tasavvuf İlmi ve Akademik Araştırma Dergisi

Ankara 2002

tasavvuf İlıni ve Akademik Araşınma Dergisi

ISSN 1302-3543

İmtiyaz Sahibi Bayram Yayıncılık Adına

Hasan BAYRAM

Editör Etlıem CEBECİOGLU

Hakem Kurulu Mustafa AŞKAR, Etlıeın CEBECİOGLU, Mehmet DEMİRCİ,

Mustafa KARA, M. Erol KlUÇ, Turan KOÇ,-Mustafa TAHRALI, Osman TÜRER, Süleyman ULUDAG, Erhan YETİK, H. Kamil YILMAZ, Abdülhakim YÜCE

Sorumlu Genel Yayın Yönetmeni AlİÇINAR

Yayın Kurulu Etlıem CEBECİOGLU, Baki ADAM, Mehmet AKKUŞ,

Mustafa AŞKAR, İrfan AYCAN, Ali ÇINAR, Şamil DAGCI, Zülfikar GÜNGÖR, Sabri HİZMETLİ, Mehmet ÖZDEMİR, Mehmet P AÇACI, İbrahim SARIÇAM,

Alunet Nedim SERİNSU, İdris ŞENGÜL, İsınail Hakkı ÜNAL, Ali YILMAZ

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Japonya 1988-1989

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The Sufi U nderstanding of Human in

The Case of Niyazi-i Mısri

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mustafa ASKAR*

Introduction

Niyazi-i Misr! is an outstanding personality whose Divan (Collection of Po­etry) has been read by and inspired Turks for centuries. He isa poet and mystic who lived in the 17th century which could be deemed as the Period of. Recessi­on of the Ottoman Empire. Niyazi-i Misr! had a personality which had direct par­ticipation in and influence over the political and social events of his time. He ma­de comments on such topics of sufism as the Unity of Being (Vahdet-i Vucfid), love, and human, which were in line with Ibn Arabi, and he, by virtue of his po­ems, deserves to be dubbed as the most read mystic of Anatolia second to Yu­nus Emre. Now, before maving on to the mystic views of his, we have the con­viction that it would serve the understanding of his ideas to take a look at his bi­ography as well as the religious and intellectual environment he lived in.

L The Religious and Intellectual Background of Niyazi-i Misıi

It is known that the dervishes contributed to the army and accompanied the sovereigns in the wars as of the establishment of the Ottoman State.1 In this can­text, an affinity is to be spoken of between the State and the Sufis in the Period

* Instructor at Ankara University, Faculty of Divinity. This pa per has been presented at the Nin dı Annual of dıe International Assodation of Sufısın heldon May 24-27, 2002, Bellevue-Washington

DC, USA. ı O. Lutfı Barkan, "Osmanli Iınparatorlugu'nda Bir !skan ve Kolanizasyon Metodu Olarak Yakif­

lar ve Temlikler, 1: Istila Devirlerinin Kolanizatar Turk Dervisleri ve Zaviyeler", JTakijlar Dergisi, vol.

Il (1942), pp. 282-283; M. Fuad Koprulu, Osman/i Devletinin Kımılusıı, (1TK Basinıevi) Ankara

1988, p. 84. 2 Irfan Gunduz, Osınaıılilarda Devlet-Tekke Mımasebet/eri, Istanbul1989, pp. 18-19.

94 tasavmif

of Establishnıent of the Ottoman State.2 In the early period, wlıich began with

the ınarriage of Osman Gazi to Sheikh Edebali's daughter/ and continued until

the time when Yildirim Bayezid consented his daughter to ınarry to Enıir Sultan

-who alsa was a nıystic lıimself, we see that d1ere isa very close relationslıip bet­

ween d1e sovereigns and the nıystics.

In the early periods of dıe Ottoman Empire, it is observed that the sovereigns

have a special tendeney toward mysticisın. As we ınentioned while givirıg an ac­

count of the scientific sınıcture of the period, mystic schools irı the Ilmlyya class

started, as of early 15t1ı century, to spread irı a strong fashlon, and found the op­

port\}nity to spread dı e faiths and rituals of their own taıiqas irı various regions of

the Ottoınan State. Tiıe Qadiriyya, Khalwatiyya, Bayranıiyya, and other tariqas fo­

~ınd, thanks to the intellectual tolerance prevailing then irı the land, the chance to

spread from the second half of the 15'h century to the nıiddle of dıe 16tlı century. 1

Taking a look at the Uleına-Sufi relations in the early period, one sees a con­

siderably lıigh level of hamıony. Because, the first Ottoman instructor Davtıd-i

Kayserı (d. 751/J 350) w ro te an annotation for dı e Fususu 'l-Hikem of Ibn Ara b!. 5

Sinıilarly, Mullah Fenari (d. 843/1431) -dıe first Official Religious Leader of dıe

Ottoman State- read and taught the mystical Miftabu'l-Gayb of Sadreddin-i Ko­

nev! (d. 674/127LÜ,6 and, at·dıe same time, made use of such tafiqas as dıe Khal­

watiyya and the Zayniyya, and adopted the canception of dıe Unity of Being

whlch has a significant place irı the Ottoman intellectual lıistory.7

These examples depict that dıere was no such Ulema-Sufi discrimirıation in

the Period of Establishment of dıe Ottoman State. Yet, neither the relations bet­

ween dıe State and the nıystics nar those between the Uleına and the Sufis went

unchanged. \Yle see that the balance started, in dıe years and centuri.es to conıe

and pass, to falter against dıe mystics.

Upon arriving in dıe 17tlı century, it is seen that the above-explained roleran­

ce was reduced to a great extent, and a class of preachers emerged, who oppo­

sed, to an extent more dıan plausible, dıe people of mysticism. The fight wlıich

had been waged in the previous century with ınaııifests and books turned, in the

17rlı century, into de facto acts. Arıd this fight would eınerge as the Kadizadeli-

3 Z. Velidi Togan, Uınımıf Tıırk Taribine Giris, (IUEF Yayiıılari) Istanbul 1970, p. 370

4 Huseyin Gazi Yurdaydin, "Turkiye'nin Dini Tarihine Umumi Bir Bakis", AUIF Dergisi, Ankara

1962, vol. IX, p. 114.

5 Mustafa Tahrali, FıiSIISH '1-Hikem, Serbi ve V abdet-i Vucud ile Alaka/i Bazi Meseleler, Article

in the Arınotation of the Fusus and its Translation), Istanbul 1987, p. 32.

6 Mecdi Efendi, Terceme-i Sakayil.ı, vol. I, (Maıbaa-i Amire) Istanbul 1269, p. 49.

7 Etlıeııı Cebecioglu, Haci Bayram-i Velf ve Tasauvıif Anlayisi, Ankara 1994, pp. 68-70; Musta­

fa Askar, Molla Fenari ue V abdet-i Vucud Aıılayisi, Ankara 1993. p. 86 and pp. 153-182.

tb e sıifi ıınderstmıding of bımıaıı . . . 95

ler Movement' or the Kadizadeli-Sivasf C01?flictwhich would, from then on, last

for centuries in the Ottoman intellectual history as led by the preacher class, and

busy hundreds, and maybe even tlıousands, of people.

In every period of the Kadizadeli-Sivasi conflict, one name from each group

emerged to defend own perspectives. While Kadizadeli Mehmed Efendi :vas

confronted by Sivasi Abdulrnecid Efendi, they were followed, to tl1e same ex­

tent, by Ustuvaru Mehmed Efendi (d. 1072/166ıf on behalf of the Kadizadeli

Group, and Khalwau Sheikh Abdulehad Nuri (d. 1061/1651) against him. The

Kadizadeli-Sivasi Conflicts would continue, in its third generation, between Ni­

yazi-i .Misd and Mehrned Varu Efendi, who hirnself was a preacher as well.

The State-Sufi and Ulema relations which had gained on a good deal of ten­

sion in the 15ıh century became most accentuated in tl1e 17ıh century in which

Niyazi-i Misrilived. Along with the political murders of same mystics whom we

mentioned while reviewing the political stnıcture of the period, we especially

see tl1at it was a most comman practice to send sheikhs on exile.

This period was a very unfortunate period for senior ranking sheikhs, in

which many mystics, including Niyazi-i Misr!, were sent on exile by tl1e State. lt

would be pnıdent, at tl1is point, to ren1ind that tl1is Kadizadeli-Sivasi conflict

which emerged in tl1e 17ıh century in the Ottoman S ta te took place, ·most gene­

rally, between tl1e Ulema and the Sufis, and the State was obliged, due to the inf­

luence of tl1e preachers witl1 Ka dizadeli mentality, to resolve against the Sufis.

Hence, our mystic, Niyazi-i Misr!lived in such an atmosphere in wl1ich there

was an intensive political and econoınic regression, and there were too many re­

ligious and intellectual conflicts and fights as well. W e now intend to present bri­

efly Misr!'s life, and then move on to Ilis understanding of human, which was

our intended topic.

ll. Brief Life History of Niyazi-i Mis ri

Notwithstanding the fact that his surname ariginates from Egypt where he

8 A. Yasar Ocak, "XVII:Yuzyilda Osmanli Inıparatorlugunda Dinde Tasfiye (Puritanizm) Teseb­

buslerine Bir Bakis; Kadizadeliler Hareketi", Turk Kulıum Arastimıalari, Year XVII-XXI, 1-2 0979-1983), Ankara 1983, p. 208.

9 His real name being Melııned bin Alımed bin Melııned el-Sanü, Usruvani was bom in

1017/1608 in Damascus, and caıııe to Istanbul where he becaıne a preacher. He was called Ustuva­ni by virtue of his lıabit of Jeaning against the coluınns of Ayasoplıia while instructing. He actively

took part in the Kadizadeli-Mesayilı Conllicts, and was sent, by Kopnılu Melııned Pasa, on exile to

Cypnıs. After being granted aınnesty, hereturned to Damascus, wlıich was the place of his birdı. He

passed away dıere in 1072/1661. (See Melııned Sureyya, Sicill-i Osman i, (Matbaa-i Amire) Istanbul

1313, vol. IV, p. 173; Uzuncarsili, Osmaııli Taribi, vol. III, Part I, p. 368 and on).

96 rasawıtj

spent his years of education, he was bom in Malatya which was one of the pro­

minent settlements in the East of Anatolia. 10 And as for the birth date of Niyazi-i

Misri, he specifies his own birth da te by writing "/ was bom in ten twenty-seven"

in his periodical. 11 Taking tlıis record as basis, it is possible to deduce that Niya­

zi-iMisri was bom on March 9, 1618, Friday according to Justinian calendar. Ni­

yazi-i Misr!'s father is Sogancizade Sbeikb Ali Ce/ebi en-Naksibendi of Malatya.

As could be guessed by the fanıily structure, Niyazi-i Misri grew up in a religious

fanıily; he attended the children's school for his primary educ'!:tion, v.:here he le­amed the Holy Koran and otlıer religious knowledge as well as wriı:lng.

As known, it was a comman practice for both Ottoman scholars and the pre­

ceding Anatelian Seljuk scholars to go to Syria, Egypt, and Iran for tlıeir lıigher

edu ca tion. ıı Complying to tlıis tradition, Niyazi-i Misr1 alsa set out. The first stop

of his journey was Diyarbakir. Arriving in Diyarbakir for tuition, Niyazi-i Misr1

stayed in tlıis city for one year. From there, he moved on to Mardin, which was

a county of the province of Diyarbakir. In both of these two cities: he was taught

Logic and Scripture by local scholars. Spending anotlıer two years like tlıis, Ni­

yazi-i Misr1 arrived in Egypt in 1050/1640 at the age of 23 roughly. As he lıimself

tells us, Niyazi-i Misr! stayed for three years at the Qadir! dervish lodging in the

Sheikhı1ruyya complex, and became affiliated with the sheikh there. Yet, other

than receiving mystical education here, he was alsa taught at the Cfuniu'l-Ezher,

and preached at the same time.13

Then he returned to Anatolia, and stayed for a while in Istanbul, Bursa, and

Usak. Afterwards, he lived in Elmali witlı his sheikh Ummi Sinan for about ten

years. Niyazi-i Misd came to Bursa in early 1072/1661-62.14 He started lıis own

10 Ibrahiın Rakim, Vakitit-i Mısrf, Suleymaniye Library, (!zmir Section) See those works on Ni­yazi-i Misri's Life and Views on Sufisın: Mustafa Askar, Mohammed N~vazf-i Misrf ei-Malazvau~ His Life, His Works, and His Mystical Views, Ph. Dissertation, Ankara University, VI1I+324 p. This disser­tation was published by the Ministry of Culture in Turkey, see Mustafa Askar, Niyazi-i Misn" ve Ta­sauuıtj Aıılayisi, (Kultur Bakanligi Yayinlari) Ankara 1998, 426 p. The following acadeınic work in which Niyazi-i Misri has been evaluated in terms of literature could also be checked: Kenan Erdo­gan, N~yazf-i Misrf, Hayati, Edebi Kisiligi ve Diuaııiııin Tenkit/i Metni, Plı.D., Ataturk University, Er­zurum 1993, 333 p. Also for his accounts of his own life as quoted from a work of his, penned in the ·rırst person, see Niyazi-i Misri, Meuiiidü'l 1ifaıı ve Aviiidti'l 1bsaıı, Selimaga Library (Hudayi Secti­on), no. 587, v. 22b (v: page in ınanuscripts).

ll Niyazi-i Misri, Mecmııa, BEEK, Orhan Section, no: 690, v. 9a. 12 Hakki Uzuncarsili, Osman/i Devletinin 1/m~ve Teski/at i, (TTK Basiınevi) Ankara 1988, p. 227. 13 Ibrahinı Raldm, ibid, v. 3; Mustafa Lutfi, Tıilıfew'l-Asn"fi Meııiikibi'l-Misrf, CEmiri Matbaasi)

Bursa 1309. S. 7; Mehıned Seınseddin, Gulziir-1 Misn~ pp. 408-409; !smail Belig. Guldeste-1 R~)!iiz-i 1ifaıı, (Vilayet Matbaasi) Istanbul 1302, p. 189; Ruseyin Vassaf, Sefiııe-i Euliyii:vi Ebriiı·fi Serhi Es­mar-i Esrar, vol. V, v. 74; Bursali Mehmed Tahir. Osman/i Mııellifleri, p. 29; Abdulbald Golpinarli, "Niyazi-i Misri", Sark~yat Mecm11asi, vol. VII, (IUEF Yayinlari) Istanbul 1972, p. 183; Balıa Dograma­ci, Nfyazf-i Misrf Hayati ve Eserleri, (Kadioglu Matbaasi) Ankara 1988, pp. 1-2.

14 Ibral1im Raldm, ibid; Terceme-i Hal-i Seyb Muhammed.Misn'erı-Njfyazı~ v. 118a; Belig, Gul-

the sıifi ımderstanding of human . .. 97

tekke, and thus sufi activities in Bursa. He was sent on exile, by Meluned IV, to the isle of Rhodes in 1083/1672. He

returned to Bursa upon the lifting of his punislunent. However, he was sent on

exile to the isle of Lemnos in 1088/1677. He was allawed to returo to Bursa in

1103/1691 after five years. When he visited Edirnewith his followers ina mili­

tary show, and made speeches against the State, he was sent to Lemnos for a se­

cond time, and he died there in 1105/1694.

m. Certain Mystical Views of Niyazi-iMisri on Human

In the mystical discipline, the human is a miniature model of the universe. The

universe is the macro-casmos (al-Alemu'l-Kab!r), and, being a miniature model of

it, human is the micro-cosmos (al-Alernu's-Sag!r). In addition, the Holy Koran desc­

ribes human as the "Divine Breath" blown by Allalı into the mould that is the body.

Because Allah said, "Wben I fasbioned bim and breatbed in to bim of My spirit. '"

Thus, human has been created of an integrity of the soul and the body. According to the Holy K oran, while human was created of m uç! on the one hand, it is also an

irnportant being that has a divine edge to itself on the other lıand. Famous mystic

Mevlana Celaleddin Rum! (d. 672/1273) also tells, in the first eiglıteen pairs of lines

of his Mashnawi, this aspect of human. As known, these lin es are as follows: 16

Bisnev fn ney cım sikayet mf kuned

Ez cudayiha hiMyel mf koned

"Listen to what the ney (reed) is teliing about, it is complaining about sepa­

rations." Here, the allegory of the ney stands for the Human. That is to say, the

Human was created in essen ce in the world of the spirits, and then cam e to the

world after being put in this body. The Human constantly misses and longs for

tlıe heavenly dimensions, which is his actual homeland. And sinıilarly, the ney

cries for it was cut when a cane, and longs for i ts actual homeland. W e also find in Yünus. Emre (d. 721/1321) the tlıeme that the essence of Human was created

before its bodily existence. He saidina poem of his: 17

deste, p. 189; Haririziide, Tibyiimt l'esiiili'l HaMikjf Beyani Seliisili't-Tnriiik, vol. III, Suleynıaniye

Library (lbrahinı Efendi Section), v. 131a; B.ivlehıııed Tahir, .ibi d, p. 29; Kantil Kepecioglu, Bursa Ku­

tugu, vol. III, Library of Ancienı Works of Bursa, General Books, no. 4519, p. 451; Dogranıaci, ibid,

p. 7; Franz Babinger, "Niyazi", El, vol. VIII, Leiden 1993, p. 65; Golpinarli, "Niyazi", lA, p. 305.

15 al-Hijr, verse 29; Sad, verse 72.

16 See. Talıiru'l Mavlawi, Serb-i Mesneu~ (Sami! YayiniarD Istanbul, p. 49.

17 See. Yunus Emre, Billll ıı Siirleri, Prepared by C ahi ı Ozıelli, (Milliyet Yayinlari) Istanbul 1971,

p.l24.

98 tascwımf

Adem yamtilnıadan Can kaliba gi17neden Seylan lanet olmadan

Ar.> idi seyran bana

Dabf yer go k yog idi Cumle soz mensuh idi Asiklar tapar idi O bf-nfsan Subbana

Yunus Emre has also underlined dıe existence of human before his body. In accentuating dıat existence has a divine edge to it, he has stated mat human co­

mes before dıe uruverse from ilie spiritual point of view. Yet, dıe precedence of

Human to dıe universe is not a bodily precedence. The human comes before the uruverse in consciousness. 18

Niyaz!-i Misii also evaluates, in compliance with dtis approach of the mystical discipline of thought, dıe human as a smail being in terms of looks, yet a great and high being when approached spiritually. Misd dtinks of the human and dıe human body as a vast city established at dıe crossroad where caravans constantly pass. 19

The caravans enter from one of these roads, and exit from anotlıer. Every human is smail in temıs of physical characteristics, yet big in meaning. The seven ski es, the seven grounds, dıe kım;f, the levb, tlıe lıeaven, and dı e hell enter that city of body

several times in a day, wander araund in that city, and leave it on tlıe other side. Yet, few are those who can feel tltis. The Human is very much similar to a big city. In the center of it is a greaf throne occupied by tlıe high sultan. The sultan sitting on tltis throne is tlıe order of Allah. The saul is His property, the heart is His treasu­re, and the Wit and tlıefebim (deeper understanding) are His scales and weights. 20

18 I. Agah Cubukcu, Yiinııs Em re ve Felsefesi, Ankara 1992, pp. 6-7. 19 W e see that some nıystics and Islamic philosoplıers before Niyazi-i Misr!lıave also used the

allegory of city while dealing witlı human. Especially, Falıreddin er-Razi provides detailed informa­tion by likening the huınan body to a ciLJ', and the lıeart to the sovereign roling that city. (See Fah­redclin er-Razi, el-Metalibu '1-AIZye, vol. VII, eel. Ahmed I-Iicazi es-Seka, (Diiru'l Kitiibi'I-Arabi), Beinıt 1987, pp. 286-288). Again, fanıous Sufı Mevlana Celaleddin Rumi when providing information hu­man in his Ffbi Ma Ffb, likens Human to a city where everything exists. (See Mevlana Celaleddin Ru­mi, Ffbi Mii Ffb, Prepared by Selcuk Eraydin, (Iz Yayinlari) Istanbul1994, pp. 168-172). Yunus Em­re likens lıuman to a city with the following lines of his:

Bu vııcı7dllın sebn'ne ber dem giresim ge/ur

Icindeki sultaııım ber dem goresim gel11r (See Mustafa Tatci, Yı?n11s Emre Divaııi, Tenkirli Metin-II, (Publications of the Ministry of Culıu­

re) Ankara 1990, p. 63. Similarly, Haci Bayram-i Veli (d. 833/1430) expressesin the following lines of his:

Calabim bir sar yaratm is iki cilımı aresinde Bakicak dfdar gOJiııHr ol siirin kentimsinde

that Allalı created human between the two worlds, and created the heart both in the worldly sense and also witlı the unfolding and ascending quality. (See Fuat Bayranıoglu, Haci Bayram Velf, Yasa­mi, Boy11, Vakfi, (Publications of the Turkish Authority of History) Ankara 1983, p. 231; Ed1enı Ce­becioglu, Haci Bayram Velf, (Publications of the Ministry of Culture) Ankara 1991, p. 142)

20 See Niyazi-i Misri, Meviiid11 '/ Iıfiiıı ve Autiidll '/ Jbsiiıı, Selinıaga Library (Hudayi Section), no. 587, V. 40b.

tb e sııflunderstaııding of bııman . . . 99

According to Misr!, this dty has four gates. These are: the Eyes, the Ears, the

Tongue, and the Hands. All creatures enter this city from one of these gates and

leave through another. All that entered the city cannot evade passing before the Wit. The fehim chooses, on dıe basis of value, scale, and weight, the good and

bad on es out of these. Those it lik es, it lets loose; and iliose it does not like, it re­leases. S ome of these caravans enter through the Gate of Eye, and leaves through the Gate of Han ds. That is to say, it enters through seeing, and leaves as an act, a deed, or an art or craft. S ome enter ilirough the Gate of Ear, and leave through the

Gate ofTongue. That is to say, itenters through lıearing, and leaves in the form of words. The Wit tak es pictures of. dıose passing before it, and gives dıese pictures

to the Imagination. The Imagination is the owner of the book of wit. And dıe Wit

retains those of the picture that it likes, and releases those that it does not like.21

According to Misr!, there is no difference between dıe mu 'ın in (believer) and the ınımafiq Chypocrite) in the entry of dıe caravans into the City of Body dıro­

ugh seeing and hearing. Yet, there are many difference between these two with

respect to the faslıian of taking the arriving capital, and investing it in words and acts. The mu'nıin takes dırough the eyes and the ears those dıings that are good

beforeAllah; he does good, and talks good. And yet, the mzmafiq takes through the eyes and the ears those things dıat are bad; he does bad, and he talks bad. He

is i~deed like a plant dıat sports many branches, and has thoms on each branclı. '-'

The mu'nıin is not attracted by dıose other man what strengthen his belief,

improve lıis knowledge and insight, and render his acts sincere. And dıe muna­fiq does not support those odıer dıan what strengthen lıis discord, iınprove his

Satanic quality and ungrounded doubts, and !essen his heart's peace.2' Here,

Mis ri, un derlining the fact that the state of the human saul -gained on according to the status of belief- constantly seeks i ts own food and the qualities dıat would

strengdıen its current state, provides an original interpretation widı respect to

mystic psychology.

According to Misr!, human is !ike a nıirror before wlıich everytlıing passes. The im<!ges of certain dıings look straight and proportional, while atlıers look

distorted. Or, rhe human beings are lil<e good and barren soils, as stated in the words of Allah. This is as it is likened in Üıe fallawing verse: "From the !and that is dean and good, by the will of its cherisher, springs produce after i ts kind: But

from dı e land that is bad, springs up nothing but that is scanty. "24 Good soil re­

habilitates theseedin two, three stages even if the seed is bad, and similarly, bad

21 Niyazi-i Misri, Meuiiid, v. 41a.

22 İhid, V. 41b.

23 İbid, v. 42a.

24 Araf. verse 58.

100 tasauımf

soil deterionites the seed in two, three stages even if it was healthy. Human he­art is also like this in llstening to true words.25 In this context, Misrllikens the hu­man heart, through the employment of a metaphoric expression, to the mirror

and the soil. By also taking into account the name of Will of Allah, Misrl under­

lines that human acquires positive and negative demeanors through the effects it receives with his own will from the outer world.

According to Niyazi-i Misri, such relations as mutual visits and friendship inc­rease the love for each other, since all humans are created of a single being. Yet,

this should not stop us from loathing some people for Allah. Such people sho­uld be invited to believe and to perform prayers. According to Misrl, when we look through the eyes of the Angels, we see humans as beings who ca use disor­der and draw blood on the Earth.:u; Here, Misri knows the truth of humanina

very profound way, and states that social relations are bound to increase the lo­

ve between people. On the other hand, sets forth important criteria for the cor­rect recognition of human by daiming that it would be appropriate to view the human as mere mankind, and not as angels.

Niyazi-i Misri psychologically analyzes mankind in his own perspective as well. According to him, humans, by nat:ure, do not see their flaws and acknow­ledge .their rnistakes. They are jealous of both the little and the much. They want people to have pity for them, yet they do not have pity for others. They do not

forgive rnistakes and forgetting, and they punish. Especially gossip and calumny

set brothers apartand away within the tariqa. Talking to such people is deemed

as a loss from the religious point of view. Getting away from such people is pre­

ferable for protecting one' s religion. They smile if they are pleased, and they get

filled with hatred when they are angry. They talk behind your back with their eye-brows and eyes. And they do their best in hating ·and gossiping about even

their closest friends. 27

Misd makes the fallawing advice on getting to know human: ''Do not trust in the lo ve of a person whom you have not met for a white in a house, ıuhom you do not kııow ve1y well, and have not tried well. T1y him when he is away

from you, or close to you as a friend, and in richness and in pove11y. Bither ıra­

uel or trade with the person you will makefriends with. If you are pleased with this person after all these trials, annaıtnce ·him father if be is o/der than you, son if he is younge1~ or brotber if be is your peer.28 According to Ivlisri, the stan­ces that people adopt can be divided into four as follows:

25 Niyazi-i Misri, Meuiiid, v. 42a.

26 İbid, Meuiiid, v. 19b.

27 İbid, Meuiiid, v. 20a.

28 İbid, Meuiiid, v. 20b.

the sıifi ımderstanding of human . . . 101

1. Same do good to those who do good.

2. Same do bad to those who do bad. These people are like fıerce animals. 3. Same do bad to those who do good. These are like snakes.

4. Same do good to those who do bad. This is the moral of prophets, saints, and the good. 29

Misd explains the happiness of human: According to him, human finds hap­

piness in what he finds joy in and what gives him peace and comfort. Things

want to adlieve the purpose of ıheir creation. Because they are a part of it. In

the same way that pieces want to reach the whole, everything wants reach its whole, and become lost in that whole. The eyes find joy in looking at beautiful

things; the ears find joy in hearing beautiful sounds and musical modes; and the heart fınds joy in achieving the things that it was, in the first place, created for; namely, the heart feeds on knowing.30

Niyazi-i Misd puts it that the happiness of human lie.s in lmowing and getting

to lmow Allah. Because tlıis is the last stage of the joys and the peace. According

to Misd, tlıe lowest of tlıe joys is lmowing the arts. Nevertheless, this is more than

tlıe joy clıildren fınd in playing. Learning disciplines is more joyous when compa­

red to tlıis. And the tariqa disciplines are more joyous tlıat shariah disciplines. Yet,

knowing the discipline of Trutlı is sweeter tlıan all. The Truth is: attaining the sec­

rets of Allah, while lmowing and covering the Unity of Acts, tlıe Unity of Attribu­tes, and the Unity of Essence (Zat). And, lmowing Allah (Marifetullah) is tlıe last

stage of zavk (joy) and peace. Tlıis is the food of the heart; namely, of the sovere­

ign. The Murid (Disciple) should know that the way that willlead to the zavk of

the sovereign crosses the river of waiving from the joy of the other senses. The ma­

turing of each organ and sense is possible through the maturing of what it has be-

. en created for. And, that is Marifetullah. And, it is possible through uniting Allah in all of His acts, attributes, and Essence.31 As we see here, Niyazi-i Misd makes a spe­

cific defınition of happiness, and by categorizing the inımaterial joys the human

spirit is capable of aclıieving, puts believing in Allah at tlıe top of tlıese joys.

As for tlıe position of human in this world, Niyazi-i Misd alsa tlıinks that hu­

man is abroad in tlıis world. That is to say, the actual and original homeland of

29 Niyazi-i Misri, Mevaid, v. 20b. Late Ottoınan ınystic Kusadali Ibeahim Halveti (d. 1262/1845)

expresses, in verse, the states of the humans according to their good or bad deeds as follows:

Iyilige ~vi/ik yapmak her kisi kiiri Kotuluge iyilikerkisi karl

Iyilige katıı/u k ser kisi kfiri

(See Y. Nuri Ozturk, Kusadali Ihrahim Halı-eti Hayati, Dıisıinceleri, Mektllplari, (Fatih Yayin­lari) Istanbul 1982, p. 98.)

30 Niyazi-i Misri, Mel'iiid, v. IOb. 31 İbid, v. IOb-lla.

102 tasaı .. vuf

human ·is the dimension of Allah where his spirit came from. Namely, it is·not

possible for human to achieve absolu te happiness while in this world. Misr! exp­resses this case as follows in a poem of his included in his Divan:32

Gel ey gw·het di)1arinda esir olup, kalan insan

Gel ~V dunya hamhinda yatııp, gafil olan insan Gozım ac, perdeyi ka/dur, duracak yer mi gor dıınya

Katı Mecnun duntr buna gonul virip duran insan Kafeste tıltfye sukker vintrler hic karar itmez

Acep nicım karar ider hıı zindana giren insan

In this poem of his, Misr1 te lls that human is a foreignerin this world, that Ulis world is not Uıe homeland of human, and Uıat the parrat in the cage will not be content nor happy no matter how much sugar one feeds to it. Niyazi-iMisri exp­lains Uıe world and the people of the world as follows with anotlıer example: According to 11im, the world is a vast house. Allah built Uıis house, and arranged a garden right in the middle of it, and planted all kinds of benefidal and harm­flll trees in Uıat garden. And Uıe people who enter this garden are grouped un­der Uıree headings. One group enter the garden, eat from all benefidal U1ings in there, and they leave Uı~ garden witlı booties of theirliking and affording. Anat­her group enter Uıe garden, they eat delicious appetizing fruits and at times eat . . .

harmful fruits out of appetite as well, and then, they run to the doctor at once. The doctors cure them, and Uıey, too, leave the garden witlı booties of their li­king and affording. And there is one last group of people who enter the garden, and eat whatever they find in Uıe garden without questioning whedıer they are benefidal or harmful. They are, therefore, destroyed arid left in despair. They do not heed such warnings as "17ıat is harrnful, do not eat it!" and '1 have the cu-

1·e to your problem" of those inviting people. These Uıree groups of people al­ways exist in tl1is garden.3·~

Misr111imself interprets this allegory as follows: '1n this garden, the most be­neftcial of all the trees is the tree of Unity. And the most harmful of the tre es are tbe trees of kıtfr, shirq, and discord. They are followed by the trees of vanity, en­

nıity, and jealousy. The beautiful tree is the ıvord of Unity or the perfect man. And the most beııeficial of those things in the garderı is field of orders arı d vo­luntary deeds. And the most harmful of those are the prohibitions. And the an­tidote is repentance. 71ıe doctors and the inviting people in the gardeıı are prop­hets, guides, saints, and advisors. ,o-ı As we understand, Misnlikens the world to

32 Dft~t'in-i Niyazf, Istanbul1300/1883, p. 56; Kenan Erdogan, Niyazi'-i Misrf Dfııiiııi, (Akçag Ya­

yinlari) Ankara 1998, p. 158.

33 Niyazi-i Misri, Meviiid, v. 35b-36a.

34 İbid, Meı.ıiiid, v. 36b.

the sıifi ımderstanding of human . . . 103

a gardens with benefidal and hannful trees, and depicts it as a place where one should take all necessary booties and leave.

Conclusion

Belonging to the Ottoman mystics of the 17rh century, Niyazi-i Misr1 both had

an intellectual and political influence on his era, and alşo came to be adared by

the Turks in Anatolia by virtue of the poems and hymns he wrote. Especially his

Divan, which cangregates his poems, was read very commonly by the tariqa

members in who le Anatolia, and came to be known as the handbook of tariqas.

While the lyrics of the hynıns sung taday in Turkish Radio and Television chan­

nels belong firstly to Yunus Emre, Niyazi-i Misr1 is definitely the second most

common. Furthern;ıore, in consideration of his place in the history of Sufism witlı

respect to mystical tlıinking, it is possible to dub Niyazi-i Misrt as the Ibn Arab!

of tlıe Ottoman Period, and as Yunus Emre the Second by virtue of his poems.

Niyazi-i Jvlisrt was not only a mystic poet, but alsa a mystic who, by establislıing

the tariqa of Misr!yya -whiclı was named after hinı, nurtured hundreds of caliphs

and mıırids for centuries in the tekkes which were the ideal places of education

in Anatolia and in the Balkan Region.

In brief, Niyazi-i Misd shall continue to exist as one of tlıe supra-temporal vo­

ices by virtue of botlı the works he penned -especially his Divan which cangrega­

tes his poems, and the impact and contribution he has made to tlıe Sufi culture.