestobstructionsonanoveralllevel.Andthatwearepushedinto…whenequalityincreasesbetweenpeople,thereisaneedforexternal ways of showing one’s importance. And it kind of becomes… it isstrengthenedbythatmoney…thatyouhavetoshowthatyouhavemoneyinsome

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way.Idon’tknow,it’sallofoursocietyandit’sconnectedbutit’salsoaboutbeinghapp…well,successful,it’ssostronglylinkedtomoneyandstuffandnottointellectorcultureorsoon(official,SwedishEnvironmentalProtectionAgency).

ThereseemedtobesomewhatofaconsensusamongtheinformantsthatachangeinthecultureandnormsinplaceinSwedentodayiscrucialinordertoachieveatransitionto amore sustainable society. The ideason how such changes could possibly comeaboutvaried,butoverallboththeofficialsandthecivilsocietyrepresentativesreturnedtothecentralimportanceofsimplicityandattractivenessinregardtomoresustainable,“consumption-reduced” lifestyles. There further seemed to be a consensus thatsustainablealternativesneedtobemadetheeasiestandmostobviousonestochoose,as well as made attractive to a large majority. Looking beyond this, however, theinformantsalsocalledforanormativetransition–bothinregardstowhatisvaluedasimportant for our well-being and contentment, and to what is considered to beattractiveordesirable.Oneofficialarguedthatthemostimportantfactorsforreducingconsumptionaretoinspireconsumerstomakedifferentchoices,incombinationwithanormtransitionthatcanservetoincreasetheattractivenessofsustainablechoices(andatthesametimedecreasetheattractivenessoftheunsustainableones).Referringto the ongoing debate in Sweden regarding emissions related to flying - where thenormshavestartedtoshift,makingit“cooler”totakethetrainandalmostshamefultobookaflight37-theofficialarguedthatitwouldbeofgreathelpwithasimilarnormshiftinregardstofashion:

[S]omethingsimilarisbeginninginthefashionindustryaswell,thatitisseenasequallytrendy-andhopefullysoonevenbetter–tomakesustainablechoicesatthesametimeasI’mbeingfashionconscious.Tobeconsciousaboutfashiondoesn’tnecessarilymean that I buy new things all the time. You can buy two items ofclothingatasecond-handshopandremakethemintoathird,andthatisseenasequallyhip.Thenyouwouldmovefastertowardschange,because…Ioftenreturntoattractiveness.Theyneedtobecomeattractive,thechoiceswemake.Ifwefinda really environmentally smart solution but people find it ugly or boring orsomething,then…itmightworktochangeitinthatdirectionbutitwillrequiresuchdarntimeandwedon’thavetimeforthat(…).Now,I’dliketogetthelargemajoritytowanttomakeotherchoices,andthenwemusthavesomeshortcutstomakeitmoveabit fasterandthen I think the levelofattractiveness ispretty important(official,regionofVästraGötaland).

Anotherofficial,whoalsotalkedfromtheexperienceofhavingworkedasamunicipalenergyadvisor,facilitatingtheinstallationofsolarpanels,linkedthisattractivenesstotheimpressionthatitbecomeseasiertodosomethingthatweseeothersdo:

37IllustratedbythenewSwedishexpressionflygskam(“flightshame”)thathasrenderedinternationalattentionandbeenexportedtootherlanguagesduring2018-2019aswellastranslatedtoflugschaminGermanandvliegschaamteinDutch(Vidal,2019).

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Ibelieveit’slikethis,thatwhatmakesonechangeone’shabit–thatisthatyouhavetokeep repeatingand repeatingand repeating.And then,when friends andtheneighbourandthosepeoplestartdoingthings–thenyoustarttakingitallin.(…)Itcanbelikethis[withsolarpanels]:“well,thatsoundsgood,but…we’llwait”.Butthenthere’salwayssomeonewhostartsintheend.Andifthere’sthisstreet–likeif someone on that street puts up solar panels, well, then the neighbours startlooking,and,like…“ifAnderssoncanputthemup,thenIguessitwasn’ttoobad…he’shadthemforayearnowandhe’sreallypleased.Well,IguessIdaretodoittoo,then”.AndthenAndersson[sic!]putsthemup,orJonasson.Okay–“nowbothofthemhaveputup[thesolarpanels,note],andthey’repleased.ThenI’llstart.”Orifone’sin-lawshaveputthemup,or…whenitcomesclose.(…)[S]oit’sprobablyto…helptofacilitate.Nottolecturepeople,Idon’tbelieveinthat.Butmore…tipsandadvice and… yeah, that one facilitates, that one prepares the ground. That itbecomeseasier(official,Örebromunicipality).

Itisalsoaboutchangingtheviewofwhatmightbeseenasagoodlivingstandardandencouragingcontentment,asillustratedbythisquote:

[I]returntothisSwedishexpressionof“lagom”38–whenisitgoodenough?Whendoesitbecome“lagom”inorderformetohaveadecentlygoodlifeandforotherstobeabletohaveitaswell?(…)[P]erhapswedon’tneedtolowerthestandardofliving but maybe we don’t need to buy so darn much, that is maybe what’simportantinagoodlivingstandard.Wehavesuchawfulamountsofthingsandwealmostthinkthatwegetabetterstandardoflivingifwegetridofalotofthings.Andtogetpeopleto…It’sprobablyaboutgettingpeopletobeabitmorecontent.(official,regionofVästraGötaland.)

Intermsofpotentialinthisarea,almostalloftheofficialswerecautiouslyoptimisticabout what they experienced as a change in the current Swedish debate aboutsustainability,wheremoreweightisalsoputontheculturalaspects.Thiscanalsobeseen in regard to consumption trends and culture, where changes in the publicdiscourse aroundsustainable consumption in recent years have served to steer thefocusmoretowardsthetotalvolumeofSwedishconsumptionandtheneedtoreduceit (and not, as earlier,mostly focusing on “choosing differently” and the productionprocessofdifferentproducts).AsignofthetimeswasthattheresearchinstituteHUIresearch(ownedbytheSwedishTradeFederation)appointedtherecycledgarmentas“Christmasgiftoftheyear”in2018(HUIResearch,2018).Thesameyearalsosawanincreasing interest (and more debates) in media about the environmentalconsequences of Black Friday-induced shopping and growing engagement incounteractionssuchasBuyNothingDay(seechapter1).TheFacebookgroupKöpfrittår2019(“Buy-freeyear2019”,previously2017and2018)hasgrownfromaround250members in March 2017 to over 2,400 members in November 2019. 39 An

38 Swedish expressionmeaning “to the appropriate extent; neither toomuch nor too little” (Svenskordbok,2009,owntranslation).39InformationfromgroupadministratorandtheFacebookgroup.

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intensificationoftheinterestinandconcernforclimatechangehasalsocontributedtochanged consumption patterns among Swedes. A recent survey done by WWF inSwedenshowedthattwooutoffiveSwedeshavereducedtheirconsumptionofmeatforclimatereasons,andthatoneoutoffourhadchosentorestricttheirflighttravel(WWF,2019).Thesamesurveyalsoshowedanincreasedsupportforstrongpoliticalmeasurestoaddresstheclimateissue,where67%statedthattheywantpoliticianstodoalotmore,ascomparedto58%in2018(ibid).Thetwofirstquartersof2019alsosaw a reduction in the number of passengers at Swedish airports, according to theSwedishTransportAgency.40In termsof the public debate in Sweden, an increasedinterest can be noted the last couple of years in narratives that strive towardssomethingotherthanmaterialbelongings,thatquestionthecurrentsystemandvaluesandtrytosearchforanewdirection.Thereisanongoingdebateaboutreducingouroverconsumption,ofattemptingtobecontentwithless,ofourexperiencesofhavingtoomuchstuff,andoffreeingourselvesfromthatsamestuff(seeforexampleAhlström,2017).SeveralbooksaimedatthegeneralpublichavealsobeenpublishedinSwedenin the last few years on topics ofdecluttering (Karlander, 2014;Magnusson,2018),consumptionhabits(Östberg&Graffman,2018),ourrelationshipwiththings(Brytting,2019; Zweigbergk et al., 2019) and about living a lifewith lessmaterial belongings(Byström&Ernfors,2017).Itshouldbesaidthatthisdebateisnotmainstream.Butitiscertainlygrowing.SomeoftheworkbeingdoneintheVästraGötalandregioncanbeclaimedtofallunderthe category of existing strategies and policy work that might work to support orfacilitateaculturalandnormativeshift.Theregionhasdevelopedamodelwithseveralvariablestobeusedforreportingprogressordevelopmentintheregion,aimingtogiveamoreholisticandnuancedpictureofsustainabledevelopment–definedas“thelong-termconditionsforthegoodlife”(VGRAnalys,2018,p.8).Intheirreportonsustainabledevelopmentintheregionfrom2018(VGRAnalys,2018),theyusedthismodelbasedoneconomic,socialandenvironmentalvariablestoanalysesustainabledevelopmentintheregion.Astudyhasalsobeendonebytheregionlookingintodifferentmeasuresonsubjectivewell-beingandhappinessandaimingtoprovideguidancetotheregiononwhatsteeringtowardsincreasedwell-beingmightmeaninthecontextofregionaldevelopment(official,VästraGötaland).Thefinalrecommendationsfromthisstudyareatfourdifferentlevels:toassignabiggerroletosubjectivewell-beingandhappinessin

40AccordingtotheSwedishTransportAgency,thefirstquarterof2019sawadecreaseinnumberofpassengersatSwedishairportsof4.5%,whichcorrespondsto378000lesspassengerscomparedto the same period in 2018 (Transportstyrelsen, 2019b). The second quarter of 2019 saw acontinueddecreaseinthenumberofpassengers,andmainlyintheareaofdomesticflights,withinwhich the number of passengers decreasedwith 10.9% compared to the same period in 2018(Transportstyrelsen,2019a).

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discussions about the development of society; to in different ways prepare theindividualinhabitantsintheregiontomakechoicesfortheirlivesthatmightleadtoahigher degree of well-being; to develop the society in a way that provides betterconditions forwell-being; and that different actors in society canwork to carefullyspreadamessageaboutwhat factors it is that increaseourwell-being(VGRAnalys,2019). Inmoredetail, the recommendations focusonthings like reducingeconomicinequalitiesandsocialandeconomicsegregation,developingamodelformonitoringthe inhabitants’ subjectivewell-being, putting thewell-being of children and youngpeopleatthecentreofattention,increasingthefocusonexperiencesandrelationsandshorteningworkinghours.Thestudyalsoprovidesapotential“finalmessage”fromtheresearchonhappinessandsubjectivewell-being that couldbedirected towards theinhabitantsofVästraGötaland:

Takeitalittleeasyinregardstoinvestingalotoftimeandresourcestoincreaseyourmaterialconsumption.Competitioninthatareadoesnotprovidemuch,really.Spendmoretimewithfamilyandfriends.Cultivateintereststhatdemandactiveengagementwithotherpeopleandthatprovidenewpossibilitiesandchallenges.Trustinothersandreciprocateothers’trustinyou.Trytofeelsecureaboutwhatyouyourself like.Trustyourownjudgmentanddon’tcaretoomuchaboutwhatothersthink.Don’tcompareyourselftoothersmorethannecessary(VGRAnalys,2019,pp.104–105,owntranslation).

Thismessage,thestudyconcludes,couldbespreadindifferentversionsbydifferentactors,as“acounterweighttothefocusonthesignificanceofconsumption,materialvalues,statusandcareerthatdominatetheimpressionsthattheinhabitantsmoreorlessareforcedtolivewithtoday”(VGRAnalys,2019,p.105,owntranslation).Giventhatthisisaveryrecentstudy,thereisnotanyavailableinformationonifandhowthismessagewillbespread.TheofficialfromtheVästraGötalandregioncommentedthatitis probable that this research on well-being will influence the new strategy fordevelopmentintheVästraGötalandregionthatisbeingdrawnupin2019-2020,butwasuncertainhowheavy itwouldweighagainst forexampleentrepreneurshipandcontinuedeconomicgrowth(official,theVästraGötalandregion).6.4 Concluding reflections Tosummarizethepicturepresentedinthischapter,theobstaclesobstructingamoresufficiency-orientedpoliticsandsocietyinSwedenarenumerous.Theymightroughlybecategorizedintoobstaclesoflock-instoanunsustainablestructure,businessmodels,lackofpoliticaldirectionandcleargoals,andnormsandculture.Someofthesemightbe addressedwith policymeasures,whereas otherswill demandmore overarchingstructuralchanges.Atthesametime,however,apotentialforatransitiontowardsmore

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sufficiency-orientedpolitics seems tooftenbe inherentwithin those sameelementswhichtodayconstituteconcreteobstaclestoadevelopmenttowardssufficiency.There is currently no strategy for sustainable consumption orwaste prevention inSweden that canbe said tobe completely sufficiency-oriented in thesense that it isbasedonalogicofsufficiency(seechapter2).Thatis,however,nottosaythatthereisnotworkgoingonatthenational,regionalandlocallevelsthatcanbesaidtobeaimingin that direction. One example is the ambitious strategy for climate consciousconsumptionandthewastepreventionworkinthecityofGothenburg.Thischapterhasalsoservedtorevealadiscrepancybetween,ontheonehand,thestrategiesforworkwithintheareasofsustainableconsumptionandwastepreventionaswellasthewordsbeing used to communicate that work, and, on the other hand, the analysis and“sufficiencythinking”ofmanyoftheofficialsworkingonimplementingthesestrategies.Itisclearfromthisstudythatseveraloftheofficialsandcivilsocietyrepresentativesinterviewedhaveananalysisofthesituation(i.e.oftherootcausesofourunsustainableconsumptionpatternsandwasteproduction)thattoalargeextentcanbesaidtobeinlinewithasufficiencyanalysis.Asshown,however,someofficialsfelttheneedto“coverup”thisanalysis(e.g.acritiqueofthegrowth-driveneconomyorknowledgeabouttheneedforanabsolutereductioninconsumptionvolume)withmore“harmless”termswhencommunicatingtheworkbeingdonebothexternallyandinternally.Thiswasingeneraldone inorder toavoiddisputeswithotheractorsorbeingperceivedas too“radical” and in thatwayhindering cooperation (whichwas identifiedas crucial formovingforward).This chapter points to the complexity of both the mechanisms in place today thatobstruct a turn towards more sufficiency-oriented politics, and the measures andchanges needed to realize that turn. From a sufficiency perspective there aremanysignstobefoundofagrowingcriticisminthepublicdebateofthedownsidestoourconsumerist-oriented ways, and also signs of a shift in norms and behaviour, as aresponse toagrowingconcern for the climate (seemore in theupcomingchapter).Seedsofsufficiencyarethustobefoundinseveralplaces,butthereseemstobealackofpoliticalwillandinteresttosetoutacleardirectionthatsteerstowardsapoliticsthatmightmakethoseseedsgrowandflourish.Thenextchapterwilllookmorecloselyatthepotentialformoresufficiency-orientedpoliticsinSwedenandsuggestsomepossiblestepsinthatdirection.

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7. Moving towards sufficiency Theprevious chaptergaveanoverviewofvariousongoingactivities in theareasofsustainableconsumptionandwastepreventionatthenational,regionalandlocallevelsinSweden.Fromasufficiencyperspectivetherearecertainlysometrendsthatcanbeidentifiedaspromising,butitisalsoobviousfromthismappingthattherearealotofobstaclesblocking theway towardsapolitics that aimsat and succeeds innotonlyreducingmaterialconsumption,butalsoturningtowardsanoverallmoresufficiency-orientedsocietyandculture.Thischapterreturnstothefindingsfromthetwopracticecase studies (chapters 4 and 5) and the study of ongoing work within sustainableconsumptionandwastepreventioninSweden(chapter6)anddiscussestheseagainstthebackdropofthetheoreticalframeworkinchapter2.Thisisdoneinordertoanswertheanalyticalresearchquestionsofthisthesis,namely:whatcanthecasestudiessayaboutthedevelopmentofa“senseofsufficiency”amongaffluentconsumersandaboutthe potential for sufficiency-related practices to grow; and how can planning andpoliticsfacilitateatransitiontowardsamoresufficiency-orientedsocietyandwayoflife? Following these discussions, the main conclusions of this thesis are thensummarized and presented in the next and final chapter in order to answer theoverarching question of this thesis, namely how an affluent society can orient itselftowardssufficiency.7.1 The importance of words and measures AcentralaspectoflookingintothepotentialforsufficiencypoliticsinSwedenistolookatthewordsbeingusedtotalkaboutmaterialconsumption.Thestatementsquotedinchapter6bytwoofficialsregardingthechoicetocommunicate“wastereduction”and“changed consumption” instead of “reducing consumption” both in internal andexternal communication point to ways of talking around the problem ofoverconsumptioninordertonotupsetpotentialcooperationpartnersoractorswithpolitical andeconomic influence.Within thepublic/political sphere, then, at least, itseemsthatto“geteveryoneonboard”isprioritizedoverspeakingclearly.ThecaseoftheSwedishgovernment’s2017“Strategyforsustainableconsumption”mayservetoillustratethis.Ontheonehand,itcanbeseenasquiteanambitiousstepinthepolicyarena.Ontheotherhand,itleavesalottowishforfromasufficiencyperspective–themostobviousthingbeingthat thestrategydoesnotspecifically target thevolumeof

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consumptionandtheneedtoreduceit(DiGiulio&Fuchs,2014;Spangenberg,2018).41This need is rather expressed more indirectly through the aims presented for theprolongationofthedurabilityofproductsandinsupportofpolicymeasurestofacilitatecollaborativeeconomy initiatives,wastepreventionand re-useofproducts,but it isneverexplicitlyaddressed.TheaveragelevelofSwedishconsumptionisaddressedasproblematic in regard to sustainability, but the failure to mention the need of areductioninoverallconsumptioncannotbeseenasveryambitious.Itfurtherresultsinastrategythatlacksclarityinregardtogoals,somethingthatisworthpointingoutastheformulationofambitiousandcleargoalsissomethingthatwasaskedforbyseveraloftheofficialsinterviewed.TonotmentionconsumptionreductionasagoalalsocausesconsequencesinrelationtoconflictsofinterestsbetweendifferentactorsengagedintheissuesinSweden,manyofwhichclearlyseeandhighlighttheurgentneedtotargetthevolumeofconsumptionwhereasothersdisagreeandprefertosteerawayfromtheissueofreducedconsumption.Aclearlydefinedtargetorgoalfromthegovernmentinthismatterwouldalsoprovidedirection for thoseactorswhoarguethat there isnoneedtoreducematerialconsumptionand/ordrasticallychangepatternsofproductionandconsumption.Topoliticallysteerthemarketinanotherdirectionthanthecurrentmarketlogicofsellingmoreandmorenewlyproducedmaterialgoodsistogiveaclearsignaltocompaniesthattheirbusinessmodelsneedupdating(Reichel,2018).Another way that the words and indicatorsmatter is in what is given weight andpoliticalpriority.Someoftheobstaclesidentifiedmightbetargetedinpartbypoliciessteeringthepoliticallandscapesomewhatawayfromtheoverallobjectiveofeconomicgrowth.Onepoliticalmeasureinthisareacanbetheintroductionofdifferentwaysofmeasuring welfare and progress in a society (Jackson, 2009b), such as the GrossNationalHappinessindexinBhutan(OxfordPoverty&HumanDevelopmentInitiative,n.d.),orthenewLivingStandardsFrameworkrecentlyintroducedinNewZealandthatwill measure progress with well-being indicators (The Treasury, 2018). Thedevelopmentofindicatorsotherthaneconomicgrowthtobeusedtomeasuresocietaldevelopmentandprosperity,onanationalaswellasaregionallevel,showsanambitiontolookbeyondeconomicgrowthandtoconsiderothermeasuresofprogressaswell.Signalsfromthenationalpoliticallevelaboutwideningtheperspectiveofgoalstowardswhichsocietyshouldaim-suchastheSwedishgovernment’sintroductionin2017ofnewcomplementaryindicatorstomeasureprosperity(Proposition2016/17:100,2017)-mightcontributetochangingthepoliticsonthelocallevelaswell.Itishoweverofcrucialimportancethattheindicators–apartfrombeingmonitoredcontinuously–arealsogivenequalweightwhensettingthepoliticalagendaandthattheyarefollowedbyapoliticsactuallystrivingtowards–andshowing-progressinalltheareasofinterest.

41 This has also been pointed out by others, see Lerpold & Sjöberg (2016) for critique against thestrategy’slackofabravevisioninregardtoreducingconsumption(Lerpold&Sjöberg,2016).

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Thesenewindicators,especiallywhenconnectedtoavisionofabetterlife(asintheregionofVästraGötaland),mightplayaroleasthekindof“symbolicpolitics”discussedbySchneidewind&Zahrnt(2014,p.50)-apoliticsthatcancontributetoaculturewitha different understanding of the ‘good life’ and help realizeways of living that aredifferent from the business-as-usual one. When it comes to politics in the VästraGötalandregion,VGRAnalys(2019)suggestsafewthingsthatashiftoffocustowardsthesubjectivewell-beingandhappinessof theregion’s inhabitantscouldresult in:astronger focus on equity and limiting economic and social segregation, a focus onrelationsandexperiencesratherthanmaterialconsumption,greaterweightbeingputonhighereducation,agradualreductioninthenumberofworkinghours,andthelivesandconditionsofchildrenandyouthbeingputatthecentreoffocus(VGRAnalys,2019).Suchashiftinwhatisseenasthecrucialmeasuresofprogressanddevelopmentand,hence, inwhat thepolitics and the society shouldaim towards, sends signals to thecitizensaboutwhatisbeingprioritizedandvaluedinsociety.Asafinalnoteinrelationtotheimportanceofwords,itisworthmentioningdifferentstrategieswhen it comes to talkingaboutmore sustainableorsufficient lifestyles.Acommonstrategywhenpromotingmoresustainablelifestylesistopaintsuchlifestylesinapositivelightbyhighlightingwhatsuchalifestyleimpliesmoreof,suchasmorebikingandahealthierdietwithmorevegetables,insteadoffocusingonwhatneedstobereduced, in thiscasecar transportandmeatconsumption.This ispointedoutbyBernstadSaraiva&Andersson(2017),whoconcludefromtheirstudyofmunicipalities’workonsustainableconsumptionthat“[i]talsogenerallyseemseasiertocommunicate“choose something else” (the bike, solar power or goods that are environmentallycertified or reused) than “choose to not consume”” (Bernstad Saraiva&Andersson,2017, p. 51, own translation). This type of approach was often mentioned by theofficialswhowantedtounderlinetheimportanceofmakingiteasyanddesirabletodotherightthingintheirworkforsustainableconsumptionorwasteprevention,likethisofficialattheSwedishConsumerAgency:

(…) for example, information in itself, to the effect that “ifwe just explain howthingsare,peoplewillchange”–it’saverysimplifiedpictureanditdoesn’tseemtoworklikethat(…).[I]nformationassuchisimportantbutitisnotthemostefficienttool toreachbehaviouralchange. It shouldalsobeeasy todo theright thing. Itshouldn’tbedifficult,[forjust]afewchosenoneswhoarededicated,butitshouldreallybethefirst-handalternative,thefirst…theeasiestway(official,theSwedishConsumerAgency).

Alloftheofficialsandthecivilsocietyrepresentativescaninthissensebesaidtoagreeontheimportanceofmakingsustainablechoicesmoreattractiveandeasy,suggestinga focus on “greening” the systems of provision to facilitate for more sustainablepractices(Spaargaren,2003).

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As important as this positive approachmight bewhen it comes to attractingmorepeople to more sufficient ways of living, it can be argued that a more restrictiveapproach–withalanguagefocusedonless,i.e.reducingorlimitingcertainbehavioursortypesofconsumption-isjustasimportant,ifnotmore,inthecontextofanurgentneedtoactuallyreduceconsumption.FollowingPrincen’s(2005)argumentthatthereis a need for a new logic of sufficiency - of guiding principles that embody socialrestraintsasananswertoecologicalconstraints-itcanbearguedthattheresimilarlyis aneed foranewlanguage thatpresents those restraintsas somethingpositive, alanguagethatcanbepartofcreatingaculturethatvaluessocialandecologicallimitsassomethingtorespectandgetinspiredby.Inthewesternworld,limitshaveforalongtime been seen as something to be overcome, and frontiers as something to beexpanded (Princen, 2005). To challenge this view and instead choose to speakpositivelyabouttherestraintinitselfisonewaytochangethatunderstanding.Thiscanbe seen in some of theongoing projectswithin sustainable consumption andwasteprevention that are mentioned in chapter 6, albeit often parallel to a focus on thepositive “more of” approach.One example is theMinimizingMasters project in theGothenburgregion,wherethefocusisonreducingthewasteasmuchaspossibleandwhere one method of doing so is to have a buy nothing month, i.e. restrictingconsumption.AnotherexampleistheF/ACTproject,acollaborationprojectfinancedbytheregionofVästraGötalandandothers(describedinchapter6),whosepointofdepartureisthattheparticipantsarenottobuyanynewclothesforsixmonths.Thewaythattheseprojectsstartfromrestraint,theneedtoreduce,anda“ban”onshopping,andpaintthesethingsinapositivelightbyconnectingthemtocreativity–withverypositive results among the participants - shows that there is a lot of potentialattractivenessintheideaofrestrictionsthemselves.Similarresultscanbeseenamongthe buy-nothing practitioners interviewed in this study, many of whom came toexperiencethe(self-)imposedrestraintsasliberating.Thedecisiontonotbuywasatfirstoftenseenasanobstacle,assomethingtrickyto“getaround”– forexamplebyfinding other ways such as borrowing or mending – but with time it allowed theinformantstobreakfreefromtheconsumeristexpectationsandnormsaswellasfromoldhabits(suchasforexamplepassingthroughstoresorshoppingmallsasameansofdistractionortokilltime),whichinturnledtoexperiencesoflessstressandincreasedwell-being. When it comes to the KonMariers, their practice did not imply any(self-)imposedrestriction.However,onevoluntarydecisionthatdevelopedovertimeasaresultoftheirKonMaripractice-tonotbuyanythingthatdidnotsparkjoyinthem–almostcametofunctionasarestrictioneventhoughitdoesnotseemtohavebeenexperiencedasone.Ratheritseemedtohavebeenexperiencedasakindofincreasedlackofinterestinthingsthatdidnotsparkjoy,resultinginlessimpulsiveshoppingandseeminglylessinterestinshoppingoverall(amongthosewhohadbeeninterestedinit).Similartotheexperiencesinthebuy-nothinggroup,thisincreasedlackofinterestwasingeneralexperiencedassomethingliberating.Inthiscontextitfurtherservesto

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mentionsomethingaboutMarieKondo’sviewonrestrictions,hereinrelationtolimitedspacewhichshewroteaboutinanInstagrampost:“Peopleareoftensurprisedtohearthatit’seasiertostorethingswhenspaceislimited,butIbelieverestrictionsforceourbrainstothinkatfullcapacity,whichhelpsuscreatebetterstorage”(Kondo,2019)–aquotethatcanservetohighlightthecreativepowerofrestrictionspointedoutbySachs(2015).Sufficiency thinking wrapped into “harmless” words One noteworthy result from the interviews with the officials (chapter 6) is theconclusionthatseveralofthemseemedtohaveideasandanalysesverymuchinlinewith a sufficiency perspective both in regard to the analysis of the causes of over-consumptionandtowhatisneededtodoinordertodrasticallyreduceconsumptionandwaste.Theseideaswere,however,ingeneralnotcommunicatedstraight-forwardlybutratherwrappedintomoremainstreamwordingandlesspoliticallychargedterms.Forexample,oneofficialreportedthattheworkgrouphaddecidedtousethewords“changedconsumption” insteadof“reducedconsumption”,sincethelatter tendedtoprovokesomepeople.Otherstalkedaboutthefocusoneconomicgrowthasanobstacleontheroadtoamoresustainablesociety,butconsideringittobeatoolargesystemicobstacle, itwas (outwards) rather framed in talkingabout forexample theneed formoresustainablecircularbusinessmodelstoreplacethelinearone.Eventhoughseveraloftheofficialsfeltaneedtorefrainfromspeakinga“languageofsufficiency”,thepresenceofasufficiencyperspectiveamongseveraloftheofficialscanbe interpreted as utopias in the way Sargisson (2007) presents them - as politicalspaces embedded in larger political processes. Ideas of sufficiency - when presentamongpublicofficialsresponsibleforcarryingoutpoliciesforsustainableconsumptionandwastepreventionaswellasworkingtodevelopnewones-mightcertainlyfunctionasutopiasinthesenseofidentifyingflawsinthecurrentpoliticsandgesturingtowardssomethingbetter(thatis,moresufficiency-orientedpolitics),thusgiving“thepoliticalasenseofdirection”(Sargisson,2007,p.41).Onthistopic,Hysing&Olsson(2018)havedescribedhowpublicofficialswhoarepersonallycommittedtotheagendasofgreennetworks can act as “green inside activists” to push the sustainable developmentagendawithin public organizations in differentways. Hysing & Olsson put forwardtheoreticalargumentsfortheideathattheactivitiesofgreeninsideactivistsmightovertimeinfluenceattitudesandnormstowardsamoreacceptingviewofradicalideasandfurtherdiscuss,onbasisoftheirownresearch,howthegreeninsideactivistscanworktoachievegradualinstitutionalchangeby“expandingpoliticalagency inanumberofrespects and by exploiting institutional ambiguities that continuously arise as

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opportunitiesforchange”(Hysing&Olsson,2018,p.168,emphasisinoriginal).Theyarguethattherearedifferentwaystoexpandthepoliticalagencyandinorderforittobeaccomplished inanefficientway, itneedstoalsobecomprehensive, forexamplethroughseekingcooperationandcoalitionswithlike-mindedpeopleandfightingforspecificvalues(Hysing&Olsson,2018).Thisisnottoclaimthatthisiswhattheofficialsinterviewedinthisstudyaredoing,butrathertopointtoonepossiblewayinwhichutopiasaspoliticalspacesembedded in largerpoliticalprocesses (Sargisson,2007)mighttakeshapeinpractice.7.2 To refrain from taking Tracingbacktothediscussiononjusticeandresponsibilityinconnectiontosufficiencyinchapter2,thecollectiveresponsibilityto“refrainfromtaking”wasidentifiedasanimportantpartoftheresponsibilityforsufficiencythatfallsontheaffluentoftheworldtoshoulder.Thisresponsibilitycan,inturn,beframedbothatanindividuallevelandatthelevelofsociety.Nomatterwhatlevel,however,itwillmostlikelybeeasiertoshoulderinthepresenceofasenseofsufficiency.So,whatcanbelearntfromthecasestudiespresentedhereandfromtheresearchasawholeinregardstothepotentialfordevelopmentofasenseofsufficiencyamongconsumersinanaffluentcontext?Lessons on sense of sufficiency Thediscussionaboutadevelopmentofasenseofsufficiencyinchapter5focusedontheprocessofmovingfromasenseof“toomuchness”or“enoughness”(Princen,2005)toasenseof“goodandenough”.ManyoftheKonMarierscandefinitelybeclaimedtohaveexperiencedsuchasenseof“toomuchness”,simplybeingtiredofhavingtoomuchstuffandclutterintheirhomes.ProceedingintheirKonMaripracticeofdiscarding,theycametorecognizethatmanyofthethingstheyalreadyhadmadethemsatisfiedand,eventually, that their interest in searching fornew things faded. Severalof thebuy-nothingpractitionersalsostartedoffwithafeelingoftoomuchnessorenoughness,notonlyinthesensethatwhattheyalreadyhadintermsofmaterialthingswasenough,ormorethanenough,butoftenalsoinregardtotheoverallfocusonconsumptionandtheconsumeristcultureinthesociety.Otherscametorealizeinthecourseoftheirpracticethat they managed well enough without buying new things, and that they did notparticularlymissbeingabletodoso.Asarguedpreviouslyinchapter5,thesenseofliberationexperiencedbyinformantsinbothgroupsislikelytohavecontributedtothe

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development of a sense of sufficiency, together with other positive effects such asincreasedwell-beingandmoretime.Anotherdimensionofdevelopingasenseofsufficiencyisthatitcanalsobeaprocessofrecognizingtheresponsibilityforsufficiencyonehasasanaffluent individual.Thatrecognitioncanofcoursedeveloplongbeforeonedecidestoactivelydosomethingtoshoulderthatresponsibility,asinthecasewithseveralofthebuy-nothingpractitionerswhodecidedtoundertaketheirpracticemainlyforenvironmentalandpoliticalreasons.But itcanalsodevelopanddeepen inparallelwiththepractice.All thebuy-nothingpractitioners that mainly had started their practices for reasons other thanenvironmental and political ones mentioned that one positive result of their non-consumptionwasthatitfeltgoodtolivemoresustainably.ThiswasalsomentionedasapositiveresultbyseveraloftheKonMariers,whoexplainedthattheshametheycouldfeelaboutall theirpreviousunnecessaryconsumptionwhenconfrontedwithall thethingstobediscarded,wascompensatedinpartovertimeby,orexchangedfor,asenseofcontentmentastheyrealizedthattheynolongerfeltastrongurgetoshopandthattheir practice had resulted in an overall reduced consumption. To recognize thisresponsibilitymayfurtherstrengthenthepotentialofpermanentingthemoresufficientconsumption behaviour, which in the case of the KonMariers would meanmovingtowards a more voluntary and intentional approach to sufficiency in materialconsumptionincontrasttotheirunintentionalentry.The issue of recognizing the responsibility for sufficiency further connects to theconceptofmindfulconsumption,withinwhichacaringmindset(toself,communityandnature) translates to temperance in consumer behaviour (Sheth et al., 2011). Assuggestedinchapter5,severaloftheKonMariersmighthavetemperedtheirconsumerbehaviourbecausetheynoticedthatsuchtemperanceincreasedtheirwell-being.Theymightthushavedoneitoutofcareforthemselves.However,astheabovediscussionsuggest,severaloftheKonMarierssuggestedfeelingbetterabouthavingreducedtheirconsumptionbecauseofsustainabilityreasons,whichwasalsothecase for thebuy-nothing practitioners who were primarily motivated by other reasons thanenvironmentalconcerns.Thisinturnsuggestsacaringmindsetalsoinregardtonatureand,tosomeextent,community.Returning to Soper’s (2008,2017) concept of alternative hedonism, the informants’processesofdevelopingasenseofsufficiencyhighlighttheimportanceoffocusingonotherpleasuresthanthoseprovidedbyconsumption.Inexperiencingthebenefitsof,forexample,moretime,savedmoney,lessstressandincreasedwell-beingandsenseofcontrol,theinformantswentthroughachangeintheirattitudestowardsconsumptionaswellastheirconsumptionbehaviourthatseemedtosomeextenttoalsogenerateadisaffectionwiththeirearlierconsumptionbehaviour(inthecasesthat theydidnot

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alreadyexperiencesuchadisaffection).Soperarguesthatsucha“disenchantmentofconsumerism”(Soper,2008,p.571)ishighlysignificantwhenitcomestochangingtheconsumeristculturetoonethatismoreecologicallyandsociallysustainable.Shouldering the individual responsibility Regardingtheindividualresponsibilityforsufficiency,itcanbeseenastwofold.Itisclearfromtheoverviewofinitiativesandworkintheareasofsustainableconsumptionandwaste prevention that the politicalwheels are turning too slowly, at least on anationallevel,tobesaidto“leadtheway”towardsareducedmaterialconsumptionandamoreoverallsufficiency-orientedsociety.Inlightofthis,theindividualresponsibilitycanbearguedtohavean“articulated”anda“silent”side,respectively.The“articulated”sideistopushforpoliticalchangetowardssufficiencythroughdifferentformsofcitizenaction.The“silent”sideoftheresponsibilityismoreinlinewiththe“steppingback”approachinthesensethatitisaboutreducingone’sownoccupancyofenvironmentalspace.Thewithdrawalfromthatspacecaninturnsignal–tootherindividualsaswellastocompaniesandpoliticians-adecreaseddemandfor,orsimplyalackofinterestin,materialconsumptionaswellasotherunsustainablepractices.Thismightbeseenassimply a symbolic gesture if done by one single individual, butmight also grow toinspireothersandchangenotonlyourunderstandingofwants,butalsonormsandbehaviourrelatedtoconsumption.Even though often starting from a position of environmentally and/or politicallymotivatednon-consumption,thebuy-nothingpractitionersdidnotingeneral(withafewexceptions)aimforpublicattentionorforrecruitingmorepeopletotheirpractice.Rather,theysawitasanindividualpracticeeventhoughmanyofthemoftendiscusseditwithfamily,friendsandcolleagues.Ingeneral,theycanbesaidtofitintotheapproachof“steppingback”fromapartoftheexcessenvironmentalspacetheyoccupiedand,inthatway,signallingtoothersthatonecanalsoliveperfectlywell–inmanycasesevenbetter–whenrefrainingfrombuyingnewstuff.Inthecaseswherethepractitionerscan be said to have beenmore outspoken – mainly through social media but alsothroughmoretraditionalchannelssuchaspublishingabookabouttheexperience-ithasstillnotbeenan“articulated”wayofshoulderingtheresponsibilityofsufficiencyinthesensethatithasnotprimarilyaddressedpoliticiansandotherdecision-makersbutratherotherindividuals.Suchanapproachcan,ontheotherhand,bearguedtobeanarticulated way to work for a cultural shift in regard to people’s view on materialconsumption,whichinturnpavesthewayforagreateracceptanceofmorepoliticallyarticulatedwork. In relation to changing social norms and potential social “tippingpoints”,Nyborgetal. (2016)arguethathumanbehaviour isaffectedbyhowpeople

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expectotherstobehaveandthink.Peopleoftenprefertobehaveinasimilarwayasmostothers,andchangedexpectationsaboutothers’behaviourcanthereforeproducebehaviouralchanges(Nyborgetal.,2016),andmightserveto“unlock”unsustainableconsumptionpractices(Sahakian,2017).Anotherwaytoexpressthearticulatedsideofone’sresponsibilitycouldbetoengage inoneof thecivilsocietyorganizationsornetworksthatactivelyworktomakepeoplereflectontheirconsumptionandtoputpressure on politicians to, for example,work for stricter producer responsibilityorfacilitatepracticesofsharing.LackingpoliticalmotivationsforstartingtheirKonMaripractice,itcanbearguedthatmostoftheKonMariers–asopposedtothemajorityofthebuy-nothingpractitioners-had not reflected on their individual responsibility for sufficiency. However, byintentionallypracticingthemethodanddiscardingtheirbelongings,theygraduallyalsobecamelessinterestedinbuyingnewthingsandconsequentlywithdrew–silently-abitfromtheiroccupiedenvironmentalspacebyreducingtheirmaterialconsumption.Itcanbequestionedwhetherornotthisisashoulderingoftheindividualresponsibilityforsufficiency,consideringthatitistoalargeextentdoneunintentionally.Theabovediscussion on sense of sufficiency suggests, however, that recognizing thatresponsibility isaprocess,which in turnpoints to thepossibilityof thatrecognitionovertimeturningintoanintentionalshouldering.Now,affluentindividualscertainlyhavearesponsibilitytostepbackfromtheexcessenvironmentalspacethattheyoccupyandtheycanchoosetodosopartlyvoluntarily,for example through reducing their material consumption. However, as affluentindividualsarelockedintoafundamentallyunsustainablesystem,individualchoicesintermsoflifestylescanbedifficultand,more importantly,willnotbeenough.This iswherethesocietal,orcollective,responsibilitycomesintothepicture.7.3 Towards a more sufficiency-oriented politics in Sweden Theoverviewofongoingactivitiesand initiatives in chapter6 showed that there iscertainlypotentialtobefoundforasufficiency-orientedturnoftheSwedishsociety.Several suggestionswere presentedon how to strengthen theongoingworkwithinsustainable consumption and waste prevention, as well as to remove some of theobstacles experienced in those areas. In this section, I revisit the framework for apoliticsforsufficiencypresentedinchapter2anduseitasabackdropforadiscussionabout this ongoing work. The framework highlighted four elements, or “lessens”,identifiedbySchneidewind&Zahrnt(2014)atthecoreofsuchapolitics:lessspeed(intime), less distance (closer andmore clear), less clutter (simpler and fewermaterial

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things)andlessmarket(asinalternativewaysofprovidingforoneself)(Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014,p.50,ref.toSachs).Theseareallverymuchconnectedtoeachother,butconsideringthatthefocushereisonsufficiencyrelatedtomaterialconsumption,this discussion will first and foremost treat the “lessens” of ‘less clutter’ and ‘lessmarket’.Inthefollowing,Ifirstsuggestspecificpolicymeasuressummarizinganddevelopingpartsofthesuggestionspresentedinchapter6.Thesearemeasuresthatindifferentways may facilitate individual entries into more sufficient consumption practices,whetherthoseentriesareintentionalorunintentional.Theyshouldbeunderstoodaspossibletointroduceinthesystemasoftoday,recognizingatthesametimethelimitsofthatunsustainablesystemwhenitcomestotargetingandminimizingunsustainablewaysofconsumption.Thesewillthenbefollowedbyadiscussionaboutmoreprofoundchangesneededatthestructurallevel.Suggested policy measures to facilitate individual entries into sufficiency Sinceseveralofthepolicymeasuressuggestedbytheofficialsthroughoutchapter6,canbeappliedto facilitateboth intentionalandunintentionalentries, this isa listofsuggested policy measures for overall facilitation of individual entries into moresufficientconsumptionpractices.Asmentioned, thesepolicymeasures,basedonthefindings and suggestions presented in the governance case study, are suggested inordertofacilitatesufficiency-relatedpracticesinSwedentoday.A green tax shift which implies that environmentally damaging activities are taxedhigheratthesametimeasloweringthetaxonservicessuchasrepairingcouldservetomake it cheaperand easier to repair the thingsoneowns. If combinedwith furthermeasurestopromoterepairingservices,thiscouldhelpbothtonormalizethepracticeof repairing one’s things (attractiveness) and to make the service more financiallyavailable tomorepeople(feasibility). Ifcombinedwithpricemechanismsthatmaketheproductionofgoodscarryitstruesocialandecologicalcosts,reparationcouldalsobemaderelativelycheaperincomparisonwithreplacingtheolditemorgarmentwithanewone.Greentaxationisacommonlysuggestedpolicymeasureforsteeringtowardsmore sustainable consumption and has also been used by the former and currentSwedish governments.What a sufficiency perspective can add to the discussion ongreentaxesisanexpansionoftheviewofwhatenvironmentallydamagingactivitiesshouldbetargeted.Asanexample,Mastini&Rijnhout(2018)arguethattheuseofa‘progressiveVAT’fortaxingluxuryandresource-intensivegoodshigherthaneverydaydemanded goods would help targeting the so-called conspicuous, or positional,

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consumption(Mastini&Rijnhout,2018).Anotherdimensionistointroducedifferentialtaxation on goods and services related to their durability and harmfulness to theenvironmentandhealth(ibid).Tolowertaxesonmoredurableproductsisconnectedto the need for other policy measures, namely stronger regulations on productsustainabilityandanextendedproducerresponsibilitythattoalargerextentprotectstheconsumer’s rights in terms ofwarranties and “burden of proof” in cases regardingcomplaints about product quality. Such strengthening of the regulations wouldstimulate the designof products that are essentiallymade to last, and alsoofmorecircularly designed products where parts and pieces can be replaced and repairedinsteadofreplacingawholeproduct.ItwaspointedoutbyseveraloftheofficialsthattheseregulationsprobablyneedtobesetattheEUlevel,somethingthattheinquiryoncirculareconomyrecommendedtheSwedishgovernmenttopromote.Manyofficialspointedtotheneedtoimprovethelocalcoordinationofactivitieswithinmunicipalwaste prevention and promotion of sustainable consumption in order tocreatepositivesynergyeffects.Inordertoavoidworkingin“silos”andratherstimulatemutuallearningfrombestpractices,themunicipalunitsengagedintheseareashavemuchtogainfrommorecollaboration.Municipalities can look into thepossibilityofprovidingdecluttering coaches tohelpindividualsandfamiliesthatwishtocleanouttheirhomes.Thisconceptcan,justlikethe“wastepreventioncoaches”suggestedbyanofficial,buildontheconceptofenergyadvisorsthatalreadyexistsinSwedishmunicipalities.Theitemsandclothesdiscardedinthesedeclutteringsessionscanthenpreferablybebroughttoapublicareaassignedtosharing/upcycling/repairing,sothatthedeclutterersandthemunicipalservice inturn contribute tobroadening the supplyof second-handgoods in themunicipality.Connectedtothisistheneedformoreinvestmentsinurbancommonsandprovisionofpublicplacesforpracticessuchassharing,repairingetc.Thiswouldservetodecreasetheinfluenceofthemarketatthesametimeasencouragingindividualstobecomemorecitizensthanconsumers.Itiscrucialthatthedeclutteringprocessalsobefollowedupwithdiscussionsandreflectionsontheresultsandexperiencesinordertoanchortheparticipantsintheprocessandpreventtheriskofreboundeffectssuchasincreasedshopping as an effect of the freed space. If possible, the decluttering and wastepreventioncoachescanworktogethertominimizetherisksofreboundeffects.Efforts could bemade to increase the use of nudging42 consumerswith the aim ofmakingthemchoosetorefrainfrombuyingsomethingnewandinsteadgettingholdoftheneeded iteminanotherway. It ishoweverdifficult toseehowthismaybedone

42 Nudging can be explained as interventions to the choice architecture and environment aimed atalteringpeople’sbehaviour(Lehner,Mont,&Heiskanen,2016).

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insidestoreswheretheshoppingisusuallycarriedout,seeingashowthecompaniesmightnotthemselvesbeinterestedinsuchnudging.Onesuggestioncouldbetomakerepairservicesandswappingplaceseasilyaccessiblenearbywherepeopleliveand/orat shopping centres. This kind of intervention might also serve to point out tocompaniesthattheyneedtorethinktheirbusinessmodelandperhapsprovideotherservices.When communicating with inhabitants, municipalities and regions can choose toencourageactivitiesandvaluesotherthanconsumption,suchasspendingtimewithfamily and friends and engaging oneself in the local community. This can also befacilitated by local and regional authorities supporting for example local culturalarrangements thatofferexperienceswithoutencouragingmaterial consumption.Byhighlightingthejoysofnon-consumptionandsufficiency-relatedpracticesratherthanexplicitlytellingpeopletoconsumeless,morepeoplemightfeelinclinedtospendtheirtimeandmoneyonotheractivities(ref.“alternativehedonism”bySoper,2008).Thereisalsopotentialtobefoundinthiskindoflocalarrangementsinhowtheymayleadbyexample,exemplifiedbytheculturalfestivalarrangedbytheCityofGothenburgeachyear(Kulturkalaset).Thefestivalaimstobefreefromsingle-useitemsbytheyear2021and therefore encourages visitors to bring their own lunch boxes (official, SwedishWasteManagementAssociation).Shouldtheparalleltrendsofanti-consumerism,declutteringandminimalismcontinuetogrowandbecomemoremainstream,boththeneedandthepotentialforharnessingthesynergyeffectsbetweenthemwillmostprobablyincrease.TheKonMarimethodaswellasotherdiscardinganddeclutteringmethodssimplyresultinagreatamountofclothes,furniture,accessories,householditemsandsoonnolongerbeingdesiredbytheirowners.Anincreaseinthistypeofextensivediscardingthereforeconstitutesapotentialproblemforthewastemanagementsystem.However,iflocalauthoritiesandorganizationscanmanagetofindmoreeasilyaccessiblewaystofacilitatesharingandreusing(includingdigitalization),these itemscan findnewhomesamongthosewhoactivelychoosetodecreasetheirconsumptionofnewthings.Itisalsorecommendedtofacilitatepossibilitiesforrecycling,especiallyforhouseholdsthatlackaccesstoacar.Thedistancetorecyclingfacilitiesaswellasthelackofpossibilitiesfordonatingone’sthingstocharitiesorsecond-handshopswerementionedasobstaclesbysomeoftheKonMarierswholivedinsmallertownsorinthecountryside.

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Prevent clutter from developing SeveralofthemeasuresthatSchneidewindandZahrnt(2014)pointoutasimportantparts of apolitics of less – related to less clutter – aremeasures that are discussedand/orpartlyimplementedinSwedentodayinthemunicipalitiesandregionsmappedin this study. That is true for the role of public procurement in ensuring theprioritizationofqualityanddurabilityandforpoliticalmeasuressupportingrepairsandreuseofproducts.ThecityofGothenburgaswellastheregionofVästraGötalandshowambitiouswork intheareaofpublicprocurement,oneexamplebeingthetwoframework agreements that are beingdeveloped inGothenburg for procurement ofreused and circular office furniture, respectively (official, city of Gothenburg). TheSwedishConsumerAgencyalsohasanimportantroleinregardtoinformingconsumersaboutthedurabilityofproductsandthegovernmenthasbeenrecommendedtotakefurtherstepstostrengthenproducerresponsibilityandworktowardsrulesthatcanpromotemoresustainableproductdesign,preferablyontheEU level(SOU2017:22,2017).InconnectiontowhatSchneidewindandZahrntlabelasthestartingpointforapoliticsofless–“nottoallowcluttertodevelopinthefirstplace”(Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014,p. 61), the importance of setting clear and ambitious goals as well as investing inmeasuresforwastepreventionneedstobeunderlinedhere.Theoverviewofactivitiesand strategies in this areapointed toobstacles in the formof lackof clarityboth innationalgoalsandintermsoftheresponsibilityandroleofthemunicipalitiesinthework to preventwaste. The latter is alsodirectly linked tomodes of fundingwasteprevention activities at a municipal level, where there is consensus among theinterviewed officials that municipalities should be allowed to finance this type ofactivitiesandprojectswiththerevenuesfromthemunicipalrefusecollectioncharge.This isalsotherecommendationgiventothegovernmentbythe inquiryoncirculareconomy(SOU2017:22,2017).Atthesametimeaspointingtotheseobstacles,however,alloftheinterviewedofficialsmentionedwastepreventionasanareathatcarrieslotsofpotentialintermsofaimingatreducingmaterialconsumption.Thispotentialseemspartlytobeconnectedtotheperception of waste prevention as a politically less sensitive issue than directdiscussionsaboutreductionoftheconsumptionvolume.Furthermore,experiencefromprojects within the municipality’s own activities (City of Gothenburg) and projectstargeted at households (such as theMinimizing Masters, Gothenburg region) showimpressiveresultsintermsoftheactualreductionofwasteaswellasrelatedchangesin procurement routines (municipal activities) and consumption behaviour(households)(officials,cityofGothenburg,GothenburgregionandtheSwedishWasteManagement Association). It is thus an area where the most significant obstacles

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identifiedmight quite easily be overcomeby changing regulations andwhere theremightbegreatbenefitstobereapedifothermunicipalitiesandregionscouldcopytheinitiativesandprojectsbeingdone.Therearegroundsforbelievingthatthosebenefitswouldmultiply further if projects in this areawere also coordinatedwith projectsfocused on facilitating and promoting sustainable consumption behaviour, thusharnessingpotentialsynergyeffectsfromcoordinatingtheeffortsatlocalandregionallevels.Decrease the pressure to consume The politics of less discussed by Schneidewind & Zahrnt (2014) also point to theimportanceofanenvironmentthatisfreefromthepressuretoconsume.Theyhighlighttheroleofthecommonsandsuggestadvertisement-freepublicplacesaswellasurbanplanningprioritizingthingsotherthancommerce.Thelongingforpublicplaceswhereoneisallowedtobesomethingelsethanaconsumerwassomethingthatseveraloftheinformants in the buy-nothing group emphasized as being of great importance forfacilitatinganon-consumptionpractice.Thiswasexpressedbothasawishtobefreefromconstantimpactfromadsin,forexample,publictransport,andalongingforplaceswheretheywouldbeable tohangoutandspendtimewith friendswithout itbeingexpected(ordemanded)thattheyconsumesomething(includingcoffee).Thelackofsuchplacesincitiesandtownswas,accordingly,alsomentionedbyseveralofthebuy-nothingpractitionersasanobstacle.Thedimensionofurbanandlanduseplanningwasalsomentionedbysomeoftheinterviewedofficials,whopointedoutthatbothwasteprevention and alternative consumption practices such as repair and swapping orculturalexperiencestakeupphysicalspace,andthatsuchplacesneedtobeplannedfor.Lookingmorecloselyintotheproposedpolicymeasurestostrengthentheelementof“lessmarket”(Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014),moresignificantobstaclesareidentified.On a local level, some initiatives can be identified as offering an alternative to thecurrentmarketlogic,i.e.byprovidingopportunitiestorepair,upcycleorswapone’sbelongings,buttheseinitiativesarenotimplementedatascalewheretheycanreallybeseentodecreasetheinfluenceofthemarketlogic.Inthiscontextthepotentialofdigitalizationwhen itcomestoscalingupsharingopportunitieswasmentioned,butalso the importance of striving for a dematerializationof the economy, for examplethroughmoresharingandcollaborationinitiatives.Severaloftheofficialsreturnedintheinterviewstothestructuraldifficultiesofcombiningcircularbusinessmodelswithalinearmarketlogic,andfurtherhighlightedthepoliticalsensitivityoftheissueandthegoalconflictsitimpliesintermsof,forexample,wantingtoattractbusinessestotheir municipalities. Businesses with (more) circular business models were also

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mentionedinthesenseofbeingactorswithintheexistingmarket,anditcouldthereforebequestionedifmoresuchbusinesseswouldreallyworktodecreasetheinfluenceofthemarketinthesociety,orjustchangethepatternsofproductionandconsumption.Closely connected to decreasing the pressure to consume and the influence of themarketisafocuson“timeprosperity”,aspointedoutbyShneidewindandZahrnt(2014)inrelationtotheelementof“lessspeed”.Reducedworkingtimewasonlysuggestedbyonecivilsocietyrepresentative(whodidhoweverhighlightitasacrucialmeasureforreducingconsumption),butitwasontheotherhandmentionedbyseveralofthebuy-nothingpractitionersasadesiredpolicymeasure that could serve to facilitate theirpractice.In thecontextofpolicy-makingandpoliticalregulations, it isuseful toreturntotheresearchbyEckhardtetal(2010)discussedinsection1.6.Theyshowthatitiscommonamong consumers in social democracies such as Sweden to rationalize away theirunethicalconsumerbehaviourbyreferringtotheresponsibilityofgovernmentsandauthoritiestoallowonlywhatareconsideredapprovedandethicalconsumerchoices–whatEckhardtetal.callaformof“institutionaldependency”(Eckhardtetal.,2010).Eventhoughtheirresearchfocusesonsustainableconsumptionintermsofconsumersmakingun/ethicalchoicesandnotintermsofreducingconsumption,itsuggestsatrusttowardsauthoritiesamongSwedishconsumersthatenablesopportunities forpolicyregulations. This “institutional dependency” might also facilitate acceptance forimplementing measures such as stricter regulations on product durability andrepairability – even if such measures would result in the reduction of availableconsumerchoices.Policy measures are not enough ThemeasuressuggestedaboveservetoshowthattherearecertainlystepsthatcanbetakentoorientcontemporarySwedishsocietyinamoresufficientdirection,withlessunnecessarymaterialconsumptionandmorefocusoncircularity.However,ifthegoalistostrivetowardschangingthelogicortheprinciplesthataretoguidesociety,thesepolicymeasures are far from enough and just a small piece of the overall politicalreprioritizationsandreorientationsthatareneeded.The frameworkforapoliticsofsufficiencyisclearinregardtotheneedforsettinglimitstoourresourceuse,anditismuchtoaskfromindividualsthattheythemselvessetthoselimitswithoutthehelpofpolitics. The societal responsibility for sufficiency could be seen as a politicalresponsibility - a responsibility to make sufficient and sustainable choices bothattractiveandtheeasiestonestomake,thusencouragingmoreunintentionalentries

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intosufficiencypractices,and,further,tosetoutclear“rulesofthesufficiencygame”for example through different caps for businesses and other actors (includingindividuals).Thefirstpartcanbesaidtoberecognizedtovariousdegreesonapolicylevel (and, further,bypartsof civil society) inSweden today, even ifmuchmoreofcourseneedstobedonetofullyshoulderthatresponsibility.Acrucialpartoffacilitatingmore sufficient practices is to improve the infrastructure and systems of provision(Seyfang,2011;Spaargaren,2003)butitisperhapsofequalimportancetoobstructtheoccurrenceofpotential reboundeffectsof thosepractices, forexampleby increasedtaxesonflightsoracarbontax.Inregardtothesecondpart,andtotheperhapsmostessentialelementofapoliticsofsufficiencyidentifiedinchapter2,namelylimits,thereisstillalongwaytogoinSweden.Theofficialsintervieweddidnotmentionpoliticallyenforcedlimitsorrestrictionsotherthaninthesensethatthereisaneedtosetcleartargetsfor,forexample,reductionofwasteandemissions.Thequestionofdefiningadefiniteceilingtosocietaland/orindividualresourceuseandmaterialconsumptioninlinewith e.g. resource caps or sustainable consumption corridors (Alcott, 2018; DiGiulio&Fuchs,2014)wasnotaddressed.Thismightbeduetothefactthatitisseenasfartooutopianandidealisticagoalinasystemembracingfreedomofchoiceasacentralprinciple.There is,however,a lotofpotential tobe found inthe interest forcarbonbudgetsformunicipalities(Andersonetal.,2018),aswellasintheincreasinginterestforindividualsufficiency-relatedpracticessuchasrefrainingfromconsumption.Asapart of setting clear “rules for the sufficiency game”, limits or caps could ideally beapplied to resourceuse,wasteandemissions,andcould furtherbeused todefineamaximumincomelevelandnumberofworkinghours.Asarguedinsection2.5,suchcapswouldneedtobefairlyandequitablyenforcedonallbusinesses,individualsandauthoritiesandwouldthushithardestagainsttheworstemitters,i.e.themostaffluent.Besidesdefiningandmonitoringabsolutelimitstoresourceuse,thiskindofpoliticallyenforcedlimitationsneedfurtherbedesignedsoastodistributetheuseofavailableresources and the “allowed emissions” in a socially just way. Caps on individualresource use and emissions could constitute one way of facilitating individualsshoulderingtheirownresponsibility. It can in this way be argued that one important part of shouldering the societalresponsibilityforsufficiencyistotakepoliticalactiononalllevelstolimitthetotaluseofresources.InthissensetheresearchprojectelaboratingcarbonbudgetsfordifferentSwedish municipalities led by the Climate Change Leadership Node at UppsalaUniversity(mentionedinchapter6)ispromising.BesidesunderliningthenecessityofsuchbudgetsinordertoreachtheParisagreementgoalofmaximum2degreesinafairway(Andersonetal.,2018),thefactthattheparticipatingmunicipalitieshaveexplicitlyaskedforbudgetcalculationspointstoanincreasedacceptanceofcarbonbudgetsand,potentially,ofotherlimitationorrestrictionmeasures.

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Anotherpartofshoulderingthesocietalresponsibilitycanbeforpoliticiansinpowertofacilitateaculturalshiftthrough“symbolicpolitics”(Schneidewind&Zahrnt,2014)-shiftingthepolitical focustowardsareassuchashealth,well-being,happinessandenvironmentalsustainability.Inthiswaytheywouldindicateachangeofprioritiesatthesocietallevelthatcanhelpwidentheperspectiveofwhatitistoliveagoodlifeand,further,toshifttheperspectiveonlimits.7.4 Potential for a cultural shift Itisoftenmentionedintheliteratureonsufficiencythatapoliticaltransitiontowardsamoresustainableand“sufficient”societyneedstobeaccompaniedbyaculturalshiftanda changeof socialnormsand institutionsthatwillmake thenecessarypoliticalrestrictionswelcome,oratleastacceptable(seeforexampleSachs,2015;Spangenberg& Lorek, 2019). The above discussion on enforcing political measures is a goodillustration of this complex issue.Which should come first out of the political andculturaltransitions,however,orwhichissupposedtoleadtheother,isnotclear.Wouldthe above suggested political measures need a certain “societal climate” to beimplemented,orcantheyratherserveasleadingtowardssuchachangedclimate?Theanswerisprobablythatpoliticalandculturalchangeareinterdependent,butthattheyalsoservetoreinforceeachother.Intheempiricalfindingsfromboththepracticecasestudies(especiallytheonewithbuy-nothing practitioners) and the governance case study, many of the informantsexpressed-oftendirectlybutsometimesmoresubtly-adesireforatransitionofnormsandaculturalchange.Thisindicatesthataneedisexperienced,amongindividualsandon a more political/societal level, for some sort of “cultural decoupling” of ourperceptionsofwell-beingontheonehandandmaterialisticstrivingsandconsumerismontheother.Connectedtothisisalsoawishforamoreholisticviewonwell-beingandwelfareasapoliticalgoaltobeprioritizedovergrowthinGDP.Thequestionisthen:howcansuchadecouplingand,inthewidersense,atransitionofnormstakeplace?Oneanswer is: through thepracticingof sufficiency in itself.The sufficiency-relatedpracticesexploredhere,aswellasothersimilarpractices,canbeseensimultaneouslyasreactionstothecurrentconsumeristculturepresentintheSwedishsocietyandasaspace with the opportunity to change that same culture. No matter the mainmotivationsbehindtheirdecisions,thepractitionersfrombothgroupsfeltaneedoranurgetoeitherstopshoppingortodiscardalotoftheirbelongings,andtheydidsoinaculturethatconstantlyaimstoconvinceusthatweneedmorestuff.Theyare,further,generallysatisfiedwiththeirexperiencesandcanbesaidtohavemanaged–albeitto

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veryvaryingdegrees–todecoupletheirwell-beingfrommaterialisticstrivings.Thischanged attitude towards material belongings and wants and the (in many cases)increasedwell-beingrelatedtoitissomethingthathaspotentialalsotomakeothersreflectontheirownviewofthesethingswhentheinformantssharetheirexperienceswith family and friends. A lot of potential for decoupling perceptions and changingvaluesmightbe foundright there. In thiscontext itservestoreiteratetheaspectofculturalchange(discussedinsection2.6)relatedtohowhumanswithinaculture(andapolitical-economicsystem)choosetosatisfytheirneeds(Max-Neef,1992),andthatsteering thepublic attention towardsmoredematerializedandperhaps “alternativehedonist”(Soper,2008,2017)waysofdoingsowillprobablybeacrucialelementoftheneededculturalchange.Thisleadstoanotheranswer,namely:adecouplingoftheperceptionsofwell-beingandmaterial strivings ishelpedby talkingaboutand focusingondifferentvalues.Manyinformants described how they were asked about their practices by relatives,colleaguesandfriendsandhowcuriousquestionsoftenledtointerestingdiscussionsabout the role of consumption orwhat the thingswe own reallymean to us. Eventhoughnoinformantreportedhavingexplicitly“recruited”otherstotheirpractice,theinterestandimportantquestionsthatthepracticesthemselvesseemtohavesparkedhighlighttheimportanceofchoosingdifferentwordsandsteeringtowardsothergoalsandvaluesnotonlyinthepoliticalspherebutalsointheprivatesphere,ineverydayinteractionwithothers.What about the possibilities for a politically steered decoupling, then? Thedevelopments described in chapter 6 about shifts in the public discourse aroundsustainableconsumptionandtheincreasinginterestin“not-buying”or“buying-less”providecertaingroundsforhopeinregardtoatransitiontowardssufficiency.Theyearof 2018 saw an upsurge in engagement in the climate change issue in Sweden,accompanied by stronger demands for political action to tackle the challenge. Theongoing(in2018and2019)intensedebateaboutSwedes’travelhabitsandtheneedtoreduceemissionsfromflying(seeforexampleAzar,2018;Hellgren,2018;Liljestrand,2018),togetherwiththeinterestshownbysomeSwedishmunicipalitiesinworkingonimplementing municipal carbon budgets (Anderson et al., 2018), point towards agrowingacceptance–bothculturallyandpolitically-ofideasofrationing,oratleastlimiting, lifestyle-related emissions. Another example of this was an opinion piece,publishedinJanuary2019,writtenby87Swedishinfluencersandbloggersaddressingthe newly elected PrimeMinister Stefan Löfven explicitly asking him to dare to beuncomfortableand“runoverourclimate-disastroushabits”withpoliticalrestrictions(Sundhetal.,2019).Theycontinue:

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We need someone who takes away the non-organic potato from the producesectionsothatwecan’tevenseethatitistwocrownscheaperthantheorganicone.WeneedsomeonetoteachusthehardwaythatstrawberriesarenotinseasoninFebruary, someonewho prohibits single-packaged peppers in plastic.We needsomeonetomaketheflightunreasonableforthewalletincomparisontothetrain.Orgiveusaflightquota!Weobviouslycan’thandlethefreedom(Sundhetal.,2019,owntranslation).

Thiscallcanbereadasgoingbeyondthereoccurringsloganwithinworkonsustainableconsumptionof“makingiteasytodotherightthing”–itisalsoacryforpoliticalactiontobanthatwhichisnotsustainableandseverelyrestrictthepossibilitiesofcontinuingwithhighlyunsustainablehabits.Culturalchangeisextremelycomplexanditisoutsidethescopeofthisthesistotouchoneverypossiblemechanismbehindsuchaneededchange.Whatisinterestingtotryandansweragainstthebackdropoftheempiricalmaterialpresentedhere,however,isprimarily inwhichwayspoliticsandstrategiescanaimtosupportorsteer towardssuch a transition. How might the perceived need to, for example, decouple oursubjectivewell-beingfromourmaterialstandardormakeitattractiveanddesirabletousewhat you have and be contentwith less, be translated into strategies, policies,visionsandconcretepolitics?Onesuggestionisforbothofficialsandpoliticaldecision-makers,fromlocaltonationallevel,todaretobevisionary.Oneopportunitytobesois,forexample,whendecidingwhichindicatorstousetomeasuretheprogressofaregionormunicipality, such as in the report “Happiness formore people” (Lycka för fler)published by Västra Götaland region (VGR Analys, 2019), where the importance offocusing on the inhabitants’ subjective well-being and happiness is emphasized.Returning to the importance of symbolic politics for sufficiency (Schneidewind &Zahrnt,2014),ifpoliticalgoalsareframedasfocusingonimprovingpeople’shappinessandwell-being, thatwillalsohavean impactontheconcretepoliticaldecisionsthataffectpeople’severydaylives.

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8. Seeds for a sufficiency-oriented future: conclusions and key contributions Thisthesishasaimedtoexploresufficiencyasanideaandasapractice.Startingfromarecognitionoftheurgencytomovetowardsawayoflifeandoforganizingsocietythatiscompatiblewithstayingwithintheplanetaryboundariesanda“safeandjustspacefor humanity” (Raworth, 2013; Rockström et al., 2009), an objective has been tocontribute to ways in which to sharpen the discussion about sustainability andsustainable consumption, seeing as the mainstream approaches of sustainabledevelopmentandefficiency strategieshaveprovednot tobeenough. It is thereforeimportanttoexplorewhatkindofeverydaypractices,ideasandpoliticscancontributeto deepening the discussion on sustainabilityand the societal transitions needed toaddresstheecologicalcrisis.Sufficiencyisonesuchidea.Itisaprinciplethatconnectsecologicalsustainabilitywithnotionsof social justiceand frames the challengeof reachinga just and sustainablefuture as a question of responsibility – a responsibility that primarily falls on theshoulders of the affluent in the world. Different definitions of sufficiency weredescribedinchapter2,wherethediscussionledtoanoperationalizationofsufficiencyinthisthesisasbeingspecificallyaquestionofresponsibilityoftheaffluent–societies,groups and individuals – to refrain from taking, and to retreat from the excessenvironmentalspacethattheyoccupy.The“excess”spaceisthatwhichexceedsone’sshare of resources if every human onEarth is tohave the right to a fair amountofenvironmentalspaceatthesametimeashumanitykeepswithinthesafeandjustspaceforhumanityasdescribedbyRockströmetal(2009)andRaworth(2013).Thisisofcourseaconceptualdefinition,asthisthesisdoesnotinanywayaimtocalculatetheexact amountofresourcesthatcanbeusedupnorthewastethatcanbegeneratedwithinthe“sufficientspace”ofoneindividual.Nonetheless,asaconceptualdefinitionitservesasatheoreticalpointofdeparture,ayardstickagainstwhichtomeasurethe(un)sustainabilityofpoliticaldecisions,andagoaltowardswhichtostrive.Asshowninthediscussionaboututopianmethodandutopianthinking(section2.1),suchagoalmight serve as a tool for reimagining possible (more sustainable and just) futures,exploring alternative economic practices, challenging old patterns, inspiring changeanddecreasingthegapbetweenwhatisandwhatmightbe(Bradley&Hedrén,2014;Levitas,2013;Sargisson,2007).Theexplorationofthesufficiency-relatedpracticesofabuy-nothingyearandusingtheKonMarimethodpointstowardsinterestinginsightsintermsofhowthesepracticeshaveaffectedthewaythe informantsviewmaterialbelongingsandneedsaswellas

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how they performmaterial consumption. Both practices spurred a lot of reflectionamongthepractitionersaboutwhatitisthattheyreallyneedandwantand,inthecaseoftheKonMariers,whatitisthat“sparksjoy”forthem.Thatis,theinformantsdidnotsimply“execute”theirowndecisionstostopbuyingandtokonmaritheirbelongings,butdoingsowastoahighdegreeaveryconsciousandactiveprocessthatservedtogroundthepractitionersintheirrespectivepractices.Assuch,theprocessshapedtheirthoughtsaboutmaterialneeds, theirviewof theirbelongingsand furtherhow theycontinuedtopracticeconsumptionofnewmaterialgoodsinamoresufficientway.Thereflectiveprocessseldomstoppedatthelevelofmaterialthingsandneeds,however.Rather,itextendedtoquestionslikewhattheinformantsreallywanttodedicatetheirtime andmoney to,what relationships “spark joy” for them, howone can live evensimpler orwith fewer belongings, and, on an existential level,what it is that reallymattersinlife.Thisratherprofoundprocesssuggeststhatthechangedwaysofthinkingaboutandperformingmaterialconsumptionwillpersistlong-term,somethingthatisalsoconfirmedbythebuy-nothingpractitionersinterviewedwhowentthroughtheirbuy-nothing year several years ago but still adhere to verymindful and restrictivepractices of consumption. Follow-up studies are needed to confirm the changedconsumptionbehaviourovertimeamongthosewhowerestill“in”theirbuy-nothingyearorhadveryrecentlyendedit,aswellasamongtheKonMariers.This research makes a contribution by providing one of the first studies of thepractitionersoftheKonMarimethod,whichcanstillbesaidtobequitenew(introducedinMarieKondo’sbookThe life-changingmagicof tidyingup in2014)butwhichhasbecomeenormouslypopularworldwideinaperiodofjustafewyears.ItcanshowthatpracticingthemethodnotonlyaffectstheKonMariers’relationshipwiththeirmaterialbelongings,butthatitalsomakesthemcautiousaboutbringingnewthingsintotheirhome.Thiscautiousnessanddevelopedfeelingforwhatitisthatreallysparksjoyinthem, serves to reduce impulsive shoppingbehaviourand turn theKonMariers intomoreconsciousandrestrictiveconsumersinthesensethattheyonlybuywhattheyreallywantorneed.Eventhoughprimarilyfocusedonexploringthewaysinwhichthemethod affects its practitioners in relation to belongings and consumption of newthings, the study can also provide valuable information about, for example, whopractices the method, what reasons they have for doing so, and how they haveexperiencedtheirKonMarijourney.Regarding research on sustainable consumption andmore sustainable lifestyle, thisthesiscontributesbypointingtothepositivespill-overorspiraleffectthatsufficiency-related practices can bring about, and also between the seemingly close connectionbetween a buy-nothing practice and a decluttering/KonMari practice. In short: theKonMariers’discardingmethodmademostofthemlessinterestedinbuyingnewthings,thus reducing their consumption, and the buy-nothing year seemed tomake many

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practitioners keen to clear out their wardrobes and cupboards. This declutteringperformedbyseveralofthebuy-nothingpractitionerswasdescribedbothasawayof“rediscovering”itemsandstartingtousethemagainwhennotallowedtobuynewones,and as a result of a longing to get rid of things. For several of the informantswhodedicatedtimetodecluttering,thediscardinginitselfseemedtohavesparkedafeelingsimilartothatofbuyingsomethingnew.Thesespill-overeffectsindicateamoregeneralrethinkingoftheinformants’relationshipwithmaterialthingsthatgoesbeyondtheirchosenpractice.Asidefromthis,thecasestudieshighlightthatincludingtheKonMarimethodandpotentiallyotherdiscardingpracticesinstudiesonsustainablelifestylesand practices, as well as on sustainable consumption, might provide valuableinformationabouttheconnectionsbetweennon-consumptionanddiscardingand,onamore general level, about motivations behind different ways of decreasing theimportanceofmaterialbelongingsinourlives.Onemaintheoreticalcontributionthatthisthesismakestotheliteratureonsufficiencyandonsustainableconsumptionisthatitcontributestobridgingthegapinwhatcanbeperceivedasaratherblack-and-whiteapproachtosufficientlifestylesorpracticesas being either voluntary (Heindl & Kanschik, 2016; Speck & Hasselkuß, 2015) orobligatory/ forced (Gorgeet al., 2015). Introducing theKonMariersasonegroupofindividuals that do not enter into their practice of the KonMari method with theintentionofreducingtheirconsumptionbutwhostill(inthemajorityofcases)endupdoingso, the thesispoints to the importanceofportraying thepossibleentries intosufficiencyinmoreofagreyscale.Suchascalewouldratherfocusontheintentionalityof the entry: whereas buy-nothing practitioners very intentionally want to stopconsuming,theKonMarierseventually,andunintentionally,ceasetowantthesame.Inthisway, these two different practices can be seen as being two different types ofentries into a more sufficiency-oriented way of consumption. Thus, the thesiscontributesbyshowingthatamoreopenapproachtosufficientpracticesandlifestylesallowsforalsoincludingunintentionalentriesintosufficiency.Ifapersonhasenteredunintentionallyintoamoresufficientwayofconsumptionandisappreciatingit,thatunintentionalentrymightwithtime–especiallyintheoccurrenceofadevelopmentofasenseofsufficiency-verywellturnintosomethingintentionalandvoluntarywithpotential for continuing long-term. In the process of transitioning to a low-impactsociety, finding and stimulating this type of unintentional entries into sufficiency istherefore crucial in order to get the larger majority onboard. These unintentionalentries have the potential to be scaled up and make a more sufficient way ofconsumptionmoreeasilyattainableaswellasdesirablealsoforthosewhowouldnotvoluntarilychoosetoreducetheirmaterialconsumptionforenvironmentalreasons.

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The results from the case studies show that it ispossible for affluent consumers todevelopasenseofsufficiencyregardlessofwhetheroneentersasufficiency-relatedpracticeforreasonsofoutspokenanti-consumeristcritiqueorconsumptionfatigueorfrom a wish to achieve a more harmonious and less cluttered home. The sense ofsufficiency,ofa“goodandenough”approachtomaterialconsumptionandbelongings(and,inmanycases,tootherareasoflife)canthusdevelopbothfromintentionalandfromunintentionalentries,evenifthedevelopmentprocesscanlookdifferent.Inthepractices studied here, the development stems from factors such as a feeling ofliberation (includingmore timeandbetter senseof controlover, forexample,one’sfinances), increasedwell-being,andan improvedability todecidewhat isnecessaryandunnecessaryforlivingagoodlife(notonlyintermsofmaterialbelongings).Thedevelopmentofasenseofsufficiencyisalsoenhancedbyextensivereflectiononone’spractice. If these insights are to say something about the potential for sufficiency-relatedpracticestobecomemoremainstream,oneimportantquestionbecomeshowthis experienced senseof sufficiencyamong individuals canbeharnessedaswell as

Forced/obligatory

Unintentional

Voluntary and intentional

Buy-nothing year

Downshifting

Religiously motivated

Tiny house

Voluntary simplicity

KonMari Decluttering

Economic restrictions

Figure 8. Illustration of different types of entries into sufficiency -forced/ obligatory, voluntary/intentional and unintentional - anddifferentpracticesthatfallintothesecategories.Theillustrationfurthershows that unintentional entries with time might develop into avoluntaryandintentionaladoptionofsufficientpractices.

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encouragedatthesocietallevel.Onewaytodosoisforrepresentativesofthepublicadministration, i.e. ministries, authorities and public officials, to primarily aim fortargeting goals of, for example, well-being and sustainability instead of economicgrowth,inordertoencouragecontentmentinregardtomaterialstandardsandsteerthepoliticstowardsothersocietalvalues.Drawingontheimportanceofwords,itcanfurtherbearguedthattheycanencourageasenseofsufficiencybycontributingtothenormalizationofadiscoursethatrecognizestheexistenceofplanetaryboundariesassettingthelimitsforhumanactivity.Howwechoosetotalkaboutlimitsmatters.Tolimitresourceuseandsetcapsonemissionswillundoubtedlyrequirerestrictionsontheconveniencesofourcurrentunsustainablewaysoflife,buthowwetalkabouttheserestrictions matter. Talking about the planetary boundaries and limited naturalresourcesasalsobeingself-evidentand indisputable limitsofhumanexploitationofthoseresources,canhelpshifttheviewoftheeconomyassomethingthatshouldstrivetowardsever-highergoals tooneof a systemwhosegrowth is actuallyboundedbybiophysicallawsandfiniteresources.Itisimportanttodarespeakaboutsuchlimitsasirrefutable and natural, perhaps especially from a political perspective but also ineverydayspeech.Atthesametime,thenecessaryrestrictionsonthewayweliveandconsumecanbetalkedabout inawaythatemphasizestheelementsofopportunity,liberationandcreativity.Anothercontributiontosufficiencyresearchconcernsthewayinwhichthisthesishasprovided an analysis of a country’s existing politics and activities in the areas ofsustainableconsumptionandwastepreventionagainsta theoretical frameworkofapoliticsofsufficiency–aUtopia,ifyouwish.Thisanalysishasservedtoidentifypresentobstaclesinthewayofamoresufficiency-orientedpoliticsinSweden,butalsotocastlightonthepotentialforsuchanorientation,notonlyintermsofpolicyproposalsbutalsoinregardtocultureandnorms.UsingSwedenasanexample–acountrywithself-proclaimed high ambitions in environmental and climate politics and one that isconsideredtobe“highprofile”orafrontrunnerwithinthatarena-servestoillustratethepoint that it is far fromenough foraffluent countries to set ambitiousefficiencygoals in terms of emission reductions, fossil-free energy and more sustainableconsumption.Somesuggestionsfordecreasingthegapbetweencurrentpoliticsandthepolitics staked out in the sufficiency framework have been presented in chapter 7.Departingfromtheobstaclesandpotentialsidentifiedintheoverviewofthecurrentsituation,thesesuggestionsshouldbeseenaspossiblestepsthatcanbetakenwithinthe existing system in order to steer Swedish politics in amore sufficient direction,specifically in relation tomaterial consumption. That said however, this thesis haspointedtothe fundamentalunsustainabilityof thatcurrentsystemand itseconomiclogic,whichsuggeststhatcontinuingwithstepswithintheexistingsystemwillnotbeenough.Followingthelogicofsufficiency,ifSwedenandotheraffluentcountriesareserious in their strivings towards developing truly sustainable societies - that is,

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societiesthatmanagetostaywithintheplanetaryboundariesandrespectsocialjustice- there is aneed fora fundamental rethinkingof thebasisof the societal logic and,consequently,forchangingthatexistingsystem.SuchrethinkingisstillfarawayinthepoliticalsphereinSwedentoday,buttherearecertainlyseedstobefoundinthepublicdebateandintermsofanongoingculturalandnormativeshift.Therethinkingneededwouldincludeopeningupforin-depthpoliticaldiscussionsaboutourdependenceoneconomic growth, the need for absolute restrictions on natural resource use andemissions(suchascapsorcarbonbudgets),theroleofworkandconsumption(bothmaterialandotherforms)inourculturesandsocieties,andaboutthenecessitytolimitaffluenceandredistributewealthforthesakeofasustainableandjustfuture.Itshouldnot stopatdiscussions,however–politiciansalsoneed tobebrave in framingnewpoliticalvisionsandsettingcleargoals(includinglimits)thatservebothtopracticallysteerthepoliticsandtosymbolicallypointtowardsothersocietalvaluesshaping‘thegood life’.Much inspiration forsuchpoliticalvisionsandgoals is tobe found in theresearchonsufficiencyanddegrowth,butperhapsevenmoreimportantistolooktotheglobalsocialmovementsforclimateandenvironmentaljustice,theknowledgeandwaysoflifeofindigenouspeoplesaroundtheworld,andtheongoingmobilizationtoestablishalegalframeworkfortheRightsofNature.Finally,thisthesisfillsagapwhenitcomestoresearchonsufficiencyinSweden.Eventhough there is an extensive and growing literature on the topic to be foundinternationally,ithassofarnotbeenacommonapproachinresearchonsustainableconsumptionintheSwedishcontext.Theinterviewswithofficialsatlocal,regionalandnational level showed that there do exist various elementsof “sufficiency thinking”among those working within the areas of sustainable consumption and wasteprevention. To avoid scaring away potential collaborators,however, such ideas andthoughtsareoftenneutralizedthroughtheuseofothertermsandwaysofdescribingthenecessarychangesthatarenotconsideredasradicalorprovocative(forexample“circular business models”, “changed consumption” and “well-being”). Nonetheless,thereispotentialforanorientationtowardssufficiencytobefoundinthisthinking-evenmoresoifpeopledaretoexpressitclearlyandalsouseitinvisionarystrategiesandasindicators.Itispossiblethatofficialsholdingtheseideasmightengagein“greeninside activism” (Hysing&Olsson, 2018) to further a sufficiency agenda. Further, ifviewedasspacesofutopia,theseelementsofsufficiencythinkingmightservetogivethepolitical a senseofdirection fromwithin (Sargisson,2007),both in thesenseofframing discussions and being present in thedevelopment of newmeasures and ofactivitiesintheareasofsustainableconsumptionandwasteprevention.Furthermore,considering that the Swedish word for sufficiency (tillräcklighet) is not used ineverydaylanguagenorinthepublicenvironmentaldebate(inspiteoftheincreasinginterestinanddemandforpoliticaldecisionsinsuchadirection),thisresearchcanalsobeviewedascontributingtothepublicdiscussiononsustainablelifestylesandsocietal

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transition to sustainability in Sweden by using different terms and highlightingalternative values, thus contributing to opening up the debate for a differentperspective.8.1 Suggestions for further research Having identifiedboth factors thatcancontributetoan individualdevelopmentofasense of sufficiency among affluent consumers and signs of a normative transitiontowardsamoresufficiency-orientedcultureinSweden,thisthesisfinishesonaratherpositivenote.Theobstaclesarenodoubtnumerous,andtheroadtowardsasufficiency-oriented society might seem endless - in Sweden as well as in other affluentconsumeristsocieties -butwearealso living in turbulent timesandchangesmighthappenfastasthecomprehensionoftheneedforurgentmeasurestofacetheclimatecrisistakeshold.Theconclusionsofthisthesisleaveseveraltracestobepickedupforfurtherresearch.Inrelationtothedifferententriesintosufficiency-relatedpracticesdiscussedhere,itwouldfirstofallbeofinteresttoinvestigatemoreofan“imposed”kindofentryintosufficiency and the implications such an entrymight have on thewell-being of thepractitioners.SuchastudywouldexploretheeffectsofforexampleaCO2budgetoraflightquota.Intheabsenceofapoliticsimposingsuchrestrictions,theparticipationinsuchastudywouldofcoursehavetobevoluntary;however,itcouldstillsaysomethingabouttheexperienceoflivingwithinclearlydefinedlimitsandtheeffectsthatmighthave on all aspects of the participants’ life and well-being. As a contrast, furtherinvestigation isneededonmoremainstreamoraverage consumerswith theaimofidentifyingotherpossibledriversbehindunintentionalentriesintosufficiency-relatedconsumptionpractices.Somesuchunintentionalentriescan,forexample,berelatedtoareductioninworkinghours(and,consequently,inincome)forreasonsofhealthandwell-being,ordedicatingalotoftimeandmoneytoaspecificinterestoractivity.Oneaspectof thepractices studiedhere thathasnotbeendevelopedenough is theobviousimbalanceintermsofgender.AlloftheKonMariersinterviewedand12outof15ofthebuy-nothingpractitionersarewomen.Asuggestionforfurtherresearchistodelvedeeper into the reasons for that and investigatewhat couldbe saidabout thepotential of sufficiency-related practices to attract more men. Are there perhapsalready existing male-dominated practices that could be identified as sufficiency-relatedintermsofmaterialconsumption?

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Further,astudyinvestigatingthedetailsoftheconsumptionofthegroupsstudiedhere–perhapsspecificallytheKonMariers–beforeandafterstartingwiththeirpracticeswouldcontributewithmoreknowledgeaboutthechangesinconsumptionbehaviourovertime.Suchastudywouldbedesirablenotonlyinthesenseinthatitcouldservetoshowwhetherthenewmorerestrictiveconsumptionbehaviourissomethingthatthepractitionersholdontolong-term,butalso,andperhapsmoreimportantly,asitwouldprovidemoredetailsaboutthechangedconsumption(e.g.whatdidanddotheybuy,andhowmuchmoneywasandisspentondifferentproductcategoriesbeforeandafter?).SuchastudywouldalsocontrolforanypossiblereboundeffectsintermsofCO2emissions due to changed consumption (such as increased air travel due to savedmoney).Asafinalnote,futureresearchonsufficiencyalsoneedstolookatthepotentialforbothindividualsandsocietiestodevelopasenseofsufficiency-notonlyintermsofmaterialconsumptionbutalsoinallotheraspectsofanaffluentlifestyle(transport,energyuseand food consumption, to mention a few). Researchers can contribute to a moresufficiency-orientedfuturebysuggestingconcretepolicymeasuresthatcanhelplimitmaterialconsumptionandcontributetotheshapingofanewkindofsocietallogic.Butresearcherscanalsoplayanimportantrolebypresentingalternativefuturescenariosbeyondeconomicgrowthwheresocietiesandeconomiesareboundbyecologicalandsocial limits, and in thatway contribute to expanding the understanding ofwhat isachievable.Thesamecanhencebesaidtogoforresearchersasforpoliticians,aswellas all individuals who aim for a more sufficiency-oriented future: dare to envisionUtopiasthathelpshowthatwecreateourfuture,daretoputthoseimagesofthefutureintowordsandpractice,anddaretouseprecisewords.Beuncomfortable.Bebrave.Daretoexplorewayswhichcanhelpustofundamentallyrethinkwhatitistobehuman.Because, in the words of environmental humanities scholar Val Plumwood (2007),“[w]ewillgoonwardsinadifferentmodeofhumanity,ornotatall”.

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List of interviews Buy-nothingpractitioners(withassumedfirstnames)Annika December6,2016Linda December8,2016Stefan December14,2016Sofia January4,2017Elise February2,2017Karin March10,2017Helena April3,2017Ulrika April3,2017Mikael April3,2017Jenny April4,2017Peter April6,2017Marie April19,2017Pia May3,2017Inger June9,2017Tove November13,2018KonMariers(withassumedfirstnames)Susanne October25,2017Karoline November13,2017Maylin November15,2017Julia November17,2017Lena November20,2017Josefine November29,2017Jessica November30,2017Marianne December1,2017Isabelle December1,2017Rebecka January3,2018Elisabeth December5,2018

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PublicofficialsandcivilsocietyrepresentativesBuyNothingDaySweden December4,2018SwedishWasteManagementAssociation December5,2018Örebromunicipality January7,2019SwedishConsumerAgency January9,2019Consciousconsumption January11,2019RegionofVästraGötaland January14,2019Gothenburgregion January15,2019CityofGothenburg January15,2019SwedishSocietyforNatureConservation January15,2019SwedishEnvironmentalProtectionAgency January28,2019

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Appendices Appendix1.InterviewguidescasestudiesInterviewguidebuy-nothingpractitioners1.Pleasetellmeaboutthemotivationsbehindyourchoosingtonotconsumeforayear.Hadyouthoughtaboutitforlong?

2.Whatwereyourconsumptionpatternslikebeforeyoudecidedtocutdownorreduceyourconsumption?

3.Whatdidyoufindmostdifficultaboutnotconsuming?4.Wasthereanythingthatsurprisedyouinapositivewaywiththenon-consumption?(“sideeffects”ofnotbuyingthatyouhadnotthoughtaboutbefore)

5.Whatdidyoudoinsteadofconsuming?(withmoney,time,space,etc)

6.Didyouuseanyspecial“strategies”toreplacetheconsumptionofnewthings?7.Didyourthoughtsregardingwhatyouneedchangeduringthisperiod?Inwhatways?Whatdidanddoyouseeasnecessary?Assufficient?8.Howdid/doyoufeelabout“starting”toconsumeagain?Didanythingchange(orwillanythingchange)inyourconsumptionhabits?

9.Howdoyouthinkthatthenon-consumptionworkedoutduringtheyear?Doyouthinkthattherearethingsthatcouldhavefacilitatedyournon-consumption?(E.g.conditions,infrastructure,alternativestobuying,otherpeople’sattitudes,etc)10.Whenitcomestoreducingover-consumption,whatareyourthoughtsonindividualvs.politicalresponsibility?OtherquestionsPlaceofresidence:Living/familysituation:Age:

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Before the interview, the interviewees were asked to bring the following to theinterview(ortoreflectontheanswer):

• 1-2thingsthattheyconsiderednecessary• 1-2thingsthatsymbolizedsufficiencyforthem• Somethingthattheyhadmissedandwishedthattheycouldhavetreated

themselvestoduringtheyear.

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InterviewguideKonMariers1.PleasetellmeabouthowandwhenyoudiscoveredandstartedwiththeKonMarimethod? Why did it interest you? Had you been thinking for a long time aboutdeclutteringyourhome?

2.Whatwastheprocesslikewhenyoustartedtodeclutter?Whatwasitthatmadeyou“geton”withit(intermsofstartingitandtoactuallydiscardthings)?3.Whatwasyourhomelikebeforeyoustarted?Whatwasyourmain“problem”?

4.Howfarhaveyoucomeintheprocess?Howhasitbeenforyou?

5.Whathaveyoufoundtobethemostdifficultthingwiththedecluttering?Why?6.Whatwastheexperienceof[theactof]discardingthingslikeforyou?Whatdiditfeellike?Whatwaspositiveandnegative?

7.[Iftheinformantliveswithfamily]IsKonMari/thedeclutteringajointproject,orwhoistakingcareofit?HowwasKonMarireceivedbytherestofthefamily?8.Istheresomethingthathassurprisedyouinapositiveway(i.e.”sideeffects”ofthedeclutteringthatyouhadnotthoughtofbefore)?

9.HaveyourthoughtsaboutwhatyouneedchangedduringyourKonMariperiod?Inwhatway?Whatwasandisnecessary?Whatwasandissufficient?10.WhatdoyouthinkaboutwhatMarieKondocallsthe“just-rightclickpoint”?Haveyouexperiencedit?Whendidithappen?11.Haveyouchangedthewayyouconsume/shop/buythingssinceyoustartedwithKonMari?Inwhatway?Isthisalsothecasewhenbuyingthingsforothers?12.HowdoyouviewyourhomeandyourbelongingsnowandbeforeyoustartedwithKonMari,respectively?13. How have people around you reacted to your decluttering? Are you trying toconvincethemtotryitoutforthemselves?

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14.Doyouthinkthatthereisanythingthatcouldhavefacilitatedyour“konmari-ing”?(Bothattheindividualandsocietallevel,e.g.conditions,infrastructure,alternativestobuying,theattitudeofothers)Placeofresidence:Family/livingsituation:Age:QuestionsthatweresenttotheintervieweesinadvanceBeforetheinterview,Iwouldliketoaskyoutopleasereflectonthefollowing:Giveexamplesof1-2thingsinyourhomethatyouconsidernecessaryGiveexamplesof1-2thingsinyourhomethatsymbolizesufficiencytoyouIsthereanyspecialquotefromMarieKondo’sbooksthatyouwouldliketohighlight?

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Interviewguidegovernancecasestudy(interviewswithofficialsandcivilsocietyrepresentativesintheareasofsustainableconsumptionand/orwasteprevention)1.Howdo you (e.g. your department or organization)work for amore sustainableconsumption(and/orwasteprevention)?Whatmeasuresdoyoufindtobethemostimportantinthisarea?2.Whathasworkedwellandlesswell,respectively,withyourprojectsormeasures?3.Whatcouldyoudomoreof?4.Whatmeasuresdoyouyourselfthinkarethemostimportantonesinordertoreduceconsumption(and/orwaste)?5.Whatobstaclesorpotentialgoalconflictsdoyouseewhenitcomestoimplementingmeasuresforasustainableandreducedconsumption(and/orreducedwaste)?6.Whatpolicymeasurescouldbeusedinordertoreduceconsumption?Whatpoliticaldecisionsandmeasures(attheEUleveland/orthenationallevel)wouldfacilitateyourwork?

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Appendix2.SurveyquestionsKonMarisurvey(QuestionstranslatedfromSwedish)Age Under 18 18-24 25-29 30-35 36-44 45-54 55-64 65-74 75 or older I identify as: Woman Man Other Do not want to state How do you live? Alone Together with partner Together with partner and kids Single parent with kids Together with parents Together with friends Other Where do you live? In or close to a bigger city In a medium-sized town In a smaller town In the countryside What statements apply to you? I have secondary level education I have higher education I have a permanent job I live in an apartment

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My financial situation is stable My financial situation is strained I live in a house I earn more than most people I have limited storage opportunities in my home I have good storage opportunities in my home YOUR EXPERIENCE OF THE KONMARI METHOD How long has it been since you started with the KonMari method? More than two years 1-2 years Less than a year Six months or less How did you hear about the KonMari method? I found the book Mass media Social media I heard about the method from a friend Other (in Google forms, the respondents can choose to fill in their own answer if they select this option) How far have you come in the process? I am finished with the discarding and am now “maintaining” I have done about 3/4 I have done half I have done less than half Which category have you found to be the easiest? Clothes Books Paper Komono (miscellaneous) Things with sentimental value Comment (free text answer):

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Which category have you found to be the most difficult? Clothes Books Paper Komono (miscellaneous) Things with sentimental value Comment: What do you do with most of the things you discard? Choose the two most suitable alternatives. Throw them in the garbage Recycle Sell them I give them away to charity I give them away to family and friends Other What was your main motivation behind starting with KonMari? I had too much stuff I wanted to facilitate my everyday life I was tired of my disorganized home I thought the method seemed interesting I wanted to challenge myself I was inspired by other people's homes Other [possibility to add personal option] Has your attitude towards the things you own changed during your KonMari process? Yes, a lot Yes, a little No, it’s the same as before If yes, in what way has it changed? (free text answer) Has your attitude towards buying new things changed since you started with KonMari? Yes, a lot Yes, a little No, it’s the same as before

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If yes, in what way has it changed? (free text answer) What has KonMari meant to you? (free text answer) What statements regarding consumption habits best comply with your own consumption behaviour BEFORE you started with KonMari? (Choose up to three statements) I think carefully before I buy something I am an “impulse shopper” I love to shop! I only buy what I really need I enjoy buying new clothes I find shopping boring I buy a lot of things second-hand I mostly buy things for other people I try to shop in an environmentally friendly way I buy a lot of things that I don’t need What statements regarding consumption habits best comply with your own consumption behaviour AFTER starting with KonMari? (choose up to three statements) I think carefully before I buy something I am an “impulse shopper” I love to shop! I only buy what I really need I enjoy buying new clothes I find shopping boring I buy a lot of things second-hand I mostly buy things for other people I try to shop in an environmentally friendly way I buy a lot of things that I don’t need Do you want to add anything? (free text answer) Please leave your email address if you would be interested in being contacted for a longer interview

Åsa Callmer

Making sense of suffi

ciency

ISBN 978-91-7873-406-1TRITA-ABE-DLT-1947

KTH

2019

Making sense of sufficiencyEntries, practices and politics

ÅSA CALLMER

doctoral thesis in Planning and decision analysisstockholm, sweden 2019

KTH royal insTiTuTe of TecHnologySchool of Architecture And the Built environmentwww.kth.se