Tanabe Recasting Identities

8/13/2019 Tanabe Recasting Identities

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Recast(e)ing Identity:

Transformation of inter-caste relationships in post-colonial rural Orissa

Akio Tanabe

Graduate School of Asian and African Asian Studies

Kyoto University


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I. INTRODUTION

Beyond hierarchy, substantialisation and kingship centred view on caste

aste in conte!"orary Indian society has often been seen as a re!ainder of #anin$

tradition. Advent of e$alitarian liberalis! and%or ca"italis! is taken to be the force of chan$e

#hich is destroyin$ or restrictin$ the relevance of caste in conte!"orary society. A$ainst such

a vie#& this "a"er #ill ar$ue that caste re!ains an i!"ortant fra!e of reference for definin$

"eo"le's identity es"ecially in rural& local society of India. In "articular& I #ould like to

discuss the as"ect of "eo"le's active a$ency in the resha"in$ of caste "heno!ena in

conte!"orary rural Orissa. It is the a$$re$ate efforts of !ulti"le sections of "eo"le in the

locality to constantly redefine the for! and !eanin$ of caste that has ke"t the relevant value

of caste in Indian rural society till today. I feel this as"ect has been ne$lected in !any

"revious theories& #hich have tended to consider caste concerns !erely in ter!s of the

"resence or absence of (hierarchy) or in ter!s of (substantialised) $rou" for!ations.

*or instance& Du!ont ar$ues re$ardin$ the !odern for!s of caste that there has been

a "rocess of (substantialisation)& #here (structure see!s to yield to substance) +Du!ont

,-/0 1123 and castes start to co!"ete a$ainst each other as individual units for hi$her socio4

econo!ic status. 5hat he !eans by this is that each caste is no lon$er e!bedded in the

hierarchical structure but acts as an inde"endent and substantialised unit a$ainst each other.

Re$ardin$ this "rocess& ho#ever& Du!ont says& (one !ust not lose si$ht of the fact that this

alle$ed !odification& ho#ever $enuine it !ay be& re!ains inco!"lete. It bears on the "olitico4

econo!ic do!ain of social life) +Du!ont ,-/0 1163. *or Du!ont& the overall hierarchical

structure of caste has not chan$ed since (the "olitico4econo!ic do!ain is enco!"assed in an

overall reli$ious settin$) +Du!ont ,-/0 113.

Such for!ulation by Du!ont& #hich serves to "rotect his structural !odel on caste&

is no# criticised by !any scholars& includin$ *uller #ho "oints out the e7istence of

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(ostensibly contradictory evidence e!er$in$ fro! !odern chan$e) +*uller ,--20 ,13. Indeed&

Du!ont's thesis on the unaffected continuity of the enco!"assin$ structure of caste hierarchy

see!s untenable today. *uller su$$ests instead that there is (above all a denial& !ost e7"licitly

in the "ublic do!ain of the e7istence or continuin$ si$nificance of caste in its 8traditional

for!'). This !eans that the hierarchy and ine9uality of caste is denied in "ublic& thou$h there

is (substantialist assertion about cultural distinctiveness) bet#een castes +*uller ,--20 1,3.

5hat *uller !eans by (substantialist assertion) is that each caste le$iti!ises caste

endo$a!y and caste4s"ecific habits re$ardin$ food and clothin$ not in ter!s of caste

hierarchy or "rinci"les of "urity4"ollution but in ter!s of cultural differences bet#een castes.

aste here is talked about as if it is a substantialised and distinct (co!!unity) #ith a s"ecific

culture. :e further ar$ues that there continues to be (relational hierarchical values)& that is

considerations related to "urity and "ollution& #hich (re!ain salient in the "rivate& do!estic

do!ain even thou$h they have been dis"laced by substantialist ones in the "ublic do!ain)

+*uller ,--20 ,;3. In su!& *uller ar$ues that there continues to be (traditional) caste hierarchy

in the "rivate do!ain #hereas this is re"laced by (substantialised) caste "ractice in the "ublic

do!ain. This kind of understandin$ su""oses that the structure of caste hierarchy

disinte$rated into a substantialist for! #ith the advent of liberal e$alitarianis!


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history and its influence on Indian society are richer and #ider than can be reduced to !ere

"olitical structure of kin$shi" and do!inance. It is indeed constructive to inter"ret the

!eanin$ of kin$shi" and do!inance in ter!s of sacrifice> but this does not !ean the reverse.

That is to say& sacrifice cannot ?ust be inter"reted in ter!s of and thereby reduced to !atters

of kin$shi" and do!inance.

In this "a"er& I atte!"t to "rovide an understandin$ of caste as sacrificial

or$anisation "ayin$ attention to its !ore enco!"assin$ se!antics. Secondly& as caste

"heno!ena today are fra$!ented and have different for!s and !eanin$ in different s"heres& I

try to conte7tualise each of the! in conte!"orary socio4"olitical settin$s and e7"lain their

!eanin$ in reference to do!inant ideational fra!e#orks. Today& the "ractice of caste as

sacrificial or$anisation is li!ited !ainly to the ritual s"here. I #ould like to consider its

si$nificance in the conte!"orary socio4"olitical conte7t and see its transfor!ation fro! the

vie#"oint of villa$e "eo"le's a$ency.

Jajmani exchange, market economy and caste as ritual organisation

The kind of caste4based e7chan$e& #hich I #ill atte!"t to hi$hli$ht in this "a"er& has

often been discussed in ter!s of ?a?!ani relations& thou$h unsatisfactorily. Bany researchers

have noted the conte!"orary #anin$ of ?a?!ani relations in the advent of the !arket

econo!y.,:ere a$ain& the force of chan$e is seen as co!in$ fro! outside the locality& and

there is a ne$lect of the role of "eo"le's a$ency in the "rocess.

5hat I #ould like to "ay attention to here is the fact that there see!s to be a

refor!ulated continuity of caste4based relations in ritual s"heres. As I atte!"t to sho# in the

follo#in$& this is not a !ere residue of the !odern advance of ca"italis!& but a field of

e7chan$e that is consciously selected and !aintained by "eo"le. In other #ords& these caste4

based e7chan$es in the ritual s"here have re!ained as a result of the a$ency of the "eo"le in1For review and criticism on jajmani system, see Fuller 1977, 1989 and Mayer 1993.

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the locality. The caste4based division of labour and e7chan$e in local society has $one

throu$h transfor!ation in history and #e can note the a$ency of !ulti"le sections of "eo"le in

the locality at #ork behind such chan$es.

5hat is i!"ortant to note here is that the !eanin$ of caste in this ritual s"here has

also $one throu$h chan$e fro! a "urity4oriented hierarchy to an idio! of sacrificial

coo"eration and talked about in ter!s of (duty)


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In this vein& I think it is useful to refer to the fra!e#ork of inner and outer do!ains

su$$ested by Eartha hatter?ee +hatter?ee ,--;3. hatter?ee's fra!e#ork& ori$inally used to

"oint out the dichoto!ous structure of Fanus4faced Indian nationalis!& can be utilised to

describe the dual e7istence of the official outer s"here #here caste hierarchy is denied& and

the non4official yet locally le$iti!ate inner ritual s"here #here caste is $iven an i!"ortant

role. I a! not sayin$& of course& that a si!"listic outer%inner dichoto!y can ade9uately

describe the co!"le7ity of the situation in #hich caste is "laced today. :o#ever& the kind of

dichoto!ous consciousness "ointed out by hatter?ee is hel"ful in understandin$ the

si$nificance of inner co!!unity tradition in the locality that has a very i!"ortant and

le$iti!ate "lace in colonial and "ost4colonial India.1

I #ould ar$ue that the dile!!a of identity for!ation based on dichoto!ous consciousness

can be observed not only a!on$ the nationalist elites described by hatter?ee but also a!on$

the subordinated. It can be observed that the lo#er castes in today's rural Orissa have been

!akin$ constant efforts to reconstruct the basis of #ho they are in reference to their "ast and

"resent.;They atte!"t to secure a better and !ore di$nified "osition #ithin the local

2Reardin !"atterjee#s $ramewor%, it "as &een ri"tly 'ointed out t"at it is &iased towards

t"e ur&an, "i" caste, male (enali and des'ite "is concern $or t"e su&altern, t"e

e)'eriences and aency o$ t"e su&ordinated are marinali*ed +e.. isweswaran 199-,

Menon 1997. Furt"ermore, "is wor% "as concentrated u'on t"e nationalist imaination,

and not enou" attention "as &een 'aid to t"e ot"er %inds o$ imaination t"at value non/

national 0 reional, et"nic, reliious, ender, caste 0 community identities. n s'ite o$ t"ese

s"ortcomins in !"atterjee#s wor%, t"in% "is $ramewor% is use$ul nonet"eless in 'ointin to

t"e $ramented, dic"otomous consciousness in relation to t"e 'eo'le#s notion o$ sel$.

3n t"is reard, ili' Menon is correct in 'ointin out t"e e)istential dilemma o$ lower castes

w"o would only &e su&ordinated or outcaste in indu tradition +Menon 1997. owever, "e

does not seem to 'ay enou" attention to t"eir aency in re$ormulatin and rede$inin t"e

contents and $orms o$ t"eir tradition in w"ic" t"ey see t"emselves as a 'art.

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co!!unity tradition as lon$ as they live there. This is done not only in reference to the outer

ideal of liberal civil society. It also involves the refor!ulation of the inner co!!unity do!ain

of tradition& includin$ caste4based division of labour& in #hich there are contested ne$otiation

#ith atte!"ts of do!inance and resistance a!on$ sections of local "eo"le. It is i!"ortant to

re4e!"hasise in this re$ard that this caste4based division of labour observable today is not

!erely so!e kind of re!nant of "ast "ractices #hich is yet to fade a#ay. It is indeed a

"roduct of reconstruction throu$h choices !ade by the local "eo"le in the course of history>

as I #ill $o on to ar$ue.

aste re!ains an i!"ortant fra!e of reference for definin$ (traditional) identity for

Oriya villa$ers includin$ the lo#er castes. *or the!& (tradition) is not a !ere abstraction or

conce"tual i!a$ination& but #hat they actually do in the "lace #here they live. 5hat !atters

to the villa$ers is not definin$ #hat (:indu) or (Indian) tradition is& #hich is a concern for

nationalists& but to redefine #ho they are in reference to the traditional "ractices in their local

habitat. Traditional "ractices here do not refer to a set of a$e4old& unchan$in$ custo!s& but to

those "ractices #hich are considered to "rovide e7istential !eanin$ and sense of #ho they are

in the locality. The for! and !eanin$ of (traditional) "ractices certainly chan$e in history&

but nonetheless "rovide the "eo"le #ith a sense of identity in reference to their "ast and

"resent. Eractices related to linea$e and caste unar$uably re!ain the !ost i!"ortant fra!e of

reference for "eo"le's identity in local society in conte!"orary Orissa.

In the "rocess of refor!ulation of inter4caste relationshi"s& #e can observe !ulti"le

a$encies at #ork includin$ hi$h and lo# castes. The "rocess of re!akin$ tradition for the

villa$ers has been 9uite different fro! the literary i!a$inations taken u" in the #orks of

hatter?ee for e7a!"le& since it involved direct ne$otiations bet#een a$ents "laced in "o#er

relations. ach atte!"ted to ne$otiate their "osition in order to secure their honourable

identity by $radually shiftin$ "ractices and their inter"retations. y "ayin$ attention to ho#

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caste4based e7chan$es and division of labour have been refor!ulated and $iven ne#

!eanin$s throu$h the a$ency of different sections of villa$ers in Orissa& I #ould like to thro#

li$ht u"on the unofficial yet le$iti!ate s"ace $iven to caste #hose for! and !eanin$ have

been ne$otiated and rene$otiated in history and continue to be so today.

II. AST IN T: EAST AND T: ERSNT

"ransformation of caste in local society

efore #e can $o on to see the "rocess of chan$e in inter4caste relationshi"& #e !ust

first look at fro! #hat it has chan$ed. It is no# unnecessary to re"eat the ar$u!ent that the

kind of caste hierarchy based on the "rinci"le of "urity and "ollution described in the

ethno$ra"hies of ,-2/s and ,-6/s and theorised by Du!ont cannot be seen as the ti!eless

traditional structure of Indian society. As ayly has described& the ideolo$y of rah!anis!

and hi$h :indu kin$shi" $radually increased its influence throu$h the ei$hteenth century&

thou$h there #ere (other "o#erful ideolo$ies #orkin$ a$ainst hierarchy and ri$id caste

boundaries) +. ayly ,-0 ,23. It #as only under colonialis! in the nineteenth century

that the hierarchical value and ritual distinctions beca!e !ore "ervasive and "ro!inent

features of caste +*uller ,--2> S. ayly ,---3. aste took a "articularly ri$id for! in

con?unction #ith colonial institution and discourse as Dirks has "ointed out +Dirks ,-6&

1//,3.

onco!itantly #ith this chan$e& inter4caste relationshi" and e7chan$e at the level of

local co!!unity #ere transfor!ed throu$h the ei$hteenth and nineteenth centuries. The "re4

colonial varajtisyste! of #hat I call (the syste! of entitle!ents) #as a syste! in #hich

!e!bers in a local co!!unity #ere $ranted various ri$hts to shares of the local "roducts and

the royal and%or co!!unity honours and "rivile$es in lieu of "erfor!in$ different duties and

functions for the re"roduction of the state and co!!unity +Tanabe ,--& ,---a&


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forthco!in$3.C

This syste! of entitle!ents #as broken do#n #ith the advent of colonial

ad!inistration and a ne# kind of (!onistic caste hierarchy) e!er$ed under colonialis!&

#here the ritualistic rah!anical caste hierarchy !ore or less !atched the socio4econo!ic

hierarchy. Althou$h this !onistic caste hierarchy under#ent further chan$es #ith the

develo"!ent of co!!ercialisation of a$riculture& the i!a$e of !onistic caste hierarchy has

re!ained as the (traditional) !odel of Indian society and is "ut in contradistinction to the

!odern state and !arket #hich are seen as bein$ characterised by flu7 and dyna!is!. It is

often accordin$ to this i!a$e of !onistic caste hierarchy& #hose caste4classificatory !odel in

ritualistic rah!anical style is readily available in nor!ative discourse +see Dia$ra! ,

belo#3& that discussions and "olicies re$ardin$ caste are !ade. :o#ever& such a !odel

obviously by no !eans e7hausts the realities of caste today.

Since the local co!!unity as a unit of syste! of entitle!ents colla"sed under

colonialis!& it has beco!e u" to each household to ne$otiate the ter!s of e7chan$es #ith the

"atron households. :istorical research has "ointed out the differences bet#een #hat

anthro"olo$ists have observed as dyadic ?a?!ani relations in the ,-;/s on#ards and the "re4

45"e e)istence o$ suc" systems, same in 'rinci'le &ut in di$$erent $orms, is also re'orted in

t"e case o$ 're/colonial 6est and out" ndia. otani "as called it t"e vatansystem w"ile

Mi*us"ima "as called it t"e Mirasisystem +Mi*us"ima 199- otani 199-.:ee 5ana&e +1998 $or details o$ "istory o$ socio/economic trans$ormation in rural ;rissa.

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colonial (villa$e servant)& vatan2or mirasisyste!6here the service castes had tenure fro!

the local co!!unity or villa$e and not fro! "atron households +*ukaHa#a ,-61& ,-1& ,--,>

BiHushi!a ,--2> Kotani ,--2& 1//1> Bayer ,--;3. *ro! !y data in Orissa also& I have

sho#n else#here +Tanabe ,--3 that there #as a transfor!ation fro! the (syste! of

entitle!ents)& #here the office holders had duties for and shares fro! the co!!unity as a

-otani +199- descri&es t"e vatan/system o$ si)teent"/ei"teent" century eccan, w"ere

mem&ers"i' and t"e division o$ la&our in t"e community is de$ined &y vatan


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#hole& to the (?a?!ani) style dyadic relationshi"s of e7chan$e bet#een land holdin$

households and service caste households.

In this #ay& #hat is seen as custo!ary e7chan$es bet#een "atron and client

households in the so4called (?a?!ani syste!) is thus a "roduct of colonial history #here

custo! #as reinvented after the syste! of entitle!ents broke do#n and each household had

to beco!e the a$ent as the unit of e7chan$e. 5hat is si$nificant here is that in such inter4

household e7chan$es& there are continuous ne$otiations re$ardin$ the content and "rice of

services as the outer circu!stances chan$e& and it is natural that #hat can be re"laced by

!arket e7chan$es #ill $radually lose their "lace in custo!ary relationshi"s.

Therefore& #hat is co!!only seen as the erosion of the (?a?!ani syste!) due to the

effects of the !arket econo!y is really nothin$ other than a continuity of the #orkin$ of

a$ency of households as units of ne$otiation of e7chan$e relationshi"s. 5hat #e !ust do&

then& is to "ay attention to the (ada"tability and !utability) +Bayer ,--;0 ;63 of the syste!

of division of labour and e7chan$e throu$hout history& "ayin$ attention to "eo"le's a$ency.-

division o$ la&our and e)c"ane &ased on service towards t"e community as a unit was

trans$ormed into a system involvin individual relations &etween castes or "ouse"olds

+Mi*us"ima 199B. Mayer too says, $rom "is survey o$ di$$erent sources o$ literature, t"at t"e

jajmani system is a trans$ormation o$ an earlier system o$ division o$ la&our and e)c"ane.

e 'oints out t"at t"e system o$ villae servants c"aned into a system &ased on jajmani

relations w"ere service castes "ad dyadic o&liation to s'eci$ic 'atron $amilies +Mayer

1993@ 374.

9Mayer 'oints outs t"at artisans and Cntouc"a&lesD$ored out o$ dissolution o$ t"e old

villae order new economic and ritual relations"i's +Mayer 1993@ 389. t"in% t"e $orin o$

new relations"i's was not restricted to artisans and untouc"a&les, &ut involved all castes in

t"e community in t"e 'rocess o$ ada'tin to and $indin t"eir means o$ survival in new socio/

'olitical conditions. Ereements were 'ro&a&ly made &etween 'atrons and servant castes to

secure s"ares in t"e aricultural 'roduce and et su''lies o$ $ood and oods necessary $or

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III. T: EOSITION O* AST TODA0

JIRAJ GAJITARIANISB AND RSRATION EOJI

!dea of caste in independent !ndia

5hile there has been refor!ulation of caste "ractices in the unofficial inner do!ain&

there has been "er!eation of the value of e9uality denyin$ i!"ortance of caste in the outer

official s"here. After inde"endence& it #as one of the fore!ost concerns of the $overn!ent to

resolve the colonial dichoto!y of traditional society versus the !odern state& and to inte$rate

the! in a ne# for! of nation4state. Althou$h the tradition of national culture #as to be

celebrated& any traditional features in society that #ere seen to be incon$ruent #ith the ne#

(Idea of India),/based on "rinci"les of de!ocracy and liberalis! #ere considered sus"ect for

the develo"!ent of !odern India.

:ere& there #as a clear denial of desirability of caste in the future of Indian society.

7istence of caste #as reco$nised in the constitution only in a ne$ative sense& that is& to

identify the historically discri!inated $rou" and eradicate the caste ine9uality throu$h the

official "olicy of reservation. Throu$h this !easure& the "lanners of the constitution ho"ed to

!ake Indian society caste4less& so that all the !e!bers of the nation #ould be able to

"artici"ate in "ublic and "olitical life as e9uals.

The reservation "olicy that #as sti"ulated in the constitution o"erates on the

identification of o""ressed $rou"s based on the cate$ories of (Scheduled astes)


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o""ressed $rou"s is done in ter!s of caste $rou"s orjti. In order to realise e9uality based on

ideals of liberal de!ocracy& India's inde"endent $overn!ent acce"ts the e7istence of caste

$rou"s 4 at least the o""ressed ones 4 as a reality and conducts ad!inistration accordin$ly.

The reservation "olicy based on caste& ho#ever& contains a "arado7. In one sense& it

is based on a continuation of the colonial vie# of Indian society #here caste co!!unities&

to$ether #ith reli$ious co!!unities& #ere seen as "arts that !ade u" the con$lo!erate #hole

of Indian society +Dirks 1//,3. It is notable that the kind of classification of caste $rou"s they

e!"loy is al!ost the sa!e as in the colonial4rah!anical caste hierarchy !odel. They ?ust

label it differently. S.. is another na!e for harijandalitcastes #hereas S.T. is fordibsi

or tribes. Althou$h they use the #ord (class) for O...& its a""lication is based on caste

classification and the cate$ory of O... in fact !ore or less corres"onds to the cate$ory of

(lo# caste) in the nor!ative re"resentational !odel of caste hierarchy +see Dia$ra! , above3.

It is i!"ortant to note that caste cate$ories "ersist in "ublic discourse& and that "eo"le

are bound to act as caste !e!bers in certain conte7ts& thou$h there is no official institution

throu$h #hich a caste can take decisions as a unit of a$ency. It is ironic that the reservation

"olicy& #hich is su""osed to take a#ay discri!ination bet#een castes and ai! at individual

freedo! and e9uality& see!s to have the effect of hei$htenin$ consciousness re$ardin$ caste

affiliation. In the cities& "eo"le see! to have been consciously (re!e!berin$ to for$et) caste

divisions +Renan ,--/3& but . E. Sin$h $overn!ent's decision to i!"le!ent the Bandal

o!!ission re"ort in ,--/ ar$uably led "eo"le to re!e!ber caste divisions alon$ the lines of

official cate$orisations. This #as follo#ed by violent "ublic de!onstrations of student $rou"s

or$anised accordin$ to caste classification. It see!s as if contradiction of the (official)

attitude has !anifested on the surface0 on the one hand& it is co!!itted to the ideal of e9uality

of individuals& but on the other hand it reco$nises the reality of India as a caste society and

i!"le!ents "olicies based on caste divisions.

rou' &asis.

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#voidance of caste $uestion in public

The official idea of e9uality of hu!an bein$s and the s"irit of denial of caste

discri!ination has beco!e #ides"read in the outer& "ublic s"here of India today. The

co!!it!ent to the ne$ation of caste hierarchy& in the sense of either the denial of its e7istence

or its ne$ative value& see!s no# stron$ly "revalent in the "ublic s"here. ven in the villa$e&

"eo"le are careful #hen !akin$ decisive co!!ents on caste !atters to an outsider. If asked

about caste by a stran$er anthro"olo$ist& "eo"le #ould #ant to dis!iss the "oint by sayin$&

(There used to be !any restrictions before& but no#adays there is no !ore caste. Eeo"le have

beco!e free). :o#ever& this kind of talk cannot of course be taken as "roof for decrease in

the i!"ortance of caste. It sho#s only that affir!in$ the value and e7istence of caste

hierarchy can no lon$er be le$iti!ised in the outer s"here& like the conte7t of conversation

#ith outside researchers& and that this kind of outer discourse has "er!eated to the villa$e

level.

Althou$h it is true that the co!!it!ent to the ideal of (castelessness) is $enerally

acce"ted in the "ublic s"here& the adherence to castelessness in "ractice in today's India often

only !eans that they take care not to create situations #here 9uestions of inter4caste

restrictions #ould arise. 5hen they have a feast at a school in the villa$e& for e7a!"le& it is

discreetly understood that a "erson belon$in$ to the rah!an caste #ould cook so that

nobody #ould ob?ect to eatin$. The caste 9uestion should not arise es"ecially in a "lace like a

school& #hich is one of the local centres for disse!ination of !odern liberal discourse. 5hat

is rela7ed no#adays in the villa$e "ublic s"here is the rule of co!!ensality in the conte7t of

a feast. On such an occasion as a feast at office or school& "eo"le of different castes #ould sit

to$ether to eat. This is in a #ay a de!onstration and reconfir!ation of castelessness in "ublic.

:ere it is obvious that the castelessness in "ractice is rather li!ited. It is lar$ely about

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avoidance of caste 9uestions in "ublic rather than co!!it!ent to the annihilation of caste

divisions.

"he meaning of caste distinction

In contrast& in the inner do!ain of inter4household e7chan$es& te!"le rituals& and

co!!unity festivals& caste distinction is often a""roved and "ositively ke"t in "ractice. Rules

re$ardin$ $ivin$ and takin$ of #ater and food are $enerally observed in the interactions

bet#een the villa$ers in everyday circu!stances


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the e7istence of caste restrictions re$ardin$ !arria$e and food& "eo"le tend to e!"hasise the

cultural differences bet#een castes& rather than their hierarchy. Eeo"le say& for e7a!"le&

(Different castes have different #ays of eatin$& drinkin$& #earin$ clothes and doin$ votive

rituals


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I. SSTB O* AST DIISION O* JAOUR AND M:ANG RONSIDRD

&ivision of labour and exchange relations in 'arh (anitri today

It has already been "ointed out by !any researchers that #hat has been called the

(?a?!ani syste!) in fact consists of several different kinds of relationshi"s and these

relationshi"s do not constitute a coherent syste! +o!!ander ,-;> *uller ,--> Good ,-1>

Jerche ,--;> Earry ,-6-> Eocock ,-21> Rahe?a ,-3. Thus it is beco!in$ clear that diverse

kinds of relationshi"s& #hich #ere for$ed and refor!ulated in colonial ti!es after the

fra$!entation of the syste! of entitle!ents& #ere arbitrarily included under the label of

(?a?!ani syste!).

The inter4caste e7chan$e relations and division of labour found in "resent day rural

Orissa can be divided first of all into t#o kinds. One is service for the co!!unity


19/44

basis of cultural identity of the fa!ily and caste.

There #ere also ne# services and offices "rescribed for kin$shi" and the state under

colonialis!. ar"enters and Irons!iths #ere $ranted ?a$ir for buildin$ the chariots for the

Fa$annath trinity in the annual ar *estival


20/44

B) +xchange relations between individual households

There are four kinds of relationshi"s that can be distin$uished a!on$ the e7chan$e

relations bet#een individual households. These are i= the relationshi" bet#een thejajmna

iv= the relationshi" bet#een sntaand tribals. The e7chan$e relationshi"s are held bet#een

individual households rather than bet#een castes& thou$h the content of the service is

deter!ined by the caste of the service "rovider.

i=Jajmanurohita

5asher!an& Irons!ith& Eotter& Astrolo$er and ar"enter are said to "erfor! services


21/44

for the "atron households #hich consist !ostly of those for the do!inant "aHIGyatcaste&

and are called (servant)


22/44

#hich are related to ritual in "articular are !aintained stron$ly& havin$ i!"ortant function as

(traditional) e7a!"les of co!!unity relations in the villa$e.

iii= Sntahlia

certainly not sufficient to sustain the! +Tanabe forthco!in$3. As a result& they had to #ork as

bonded labourers

iv= Snta4dibsi

1,


23/44

Ra!achandi and the Saora fa!ilies #ere $ranted entitle!ents as sha!an and sacrificer for the

sa!e $oddess. They continue to serve the $oddess holdin$ the sa!e entitle!ent lands today.

These arran$e!ents have been !ade in reco$nition of their s"ecial 9ualification as the

!ediator of the $oddess's "o#er. esides carryin$ on #ith their #ork as the co!!unity ritual

s"ecialists for the $oddess& the tribals continue to "rovide !a$ico4ritual4!edical services to

individual households on re9uest.

*or instance& a!on$st the tribals there are those #ho "roduce various !edicines fro!

ani!als and "lants in the forest. These !edicines are said to include "oison& love "otions and

!edicine #hich induces abortion and are a""arently actually used by the villa$ers. There is

also a custo! in #hich a sickly child or a child born ?ust after the !other had a stillborn baby

is (sold) to tribals in e7chan$e for a one4ru"ee coin and left #ith a Saora cou"le for a day.

The child calls the cou"le father and !other fro! that day on#ards and this relationshi"

continues for the rest of their lives. Also& on the day of the #eddin$& "aHIGyat#o!en $o

#ith the Khond "riest to #orshi" Ra!achandi in order to receive blessin$ for the !arria$e.

The #ater offered to the $oddess on this occasion is used to bathe the "erson to be !arried as

"art of the !arria$e ritual. The "o#er of fertility of the $oddess is "assed into the #ater&

!ediated by the Khond "riest. Tribals are also re9uired by "aHIGyats for curin$ the

effects of the evil eye and "ossession by evil s"irits as it is said that "eo"le are cured by

fetchin$ #ater offered to the $oddess fro! the houses of the Khond "riest or sha!an and

drinkin$ it or s"rinklin$ it over the body


24/44

This is es"ecially so since the custo!ary division of labour and e7chan$e is increasin$ly

re"laced by !arket e7chan$es. Today& #ith the e7ce"tion of certain chosen (traditional) roles

and relationshi"s& #hich are !ostly ritual ones& the do!ain of cash econo!y loo!s lar$e.

illa$ers buy their everyday necessities fro! the tradin$ castes in the villa$e


25/44

by e7tendin$ and unitin$ (caste !eetin$)


26/44

associations corres"onded to the endo$a!ous $rou"s& #hich #ere further or$anised into

district level associations and then all Orissa level associations. ,2 So!e castes have even

established inter4state level associations& like "araas


27/44

"addy rice #hose a!ount could be ne$otiated. They de!anded the "atron households to

increase the a!ount of rice they receive in lieu of services beyond the ratio fi7ed accordin$ to

custo! and !atchin$ the !arket "rice of the services. In so!e cases& like the ar"enters and

Eotters& they succeeded in ne$otiatin$ #ith the do!inant "atron caste to "ay the !arket "rice

for each "iece of #ork in cash instead of rice. In Garh Banitri& it #as by the initiative of the

leader of the Eotter's association that they succeeded in chan$in$ the deal fro! fi7ed annual

"ay!ent to "iece#ork sale syste! in the ,-2/s.

It should be noted that such !oves by caste associations did not !ean the destruction

of all custo!ary caste division of labour and e7chan$es. aste associations have introduced

!arket "rinci"les in selected interactions #hile !aintainin$ the custo!ary duties in reli$io4

ritual fields. They could not deny their caste identity as lon$ as they sou$ht for status

i!"rove!ent based on caste !e!bershi"& and tried to look for the basis of their caste identity

in the custo!ary roles in reli$ious rituals. It is notable& ho#ever& that there #as also a "rocess

of refor!ulation of their traditional identity in this s"here too. That is to say& the caste

associations tried to deny #hat #as considered dishonourable or de$radin$ duties in the ritual

tasks. *or instance& o#herds used to be res"onsible for carryin$ the "alan9uins of $ods in

festivals and u""er caste !e!bers in !arria$e& but they refused to carry the "alan9uins of

u""er castes& !aintainin$ that their (traditional) role #as only to carry the "alan9uins of $ods

in reli$ious rituals. :ere #e can see the reconstruction of (tradition) throu$h a selective

"rocedure.

The history of reor$anisation of custo!ary e7chan$e relations #as born fro! villa$e

"eo"le's activities in "ursuit of socio4econo!ic status as #ell as honourable cultural identity

in the colonial and "ost4colonial conte7ts. :ere the idea that the traditional socio4econo!ic

syste! #as destroyed by the advent of !odern !arket econo!y and%or the ideolo$y of liberal

e$alitarianis! does not fit. The !arket "rinci"le& #hich is su""osed to be !odern& #as

12


28/44

introduced into the villa$e throu$h the efforts to raise social status by caste associations. Also&

the discourse of e$alitarianis! #as only selectively e!"loyed in s"ecific conte7ts in !atters

relatin$ to socio4"olitical ri$hts in the "ublic s"here. The "eo"le's concern in refor!ulatin$

their (traditional) duty #as not for individual e9uality but !ainly for honour and di$nity of

their caste $rou". In this #ay& there #ere constant #orkin$s of the a$ency of caste

associations in the "rocess of restriction of the s"here and refor!ulation of the contents of

caste4based e7chan$es.

/ithering of caste associations

:o#ever& caste associations $radually lost their relevance in "ost4colonial India after

the ,-2/s. The ne# socio4econo!ic dyna!is!& #hich $ave birth to substantialisation of

castes& further led to hetero$enisation #ithin caste& as there develo"ed differentiation of "o#er

and #ealth #ithin each caste +*uller ,--20 ,14;3. In such situation& it beca!e increasin$ly

difficult for caste associations to continue to #ork as one (co!!unity) and i!"ose strict rules

for #ork and !arria$e. Gradually& caste associations lost their function to raise the !e!bers'

socio4econo!ic status& and beca!e lar$ely defunct in !any cases.,

As caste association sto""ed functionin$ as the a$ent for socio4econo!ic u"lift& it

#as no# u" to individual !en and fa!ilies to !ana$e and atte!"t to i!"rove their o#n

#elfare by utilisin$ kinshi" and "ersonal connections. In the socio4econo!ic s"here of

activity& it can be said that individuals and fa!ilies& rather than caste& have beco!e the !ain

a$ents fro! the ,-6/s on#ards. This also !eans that the ne$otiations of "ay!ent bet#een

186"ile caste associations as a means o$ social u'li$t are t"us radually wit"erin away,

caste coo'eration in t"e wider reion continues to ta%e 'lace at t"e 'olitical level w"en

common interests emere to ma%e demands on t"e state. 5"is is es'ecially im'ortant in

relation to t"e 'olicy o$ reservation and related caste 'olitics. owever, in t"e case o$ rural

;rissa, t"is as'ect o$ caste as 'olitical unit is less 'rominent.

16


29/44


30/44

econo!ic s"here.1,

I. AST AS SARI*IIAJ RITUAJ ORGANISATION

Caste ritual duty as the basis of identity

y contrast& the continuity of caste division of labour and e7chan$e in the ritual

s"here cannot be totally e7"lained in ter!s of rational choices by individual and fa!ily actors

to !a7i!ise "rofit. This is because #hat !atters in this field is not self interest but identity. I

#ould like to ar$ue that the continuation of caste4based e7chan$e and division of labour in the

ritual s"here sho#s that the "eo"le in rural Orissa continue to see their caste ritual duty as one

of the i!"ortant sources of their identity. The value of (ritual) here does not !ean& ho#ever&

that "eo"le acce"t the rah!anical "urity4oriented ritual values. On the contrary& there see!s

to be a "rocess of rene$otiation of the for! and !eanin$ of caste duties& as I have re"eatedly

e!"hasised.

The "ractice of caste division of labour and e7chan$e in the ritual s"here is sustained

and $iven si$nificance in today's rural Orissa as a device for the !aintenance of (unity4

throu$h4diversity) of distinct caste co!!unities. :ere& idio!s of (duty) and (service) are

$ainin$ i!"ortance. It see!s to !e that there is no# increasin$ e!"hasis on the for! and

21 n 'revious literature, t"e 'rotective as'ect o$ 'atron/client relations"i's "as &een

em'"asised &y t"e ?moral economy# sc"ool +cott 197-, w"ereas t"eir o''ressive as'ect

"as &een em'"asised &y t"e ?modernisation# sc"ool. 5"is was related to t"e discussion

reardin w"et"er 'easants are ?moral# or ?rational# +cott 197- o'%in 1979. owever, it

now seems t"at t"is discussion missed t"e 'oint since w"et"er t"e wea%er section o$ t"e

villaers would c"oose 'atron/client relations"i's or not de'ends not on t"e c"aracter o$ t"e

'easants &ut on t"e socio/economic situation. $ we loo% at t"e c"aracter o$ t"e villaers, t"ey

certainly ma%e rational c"oices, &ut t"is does not o$ course 'reclude c"oosin to maintain

'atron/client relations"i's.

1-


31/44

value of caste as (sacrificial) ritual or$anisation& #here each distinct caste has a role to "lay

for the #elfare of the local co!!unity and for the #orshi" of local deities. Since local deities

are considered as !anifestations of a hi$her universal "rinci"le& often either ishnu& Shiva or

Dur$a& each duty is also considered to be a service for the universal God. illa$ers say&

es"ecially in reference to the co!!unity ritual& (ach caste has its duty to "erfor! for God.

Only if everybody "erfor!s his duty correctly& #e can "erfor! the festival to the satisfaction

of God. And only if God is satisfied& :e #ill $ive :is blessin$s.) This see!s to !e to be an

i!"ortant !ove to#ards ne$otiatin$ the !eanin$ of caste on the "art of the villa$ers.

Caste and sacrifice

:ere I #ould like to e7"lain !y understandin$ of the si$nificance of sacrifice in

relation to caste or$anisation. *irst of all& the $eneral !eanin$ of sacrifice& in a fe# #ords&

!ay be said to be the (offerin$ of


32/44

of re"roduction.1C In this connection& I have ar$ued else#here throu$h an analysis of a

co!!unity ritual +Tanabe ,---b3 that there are three social confi$urations and values

sub!ission& hierarchy and do!inance each of #hich "lays an indis"ensable role in the

sacrificial "rocess for social re"roduction in India.1

The "rinci"le of (sub!ission) corres"onds to the "rocess of death and deconstruction

11: 5ana%a 1991@ 9/11. 5"e 'ro&lem is t"at umont, in s'ite o$ admittin t"e e)istence o$ a

realm o$ t"e sacred t"at encom'asses t"e social level, could not ta%e into account its

meanin and $unction in ndian society +umont and ococ% 19:9@ 3B/31 umont 1971,

198B. is limitation seems to stem $rom t"e structuralist a''roac" t"at can only deal wit"

systems o$ di$$erence. owever, as Airard 'oints out, t"e sacred concerns itsel$ a&ove all

wit" t"e destruction o$ di$$erences, and t"is non/di$$erence cannot a''ear as suc" in t"e

structure +Airard 1977@ 241. ence, structuralism $ails to 'ut into 'ers'ective t"e sacred

w"ic" remains outside t"e structure, ... &anis"ed &y structuralism +i&id.@ 241/242. ronically,

"owever, structuralism contri&uted in discoverin t"e sacred, accordin to Airard, as it

made it 'ossi&le to distinuis" t"e $inite Kuality o$ sense o$ structure $rom t"e in$inite Kuality

o$ t"e sacred, t"at reservoir $rom w"ic" all di$$erences $low and into w"ic" t"ey all convere

+i&id.@ 242.

24Edmittedly, t"ere are ot"er Kualities t"at "uman &eins et $rom contact wit" t"e sacred.

5"e most im'ortant amon t"ese, ot"er t"an t"e enerative 'ower $or re'roduction in t"e

ndian conte)t, are 'er"a's transcendental %nowlede


33/44

that is the first "art of sacrifice. Then the second "art& na!ely the "rocess of rebirth or

reconstruction of the ne# self and social order& is achieved throu$h the "rinci"les of

(hierarchy) and (do!inance). That is to say& the co!!unity $ains contact #ith the real! of

the sacred throu$h sub!ission and self4destruction. y destroyin$ its older for! containin$

boundaries and se$re$ation& it is able to attain !er$ence #ith the "o#er of life and contact the

ori$inal i!!anence. In this state there is no social order. Then& the value of rah!anical

hierarchy co!es in to brin$ about social order by reconstructin$ boundaries and se$re$ations

bet#een different sections of the co!!unity. At the sa!e ti!e& the value of royal centrality

and do!inance functions to $ain the fruits of sacrificial #ork "erfor!ed throu$h the

co!!unity ritual and to redistribute these fruits a!on$ the co!!unity !e!bers. y the ter!

sacrifice& I do not refer only to sacrificial rituals. Althou$h ritual is a "aradi$!atic

re"resentation of the sacrificial "rinci"le& the sacrificial "rinci"le can be said to "er!eate all

as"ects of life. 5hat I a! tryin$ to su$$est here is that the as"ect of kin$shi" and do!inance

as #ell as that of rah!anical hierarchy is only a "art of the lar$er sacrificial "rocess in India.

Boreover& it is si$nificant that the de$ree of i!"ortance of each as"ect hierarchy&

do!inance and sub!ission has chan$ed in history. The as"ect of sub!ission& or offerin$ of

the self& is e!"hasised today as the !ost i!"ortant feature of the sacrificial ritual in the

villa$ers' discourse. This is related to #hat I have !entioned already re$ardin$ the villa$ers'

insistence on the value of duty and service of each caste for the co!!unity and local deity.

"er notion tends to $all to 'ost/modernist relativism w"ere everyt"in is reduced to conte)t

and view'oints, and lac%s sensitivity to t"e actual 'olitico/social structure in "istory in w"ic"

t"ese 'rinci'les were em&edded or t"e interrelations"i's &etween t"e t"ree 'rinci'les w"ic"

s"ould &e co"erent enou" to ma%e social re'roduction 'ossi&le. Elso, $or understandin t"e

sacri$icial 'rocess, t"e 'rinci'le o$ su&mission is im'ortant rat"er t"an t"at o$ mutuality w"ic"

does not seem to "ave muc" 'revalence in ndian society ot"er t"an in t"e s'"ere o$ mar%et

ty'e e)c"ane.

;1


34/44

y contrast& the as"ects of hierarchy and do!inance are under"layed today and the

villa$ers are atte!"tin$ to shift the se!antics of caste order to that of coo"eration and

solidarity. In other #ords& there see!s to be a develo"!ent of a for! and idea of caste as

sacrificial ritual or$anisation in conte!"orary local society in Orissa that under"lays both the

"urity4centred hierarchy and the "olitical structure of do!inance. The villa$ers see! to be

tryin$ to transfor! the character of the sacrificial "rocess by e!"hasisin$ the (sub!ission)

as"ect& #here each offers his duty as service for the local co!!unity and God. They are

$radually reducin$ the as"ects of (hierarchy) and (do!inance) by the idea of (coo"eration)

and (service).

Such transfor!ation& as I have re"eatedly "ointed out& is achieved throu$h the

#orkin$s of !ulti"le a$ents concerned& includin$ the lo# castes. The lo# castes have !ade

efforts to refuse to continue roles #hich they consider (de$radin$) #hile !aintainin$ roles

#hich they see as belon$in$ to their "ro"er tradition. The s#ee"er4dru!!er& for e7a!"le&

"erfor!s sabota$e #hen it co!es to cleanin$ the villa$e before the co!!unity festival& but

enthusiastically "lays the dru! for the local $oddess. I have also !entioned already that the

co#herd caste "eo"le refused to carry "alan9uins for !arria$e "rocession of hi$h castes

ar$uin$ that their 8real' traditional duty #as carryin$ deities' "alan9uins only.

Nonetheless& since the idea of sacrifice in Indian history has lon$ been related to the

idea of hierarchy and do!inance& it is not "ossible to si!"ly discard its i!"lications. There

#ill continue to be a "rocess of rene$otiation of !eanin$ in the field of "o#er and ideolo$y.

The idio! of 8coo"eration' is also e!"loyed by the hi$h castes as an ideolo$ical discourse to

!aintain the structure of hierarchy and do!inance. :o#ever& this does not !ean that #e

should belittle the creative a$ency of the local "eo"le by si!"ly assu!in$ that the

!aintenance of caste4based ritual duties necessarily al#ays leads to the re"roduction of the

"o#er structure. As identity rather than self4interest has beco!e ar$uably the !ost i!"ortant

;;


35/44

focus in conte!"orary Indian "olitics #hether local or national the !atter of values has

beco!e a serious "olitico4cultural concern of the villa$ers. alues and ethics& that are the

basis of identity& are not !ere ideolo$y of "o#er but constitute i!"ortant "olitico4cultural

concern for the villa$ers in the!selves +Tanabe 1//13. 5e should "ay sufficient attention to

the subaltern efforts to constantly ne$otiate and transfor! the content and !eanin$ of the

ritual duties into de!ocratically acce"table and e7istentially !eanin$ful ones.

The reinter"retation of the !eanin$ of caste4based ritual duties e!"hasisin$ the

(sub!ission) as"ect of offerin$ duties as service to God !ay be seen as a "rocess of !odern

re4e!er$ence of bhaktiideolo$y #hich had "reviously led to counter ri$id caste hierarchy in

the "re4colonial "eriod. :o#ever& the difference is that #hereas the bhakti ideolo$y in the

"re4colonial "eriod atte!"ted to "rovide e7istential !eanin$ to the #ork of each caste in all

s"heres of life& the re4e!er$in$ conte!"orary version see!s to refer only to the role of caste

in the inner ritual s"here. The socio4econo!ic outer s"here is left out as not bein$ related to

caste solidarity or the ideolo$y of sacrificial co!!unity. It is considered as a distinct s"here

for the individuals and fa!ilies to !ake !ost of their "rofit4or4"o#er4!a7i!isin$ ability. The

function of caste as sacrificial or$anisation is li!ited to the ritual s"here here.

This kind of li!ited "osition $iven to caste as sacrificial or$anisation only in the

ritual s"here see!s to reflect the fra$!ented for! of life and the dichoto!ous consciousness

of the villa$ers livin$ in "ost4colonial rural Orissa today. Ritual duties based on caste indeed

continue to "rovide "eo"le #ith their e7istential identity in the locality& but only in a

fra$!ented #ay and does not enco!"ass their entire life4style or #orldvie#. :o#ever& there

are "reli!inary atte!"ts to connect the !oral sense of sacrificial ethics to transfor! the

"ractices in the lar$er socio4"olitical s"heres. It is #orth "ayin$ attention to ho# the

sacrificial ethic& #hich has !ainly develo"ed #ith the "heno!ena of caste& is no# be$innin$

to transfor! itself beyond ritual s"heres to "rovide the basis of !orality to the "olitico4

;C


36/44

econo!ic s"heres.12

II. ONJUDING RBARKS

In su!& caste in today's rural Orissa can be said to be "laced at the intersection of its

denial or #itherin$ in the "olitico4econo!ic s"here and its refor!ulated continuity in the

ritual s"here.

In the official discursive s"here belon$in$ to the ideal of 8civil society'& caste is

denied either its e7istence and%or value. The discourse of freedo!& e9uality and de!ocracy is

certainly "revalent and influential in "ublic s"ace even in rural Orissa. The reservation "olicy

re"resents a "arado7ical concern of the $overn!ent co!!itted to the ideal of e9uality of civil

society #here the value of caste is denied but its e7istence is ad!itted. In the econo!ic

s"here& !arket "rinci"les have lar$ely re"laced custo!ary inter4caste e7chan$es as a result of

the initiatives taken by the lo#er 8service castes'& #here "rices for the #ork #ere ne$otiated

and in so!e cases re"laced by business. Althou$h caste association has "layed a vital role in

such ne$otiations& it is no# lar$ely defunct due to increasin$ hetero$enisation #ithin castes.

There is a "ossibility for lar$er coordination of caste $rou"s to for! "olitical a$ents in

electoral "olitics +Bitra ,--C3.16The transfor!ation of co!!unities into "olitical actors is a

2- uc" com'licated 'olitics o$ tradition is &eyond t"e sco'e o$ t"is 'a'er, so reKuest

readers to re$er to anot"er 'a'er +5ana&e 2BB2.

27Mitra ta%es an instrumental view o$ caste w"ic" suests t"at caste is a resource t"at

'olitical actors use in order to neotiate t"eir status, wealt" and 'ower. owever, suc" a

view w"ic" reduces caste to an instrument $or acKuirin wealt" and 'ower does not seem

to do justice to "is own 'osition t"at


37/44

ty"ical "heno!enon in 8"olitical society' in "ost4colonial de!ocracies +hatter?ee ,--&

1///3. :o#ever& in rural Orissa today& this as"ect does not see! to be very i!"ortant in ter!s

of the current "olitical set4u".

In the ritual s"here& caste as sacrificial ritual or$anisation "lays an i!"ortant role as

the basis of "eo"le's identity. There is contested ne$otiation of for!s and !eanin$s of caste

division of labour in this s"here. Since the centre of the ne$otiation is related to values of

ri$htness and $oodness& this as"ect of caste !ay be said to belon$ to 8!oral society' +Tanabe

1//13. aste as sacrificial ritual or$anisation includes but cannot be reduced to !ere

rah!anical hierarchy or structure of do!inance. Althou$h these ideolo$ical and "o#er

relations certainly e7ist as "art of the sacrificial structure& #hat is !ore re!arkable to !e is

the robust a$ency of !ulti"le sections of caste in refor!ulatin$ its structure. The #orkin$s of

!ulti"le a$ents includin$ the lo#er castes functioned to reduce the as"ects of hierarchy and

do!inance in caste interactions. They also shifted their for!ulation and !eanin$ to caste as a

!echanis! for co!!unity coo"eration and the #ork thereof as 8service' and 8duty' for the

co!!unity and God. aste as sacrificial or$anisation is not officially reco$nised& but has

le$iti!acy in the ritual s"here of the local co!!unity in Orissa. This is one result of the

continuous ne$otiations by the sections of "eo"le livin$ in the locality to redefine and recast

their identity in "ursuit of honour and survival. It sho#s "eo"le's a$ency and efforts to

!ediate their sense of identity #ith the "resent socio4"olitical ideas of de!ocracy and

e9uality. This is done by atte!"ts to discover the for! and !eanin$ of sacrifice that #ould

satisfy both cos!olo$ical ontolo$y and socio4"olitical e9uality. The i!"ortance of caste as

refor!ulated sacrificial or$anisation should not be disre$arded if #e are to do ?ustice to the

co!"le7 history of the local co!!unity and the a$ency of "eo"le in the locality.

aste in Orissa has #ithered in the "olitico4econo!ic s"here because it does not

sacri$icial 'rinci'le, ta%es a 'articular $orm and meanin in contem'orary conte)t and "ow it

is


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serve the "ursuit of "o#er and self4interest in the "resent "olitico4econo!ic conte7ts. 1aste

as sacrificial or$anisation& on the other hand& has been refor!ulated in the "ursuit of identity

in dis?unction fro! the "olitico4econo!ic activities in "ost4colonial history. The dichoto!y

#ed$ed bet#een "o#er4and4interests oriented "olitico4econo!ic activities and identity4

oriented ritual "ractices& ho#ever& see!s to "resent a "olitico4cultural "roble! for today's

India as a fra$!ented "redica!ent of "ost4colonial society. I!"ortant a$endas for

conte!"orary India #ould be to overco!e this dichoto!y and "rovide the "olitico4econo!ic

s"heres #ith a sense of value and ethics based on identity that is both de!ocratically

acce"table and ontolo$ically !eanin$ful to the "eo"le. In this sense also& it is #orth "ayin$

attention to #here the "rocess of contested ne$otiation of for! and !eanin$ of caste is

leadin$ to and #hat kind of influences the values and ethics "roduced fro! such ne$otiations

!i$ht have on "eo"le's ideas and "ractices in #ider "olitico4econo!ic s"heres.

Note

*ield#ork #as conducted in Garh Banitri& Khurda district& Orissa fro! Fune ,--, to

Fanuary ,--;. Occasional visits #ere !ade bet#een "eriods fro! Dece!ber ,-- to

Dece!ber ,--6 and fro! Dece!ber ,--- to Se"te!ber 1/// #hen I stayed in Euri& Orissa.

Bibliography

ayly& . ,-!ndian *ociety and the (aking of the British +mpire . The Ne# a!brid$e :istory of

India 1& a!brid$e0 a!brid$e University Eress.

ayly& S. ,---Caste, *ociety and olitics in !ndia from the +ighteenth Century to the (odern #ge .

The Ne# a!brid$e :istory of India I4;& a!brid$e0 a!brid$e University Eress.

hatter?ee& E. ,--; "he 0ation and its 1ragments2 Colonial and ostcolonial 3istories- Erinceton0

28n ot"er words, caste would 'lay a 'olitical $unction in anot"er conte)t, li%e in (i"ar.

;6


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Erinceton University Eress.

>>>> 1998 !ommunity in t"e Last, $c#n#mic and %#litical &eekly, 33, ''. 277/282.

>>>> 2BBB 5wo oets and eat"@ ;n !ivil and olitical ociety in t"e on/!"ristian

6orld, in 5imot"y Mitc"ell


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Syste!)& in F. Earry& and B. loch


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BiHushi!a& T. ,--/


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4eligion in *outh #sia- Senri thnolo$ical Studies. Osaka0 National Buseu! of thnolo$y. ''.

137/1-8.

QQQQ 1//1 (Boral Society& Eolitical Society and ivil Society in Eost4colonial India0 A ie#

fro! Orissan Jocality)&Journal of the Japanese #ssociation for *outh #sian *tudies,C& "". C/426.

QQQQ forthco!in$ (The Structure of Jocal o!!unity in Ere4colonial Khurda0 The ase of 8the

Syste! of ntitle!ents' in Garh Banitri)& in E. K. Nayak and R. Earkin rissa2

*ociety, Culture and 3istory


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Diagram 1: Representational model of caste classification in hurda! Orissa

Note0 The caste na!es in brackets are e7a!"les fro! Garh Banitri.

Table 1 "er#ices for the community!aste ervice(aI"ei

Ramac"andi.("aHIGri

year=.amGra


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Table 2 Snta-Sebkarelationships!aste !ontent o$ t"e service ervice receivin castes

(aI"ei

clean t"e $ront o$ t"e "ouse $oraricultural rite o$ aka ttia actas messeners on aus'iciousoccasions cut "air, s"ave &eardcut nails, s"ave "air and &eardon $unerals wives cut nails and'ut red dye on women#s $eet atc"ild&irt" and $unerals.

Ell castes e)ce't "o&G, (Guri,"ond, aora and GJi

"o&G

Documents

Tanabe Recasting Identities