The hope of the initial context

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THE HOPE OF THE INITIAL CONTEXTThe physical relation between the current and the initial situ-

ation of the Nahr-el-Bared refugees.

Bram Van Hulle, paper interdisciplinary debates

“The notion of return has defined the diasporic and extraterritorial nature of Palestinian politics, cultural and social life since the war in 1947-1948. Often articulated in the “suspended politics” of political theology it has gradually been blurred in the futile limbo of negotiations. Return is a political act that is both practiced at present and projecting an image into an uncertain future. A varied set of practices that we would like to call “present returns” thus ground an ideal in present day material realities.”1

The change in the cultural landscape generally occurs slowly, unless some political decisions decide otherwise. Having invested effort in livable places the inhabitants had to witness radical changes, caused by the

1 Sandi Hilal, Alessandro Petti, Eyal Weizman, “The Book of returns”, unpublished

introduction__Israeli “War of Independence”. In this process of cultural landscape transformation one party attempts to eliminate the other’s attachment to their habitat. By this forced rupture with the initial context the refugee conserves their memory to what ‘was’. By having this memory to the hometown and the will to return the Nahr-el-Bared people look for similarities between the initial and current conditions. This paper will go deeper into the aspect of relations between the refugees and the current and initial context.

The cause__In general we can define exile as being moved, under pressure, from one’s native country, “the state of being barred from one’s

native country, typically for political or punitive reasons or”2. This can be for a long or short period. Within the context of the Israeli and Palestinian issue, exile is an up to date topic. The collective dispossession and ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people, for the past six decades, is the core issue in that context. Beside the emergence of the State of Israel, the other major result of the 1948 war was the destruction of the Palestinian society and the birth of the refugee problem. The Palestinians fled or were ejected from the areas that became the Jewish State and resettled to a 2 Oxford Dictionary. The or-igin of the word following the Ox-ford Dictionary is the noun partly from Old French exil ‘banishment’ and partly from Old French exile ‘banished person’ ; the verb from Old French exiler; all based on Latin exilium ‘banishment,’ from exul ‘banished person.’

keywords__

Nahr-el-Bared_ hope of return_ Palestinian Nakba_ refugee

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large extend in the territories that became known as the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as Transjordan, Syria, and Lebanon. This process of exile took place in four stages. The first started in December 1947, when Yishuy was on the defensive and about seventy-five thousand Arabs, mainly from mixed cities, fled. These families had the wherewithal to settle comfortably in Cairo, Nablus, Amman, or Beirut, and in any case most viewed their exile as temporary. The flock of the upper and middle classes entailed the closure of educational and industrial offices and in turn engendered unemployment and impoverishment. This was the background of the second stage, the mass flock from the urban neighbourhood and rural areas occupied by the Jewish forces during spring 1948. The principal cause of this mass flock was the chronological sequence of Jewish military attacks, or fear of such attacks. Even more one could recognize the phenomenon of contagiousness of this exile. The fall of the big cities, principally Haifa and Jaffa, radiated pessimism and the run away to surrounding villages. Altogether about two to three hundred thousand Arabs (Palestinians) fled their homes during the second stage of the exodus. In the third and fourth stages, in July and October 1948, about three hundred thousand more people became refugee, including the sixty thousand inhabitants of Lydda and Ramla who were expelled by IDF troops3.

3 The Israel Defense Forces, are Israel’s military forces, com-prising the ground forces, air force and navy. It is the sole military wing of the Israeli security forces, and has no civilian jurisdiction within Israel. It differs from most armed forces in the world in many

Palestinian refugees on the run. source.: http://calsjp.org/key-issues/refugees-right-of-return/

map showing the Israeli attacks. source.: http://mondediplo.com/maps/refugeespales-tiniandpl2000

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However, many of Nazareth’s Arabs were allowed to stay, apparently to avert the prospect of negative reactions by Western Christian states. This growing ways, including the conscription of women, and the structure, with close relations between the ground forces, air force and navy. Since its founding, the IDF has striven to become a unique army fitting Israel’s specific requirements. In 1965, the Israel Defense Forces was awarded the Israel Prize for its contribution to education. The IDF was founded following the es-tablishment of the State of Israel, after Defense Minister and Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion issued an order on May 26, 1948. (http://www.wikepedia.com)

violence was Israel’s ruthless 1947-1949 “War of Independence” in which at least 750,000 Palestinian men, women and children were expelled from their homes by superior Israeli forces. Over the 60 years since Israel’s founding on May 14, 1948, the injustice towards the Palestinian population has continued. Today the Palestinian refugees are the largest remaining refugee population in the world. Some of them live in Israel as “Israeli citizens,” but despite that status of citizen they are subject of discrimination. Many are proscribed to live in their hometown, if that still exists. The space of the Palestinians has become a vague idea. Also Ismael Sheikh Hassan wrights.:

”Palestinian space today is composed of an assortment of changing territories, camps and occupied zones within host states that are obviously transnational, spatially disconnected yet socially linked. This comes about as a result of the UN decision to partition Palestine in 1947 and its eventual total occupation by the newly created State of Israel (in 1948 and1967).”4

Nahr-el-Bared__

4 Ismael Sheikh Hassan, “Reconstruction the Oxymoron, the case of the Palestinian refu-gee camp of Nahr-el-Bared, North Lebanon”, p.1

Palestinian refugee camp. A settlement of tents. source.: http://www.palestinemoni-tor.org/spip/spip.php?article412

map with the refugees flow. source.: http://www.palestineremembered.com

map showing the Palestinian land. sour-ce.: http://www.kaichang.net/2007/10/index.html

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It is within this history of conflict, the Nahr-el-Bared refugee camp was created. Many refugees of the northern part of Palestine fled to the neighbouring country Lebanon. When in 1949 Syria closed its borders some of the people had to stay in the Lebanese city Tripoli, located in the north-west of Lebanon at the Mediterranean Sea. In December 1949 the camp was established by the League of the Red Cross Society in order to accommodate the Palestinian refugees suffering in the suburbs of Tripoli. The camp, named after the river that runs south of the settlement, is located 20km north of the city of Tripoli and occupies an area of about 0.20sq.km. The establishment of the camp outside

any major Lebanese population center initially left the camp more isolated from Lebanese society than many of the other refugee camps in Lebanon. What is striking is the very particular location of the camp, compared to the other ones. It is the only camp that is lying so far in the north of Lebanon5. A camp nearby 5 This can be explained by the political situation at that time. The refugees, waiting for return in the suburbs of Tripoli, wanted to go to Syria. Because of the war, the Syria government decided to close it boarders. That is why the League of the Red Cross Society decided to construct a better habitat at the place where the last trainstop was located, 20km north of the city of

the Mediterranean Sea, in the northern region of Lebanon. Over almost six decades, the camp developed from emergency shelter compounds to dense urban blocks where some 27,000 Palestinian refugees resided in up to May 2007 (including the adjacent area), the year that this camp was destroyed, by the Lebanese government, for security reasons. Its high density, low-rise structures randomly arrayed along very narrow alleyways leading away from a central access road and several principal side roads characterizes the camps urban configuration. Despite its isolated location and due to its position on the main road to Syria and its Tripoli.

Nahr-el-Bared camp, evolu-tion. source.: Ismael Sheikh Hassan

Nahr-el-Bared camp, 1968. source.: Ismael Sheikh Hassan

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proximity to the Syrian border, the Nahr-el-Bared camp grew to be a central commercial hub for much of northern Lebanon in general, and the Akkar region in particular. A lot of farmers from the adjacent areas came to sell their products in Nahr-el-Bared. Its markets, shops and skilled labour offered cheaper alternatives to more expensive goods and services found in Tripoli or other urban centers. The camp arises as an urban form juxtaposing the notion of exceptionality and extreme acceleration. It is a place where the applications of (Lebanese) laws are often overlooked. The informal living and activities are the thread in the camps life. This informality expresses itself on the one hand because of the location along the regional road and highway, in the economical interactions between the Lebanese people, the travelers and the Palestinian refugees. An informal economy that is shaped, in its built form, by those infrastructures. On the other hand the breach of the law expresses itself in the building process of the camp6. Further the camp is a place of acceleration, this because of the enormous speed at which the camp transformed the surrounding scenery. The camp changed the

6 A first example of this in-fraction of the law are the often il-legal enlargements of the houses. Like that we can see the size of each family, as each generation just builds on top of the previous one. Further we can notice the il-legal use of the unused infrastruc-tural lines of the former railway and pipeline. Two lines that are ex-pressed in the landscape and in pri-vate hands, however they are used in a public way. Some houses have there entrance oriented on one of them. Even more the railway is used as an informal road at the outer ‘ring’ of the historical camp.




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virgin natural landscape that was orientated from the hinterland towards the sea to a scenery that follows the orientational logic of the sea itself. Of course the question has to be asked if it is the camp or the presence of the infrastructures that caused this change7. Further the camp produced different urban forms over the past 60 years. The initial spontaneously produced urban form, a cluster of tents, developed by the refugees themselves into a complex organized urban tissue, so writes Ismael Sheikh Hassan in Reconstructing the Oxymoron:

“…For example, the urban structure of camps in the 1940s was based on a model of dispersed villages communities. The urbanisation of the camps in the 1960s and 70s were the result

7 Before the existence of infrastructure, the direction of the landscape was given by the river-system and the mountains. Two natural guiding elements that struc-tured the scenery. Only the use of the seacost, for mobility purpose, and the sea itself gave an other di-rection to the landscape. With the coming of the infrastructures the initial natural direction changed to that of the sea-cost. As well as it was moved land inwards. A new logic was given to the region. Mainly influenced by the topogra-phy, these infrastructures shaped the urbanisation. They operate be-yond their prime function. Espe-cially, the double functionality of the railway and oil line made us focus more on them than the rest. Their name determined the land use rather then the existing func-tion as there is no train passing by and no oil that is being pumpedfor almost 3 decades. (project pa-per studio NBC, Carlos Roch Saiz, Bram Van Hulle, Tigist K. Temes-gen, p.1)

social relations in the Nahr-el-Bared camp. source.: MaHS, NBC-Studio

density comparison of the camp. source.: MaHS, NBC-Studio

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of a liberation movement that capitalised on the camps as centres from which such a movement (of acceleration) was launched.”8

A place where a similarity in complexity exists for the social structure9. The question arises if 8 Ismael Sheikh Hassan, “Reconstruction the Oxymoron, the case of the Palestinian refu-gee camp of Nahr-el-Bared, North Lebanon”, p.19 The social structure of the inhabitants is varied and will be discussed further in this paper. But we also have to be aware of the so-cial interactions that take place in Nahr-el-Bared. They form a social structure between the Palestinian, Lebanese and other foreign popu-

there is any connection between the physical, built and the social structure of the camp. Even more, if there is a relation between these aspects can we then find a similarity between the physical and the historical? In other words can we see a similarity between the hometowns of the refugees and their current location of residence in the camp? Knowing that in this paper we presume the camp still exists in its initial form. Meaning the neglectance of the destruction of the camp in 2007.

The physical social__The Nahr-el-Bared camp population is mainly composed

lation.

out of the people of northern Palestinian regions10. Not only do the refugees have a very diverse, social, background, also their places of origin do differ from each other. The northern regions of the former state of Palestine have a complex topographical configuration. They are marked by the rural flat lands along the coast, the mountain area’s and the fertile vally’s in the hinterland A complex elevation 10 In general we can reduce the regions of origin to Acre, Sa-fad, Haifa and Nazareth. These four regions have a total popula-tion of 90.500 urban and 111.500 rural refugees. Most of them went to the neighbouring country, Leba-non.

topographical context of the northern regions of the former state Palestine.

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model and mixture in land-use. Likewise are the hometowns of the Nahr-el-Bared refugees. First I will research the places of origin and try to notice the relation between the social structure in the camp and the historical place of origin. In other words the system of neighbourhoods connected to the place of origin.. Further in this paper I will go deeper into two case studies. Trough this research I will make the comparison between the current and historical physical conditions of the refugees.

The social historical__Originating from different villages11 out of four regions the refugees assembled in groups and constructed the camp according to this logic. If we look to the map of the camp we can see the existence of different clusters, of people, connected to their place of origin. They do not follow the logic of the region rather the logic of place. In other words, the clustering of people is connected to the hometown and not to its origin. The largest of those neighbourhoods is that one of ‘Saffuriyya’12. Saffuriyya is located in the Nazareth13 region,

11 The people originate from different backgrounds. In total fourteen villages are aggrouped in the Nahr-el-Bared camp. The big-gest villages or even towns were Safed, Saffuriyya and Amqa. Al-Damun, Yajur, Sabalan, Mallaha, Safsaf, Al-Birwa, Mughr-al-Kayt mainly focussed on the agricul-tural activities, while Al-Khalisa, Sabalan and al-Zahiriyya mostly originated from the association of several clans that focussed on eco-nomical activities. 12 Also known as Sepphoris, Dioceserea and Saffuriya13 In the period of establish-ment the region in which the city

The territory of Saffuriyya, in color the ancient centre of the village, now a park

The village before 1940. source.: http://www.palestineremembered.com

The village before 1931. source.: http://www.palestineremembered.com

remaining mosque. source.: http://www.palestineremembered.com

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six kilometers north-northwest of the smaller regional city Nazareth. It is located on the mountain flank in the middle of a fertile agricultural land. The site has a rich and diverse historical and architectural legacy. The city was established in the seventh century before Christ as a fortified and subsequently used administrative centre under Babylonian and Persian rule. In the year 634 Saffuriyya was taken during the first conquest by the Arab armies in Palestine. The city was incorporated in the new empire, where it functioned as an important trading place. Later, in the 14th century, the city developed was located was called the Galilee region.

from trading city to an educational place. Saffuriyya came under the control of the Ottomans and became a place of multicultural cohabitation. In the late nineteenth century, Saffuriyya was described as village built of stone and mud, situated along the slope of a hill. Albeit the population was completely muslim the village contained the remains of the catholic Church of St.-Anna and a tower14, that had been built in 14 The Crusader/Ottoman tower sits high atop the hill, over-looking both the Roman theater, the majority of the Jewish city and the destroyed Palestinian village. It was built in the 12th century, on the foundation of an earlier Byzantine structure. The tower is

the mid-eighteenth century. It was an exceptional city in the region by providing educational services built as a large square, 15m x15m, and approximately 10 m high. The lower part of the walls are built of reused antique spolia, including a sarcophagus with decorative carv-ings. The upper part of the tower and the doorway were constructed by Zahir al-Umar in the 18th cen-tury. Noticeable features from the rebuilding are the rounded corners which are similar to those con-structed under Daher in the fort in Shefa-’Amr. The upper part of the building was converted for use as a school during the reigh of Abd al-Hamid II in the early 1900s, and used for this purpose until 1948. Wikipedia.

Saffuriyya then and now. source.: Bram Van Hulle, MaHS, studio NBC

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and infrastructures. Nonetheless it lost its centrality and importance as a cultural centre under the Ottomans and the British Mandate, the village thrived agriculturally15. Before its destruction the city had two elementary schools and several archeological sites, for instance the old shrine that today serves as a synagogue. Even more the place was (and still is) known for the presence of several springs16. The city depopulated on July 16, 1948. Six months later, on January 7, 1949, when the fighting was over, came the expulsion order. It was quite unequivocal- anyone found in the village 48 hours later would be shot17. It was mostly destroyed, except from a few houses that remained. Currently the Jewish National Fund18 has

15 Mainly pomegranates, ol-ives and wheat were cultivated on the neighbouring lands of the city. The agricultural activity provided food for the complete surrounding neighbourhood. 16 The village contains the following springs: ‘Ayn al-Kha-lidyah (or ‘Ayn al-’Askar), ‘Ayn al-Qastal, ‘Ayn al-Hananah, ‘Ayn al-Bythah, ‘Ayn al-’Aloush, ‘Ayn Hasan, ‘Ayn al-Ward, ‘Ayn al-Mashrafyah, and ‘Ayoun al-Jab-yah17 Ali Al-Azhari,“Memories of Saffuriyeh refugees with Israeli IDs”18 The Jewish National Fund was founded in 1901 to buy and develop land in Ottoman Palestine (later Israel) for Jewish settlement. The JNF is a non-profit corpora-tion owned by the World Zionist Organization and possesses qua-si-government powers. By 2007, it owned 13% of the total land in Israel. Since its inception, the JNF has planted over 240 million trees in Israel. It has also built 180 dams and reservoirs, developed 250,000 acres (1,000 km2) of land and es-

map of Zipory (Saffuriyya) national park. source.: http://www.zipori.com

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The Saffuriyya neighbourhood with to-pographical indication of Nahr-el-Bared

planted trees on the location of the destroyed city. The site of the old, destroyed, city is now better known as the ‘Zippori National Park’, surrounded by different Israeli settlements19. According to the Palestinian historian Walid Khalidi, the village remaining structures on the village land are:

“Only a few houses remain on the site, including those of ‘Abd al-Majid Sulayman and ‘Ali Mawjuda. Otherwise the site is covered by a pine forest planted by the Jewish National Fund tablished more than 1,000 parks. Wikipedia19 mainly the settlements: Tzippori, ha-Solelim, Allon ha-Galil Hosha’aya, and Chanton

to commemorate a number of persons and occasions (such as Guatemala’s independence day). Zahir al-’Umar’s fortress still stands atop the hill, though some of its walls have collapsed. It is ringed by excavation sites. On the northern side of the village the monastery of Saint Anna still remains and serves as an orphanage for Palestinian children. There is also a Roman Orthodox church. Along the southern road to the village there is a synagogue that was originally a Muslim shrine. Next to it lies a recent Israeli cemetery.”20

Looking closer to the current 20 http://www.palestiner-emembered.com

location of the Saffuriyya population in the camp we can see some similarities between the hometown and the Nahr-el-Bared neighbourhood. First we notice that the Saffuriyya population is the biggest goup in the camp, as was the same in the northern regions of Palestine. The neighbourhood is located in the north-east of the camp on the hill flank of the camp. This is a topographical similarity with the initial village, a location that provides the advantages of easy organization and structuring as well as the property of domination of the territory. However this last characteristic is not that important in the camp. From a ventilation point of view we can see the advantage of the

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location (as well as in the camp as in the hometown). Building a dense urban fabric on the flank of a hill in the warm, humid21 climate provides the advantage of ventilation. Of course the particular aspects of a refugee camp causes some differences with the old Saffuriyya. A refugee camp can be seen as a temporary settlement that provides the basic human needs for the people living in it. In some cases, as for Nahr-el-Bared, they exist beyond the temporary. The phenomenon that these areas become overpopulated causes the presence of a dense urban fabric. The people are obliged to search for an adaptation in their way of living, also their way of working, etc. The same can be noticed for Saffuriyya. Before its depopulation the city was mainly known for its agricultural activities, an occupation that was (and is) no longer, or only on a small scale, possible in the camp. This is caused by the lack of space in the camp on the one hand, the fact that the Palestinians do not have the legal possibility of land ownership outside the camp on the other hand.

21 The camp is located near-by the sea. The only natural cool-ing element that is present is first the wind and second the Nahr-el-Bared river. A cold short distance river coming from the mountains.

The Saffuriyya neighbourhood with to-pographical indication of Nahr-el-Bared

comparison between the old Saffuriyya and Saffuriyya area in the camp. source.: Studio presentation, NBC studio

comparison between the old Saffuriyya and new Saffuriyya. source.: Studio presentation, NBC studio

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The old Al-Khalisa village is less represented in the Nahr-el-Bared camp. The village that depopulated on May 11, 194822 was located in the Safed region. The village, that was founded by the al-Ghawarina clan, was located on a low hill on the northwestern edge of the al-Hula Plain and overlooked it. Al-Khalisa was placed along the highway that connected al-Mutilla in the north and Safad and Tiberias in the south. Its location nearby the boarder of Lebanon and Syria gave the village a special significance as a commercial centre. Ibn Jubair visited the area in the end of the 12th century and described (Al-Kasr and Al-Khalisa in Balharm).

“The capital is endowed with two gifts, splendor and wealth. It contains all the real and imagined beauty that anyone could wish. Splendor and grace adorn the piazzas and the countryside; the

22 Villagers interviewed in lat-er years by Palestinian historrian Nafez Nazzal gave a more detailed picture of the occupation. They said they fled from their homes af-ter hearing news of the fall of Sa-fad and sought refuge in Hunin, to the northwest. But the village mili-tia remained for a few days, until it was heavily shelled from the Jew-ish settlement of Manara and saw an armored unit approaching the village. The militiamen retreated through the hills—Zionist forces controlled the roads—and made their way to Hunin. Eventually, the villagers were displaced from there to Lebanon. In later weeks, a few of them decided to return in order to dig up money they had buried in their land, or to harvest some of their tobacco and grain. They reported that the Israeli forces had burned and destroyed many of the houses. “The village was in ruins,” said one villager who returned briefly. Palestineremembered.com

The territory of al-Khalisa, that shows the very clear logic of the economical oc-cupations.

al-Khalisa, 1987. source.: http://www.palestineremembered.com

al-Khalisa. source.: http://www.palestine-remembered.com

al-Khalisa. source.: http://www.palestine-remembered.com

al-Khalisa, remainings of the old vil-lage’s buildings. source.: http://www.

palestineremembered.com

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streets and highways are wide, and the eye is dazzled by the beauty of its situation. It is a city full of marvels, with buildings similar to those of Cordoba, built of limestone. A permanent stream of water from four springs runs through the city. There are so many mosques that they are impossible to count. Most of them also serve as schools. The eye is dazzled by all this splendor.”23

In the late nineteenth century al-Khalisa was seen as a small village built of stone and situated on a plain. The houses of al-Khalisa were made of bricks and basalt stones, cut from the 23 http://www.wikepedia.com

hillside. The village had its own boys’ elementary school and a village council that administered its affairs. The weekly market of al-Khalisa was a well-known event. The villagers sold their agricultural goods on it. According to the Palestinian historian Walid Khalidi, the village remaining structures on the village land are: “Stone rubble from the houses marks the site. The school and the Mandate government’s office buildings stand abandoned, as does the village mosque and minaret. The level land surrounding the site is cultivated by the settlement of Qiryat Shemona, while the mountainous areas are either used as pastures or are wooded”24 24 http://www.palestinre-

Today the Al-Khalisa population inhabit a small surface, along the main road, of the Nahr-el-Bared camp. The relatively flat topography gives a strong topographical relation with the hometown. Even more is the economical activity evoked by the location on the main road25 strongly related to the initial village’s occupation.

membered.com25 The main road was con-structed in the 1950s to connect Tripoli to Syria on a regional level. It is one of the structuring infra-structures in the camp. Further it is a structuring element driving eco-nomic activities.

al-Khalisa then and now. source.: Bram Van Hulle, MaHS, studio NBC

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To conlude__The camp its social structure is clearly connected to the complex urban fabric. A dense configuration that is structured by small alleyways that connect the main infrastructures26 of the camp. Even more the complexity of the camps structure is intensified by the complx topographical condition of the camp. The urban fabric is divided in different neighbourhoods that are related to the inhabitants place of origin. Even more there is a clear connection between the topographical context of the hometown and the location of the neighbourhood in the camp. Whereas there is an obvious topographical relation, the current activities of the camps inhabitants is also related to the initial occupations, if possible. To conclude there is an apparent intention with the Nahr-el-Bared population. Being a refugee they live with the constant thought of return, this notion necessitate the adoption of a stereoscopic vision that navigates the complex terrain between two places – the extraterritorial space of refuge and the destroyed site of origins. Both the demolished villages and the refugee camps are extraterritorial spaces, not fully integrated into the territories that surround them. The former is defined as “absentee property” and the latter as a “United Nations run area”, a sphere of action carved out of state sovereignty. Refugee life is suspended between these two sites, always double.

26 These infrastructures are, from the sea to the hinterland, the sea road, th main road, the railway, the pipeline and the highway.

al-Khalisa region in the Nahr-el-Bared camp. In black the location of the main

economic activity.

bibliography__

- Ann M. Lesch, “Zionism And Its Impact”

- Ghazi Falah, “The 1948 Israeli-Palestinian War and its Aftermath: The Transform at ion and De-Sig-nification of Palestine’s Cultural Landscape”

- George Bisharat, “For Palestini-ans, memory matters. It provides a blueprint for their future”

- Ismael Sheikh Hassan, “An urba-nity of exile”, in A10, issue 27

- Ismael Sheikh Hassan, “Recon-struction the Oxymoron, the case of the Palestinian refugee camp of Nahr-el-Bared, North Lebanon”

- Sandi Hilal, Alessandro Petti, Eyal Weizman, “The Book of re-turns”, unpublished

- x, “A Common Challenge, A Shared Responsibility: The Inter-national Donor Conference for the Recovery and Reconstruction of the Nahr el-Bared Palestinian Ref-ugee Camp and Conflict-Affected Areas of North Lebanon”, Wenen, 2008

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- mondediplo.com

- palestineremembered.com

- wikipedia.com

- zipori.com

paper |S0E06A| INTERDISCIPLINARY PER-SPECTIVES ON DEVELOPMENT AND CUL-TURES (A-S0E06A-0910), prof. Ann Cassiman, prof. Bruno De Meulder and prof. André Loeckx

remainings of the old al-Khalisa village.

a part of the al-Khalisa neighbourhood in the camp after the destruction of 2007.

Documents

The hope of the initial context